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Yunus Emre is one of the most remarkable names in the history of Anatolia’s culture, literature, and mysticism. However, there is scant accurate information about his life in the written sources of his period. This dearth of information has popularized the idea that he was not a famous person at the time. The Hungarian youth, Georgius, who was captured by the Ottomans during the reign of Sultan Murad II, and lived in captivity for 20 years between 1438 and 1458, met many Sufis in Anatolia and participated in their religious rites while visiting Ottoman cities. He also met the name of Yunus Emre on one of these visits and listened to one of his chants, which led him to add two of Yunus Emre’s poems to his book, which he published after escaping from captivity and returning to Europe. This work, published in 1480 as Tractatus de Moribus, Condictionibus et Nequicia Turcorum, (Treatise on the customs, habits and perversity of the Turks) is one of the oldest records of Yunus Emre found in contemporary times.In the light of the data provided by current research, it is estimated that Yunus Emre lived in the last period of the Anatolian Seljuks and the beginning of the principalities period. The recorded year of death is 1320. Therefore, according to Ottoman sources, where the first information about Yunus Emre is given, the period in which the poet lived is different.This article aims to contribute to the research about Yunus Emre, by examining the chronicles and biographical sources of the Ottoman era. Firstly, historical sources are mentioned, and information are given under separate headings by following a chronological order for the mentions about Yunus Emre. These are: Tawarikh-i Âl-i Osmân of Âşıkpaşazâde, Tarikh-i Nişâncı of Ramazanzâde Mehmed Çelebi, Tâc alTawarikh of Hoca Sâdeddin Efendi, Künh al-Ahkbar of Mustafa Âlî’s, Mir’ât al-Kâinât of Nişancızâde Mehmed Efendi, and Silk al-Le’âl-i Âl-i Osmân of Ahmed Hasîb Efendi. Almost in all Ottoman chronicles where Yunus Emre’s name is mentioned, Tapduk Emre, the poet’s master and Yunus Emre are both mentioned. Both names are recorded among the Sufis of Bayezid I (1389–1403) period. It is seen that historians used Taşköprizâde’s work, al-Shakaik al-Numaniya, since it is the main source for most of the Ottoman historians about Sufis. Among Ottoman historians, Âşıkpaşazâde is the first person to mention Yunus Emre. However, since Taşköprizâde died when he was just a few years old, there is no possibility that he used Shakaik. So, among historians who mentioned Yunus Emre, only Âşıkpaşazâde mentioned him among the awliyas of the Murad I’s period (1362–1389), without going into much detail. Gelibolulu Âlî and Ahmed Hasîb mentioned Taşköprizade as Yunus Emre’s sheikh during the reign of Bayezid I, and also earlier, during the reign of Orhan Gazi (1324–1362). The reason for this is that Âlî’s and Hasîb’s sources are more diverse than other names, because the legend of Haci Bektash-i Veli and Tapduk Emre, which they narrated in the section about Haci Bektash, is based on the Walayatnâmah.&nbsp;Biographical sources are discussed after the above-mentioned six chronicles. The works of people who lived most of their lives in the Ottoman period and died in the first years of the Republic are also included in this section. There are literary works such as biographies and books written about the death dates of people among the examined sources. It is observed that the information in biographical sources is more diverse than in the chronicles. In this regard, the characteristics of the author, the content of the work, the period in which it was written, and the sources used are effective. The information given in history books has always been very limited since there is no exception apart from Hasîb, who is the only one who extracted the information from Shakaik. However, what is common and clear, both in the chronicles and in the biographical sources, is that the authors who gave information about Yunus Emre in the Ottoman period confused another person with him. These works record Yunus Emre’s death date as Hijri 843 (1439–40), however, a Sufi poet named Âşık Yunus, who is thought to be a disciple of Emir Sultan, died around 1439–40 or sometime later. It is understood that this person, who was mixed up with Yunus Emre in some works, was Âşık Yunus. In addition, the real owner of the verses that are known to belong to Yunus Emre, such as “I asked the yellow flower” and “Sol heaven’s rivers,” are actually Âşık Yunus’ works.When all these factors have been evaluated, it is understood that the person confused with Yunus Emre is actually Âşık Yunus. Bursalı Mehmed Tâhir, one of the biographers, and Hüseyin Vassâf, who seems to have benefited from Mehmed Tahir, realized that the year 1439–40 was too late for Yunus Emre’s death and made evaluations. However, they also fail to notice that the poet was confused with Âşık Yunus. As a result of the dearth of data about Yunus Emre in the works written during his lifetime, data about Âşık Yunus was attributed to him in the sources written in later periods. In addition, various claims have been put forward about Yunus Emre’s hometown, personality, and grave, as is the case with every person to whom the public attaches a superior value. In the meantime, of course, the rumors produced by the oral culture of the time was developed and spread further. The information seen in the chronicles and biographical sources written in the Ottoman period, where we obtained the first data about the poet, maintained the effects of this situation.&nbsp;

Records on Yunus Emre in the Ottoman Chronicles and Biographical Sources

Ekrem

Prof.

