Murad

SSCB’nin dağılmasından sonra Kafkasya’da özellikle güneyde siyasi bir boşluk oluşmuş ve bu boşluğu doldurmak için büyük güçler ortaya çıkmıştır. Bu dönemde Kafkasya’nın komşusu Türkiye bu boşluğu dolduramadı. Ancak Türkiye’nin bölge ile tarihi, dilsel, dinsel ve aşiret bağları onu bölgesinde karşı karşıya olduğu fırsatları değerlendirmesi, küresel bir güç olma yolunda önemli adımlar atmasını sağlamıştır. Bu nedenle Türkiye, bu yeni jeopolitik ortam karşısında dış politikasını yeniden gözden geçirmek zorunda kalmıştır. Türkiye’nin bölgede aktif bir politika izleme isteği, Rusya’nın karşısına çıkmasına neden olmuştur.Türkiye ve Rusya’nın Güney Kafkasya konusunda bazı farklılıkları var. Çıkarların örtüştüğü alanlardan biri olan Güney Kafkasya, hem enerji hem de Avrupa’nın enerji ihtiyacını karşılayacak boru hatlarının geçişi açısından her iki ülke için önemlidir. Ancak, Türkiye’nin Rusya ile yoğun ticareti ve kapsamlı enerji bağları, Moskova’nın Ankara’ya yaklaşımını kısmen yumuşattı. Güney Kafkasya’daki bazı konularda iki ülkenin çıkarları çatışıyor. Dolayısıyla bu yaklaşım, Dağlık Karabağ, Abhazya ve Güney Osetya gibi bazı uzun vadeli sınır çatışmalarından kaynaklanmaktadır. Bu çatışmalar aktif olmasa da, bu gerilimler çözülmeye yakın değil.Modern uluslararası ilişkilerin aktif aktörlerinden biri olan Kafkasya bölgesi, özellikle Gürcistan, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti’nin dış politikasının önceliklerinden biridir. Bağımsızlığın ilk günlerinde Gürcistan Cumhuriyeti’nin dış politikasının temel amacı, Batı dünyasına entegre olmak, dünya ülkeleri ve uluslararası kuruluşlarla ikili ve çok taraflı ilişkileri genişletmekti. SSCB’nin dağılmasının ardından Güney Kafkasya’daki üç bağımsız devletten biri olan Gürcistan, bağımsızlığını ilan ettiği günden bu yana ülke içinde ve dışında komşu Türkiye’nin her zaman ilgi odağı olmuştur. Bölgede demokrasi ve güvenliğin geleceğini korumak için bölge ülkeleri arasındaki ilişkiler çok önemlidir. Bu, özellikle SB’nin çöküşünden sonra doğruydu. Ancak bölgede Türkiye’nin güvenliğini sürekli tehdit eden bir devlet var. Rusya, Türkiye’nin bölgedeki başarılı politikasının etkisini azaltmak için etki mekanizmasını değiştirerek bölgede daha fazla askeri güç kullanmayı planladı. Bu nedenle Türkiye, bölge ülkeleriyle ilişkilerini geliştirmeye ve faaliyetlerini sınırlayacak bir dış politika izlemeye çalışmıştır. Gürcü-Rus&nbsp;ilişkileri çerçevesinde resmi Moskova, ulusal çıkarlarını güvence altına almak için her yolu kullanıyor. Ayrılıkçı güçlere destek, askeri tehditlerin kullanılması ve enerji arzının askıya alınması, Rusya’nın en yaygın baskı araçları arasında yer alıyor. Mikheil Saakaşvili’nin iktidara gelmesinden bu yana Rusya ile Gürcistan arasındaki gerilim tırmandı. Gergin ilişkilerin nedenleri arasında Saakaşvili hükümetinin Batı yanlısı politikası, Rusya’nın çıkarlarına uymayan enerji projelerindeki aktif rolü, Gürcistan’ın NATO’ya tam üye olma isteği ve bu yönde atacağı cesur adımlar Rusya tarafından hoş karşılanamazdı. Kafkasya İstikrar ve İşbirliği Platformu, bölgesel güvenlikten derin endişe duyan Türkiye’nin iyi niyetli bir diplomatik hamlesidir. Türkiye bu şekilde bölgede inisiyatif almayı ve komşularıyla iyi ilişkiler geliştirmeyi hedefliyor. Ancak hem Kafkasya’nın karmaşık etnik ve siyasi yapısı hem de ABD ve Rusya’nın çatışan bölgesel jeopolitik çıkarları bölgede kalıcı bir barışın yaratılmasını zorlaştırmaktadır. Yine de bölgesindeki sorunlara çözüm bulmaya çalışan Türkiye, bu platformla bölgesel barışın sağlanmasına büyük katkı sağlayacaktır. Paktın ortaya çıkışı, Rus-Gürcü ilişkilerinin gergin olduğu ve Rusya’nın Batı medyasının özellikle ABD’nin Rusya’ya Türkiye üzerinden tepkisi olarak tanımladığı yeni bir askeri doktorayı kabul ettiği bir zamanda geldi. Bunu “tarihi bir gerçek” olarak değerlendiren Gürcistan, bu anlaşma sayesinde tüm dünyanın Avrasya’nın kesiştiği bu bölgeye daha fazla ilgi göstereceğini istiyordu.Türkiye’nin girişimci bir genç insan gücü potansiyeline sahip bir ülke olması, Kafkasya’da yaşanan süreçlere müdahale etmesini sağlıyor. Ancak Ağustos 2008’deki Rus-Gürcü çatışması, Kafkasya bölgesinde güvenliğin ne kadar zayıf olduğunu bir kez daha gösterdi. Bölgenin geleceği için barışçıl ve güvenli bir ortam yaratmanın önemini yineledi. Ancak Batı’nın ve Türkiye’nin bölgede daha aktif ve ölçülü bir politika izlemesi, buradaki ülkeler için yeni fırsatlar yaratabilir. Güney Kafkasya’da Ermenistan ile Gürcistan ve Türkiye’nin olası dostluk ve uzlaşması bu ülkelere fayda sağlayacaktır. Azerbaycan bazı engellere rağmen dostluk, kardeşlik ve işbirliğini sınır tanımadan sürdürebilir. Kafkasya’da barış Türkiye için son derece önemlidir.&nbsp;&nbsp;

