Sabir's National Renaissance Ideal (IN THE CONTEXT OF ATTITUDES TOWARDS “SOCIAL ELITES”)Təyyar Salamoğlu
The article analyzes the concept of relating Sabir’s aesthetic ideal to the national renaissance. The examples provided from the author’s creative activities prove that he did not view the social problems with a class-oriented standing. In Sabir’s satire, the nature of criticism moves from irony to suggestion. The main essence of this work is the fact that the poet criticizes some aspects in the worldview of the social type but at the same time suggests a certain aspect to it. This feature creates the dialogical (polyphonic) content of Sabir’s satire. Based on the rich reading materials, it is proved that the monologue of Sabir’s satiric type is not only an expression of his own worldview, but also reflects the views of others on the issue. In Sabir’s satires, all the social layers of the community are the targets of criticism due to their poverty of social consciousness. However, this satirical humor cannot be characterized as being accusing or fatal. It has been argued that the final objective of Sabir’s satire is to develop civic consciousness in all the strata of the nation. Having thoroughly analyzed the creative activity of the outstanding satirist, it is possible to conclude that his main target has been the lack of civic consciousness while his aim has been the struggle for the latter. Such an approach to the issue provides sound scientific basis to perceive “Hophopname” as “Nation-Name.”
Sabırın Milli İntibah İdeali “İCTİMAİ YUXARILAR”A MÜNASİBƏT KONTEKSTİNDƏTəyyar Salamoğlu
Makalede Sabir’in estetik idealinin milli rönesansla bağlı olması yönünden anlatılıyor. Sanatından verilen örneklere dayanarak, şairin sosyal yaşam sorunlarına sosyal sınıfsal konumdan bakmadığı kanıtlanmıştır. Onun mizahlarında milletin tüm sosyal tabakaları toplumsal bilinçsizliğinden dolayı eleştiriliyor. Ama bu mizah hiç bir zaman ifşaedici ve öldürücü gülüş niteliği taşımamıştır. Sabır hicivinde, eleştirinin doğası ironiden ima etmeye gider. Şairin toplumsal tipteki dünya görüşünün bazı yönlerini eleştiri hedefi haline getirmesi ve aynı zamanda ona bazı yönler ima etmesi bu eserlerin ana özünü belirlemektedir. Bu özellik Sabir’in hicvinin diyalojik (çok sesli) içeriğini oluşturur. Hicivli monolog türü, yalnızca şairin kendi dünya görüşünün bir ifadesi değil, aynı zamanda başkalarının görüşlerini yansıtan zengin bir metin malzemesine de dayanmaktadır. Sabir mizahında en son amaç milletin tüm sosyal tabakalarında vatandaşlık bilinçini terbiye etmektir.. Büyük mizahçının sanatına yönelik analitik nüfuza dayanarak onun asıl gayesinin vatandaşlık bilinçinde yoksunluk, amacıysa vatandaşlık düşüncesi uğrunda mücadele olduğu anlaşılabilir. Konuya bu açıdan bakılması Hophopname’nin bir Milletname gibi anlamak için birçok bilimsel esaslar verir.
The main theses of the article can be summarized as follows:
The greatest representative of 20th century Azerbaijani poetry is Mirza Alakbar Sabir (1862–1911). His works were published under the title “Hophopname.” Hophop is one of the secret pen names used by the poet in his satirical works. More than a hundred years have passed since the first publication of “Hophopname” in 1912. During this period, numerous papers had been written about the creative path of M.A. Sabir, especially in the field of Azerbaijani Soviet literary criticism. Sabir was recognized and studied as one of the two great representatives (together with J. Mammadguluzade) of critical realism of Azerbaijan. His works highlighted the artistic expression of the revolutionary-democratic worldview and the revelatory essence of satire. In our opinion, the extreme sociological approach to the work of the great poet in all cases created a fundamental difference between the true ideological and aesthetic content of “Hophopname” and the “aesthetic concept” referred to by Sabir in literary criticism. The main reason for this was that in the criticism of the 1920s and 1930s and at the later stages of the development of Azerbaijani literary criticism, the critical attitude of the art of “Molla Nasraddin” followers (critical realists) toward the “social elites” (the upper crust), but the sympathetic attitude to the “lower social strata” (poor) was removed from its aesthetic meaning and interpreted on the basis of class contradictions, and the content of Sabir’s image of the “people” was subordinated to “lower social strata.”
In fact, the poetry of M.A. Sabir grew out of the struggle for national revival. Sabir’s poetry is the poetry of the period of evolvement and formation of the Azerbaijani people as a nation. The idea that national critical realists, including Sabir with his satirical work, have a “content of absolute denial” (Y. Garayev) seems quite controversial to us. This satire argues that “social elites” are, as a rule, the target of exposure, i.e., the object of hatred. For Sabir, exposure was not the goal. His criticism is by no means intended to destroy or annihilate a type that represents a social class or strata.
The awakening of national consciousness and the achievement of civil unity and thinking was Sabir’s artistic credo and an art concept. The target of Sabir’s criticism was the poverty of the nation’s public consciousness, and in this sense, no social class was in a good condition. In Sabir’s aesthetic thought, the rich did not have the image of an enemy. In other words, Sabir did not approach the relationship between the lower and upper classes through the prism of antagonistic contradictions. For Sabir, every person who was close to the people and the nation in terms of actions, thoughts, and ideas, who endeavored or endeavors for its progress, was a child of the nation and a citizen. The poet was ready to welcome them and appreciate every action they took to promote the national evolution. Sabir conducted an analytical artistic review of the national life of the period of bourgeois relations. In the emerging system of socio-political, economic, and cultural relations, he brilliantly and accurately defined the mission of each citizen and class. In most of the satire of Sabir, the attitude toward the social type shifts from criticism (irony) to instillation. Sabir not only criticizes the social type’s worldview but also instills some aspect in it. The target here is not the natural existence of the social type. The limitations of their social existence and the imperfection of their worldviews are the target. The goal is to influence and change their worldview. National renaissance is the main focus of Sabir’s satire. Sabir has a thorough knowledge of the fact that in order to create national harmony and balance, society needs not only workers and peasants with a developed social and national consciousness but also capitalists and landowners. It is impossible to achieve the ultimate goal of national unity if the most diverse strata of society do not rely on national thinking and do not realize their civic sense of responsibility. Sabir’s artistic speech is of dialogical nature. In the monologues of his satirical heroes, you can see the artistic expression of worldviews specific both for them and for others.
In conclusion, we do not accept the concept of Azerbaijani Soviet literary criticism that the “social elites” are taken as a target of exposure in M.A. Sabir’s satire and become the object of deadly and destructive humor. We consider the inertial continuation of this concept in the literary criticism of the period of independence to be wrong. We seek to prove that the target of criticism in Sabir’s work is not the class-specific attitude but the struggle for the national renaissance, not the individual strata but the poverty of public consciousness.