Local languages played an influential role in the dominant presence of Arabic, one of the most striking aspects of the spread of Ṣūfism in Islamic societies. Arabic is the language of the Divine Book, Glorious Qur’an, and hadiths of the Prophet, which explains its prevalence in the Muslim world. Therefore, Arabic has always been and will continue to be the most important language of Islam, and, consequently,Quraysh will maintain its privileged position. The language of worship, however, has always been Arabic. Hence, even to date, the Muslim world remains united on this topic. Arabic has produced great literature, both as the language of religious life and religious sciences. During this period, there was figuratively no other language of science or thought except Arabic; further, even if there was any other language, it was not highly influential. When Persian gained importance as the first dominant language of the Muslim world, it created friction when it brought down the authority of Arabic. Later, more languages gained authority, and it helped the Muslim world communicate with their societies. It was primarily the Ṣūfis who expressed religious thought and morality in these local languages, and the expressions full of supplications and prayers used by Ṣūfis played an important role in infusing the religion to these languages.&nbsp;Yūnus Emre is one of the most influential figures who helped the Turkish turn into a language in which religious thought was shaped and gained new ways of expression in the Muslim world. His creation of this language was influenced distinctively by thoughts inherited from Ṣūfi history. First, in his understanding of Ṣūfism, we can find some critical aspects similar to the criticism of other religious sciences raised by Ṣūfis. One example is the criticism directed toward other religious sciences by Ṣūfis on the concept of God. Ṣūfis advocated and pursued a religious life centered on God from early times, and they were expressing their thoughts with a language formed according to this understanding. This understanding was entailed by Tawhid, one of the most significant principles of the religion. However, Ṣūfis and other religious scholars approached the concept of Tawhid from different perspectives and interpreted it according to their understanding. According&nbsp;to the representatives of normative traditions such as Canonists and Theologians, Tawhid is to live in this world by the Divine law, obeying the rules designated by God. Canonists approached Tawhid in terms of Sharia (Divine law), while Theologians were focusing on the authentic faith in terms of divine names. Ṣūfis objected and argued that Tawhid was the foundation of a strong and dynamic relationship between God and man. Thus, they maintained the idea of building a relationship with God, who was believed to be the reason behind all actions, by transcending causality. They believed that God was the real subject and human beings had to live their lives as objects of the actions of God. This approach led Ṣūfis to adopt a rambling language that they reached by deconstructing the existing one. Ṣūfis started using phrases such as “knowing God through God,” “speaking through God,” or “hearing God,” which were unfamiliar to the other Muslim communities. However, they put the concept of love at the center of religious life. Yūnus Emre approached Ṣūfism considering that its main issue was its way of understanding God. The concept of active God is at the heart of his poems. Thus, God is the reason for every action and deed of humans. Therefore, religious life is a life devoted completely to God. Consequently, this understanding of God helped Yūnus Emre reach the concept of love and handle the relationship between God and man with respect to love. However, love is a concept that emerged from an interpretation of the relationship between God and man in a way that is unacceptable to the Theologians. The idea of love emanates from seeing the relationship with God as never-ending. God is neither far from us nor is He the ultimate unknown. Contrarily, He is closer to man than his jugular vein and is the true subject behind every action. Therefore, while our knowledge about Him is stable, our inability to see Him creates in us a tremendous desire. Once humans experience this desire, they should build a relationship with God. This thought expressed in Turkish by Yūnus Emre maintains that the consequence of love is to take the relationship with a desire and longing on one’s heart. On the other hand, his poems are full of concepts and narratives expressing the passiveness of man in this world, such as submission to the power of God or being the addressee of the Divine voice. These concepts and thoughts are well-known throughout the early periods of Ṣūfism.&nbsp;Nevertheless, we can also follow the footprints of the early periods of Ṣūfism on the poems of Yūnus Emre in the way that he prioritized morality before worshiping, one of the fundamental problems encountered by the Ṣūfis in the period called “Sunni Ṣūfism,” referring to the time after Junayd al-Baghdadi (d. 297/909). The Muslim society had a dilemma because the Canonists and Theologians belonging to the normative side of the religion did not see morality as a fundamental issue and accepted it as the good deeds that should be performed. However, Ṣūfis focused so much on morality that they treated worship as less important. Therefore, the tension between morality and worship became a serious problem in Ṣūfism. We witness that Yūnus Emre inherited this problem as it was. Some of his poems have such an emphasis on morality that they can weaken the motives to worship or at least will contradict the expectations of the normative tradition. For example, consider this verse from his poem: “If you have broken a heart, your prayer is nothing but in vain.” Yūnus Emre emphasizes that the essential principle for humans is morality and by pointing out that there is no limit to this morality, he developed a model of dynamic morality, which stands on the opposite of the uncomplying and unchangeable rules of worship. His poem placed priority on morality over worshiping and with this attitude, Yūnus Emre gets involved in the controversy that started in the early period of Ṣūfism. Furthermore, another issue that needs to be addressed is prophethood. Ṣūfis changed the religious understanding of prophethood and turned their attention toward the Prophet rather than his tradition and hadiths. The natural consequence of this understanding is the development of the idea of Haqiqat al-Muhammadiyya i.e. “the Reality of Realities.” We cannot find traces of this exact notion in the poems of Yūnus Emre. However, there is a similarity of the notion from another perspective. His idea is based upon the primordial nature of human beings. Thus, this idea of the primordial nature of human beings is the result of Haqiqat al-Muhammadiyya or vice versa. His thought was shaped around this idea. According to Yūnus Emre, humans are eternal, having a primordial reality preceding the creation in the sensible world. Hence, this reality, which is Arsh and Kursi (Throne and Footstool), is immutable before being created, and human’s relationship with God originates from this primordial nature. This concept of primordial nature that has been extensively discussed by metaphysicians like Ibn Arabî (d. 1240) finds voice in the poems of Yūnus Emre, who sees it as the basis that enables the relationship between God and man.This concept of primordial nature is a vital factor that unravels almost all the problems of Ṣūfi morality. Therefore, this concept reviles that this temporal world should be viewed as a bridge to be crossed and not a place to call home. It is a concept that can be associated with asceticism and issues related to it. However, considering the primordial nature, even asceticism, which means renunciation of the temporal world is not enough; thus, asceticism should be disregarded. However, for an ascetic, the afterlife should be abandoned just like the temporal world. Human yearns for God and seeks to see Him; anything beyond that is worthless. Yūnus Emre believes that the fear of hell and hope for heaven, one of the main reasons why humans worship God, should be abandoned as well. He has been criticized severerly because he despises the blessings of heaven and handles the idea of hell in a way that is unacceptable to the normative tradition. In conclusion, the main theme of the poems of Yūnus Emre is God and man whose primordial nature has the potential to reach Him.&nbsp;

Constituent Elements of the Ṣūfi Understanding of Yūnus Emre: Faith That Turns into  Love Between Primordial Man and Eternal God

Reyhan

Assist. Prof.