Turkish-Georgian Cooperation in the Struggle for Security in the South Caucasus (The Caucasus Stability and Cooperation Platform)

İsmail

Stalinism is a term derived from Stalin’s theory of nationalist socialism. According to the theory, Stalinism manifests itself as a dominant police regime, a society and state order that has devolved into a one-man dictatorship, and whose entire society serves Russia’s rapid industrialization. It was thought that such a goal, which was thought to be achievable in a short period, could only be attained through nationalist demagogy and by forcing the entire nation to work slavishly and without question. As a result, when Russia achieved advanced industrial status, socialism would have succeeded. The triumph of socialism would pave the way for the rise of Stalinism.&nbsp;The Communist Party was the political pillar that held the road to Stalinism together. The Russian Social Democratic Labor Party (RSDLP), founded in Minsk in 1898, paved the way for the Communist Party’s formation. The party congresses held in 1903, first in Brussels and then in London, were unanimous in their belief that the only way to gain power was through a revolutionary struggle. Bolsheviks, meaning “majority” in Russian, were called to Lenin and his followers who held this viewpoint. The Communist Party, whose foundation phase was completed in 1903 by Vladimir Lenin (1870-1924), served as the ideological and political foundation of the Russian government. V. Lenin established the Pravda (Real) newspaper as the publication organ of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party. Pravda Newspaper later became the publication organ of the Soviet Communist Party.&nbsp;The Communist Party, whose foundation phase was completed by Vladimir Lenin, served as the ideological and political foundation for the Russian government. The Russian people&nbsp;united under the title of the “Soviet of Workers and Soldiers’ “ with the participation of military units on March 12, 1917. As a result of the pressure, Tsar II. Nikola was forced to resign on March 16, 1917. As a result, Russia’s 300-year reign of the Romanovs came to an end. The Bolsheviks took power in Petrograd in October 1917. A government was formed under the leadership of Lenin, with Joseph Stalin appointed Minister of Local Affairs and Trotsky appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs. The Bolshevik Government’s military wing was formed with the formation of the Red Army on November 5.&nbsp;After the government was formed, Lenin and Stalin promised that all peoples in Russia, including Muslims, would have national, political, cultural, and religious freedoms protected on the 17th of December. As a result, Lenin and Stalin pursued a moderate policy, encouraging other peoples in the Soviet Union to support the Red Army against the White Army.&nbsp;On the proposal of Lenin and Stalin, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) was established at the United Soviet Congress on December 30, 1922. For the administration of this structure, communism was chosen. Stalin took over the administration after Lenin, the Communist Party’s founder, and leader, deceased on January 21, 1924. Trotsky then took Zinoviev and Kamenev with him on December 31, 1925 and formed a new opposition group. Stalin attempted to eliminate people he saw as his opponents or who he thought could cause problems for him in the future in a variety of ways so as to consolidate his power. Trotsky and Zinoviev were expelled from the party as a result of Stalin’s efforts, as decided at a joint session of the Central Committee and the Central Control Commission on November 14, 1927. All of Stalin’s former opponents were resigned or exiled as a result of the decision made at the 15th Communist Party Union Congress on December 27, 1927. Because of their opposition, many notable scientists, writers, artists, and even the most experienced administrators in the industry were purged. The opposition government cadres of the national republics, as well as the dissidents in the Communist Party Central Committee cadres, were executed by firing squad. More than ten million Soviet citizens were also detained in concentration camps. In 1932-1933, nearly 7 million people died of hunger as a result of the policies put in place in Ukraine, Crimea, Belarus, and the North Caucasus. Between 1935 and 1938, 1,116,500 members of the party were suspended and arrested.&nbsp;Private property was abolished as a result of collectivization, and people were forced to work for the state as slaves. Those who objected to political, military, or economic practices were punished in a variety of ways. Stalin’s repression policy had an impact on the entire Soviet people. Nevertheless, because the Balkars, Crimean Turks, Karachays, and Meskhetian Turks were clearly minorities, Stalinism’s liquidation process had a significant impact on almost all Caucasus peoples. Local authorities were disbanded at the start of 1938, and Turkish populated areas were taken over by the Russian Secret Intelligence Agency.&nbsp;In conclusion, while creating a state of readiness for a great war in Russia on the eve of the Second World War, Stalin’s military, political, and economic policies caused other&nbsp;non-Slavic nations in the Soviet Union to form a front against Stalin, communism, and the Soviet Union on the other hand. The Second World War broke out around this time. Stalin attempted to assuage the resentments of other nations in the Soviet Union in this situation.&nbsp;During World War II, Stalin required the military assistance of foreign states so as to establish Stalinism as the dominant ideology in Soviet Russia. Stalinism, which received American and British support against Hitler’s Germany during WWII, began to be perceived as a threat to America and Britain at the end of the war, because the threat of Communism had been introduced into Europe, which caused concern in these countries. This situation altered the perception of Stalin, the Soviet Union, and communism in the eyes of the other nations.The present study addresses the birth and rise of Stalinism in the Soviet Union from all aspects. The facts that were experienced are presented objectively, the facts are evaluated in light of the conditions of the period in which they were experienced, and an attempt is made to shed light on the question of “what really happened?”&nbsp;