The longest and the most prolific period of Turkish literature occurred under the influence of the Quran-el-Karim. Islam and dominant features of Islamic civilization became a key element in the content of literary works, and it shaped the styles of poets and writers. These rules were categorized as negative and positive in the relevant verses about the “utterance” in the Quran-el-Karim.Positive description about the meaning of the Word is as follows:Kavl-i hasen, which means eloquence in Arabic; kavl-i maruf, which means appropriate, positive, and legitimate; kavl-i sedid, which means solid and right; kavl-i tayyib, which means nice; kavl-i leyyin, which means soft, sweet, useful, and nice; kavl-i kerim, which means respectful; kavl-i beliğ, which means clear and effective; kavl-i meysur, which means facilitator; kavl-i sabit, which means firm. These classifications correspond with the implications for the Word in Yunus Emre’s poetry.The Word concept, which has many definitions, is described as “a vocable made out of one or more syllables.” The “Word” is valuable because it ensures continuity of information and experiences and passing down the truth to next generations. The Word, which is the most important transmitting element, is a means to explain oneself with ethics, meaning, power, or to teach the essence of religion and morality. The Word, as it has been known since the earliest examples of Turkish literature, has been used, conforming to the essence of its description and being convenient with approbation, description, classification of the Quran-Al-Karim.Kutadgu Bilig, which is one of the most important sources of Turkish culture history, includes information and merits for an ideal lifestyle and fair government organization and for human beings to live happily in this life and afterlife. Some parts relating to the Word give place to such expressions: “watch to your Words so that your head shall not get cut off, hold your tongue so that your tooth shall not be broken, if you know your word before you speak it would be knowledge; ignorant’s word turns back and troubles him, I didn’t gain from saying much words but saying words is not unnecessary.”The first Turkish Dictionary, Dîvânü Lugāti’t-Türk, is an encyclopedia that includes information related to 11th century grammar, Turkish history, geography, mythology, folklore, and folk literature; opinions on medicine and treatment methods; and rich content relating to names, tribe, and place names. Proverbs and idioms related to Word and manner of speaking in the dictionary are “empty spoon does not suit mouth, just as plain words do not suit ears. You may sit on the table owing to your words.”&nbsp;Atebetü’l-Hakâyık is a moral and advisory book. In the work, Edib Ahmed Yükneki says “decency starts with holding tongue. The best word is the word of the man who thinks before speak. Right word is the treasure of mouth and tongue.”&nbsp;&nbsp;Words uttered during the first period of Turkish literature correspond to the things mentioned in the Quran-Al-Karim since it is the primary source. Yunus Emre’s hymns as continuation of this tradition comprise the same advice about the Word. Emre, who utters the truth and Oneness of God vigorously, changes his style to preaching to demonstrate the right path.The essence of being a human is care and love in His creation. The love that makes up his shortcomings and makes him live a life that God wants is the reason for a human to exist. Emre mentioned this in all of his hymns through Turkish language in the best way. It is a conscious effort to write plain, sincere, and literarily powerful contexts. He examined the social and political society in which he lived and presented practical solutions to the problems. These solutions, according to the topic, sometimes are uttered with love and sometimes in an advisory manner. His manner of talking about language and statements and implications on “word” are primarily to provide information and advise the speaker about eloquence.Regarding features of the classification of word in the Quran-Al-Karim and Yunus Emre’s verses about word, it is seen that advice in the same manner are versified. Advice that is essential for conducting guidance and religious preaching actions, when it is conducted timely and properly, would ensure agreement upon everything wherever a word is needed. Speaking of specific terms and concepts about any kind of topic, actually uttering words properly, prevents confusion, and uttering sweet and right things gently prevents hardness of heart.&nbsp;

Yunus Emre’s Use of Language for Spiritual Guidance and Tabligh

Rabia

Various approaches have been proposed with regard to Yunus Emre’s poetic thought process in relation to his poem “I climbed to the branches of a plum tree” and other shathiya-type poems. Some of Yunus Emre’s poems are built on images that do not reconcile directly with one another in terms of their meanings and are distant from rationality; therefore, Yunus Emre’s poems are typically received by readers differently compared to other literary works. With such images as the foundation, several approaches established around the poem “I climbed to the branches of a plum tree” are centered on the idea that Yunus Emre has employed symbolic language with a definite rationale in mind. The basis to such approaches is the inference that the depictions in Yunus Emre’s poetry and all other shathiya-type poems have no apparent meaningful associations at first glance. Further, it is believed that these representations are intended as “symbolisms” allegorizing some other phenomenon. According to this view, the embedded phrases in the poem employ the concepts of Sufi philosophy extensively. Therefore, it is presumed that they are constructed with indicators of the conceptual universe.The general characteristics of shathiya-type texts are as follows. The Arabic word shathiya means “quake, move, vibrate, and overflow,” and it is derived from the root sh-t-h (شطح) .It is most commonly a Sufi phrase indicating very pompous and illogical remarks, which Sufis utter without comprehending shathiya-type texts’ meaning. Shathiya, which are texts with oblique phrases recounting the poet’s situations, use symbolic language. Commentaries are needed to enable optimal understanding of texts that require the reader to engage with the language at a level that goes beyond its practical application. However, these commentaries typically interpret Yunus Emre’s poetry as based on the tenets of Sufi philosophy. Such limited consideration has spurred the emergence of a one-sided approach to Yunus Emre’s poetry. We propose that the statement “Whatever Yunus says cannot be compared to other discourse” can, in fact, be perceived as an invitation for readers to defy the existing one-sided approach and establish different approaches to interpret his poetry that is typically distant from rationality. Ironically, the fact that Yunus Emre’s poetry is distant from rationality, does not convey its meaning clearly at first glance, and “cannot be compared to other discourses” should be reason enough for readers to overthrow such one-sided discourses and realize the limitless scope of interpretation that Yunus Emre’s poetry has to offer.In this context, if readers rejected the predominant approach of considering Yunus Emre’s poetry from a shathiya perspective and interpreted it differently, would they arrive at the inference that the “irrational” elements in Yunus Emre’s poetry correspond to the characteristics of the stream-of-consciousness genre but without a direct indication to the idea being implied?. In other words, can the fact that Yunus Emre’s poems entail words that do not directly reconcile with one another—typically taking the reader by surprise—&nbsp;enable readers to interpret such texts as works of stream-of-consciousness fiction? When Yunus Emre says “climbing to the branches of the plum tree and eating grapes,” is he concurrently referring to his intellectual journey? Thus, can we observe Yunus Emre’s stream of consciousness through the poetic images that noticeably do not reconcile with one another in terms of meaning? In such a case, can the readers, upon being confronted with the contradictory images in Yunus Emre’s poems, journey to another realm of meaning by diverting themselves from the physical environments that surround them and merge with the intellectual environment of the poet’s perpetual consciousness?We assert that the poem with the line “I climbed to the branches of a plum tree” as well as other poems of the shathiya type might well be reflections of the relative disorganization in the speaker’s consciousness (depending on the technique of stream of consciousness), and the thoughts in the speaker’s consciousness might overflow and shake the poet (based on the meaning of shathiya). Thus readers ultimately transcend the symbolic implications of the text and arrive at the realm of alternative interpretation&nbsp;

Reading Yunus Emre’s Shathiyas in Terms of Stream of Consciousness

Mehmet

Introduction Sufism aims to immortalize social values by nurturing individuals who evince high moral standards. Numerous Sufis have thus defined Sufism as morality and decency. To be a dervish is to manifest the principles of the Qur’an embodied in the Prophet, to look at life through the lens of love and tolerance, to relinquish self-love, to be humble and altruistic, and not to hold anyone in disrespect or hurt anybody. A dervish attains the trust of both friends and enemies and does not cause any anxiety about his sense of fairness. A dervish protects humanity by recognizing that “to keep one life alive is to keep all lives alive” and also understands that “to kill someone is to set the world on fire.” Yunus Emre owned all these qualities, and his poetry expressed the importance of being a virtuous person and a good Muslim.Yunus Emre Era Yunus Emre lived between the second half of the 13th century and the first half of the 14th century. The country was catapulted into if great depression at the time of his birth because of two events in Anatolia: the Babaîler Revolt in 1240 and the Kösedağ War between the Anatolian Seljuk State and the Mongols in 1243. These two events disrupted Anatolian unity and destroyed peace. Yunus Emre thus lived at a time of disintegrating accord and declining peace and stability in Anatolia. Conversely, at this time, Anatolia had become a place where the Sufi comprehension of Khorasan, Turkestan, Iraq, and Damascus blended with the Andalusian conception of Sufism. Numerous Sufis such as Evhaduddin Kirmani, Ibnu’lArabi, Necmeddin Dâye, Hacı Bektaş-ı Velî, Mevlana Celaleddin Rumi, and Sadreddin Konevî were active in Anatolia. The Sufi movements Anatolia witnessed in the 13th century exhibited great diversity. These groups encompassed many Sunni and non-Sunni elements and may be classified into two groups: those operating in urban and rural areas.Yunus Emre’s Sufi teachings were shaped within the Yesevi and Rifai traditions. His sheikh, Tapduk Emre, obtained his authorization from Sinan Ata, a Turkish sheikh from Bukhara. Sinan Ata belonged to the Yesevi tradition and arrived in Anatolia during the Mongol invasion. Besides Sinan Ata, Tapduk Emre also attained his autorization from Sari Saltuk and Barak Baba. Mahmud Hayrani, the sheikh of Sari Saltuk, was authorized by the Rifai sect. Barak Baba was Sari Saltuk’s disciple; hence, Yunus Emre was a dervish who belonged to Rifai and Yesevi sects.Yunus Emre and DervishnessFundamentally, Sufism and dervishness is to value human beings and to love the created for the Creator’s sake. The richness of the heart, generosity, getting along with people, being aware of the innermost phenomena, never rejecting truth, being sincere and honest, valuing every moment, and existing without worldly illusions also constitute attributes&nbsp;of a dervish. These qualities ensure that the dervish’s words and deeds comply with the Sunnah of Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) and enable a dervish to ignore faults in people, forgive mistakes, and remain decent and moral. Dervishness is inappropriate for people whose words, behaviors, and attitudes do not comply with the Book and Sunnah. Yunus Emre chose the path of love, valued love above all else, and regarded it as a divine gift. The path of love and ecstasy is deemed in Sufism to be the shortest route to Allah; however, this path poses many dangers and difficulties. The mind guides people to a certain point on the path of love. The process, through which harmonic Sufi experiences, such as tawhîd, fenâ, and cem, are encountered occurs through love and not reason. Yunus’s understanding of love and tolerance was not limited to his own neighborhood or to Muslims; rather, it encompassed everyone. Therefore, his poetry recommended kindness, honesty, and cooperation for all Muslims without discriminating between sects and dispositions.Yunus Emre combined Khorasan’s understanding of reproach, ecstasy, and love with the human-oriented Sufism conception of Turkestan. He also emphasized the preservation of moral virtues. His poems described metaphysical issues such as love, human perfection, life-death, and existence-nonexistence based on divine love and morality. Yunus Emre symbolized love and tolerance and defined the dervish as a lover of God. A dervish has open eyes, a pure heart, and ears in love with the word of God and the Prophet. According to Yunus Emre, the identity of a dervish represents a method of self-discipline through worship, dhikr, evrad, and self-denial. The being of a dervish denotes the process of building a new self by removing evil from the heart and replacing it with virtue. The true dervish attains the consciousness of death before dying by practicing daily self-reflection. Being a dervish means sacrificing the self for the sake of friends, living without compromising righteousness and honesty, and being generous and good as a person. Only those with good hearts can become dervishes; dervishness cannot be achieved by wearing a patched cardigan or crown. Yunus Emre underscored that the identity of a dervish requires the internalization of qualities such as honesty, sincerity, justice, love, tolerance, self-sacrifice, and generosity. Dervishes set righteous examples for society through their conduct.Yunus Emre stressed that negative emotions such as hypocrisy, envy, and arrogance represented major obstacles in the spiritual journey of a disciple. He cared about the struggles disciples experienced with their souls to achieve the stage of fenafillah. He asserted that the lives of disciples who accounted for their actions at the end of every day would be easily accountable on the day of judgment. However, he also stated that some disciples erred by ignoring this fact.Yunus Emre’s Critique of DervishnessYunus Emre highlighted the impossibility of God’s love flowing into the hearts of people who forgot true Sufism, even if such people remained within the premises of the&nbsp;&nbsp;dervish lodge. He attracted attention to the dangers of claiming dervishness, because he believed individuals should censure themselves and keep their egos under control even when they transitioned to more elevated levels of Sufism. He noted that it was important for dervishes to avoid pride by not boasting about the acts of worship they performed. Yunus Emre warned that every person, whether scholar or ascetic, could be trapped into psychological disorders such as arrogance or hypocrisy; thus, every individual must remain careful. He indicated that people could not escape the clutches of the nafs, no matter how old they were. He thus advised that everyone should be vigilant against the frauds of the nafs.ConclusionMoral values become meaningful only when they are practiced. A dervish is a person who lives by moral virtues. The dervish is honest and sincere, patient and determined, tolerant and friendly. Yunus stated that a dervish completely deprives himself of worldly affairs, does not pursue his own interests, and does not act out of greed for rank and position. The dervish absorbs himself in the love of Allah and thus does not mingle love with hypocrisy. The dervish does not place value on his individual life and disregards both worlds. He does not worship for fear of hell or to attain blessings from heaven; he worships solely for his love of Allah.In brief, according to Yunus Emre, dervishness is defined by the existence of a virtuous individual who achieves the truth by cleansing the soul of all evil and constructing a self in the light of the Qur’an and Sunnah. To be a dervish is to activate spiritual faculties that are potentially present in human nature and to have nothing but Allah in the heart.This study overviews the concepts of Sufi and Sufism, emphasizing Yunus Emre’s conception of dervishness.&nbsp;