The Birth of Stalinism in Russia

Tadjıbaeva

Prof.

Makale, Orta Asya’da ulusal tiyatronun gelişiminde halk sanatı mirasının rolünü ve önemini incelemektedir. Günümüzde bölgenin sahne sanatları oldukça deneyimlidir ve kültürlerini başkalarıyla karşılaştırma imkanına sahiptir. Epik yön, teatral sanat dünyasının süreçlerine ve eğilimlerine bakılabilecek yüksekliklerden biridir.Halk destanlarında, çeşitli kültür ve maneviyat unsurları izlenir ve belirli bir milliyetin özellikleri ortaya çıkarılır. Avrupa tiyatrosunun Orta Asya kültürü çerçevesine girmesi, halkın geleneksel tiyatrosunun gelişimini kesinlikle etkiledi. Yaratıcı figürler performanslarını kapalı sahnelerde odalarda sergileme sorunuyla karşılaştı.Oyun yazarı ve yönetmenin destansı malzemeye olan çekiciliği, halkının ulusal kültürünün derinliklerine derinlemesine nüfuz etmeyi, halkın ulusal değerlerini canlandırmayı ve zenginleştirmeyi mümkün kılar. Çeşitli halk destanlarının tiyatro gösterileri canlı bir örnek ve çalışma konusu haline geliyor.Orta Asya’nın bölgesel kültürü, hem göçebe hem de yerleşik alt türleri içerdiği için paletinin çeşitliliği ile ayırt edilir. Bu nedenle bu kültürlerin destanları geniş bir kapsamda zenginleştirildi. Yerleşik kültür, bir yandan literatüre girmelerini mümkün kıldığı için, diğer yandan göçebe olan, şu ya da bu destanın yeni versiyonlarının ortaya çıkmasına yaygın ve ivme kazandırdı. Folklor yoluyla aktarılan milli gelenek ve ritüeller çağdaşlarımız için büyük ilgi görüyor. Onları sahne dilinde anlatan tiyatro sanatı, özlerini daha iyi anlamak için bir fırsat sağlar.Orta Asya’da tiyatro sanatının oluşumunda önemli bir rol, destansı malzemenin incelenmesi ve anlaşılmasında yönetmenlerin ve oyun yazarlarının çalışmaları tarafından oynandı. Halk sanatına dayalı dramalar, müzikal dramalar ve operalar yaratma girişimleri olmuştur. Gerici akımların etkisiyle tiyatro gösterileri Müslümanlar için kabul edilemez olarak görülüyordu. Oyun yazarları, destansı eserlerin yaratılmasına yaratıcı bir şekilde yaklaştı, görüntülerdeki bazı karakterleri güçlendirdi, yeni kahramanları halk destanına tanıttı. Ancak afişlerde adı geçen epik eserlerin başlıkları insanları tiyatro sanatına çekmiştir. Böylece halk destanı, Avrupa tiyatrosunun Orta Asya’ya yayılmasında önemli bir rol oynadı.Destanın tiyatroda dönüşümü, yeni biçimler, tarzlar ve modern sanatsal çözümler için sonsuz bir arayış gerektirir. Ancak bu zor arayış, halk sanatının doğasında bulunan zengin sanatsal kaynaklar sayesinde son derece üretkendir. Bu nedenle, ulusal destanın, sahneyi&nbsp;tekdüze inceleme ve yorumlama yöntemlerinden etkilenmemesi gerektiği, sosyolojik, politik olarak düşünen okuma modellerinin etkisinden uzak olması gerektiği anlaşıldı.Şu anda, yerli tiyatro sanatı, dünya tiyatro pratiğindeki tüm teatral fikir paletini oluşturan mevcut tüm teatral teknikler ve tekniklerle çalışma hakkına sahiptir. Ulusal mirasın anlaşılması tek bir teatral teknikle sınırlanamaz. Uygulamada görüldüğü gibi, destansı mirasın tam bir yorumu için, yalnızca K. Stanislavsky’nin yöntemlerine değil, aynı zamanda E. Vakhtangov, V. Meyerhold, B. Brecht ve dünya tiyatrosunun diğer figürlerine de ihtiyaç vardır.Yeni dönemin izleyicisinin basit sorulara hazır cevaplara ihtiyacı yok; daha derin, düşündürücü performanslarla ilgileniyor. Modern teknoloji ve kitle kültürü dünyasına dalmış bir insana düşünce fırsatı vermek, tiyatro sanatına yakışır bir görevdir. Bu görev ancak tiyatro her seyircide bir kişilik görürse çözülebilir. Bağımsız düşünen, hareket edebilen bir kişiliğin oluşumu, bu ana görevdir, tiyatro sanatında destansı yönün amacıdır.Bugün, Orta Asya’nın bağımsız devletleri daha fazla gelişmenin yolunu belirlemektedir. Orta Asya seyircisi için hangi tiyatro türü daha erişilebilir, hangi sahne alanı halk kahramanlarının performansına daha yakın, bu sorular yirminci yüzyılın 20’li yıllarının tiyatrolarıyla karşı karşıya kaldı, bugün de geçerli. Bu sorunları ele almak ve uzun vadede kendi karşı konulmaz yolunu bulmak için, ulusal tiyatrolara halk destanlarına gömülü asırlık manevi değerler ve ulusal kimlik yardımcı olacaktır. Tiyatro biliminde, yol boyunca başarıların ve sorunların incelenmesi günümüzde önemli bir konudur. Milli bir hazine olan folklor, etnik ve tarihi felsefeyi, halkın etnik oluşumunun oluşum aşamalarını içerir.Parçalarda halk gelenekleri ortak bir örüntü izlenerek sunulurken, ulusal tiyatrolar kültürü, gelenekleri ve milletin geçmişini yansıtan kendi yorumlarını sunar. Farklı uluslar tarafından yaratılan aynı başlık ve konunun esasen farklı parçaları, üslup, yöntem, sanatsal temsil ve karakter yorumu açısından farklılık göstermez ve asla bir ulusun kahramanı, komşu ulusun yarattığı görüntünün tekrarı değildir. Bu, milletin zihniyetinin, kültürünün, manevi karakterinin ve geleneksel değerlerinin ortaya çıkma şeklidir. Bu da tiyatroların gelişiminde baskın bir özelliktir. Destansı miras, Orta Asya’nın teatral kültürünün altın hazinesidir.&nbsp;