A Dervish in Yunus Emre’s Conception

Zeynep

In this study, we introduce Yunus Emre’s works published in Iran and discuss articles on the poet, together with a broad summarization. Evidently, the earliest translations of Yunus Emre in Iran date back to the 1970s; translations of his works have continued ever since. In recent years, Iranian researchers have translated some of the works on Yunus Emre’s life into Turkish.In 1991, Nasîr Muhammedi wrote what emerged as one the first articles on Yunus Emre. Here, Muhammedi’s depiction of the poet is based primarily on Turkish sources. H. Muhammedzâde Sadîk, a Tehran University professor known for his studies on Turkish poets, draws a different profile of Yunus Emre in the introductory section of his work Yunus Emre Divan, written and published by him in 2011. Here, he states that contrary to popular belief, Yunus Emre was a Shiite poet born in Hoy. Iranian studies typically mention Yunus Emre when comparing his works with those of Rumi and Saadi; furthermore, some studies depict Yunus Emre as a disciple or follower of Rumi.Iranian articles on Yunus Emre and Rumi discuss these great poets in the context of wahdat al-wujud (The Unity of Being), soul, love, divine love, and moral treatises. Talat S. Halman, Mehmed Fuad Köprülü, Kadir Golkarian, Mustafa Tatçı, and İskender Pala’s books about Yunus Emre, together with a story on the poet by Mustafa Özçelik, have been translated into Persian. In the articles written about Yunus Emre in Iran, Hicabi Kırlangıç and Ramazan Rezaei have compared Yunus Emre with Saadi. Ramazan Rezai also provides a comparison of the two poets’ perspectives on the same topics and discusses their similarities. Hicabi Kırlangıç mentions that although there are similarities in Saadi’s work Goulistan and Yunus’s literary works, both the poets possess unique writing styles. He adds that Yunus Emre’s works do not entail stories. Some articles suggest that Yunus Emre was literate enough to translate Saadi’s poetry into Turkısh:از جان بیرون نیامده جانانست آرزوستر نا­بوریده ایمانت آزروست زSen canından geçmeden cânân arzû kılursın Bilden zünnar kesmeden îmân arzû kılursın (Do you think you will reach your lover without giving up your life and cutting the zünnar on your waist)A program on the works of Saadi and Yunus Emre was organized in Tehran in 2013; here, the similarities in and differences between Yunus Emre and Saadi’s works were discussed.Furthermore, Hosseini Arian ve Leily Abbasî Montazerî has written about love and Rumi–Yunus Emre; Fatima Heidari, Hakimi Dabiran, and Manzour Soltani—who have&nbsp;analyzed and compared Yunus Emre with Rumi and co-authored an article—compare the two poets on subjects such as unity, existence, and love. They also state that Yunus Emre was highly influenced by Rumi. In another article, Fatima Heidari deals with the subject of the soul in the Yunus Emre and Rumi’s poems and states that Rumi played the role of a mentor to Yunus Emre:In our opinion, even if Yunus Emre were influenced by Rumi, it would not be correct to perceive Yunus Emre as Rumi’s follower. Rumi and Yunus Emre’s works may come across as similar because all mystic poets typically share common perspectives; however, both the poets possess unique writing styles. Apart from all these academic studies, Yunus Emre Institute in Iran contributes to the promotion of Yunus Emre’s works. In addition, Yunus Emre, a Türk Production, was screened with Persian subtitles in Iran.In this article, we hope to facilitate a clearer perception of Yunus Emre in Iran by initiating the emergence of Iranian studies centered on Yunus Emre and broadly summarizing the existing articles on the poet.&nbsp;

Academic Studies on Yunus Emre In Iran

Gökhan

Res. Assist.

Metin

Researchers who plan to make academic and scientific studies must first review the works that have been previously published on their subject and examine the opinions already put forward. There is a risk that a work undertaken without preliminary research will turn out to be unoriginal. For this reason, one of the first and most important stages of academic research is the need to make a “bibliographical search” on the subject to be examined.The importance of bibliographies in scientific studies is obvious, as are their benefits in helping researchers reduce time and effort. Therefore, the number of bibliographic studies has increased in many scientific disciplines in recent years, and bibliography itself has become an independent field of study.The rapid increase in publications in the fields of science, culture, and literature can cause researchers to be unaware of all the existing sources and have difficulty in following the developments in the field. Especially in the field of literature research, the number of experts has increased considerably in recent years; this is simultaneous with the number of universities that have grown. The rich diversity of the channels in which the research works of these experts can be published make bibliographic studies that will provide easily accessible information on any subject an indispensable necessity.Birth or death anniversaries of great intellectuals and artists, writers, and poets born and raised in our nation provide important opportunities for researchers to bring their work to the forefront again and for bibliographical studies to be done on them. New researches, works, organized panels, symposia, and exhibitions of the works of these individuals allow them to be viewed and considered from new and different perspectives. In recent years, bibliographies prepared to gather the publications about these important people are gaining more and more importance.Yunus Emre (1240–1321) is one of the greatest poets of Turkish literature. Emre has been the subject of a great deal of research and many investigations due to the place he has held for centuries in the hearts of the people who grew up in the circle of Turkish-Islamic civilization, as well as in academic circles. Many studies and activities were published on the occasion of the 700th anniversary of Yunus Emre’s death in 2021, and many continue to be done. The purpose of this bibliographic study is to contribute to the studies already conducted on Yunus Emre, an overview of the full body of work about Emre, a considerable literature that has been created by many academicians and researchers. Until now, only limited bibliographic studies have been made about Yunus Emre, each for different, specific, and limited purposes. However, as time passed, these bibliographies became increasingly less useful while the number of studies on Yunus Emre increased. In the end, the need for a new, comprehensive bibliographic study became clear.&nbsp;Mustafa Tatcı made the first comprehensive bibliographic study on Yunus Emre in 1988. This study, which has 1425 bibliographic tags, added 130 more to its enlarged second edition in 1991. Thus, the tag of the studies on Yunus Emre until 1991 had reached 1,555 items. In the 30-year period from then until today, only a few narrowly-scoped bibliographic studies have been made on the subject. Therefore, we limited our study to the years 1991–2021. Since 1991, a considerable number of articles, papers, theses, books, etc., about Yunus Emre have been published. The interest of the science and art community in the poet has clearly increased considerably, especially since the 2000s. The number of books, theses, articles, and papers in our study exceeded 2000. Considered together with the publications from 1991, this study will be a holistic reference source for literature on Yunus Emre.The possibilities of technology should be used effectively for bibliographic studies as well as in other scientific fields. In addition to doing bibliographic studies in the classical sense in many scientific disciplines, the number of electronic bibliographies that can be constantly updated is increasing day by day. This increase is especially notable in public institutions and organizations, universities, institutes, etc. By using the opportunities they offer in this area, they provide more effective service to the researchers at this point.The ultimate goal of this study is to bring together the tags of the accumulated intellectual work about Yunus Emre in an organized manner and to put it at the disposal of researchers. In this respect, as the second pillar of our work, we have made available all the bibliographic tags that we have identified digitally on a website called “https://yunusemre.bibliyografyasi.com,” which we have prepared in an online digital environment. Thus, any deficiencies that we may have missed during the compilation will eventually be completed. The information continues to be updated by uploading the tags of the studies added to the literature over time. Studies on Yunus Emre will gain efficiency and urgency with the creation of this bibliographic information access service.&nbsp;&nbsp;

Yunus Emre Bibliography (1991-2021)

Mustafa

Hallâc ve Yunus

Necmettin

Assoc. Prof.