Epic Heritage - The Gold Treasure

Makale, Orta Asya’da ulusal tiyatronun gelişiminde halk sanatı mirasının rolünü ve önemini incelemektedir. Günümüzde bölgenin sahne sanatları oldukça deneyimlidir ve kültürlerini başkalarıyla karşılaştırma imkanına sahiptir. Epik yön, teatral sanat dünyasının süreçlerine ve eğilimlerine bakılabilecek yüksekliklerden biridir.Halk destanlarında, çeşitli kültür ve maneviyat unsurları izlenir ve belirli bir milliyetin özellikleri ortaya çıkarılır. Avrupa tiyatrosunun Orta Asya kültürü çerçevesine girmesi, halkın geleneksel tiyatrosunun gelişimini kesinlikle etkiledi. Yaratıcı figürler performanslarını kapalı sahnelerde odalarda sergileme sorunuyla karşılaştı.Oyun yazarı ve yönetmenin destansı malzemeye olan çekiciliği, halkının ulusal kültürünün derinliklerine derinlemesine nüfuz etmeyi, halkın ulusal değerlerini canlandırmayı ve zenginleştirmeyi mümkün kılar. Çeşitli halk destanlarının tiyatro gösterileri canlı bir örnek ve çalışma konusu haline geliyor.Orta Asya’nın bölgesel kültürü, hem göçebe hem de yerleşik alt türleri içerdiği için paletinin çeşitliliği ile ayırt edilir. Bu nedenle bu kültürlerin destanları geniş bir kapsamda zenginleştirildi. Yerleşik kültür, bir yandan literatüre girmelerini mümkün kıldığı için, diğer yandan göçebe olan, şu ya da bu destanın yeni versiyonlarının ortaya çıkmasına yaygın ve ivme kazandırdı. Folklor yoluyla aktarılan milli gelenek ve ritüeller çağdaşlarımız için büyük ilgi görüyor. Onları sahne dilinde anlatan tiyatro sanatı, özlerini daha iyi anlamak için bir fırsat sağlar.Orta Asya’da tiyatro sanatının oluşumunda önemli bir rol, destansı malzemenin incelenmesi ve anlaşılmasında yönetmenlerin ve oyun yazarlarının çalışmaları tarafından oynandı. Halk sanatına dayalı dramalar, müzikal dramalar ve operalar yaratma girişimleri olmuştur. Gerici akımların etkisiyle tiyatro gösterileri Müslümanlar için kabul edilemez olarak görülüyordu. Oyun yazarları, destansı eserlerin yaratılmasına yaratıcı bir şekilde yaklaştı, görüntülerdeki bazı karakterleri güçlendirdi, yeni kahramanları halk destanına tanıttı. Ancak afişlerde adı geçen epik eserlerin başlıkları insanları tiyatro sanatına çekmiştir. Böylece halk destanı, Avrupa tiyatrosunun Orta Asya’ya yayılmasında önemli bir rol oynadı.Destanın tiyatroda dönüşümü, yeni biçimler, tarzlar ve modern sanatsal çözümler için sonsuz bir arayış gerektirir. Ancak bu zor arayış, halk sanatının doğasında bulunan zengin sanatsal kaynaklar sayesinde son derece üretkendir. Bu nedenle, ulusal destanın, sahneyi tekdüze inceleme ve yorumlama yöntemlerinden etkilenmemesi gerektiği, sosyolojik, politik olarak düşünen okuma modellerinin etkisinden uzak olması gerektiği anlaşıldı.Şu anda, yerli tiyatro sanatı, dünya tiyatro pratiğindeki tüm teatral fikir paletini oluşturan mevcut tüm teatral teknikler ve tekniklerle çalışma hakkına sahiptir. Ulusal mirasın anlaşılması tek bir teatral teknikle sınırlanamaz. Uygulamada görüldüğü gibi, destansı mirasın tam bir yorumu için, yalnızca K. Stanislavsky’nin yöntemlerine değil, aynı zamanda E. Vakhtangov, V. Meyerhold, B. Brecht ve dünya tiyatrosunun diğer figürlerine de ihtiyaç vardır.Yeni dönemin izleyicisinin basit sorulara hazır cevaplara ihtiyacı yok; daha derin, düşündürücü performanslarla ilgileniyor. Modern teknoloji ve kitle kültürü dünyasına dalmış bir insana düşünce fırsatı vermek, tiyatro sanatına yakışır bir görevdir. Bu görev ancak tiyatro her seyircide bir kişilik görürse çözülebilir. Bağımsız düşünen, hareket edebilen bir kişiliğin oluşumu, bu ana görevdir, tiyatro sanatında destansı yönün amacıdır.Bugün, Orta Asya’nın bağımsız devletleri daha fazla gelişmenin yolunu belirlemektedir. Orta Asya seyircisi için hangi tiyatro türü daha erişilebilir, hangi sahne alanı halk kahramanlarının performansına daha yakın, bu sorular yirminci yüzyılın 20’li yıllarının tiyatrolarıyla karşı karşıya kaldı, bugün de geçerli. Bu sorunları ele almak ve uzun vadede kendi karşı konulmaz yolunu bulmak için, ulusal tiyatrolara halk destanlarına gömülü asırlık manevi değerler ve ulusal kimlik yardımcı olacaktır. Tiyatro biliminde, yol boyunca başarıların ve sorunların incelenmesi günümüzde önemli bir konudur. Milli bir hazine olan folklor, etnik ve tarihi felsefeyi, halkın etnik oluşumunun oluşum aşamalarını içerir.Parçalarda halk gelenekleri ortak bir örüntü izlenerek sunulurken, ulusal tiyatrolar kültürü, gelenekleri ve milletin geçmişini yansıtan kendi yorumlarını sunar. Farklı uluslar tarafından yaratılan aynı başlık ve konunun esasen farklı parçaları, üslup, yöntem, sanatsal temsil ve karakter yorumu açısından farklılık göstermez ve asla bir ulusun kahramanı, komşu ulusun yarattığı görüntünün tekrarı değildir. Bu, milletin zihniyetinin, kültürünün, manevi karakterinin ve geleneksel değerlerinin ortaya çıkma şeklidir. Bu da tiyatroların gelişiminde baskın bir özelliktir. Destansı miras, Orta Asya’nın teatral kültürünün altın hazinesidir.&nbsp;