Muzaffer

Limited knowledge exists about scholarly life in the Anatolian Beyliks period, and this is often explained through the limitation of historical data that allows one to have knowledge about this subject. This situation often leads one to remain confined to what is known of the history of this period. However, recent studies, especially those on manuscripts, have required the meaning that has been attributed to the concept of historical data to be reevaluated. In past years, most of the manuscripts in the Turkish Manuscript Libraries have been put into the service of researchers by allowing them to obtain visual images of the manuscripts. This has allowed manuscripts to be positioned as an independent field in the archaeology of knowledge much more than before. The intertextual and extratextual historical information in manuscripts is an important historical data source. Through this source, many unknown names, works, and institutions can be brought to light, with the scholar Badr al-Rūmī being a striking example of this as the subject of this article.No information exists about this scholar in biographical or bibliographic works. He gave his full name as Dāwūd b. al-Shaykh Ḳutluġbek b. Islām b. Rajab. For the first time, scholars became aware of his existence through a farāgh record written by him in 1313 AD/712 AH at the end of a copy of ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn al-Bukhārī’s Kashf al-Asrār. This record is an important piece of information in that a person from Anatolia had copied this work shortly after it was composed. As such, however, this information had at most a footnote regarding an examination centered on the circulation of Kashf al-Asrār. During this article’s studies on Anatolian Beyliks period, additional information about him was encountered in other manuscripts. In this sense, this study found two separate ijāzats that had been given to al-Rūmī by Fakhr al-Dīn al-Chārpardī and Muḥammad al-Hamadānī on al-Kashshāf. Likewise, two juridical works were found to have been copied by Badr al-Rūmī, one of which was from Ḥāfiẓ al-Dīn al-Nasafī and the other from ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn al-Bukhārī. Badr al-Rūmī copied the former in 1306/705 in the Orkhāniyya Madrasa that had been allocated to the Ḥanafīs in Ilkhānid Tabrīz.The clue Waliyy al-Dīn Jārullāh Efendi provided in a manuscript note led to this article being composed on the basis of these fragmentary records. While listing the commentaries on al-Pazdawī’s Uṣūl, Jārullāh Efendi was found to have included Badr al-Rūmī’s commentary in the list and to regarded it as an abridgement of ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn al-Bukhārī’s Kashf al-Asrār. In his note, Jārullāh Efendi stated that he had read alPazdawī’s work with his disciples and pondered the commentaries on it, mentioning Badr al-Rūmī’s commentary among them. This suggested that the related commentary might have been in Jārullāh Efendi’s possession. Thus, the study examined the juridical works in the collection of Jārullāh Efendi and found one commentary that had been mistakenly cataloged as ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn al-Bukhārī’s Kashf al-Asrār to have in fact belonged to Badr alRūmī. The information in its preamble revealed Badr al-Rūmī to have read al-Pazdawī’s Uṣūl from ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn al-Bukhārī and to have received the ijāzat for the work from a person named Arshad al-Dīn. As a result, the current article has been composed by making use of the information in the various separate records, some of which came from Badr al-Rūmī.The intertextual and extratextual historical records discussed in this article deserve special attention in two respects. The first is that they allow expansion of the knowledge of the scholarly life during the Anatolia Beyliks to a certain extent. The juridical ijāzats in the Ottoman period are known to have generally been attributed to Akmal al-Dīn alBābartī. This is understandable both in terms of the basic logic of ijāzats and al-Bābartī’s undeniable role in this regard. However, this situation should not lead one to think that a strong juridical tradition in Anatolia had begun with al-Bābartī. Badr al-Rūmī showed that at least one generation before al-Bābartī, one Anatolian scholar had read about ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn al-Bukhārī, an important figure in the Ḥanafī tradition. When considering that ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn al-Bukhārī had been the teacher of al-Bābartī’s teacher, Qiwām al-Dīn alKākī, Badr al-Rūmī’s discipleship to al-Bukhārī becomes worthy of being taken into consideration. The second is that the manuscripts can be used as an important source of biblio-biographic data, especially with regard to the history of the Anatolia Beyliks. Limited information is found associated with the history of religious thought during this period. However, intertextual and extratextual historical information in related manuscripts written by Anatolian scholars or in Anatolian cities during the Beyliks period reveals the written tradition to have been stronger than expected. The fragmentary nature of these records makes assessing the relevant period relatively difficult in terms of references to them. However, these records appear in the first analysis to be distinct from one another and to be able to allow meaningful patterns to form over time. The records this article has shared and analyzed regarding Badr al-Rūmī were accumulated piece by piece over a period of around five years during our studies on the Anatolian Beyliks. This firstly encourages the expansion of knowledge on the meaning and function of manuscripts as well as regarding these manuscripts as a vital component of historical archeology.&nbsp;

A Scholar of the Beyliks Period on the Tabrīz-Transoxiana Line: Badr al-Rūmī Dāwūd b. Ḳutluġbek b. Islām b. Rajab al-Kānī

Abdulhameed

The companions and generations who came after them busied themselves with the narrations of the Sunnah, studying them and protecting them from fabricators. They also were concerned with misinterpretation and thus shared fabricated narrations that supported the positions where they differed. Despite all that, some of them distorted parts of the wording within authentic narrations to bring them in line with their own theological or jurisprudential positions, or even to have fabricated whole narrations outright.Many Hadith books have existed that collect authentic Hadiths through a multitude of approaches, and scholars have also classified books to clarify the names and opinions of theological groups, comparing those opinions and the evidence for each with multiple efforts. However, a large part of the opinions of some theological groups were not written down, especially regarding the evidence and proof they had inferred, and Dirar bin Amr as a pillar of some groups was unique in collecting many texts that were inferred by the rest of the groups in the early centuries. As such, his book Al-Tahrish combines two things: the names and opinions of the ideological (i.e., faith-based) Kalam and political groups who differed from one another, and the legal texts, especially the Hadiths upon which these groups relied for their opinions.Kitab al-Tahrish by Dirar ibn Amr is considered a classical resource for the differences between various groups due to being written in the 2nd century AH. The work contains several narrations of hadith that groups of the time used as proofs against their opponents. The book’s premise is that Satan causes problems among people and provokes discord. One of the tools Satan uses is those who interpret texts according to their whims, twisting them to conform with their own creed and positions. Therefore, Dirar ibn Amr created a character he calls al-Faqih, who transmits fabricated hadiths or interprets them according to his desires. Dirar’s intended conclusion is that differences of opinion can be attributed to following one’s arbitrary views based on whim and opinion, and this is the true reason for differences in the interpretation of existing texts.However, what methodology did the author use when presenting these narrations? How accurately did he transmit them in his work? What standard do they hold in terms of acceptance or rejection relative to the rules of hadith criticism specialists have previously relied upon? This article was written as a response to these questions and others necessary to examine and uncover this work and its author’s methodology.After examining these texts and their classification, what has been made clear is that they don’t all have the same level of authenticity. Some are sahih whereas others are weak, or even fabricated if not unavailable in other sources. Besides the fact that the author clearly is not precise in his presentation of the narrations, most are transmitted according to their general meaning, with verbiage differing from what reliable sources of hadith have authenticated, or at times even with distorted wording from what is known to be accurate.One of the most important observations noticed when writing this research and studying Kitab al-Tahrish is that Dirar ibn Amr did not rely on the methods of hadith scholars in criticizing hadith accounts in this book, despite his living in the period the hadith transmission, the emergence of the the science of the hadith criticism (al-jarh wa al-ta’dil). However, we did not find Dirar ibn Amr using standart terminology of hadith transmission or their rules of criticism regarding the transmitters.One important question arises here that cannot be answered with certainty. Did Dirar ibn Amr ignore this because he was not recognize the methods of hadith scholars for criticizing hadith accounts and wanted to present an alternative method of his own that he stipulated at the end of his book? Or was it because of his lack of knowledge regarding this transmission-based method and his reliance on the approach of abstract mental understanding. This is why the work requires a detailed and precise study to compare its narrations with what is considered acceptable, and the work is definitely worthy of several studies as well as in-depth, expansive research.Despite the popularity of the book and the multiple studies done on it, I did not find anyone who objected to the issues discussed in this study, in particular the narrations, the way it was presented, or the authenticity and accuracy of its transmission. For example, the first edition of the book, with no other version having yet appeared as of the date of this research, lacked an introduction to these problems, and the two virtuous editors of the book did not criticize these narrations when they appeared within the pages of the book.&nbsp;