Epik Miras - Altın Hazine

Təyyar

The main theses of the article can be summarized as follows:The greatest representative of 20th century Azerbaijani poetry is Mirza Alakbar Sabir (1862–1911). His works were published under the title “Hophopname.” Hophop is one of the secret pen names used by the poet in his satirical works. More than a hundred years have passed since the first publication of “Hophopname” in 1912. During this period, numerous papers had been written about the creative path of M.A. Sabir, especially in the field of Azerbaijani Soviet literary criticism. Sabir was recognized and studied as one of the two great representatives (together with J. Mammadguluzade) of critical realism of Azerbaijan. His works highlighted the artistic expression of the revolutionary-democratic worldview and the revelatory essence of satire. In our opinion, the extreme sociological approach to the work of the great poet in all cases created a fundamental difference between the true ideological and aesthetic content of “Hophopname” and the “aesthetic concept” referred to by Sabir in literary criticism. The main reason for this was that in the criticism of the 1920s and 1930s and at the later stages of the development of Azerbaijani literary criticism, the critical attitude of the art of “Molla Nasraddin” followers (critical realists) toward the “social elites” (the upper crust), but the sympathetic attitude to the “lower social strata” (poor) was removed from its aesthetic meaning and interpreted on the basis of class contradictions, and the content of Sabir’s image of the “people” was subordinated to “lower social strata.”In fact, the poetry of M.A. Sabir grew out of the struggle for national revival. Sabir’s poetry is the poetry of the period of evolvement and formation of the Azerbaijani people as a nation. The idea that national critical realists, including Sabir with his satirical work, have a “content of absolute denial” (Y. Garayev) seems quite controversial to us. This satire argues that “social elites” are, as a rule, the target of exposure, i.e., the object of hatred. For Sabir, exposure was not the goal. His criticism is by no means intended to destroy or annihilate a type that represents a social class or strata.The awakening of national consciousness and the achievement of civil unity and thinking was Sabir’s artistic credo and an art concept. The target of Sabir’s criticism was the poverty of the nation’s public consciousness, and in this sense, no social class was in a good condition. In Sabir’s aesthetic thought, the rich did not have the image of an enemy. In other words, Sabir did not approach the relationship between the lower and upper classes through the prism of antagonistic contradictions. For Sabir, every person who was close to the people and the nation in terms of actions, thoughts, and ideas, who endeavored or endeavors for its progress, was a child of the nation and a citizen. The poet was ready to welcome them and appreciate every action they took to promote the national evolution. Sabir conducted an analytical artistic review of the national life of the period of bourgeois relations. In the emerging system of socio-political, economic, and cultural relations, he brilliantly and accurately defined the mission of each citizen and class. In most of the satire of Sabir, the attitude toward the social type shifts from criticism (irony) to instillation. Sabir not only criticizes the social type’s worldview but also instills some aspect in it. The target here is not the natural existence of the social type. The limitations of their social existence and the imperfection of their worldviews are the target. The goal is to influence and change their worldview. National renaissance is the main focus of Sabir’s satire. Sabir has a thorough knowledge of the fact that in order to create national harmony and balance, society needs not only workers and peasants with a developed social and national consciousness but also capitalists and landowners. It is impossible to achieve the ultimate goal of national unity if the most diverse strata of society do not rely on national thinking and do not realize their civic sense of responsibility. Sabir’s artistic speech is of dialogical nature. In the monologues of his satirical heroes, you can see the artistic expression of worldviews specific both for them and for others. In conclusion, we do not accept the concept of Azerbaijani Soviet literary criticism that the “social elites” are taken as a target of exposure in M.A. Sabir’s satire and become the object of deadly and destructive humor. We consider the inertial continuation of this concept in the literary criticism of the period of independence to be wrong. We seek to prove that the target of criticism in Sabir’s work is not the class-specific attitude but the struggle for the national renaissance, not the individual strata but the poverty of public consciousness.&nbsp;

Sabir's National Renaissance Ideal (IN THE CONTEXT OF ATTITUDES TOWARDS “SOCIAL ELITES”)

Sema

This study focuses on the thoughts of Russian Turkish writers who contributed to the ideal of Turkish nationalism in Türk Yurdu magazine. Russian Turk intellectuals have produced content that can be understood by the public by collecting scientific data about Turcology with their research and studies on Turkish history. In this way, they created an awareness of the Turkish self on the cultural ground and an awareness of Turkishness.The Turkism ideas of the Russian Turks took advantage of the relative freedom environment provided by the 1905 revolution. Their ideas began to emerge after the Young Turk Revolution (2nd Constitutional Monarchy-1908) in the Ottoman Empire. Since this date, the Russian Turks, who could not maintain their Turkism ideas in Russia and could not get the right to equality and freedom, tried to gather under one roof and make their voices heard in the Ottoman lands. We see the first examples of this purpose in Türk Yurdu magazine, which is the first publication of the Turkism organization.Türk Yurdu magazine has become a publishing platform where Turkism ideas of both Russian Turks and Ottoman Turks meet on a common ground. The most important feature of the magazine was that it coincided with the 19th century world where there was nationalist turmoil and that it announced intense Turkish ideas in Ottoman lands since its first publication. Türk Yurdu magazine was a magazine that tried to spread the ideas of Turkish nationalism in order to fill the ideology gap that emerged in the political and social environment during this period. The writer’s staff consisted of the brightest-minded intellectuals of the period. Magazine; He was trying to enlighten the Ottoman Turks with subjects such as language, history, geography, ethnography and economics. Thus, they aimed to provide a nationalism program based on the Turkish race in order to preserve the unity of the empire. In this context, the Pan-Turkist&nbsp;movement initiated by the Russian Turks against the Tsarist regime also paved the way for the attempt to establish a national state in the Ottoman Empire with Türk Yurdu magazine.With the magazine Türk Yurdu, the Turks of Russia showed that they can provide information about the “idea of Turkishness” in general and the awakening of the Turks can be achieved with a national identity and a national spirit. They aimed to create a national public opinion among the Turks and took this path they drew mostly from the ideas of İsmail Gaspıralı. As can be seen, the thoughts of Russian Turkish writers are important in terms of being the first sources that provide national awareness and highlight Turkishness.Türk Yurdu magazine acted in a Pan-Turkist line with a nationalist program designed by Yusuf Akçura. Türk Yurdu magazine suspended its publication in the first period due to the Turkish national struggle period between 1911-1918. The second publication period was between 1924-1931 with the establishment of the Republic of Turkey. Later, after 1954, it appeared within the body of Turkish Hearths and continued as a publication addressing the entire Turkish world. The last issue of Türk Yurdu magazine in its 110th year is the 405th issue in May 2021.&nbsp;

Russian Turkish Authours, Their İdeas and Their Contributions  to Turkishness in Türk Yurdu Magazine

Uğur

In this article, the volatile relationship between the USA and Russia is strategically examined. The power struggles between these two superpowers affect world geopolitics. In this study, the qualitative research and analysis method was used, to examine the US-based RAND’s Russia report, Russia’s recent practices, and recent doctrines.In this study, famous statements—expressed in the 19th and 20th centuries—such as “Russia is never so strong nor so weak as it appears” and “one thing worse than an America that is too strong, the world will learn, is an America that is too weak” are assessed for their validity.&nbsp;The various economic, geopolitical, ideological, informational, and military options discussed in this paper are promising. However, this report does not suggest an action because all issues related to Russia should be evaluated in terms of the USA’s general strategy. Despite sensitive points and concerns, Russia remains a powerful country that rivals the USA in several important areas.The majority of options proposed in this study will likely result in the escalation of Russian countermeasures. Therefore, in addition to the specific risks associated with each issue, the existence of risks in the nuclear weapons arena must be considered, and detailed planning and careful execution of each option must be undertaken to achieve the desired outcome.Despite Biden’s statement that “America is back and ready to rule and lead the world,” it is a realistic possibility that the USA and Russia will accord with their national interests. The assessment suggests a controlled tension between both superpowers, and a direct military conflict between the two powers is avoidable.Although Russia will be able to provide less increasing competition costs (compared to the USA), both parties will have to divert their national resources from other purposes, such as social, health, and environmental protection to engage in competition.The Kremlin has focused on the Far East, the Balkans, the Middle East, Africa, and South America—which are areas where it was once strong—to become a superpower again in this century. Simultaneously, NATO and the USA are expanding toward the east, the former USSR, the new EU, and NATO countries. Russia’s interest in South America is considered a “reprisal” against the USA, in accordance with its expansion in Europe.Thus, it is imperative to be cautious of these two superpowers along with the other actors in the changing global security scenario. Because of Turkey’s geopolitical position (and various power struggles within its region), it must maintain its national interests and constantly evaluate its surroundings, conditions, and international relations. Turkey can achieve this by strengthening its national power elements to maneuver the changing security environment and keep this impact to a minimum.&nbsp;It is advised that Turkey emphasize cooperation rather than competition in its relations with Russia and the USA. This would benefit the interests of both sides.Finally, effective preparation against all gambits in the geopolitical arena will ensure Turkey is ready for potential eventualities.&nbsp;

From USA to Russia and From Russia to the World: A Geopolitical Chess Review

Aslı

Ömer Göksel İşyar, The Nagorno-Karabakh Problem: Dynamics  of the First and Second War, Bursa: Dora Publishing, 2020, 322 p. ISBN: 978-605-247-242-2

Sümeyye

Southern Front of Blue Homeland 'Eastern Mediterranean', Cem Gürdeniz, Ankara, Pankuş Publishing, 2020, 192 p. ISBN: 978-605-06308-2-4

Emine

France's Mediterranean and African Expansion (Ottoman  Britain and Czarist Russia), Dr. Vugar Akifoğlu, Ankara, Berikan  Publishinghouse, 2020, 290 p. ISBN: 978-625-7049-20-7

Mustafa

@JOURNAL_BOX_CURRENT

@JOURNAL_BOX_EARLYVIEW

Bengül

Assoc. Prof.

Ahmet

Kemalettin Sami Pasha And Berlın Embassy Actıvıtıes (1924-1934)

Seda

A Legal Struggle After Lausanne: Mixed Arbitral Tribunals

@JOURNAL_BOX_FEATURED

Elşad

The Process To The Khojaly Massacre And Khojaly Massacre In The Turkish Press

Assist. Prof.

Russıa’s Polıcy In Syrıa In The New Geopolıtıcal Envıronment In The Mıddle East

@JOURNAL_BOX_MOSTREAD

Journal of Eurasian Inquiries  (AVID) has begun to accept articles for the VI/1 issue which will be published in 2017 Fall semester. Please send your manuscript before 15 August 2017 to the following e-mail avid@istanbul.edu.tr

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Journal of Eurasian Inquiries

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Index IslamicusResearch Bible (Academic Research Index)Social Science Research Network (SSRN)Türk Eğitim İndeksi (TEİ)

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Issue Type	Regular
Issue Date	05.10.2021
Editor(s)	Mustafa Balcı
Cover (PDF)
Front Pages (PDF)

Journal of Eurasian Inquiries

VOLUME 10, ISSUE 2, 2021

Turkish-Georgian Cooperation in the Struggle for Security in the South Caucasus (The Caucasus Stability and Cooperation Platform)

The Birth of Stalinism in Russia

Epic Heritage - The Gold Treasure

Epik Miras - Altın Hazine

Sabir's National Renaissance Ideal (IN THE CONTEXT OF ATTITUDES TOWARDS “SOCIAL ELITES”)

Russian Turkish Authours, Their İdeas and Their Contributions to Turkishness in Türk Yurdu Magazine

From USA to Russia and From Russia to the World: A Geopolitical Chess Review

Ömer Göksel İşyar, The Nagorno-Karabakh Problem: Dynamics of the First and Second War, Bursa: Dora Publishing, 2020, 322 p. ISBN: 978-605-247-242-2

Southern Front of Blue Homeland 'Eastern Mediterranean', Cem Gürdeniz, Ankara, Pankuş Publishing, 2020, 192 p. ISBN: 978-605-06308-2-4

France's Mediterranean and African Expansion (Ottoman Britain and Czarist Russia), Dr. Vugar Akifoğlu, Ankara, Berikan Publishinghouse, 2020, 290 p. ISBN: 978-625-7049-20-7

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