Dirar ibn Amr’s Understanding of Hadith in His Kitab al-Tahrish

Hatice

Do Not Resuscitate (DNR) Orders from an Islamic Perspective

Abdelkarim

Classic criticism has been preoccupied with distinguishing between verbal arts, and setting specific characteristics for the nature of each art in what was known as the theory of literary genres. This is becasuse separating the genders, defining the concept of each art, and clarifying its characteristics is a guide for reading. It gives the reader a key to read the text in a manner appropriate to the literary genre that is contained under it which conforms to the classic perception that believed in qualitative purity and intentionality. Many recent studies have focused on the classification of literature, and tried to determine the characteristics distinguishing each category. Therefore, we find a theory of systems, a theory of poetry, a theory in the novel, and other divisions that need us to re-read.The dialectic of the relationship between prose poetry is one of the most prominent literary polemics and artistic dichotomies that preoccupied literary criticism and poetic creativity in the ancient Arab heritage. The prosody and rhyme of poetry and prose and the music of the poetic metre of the Khalian prosody played an essential role in that distinction.The problem of literary genre still occupies a space of modern critical thought. For after the theory of literary genres was destroyed and campaigns were launched against the boundaries separating genres, the problem became greater than it used to be. The question is what determines the affiliation of a creative text to its kind? Is it the intention? The author? What he writes on the cover title (poetry, prose, story, novel, theater)? What if the creator abstained from this responsibility and did not write what reveals the type of his writing? Or he evaded, so he wrote on the cover of his work the term “texts”, and did not specify whether they are poetic texts, narrative texts, or theatrical texts?! And what if this writing itself refuses to be attributed to a type, such as the prose poem, or free verse poetry, for example? Finally, what if we remove the cover of the literary work from it? Can it be attributed here to a literary work? What is the decisive criterion governing this genre, which allows for the attribution, or the possibility of attributing, a literary work to it?The modern movement in Arab poetry was characterized by removing the differences between literary genres and the convergence of arts, especially between poetry and prose. It is one of the characteristics of poetry which employs it artistically. Although the poets of Arab modernism agreed to renew poetry, they differed in the quality and nature of this renewal, and they also differed in their attitude towards heritage. Some of them preserved the poetic heritage, and some of them called to break away from it. This is what urged Arab modernism not to take a single path due to the different cultural and sectarian trends of its pioneers.&nbsp;There is no doubt that modernism - in fact - is a continuous rebellion that is not linked to a time, place, or literary genre. Because true modernism has a transcendent character that differentiates between all these frameworks. There is no doubt that this rebellion finds itself only in a series of free adventures that challenge traditions, restrictions and frameworks, or even let us say that it does not challenge them, and does not even recognize them at all.Since poetry was the most creative genre committed to traditions and restrictions, confronting it first, then revolting against it secondly, is one of the most prominent features of modernism. Poetry and Prose were called the prose poem.The study presents the idea of rapprochement between the language of poetry and prose among the poets of Arab modernity, and the problem of distinguishing between them. This problem represented an entrance to all the calls for renewal and poetic liberation that followed, and the study aims to identify the technical justifications presented by these modernists to justify their position. Some of the modern arab poets believed in the necessity of separation of the different literary arts and maintaining the independent characteristics of every single art.It,s not allowed to remove the limits among them so as not to lead to confusion and artistic distortion of these arts, and therefore these rejected the convergence between the language of poetry and the language of prose, refusing to get rid of poetry from the most important heritage characteristics that distinguish it from prose through its different eras, which is morphology or grammatical weight words while another modernist group believed in the importance of overlapping Literary genres, the dissolution of differences, and the disappearance of borders between them, and this current has rejected grammatical weight as a distinguishing technical criterion for the language of poetry from the language of prose. They tried to search for an alternative new rhythmical source, ,and they preferred using intonation for giving internal and external musical sense, Rhythm, which is concerned with the external and internal music of the language of poetry.Modernist poets were chosen as a model for study for several reasons, including:1- The poets of Arab modernism got rid of the unity of verses, which constituted a starting point for the rapprochement between poetry and prose. 2- The admiration of Arab modernist poets towards the heritage of Arab prose, and the openness of their texts to the poetics of mystical prose, the Holy Qur’an and the Bible. 3- The pioneers of modern poets are not only poets, but critics, who practiced criticism scientifically; Most of them wrote critical books that represented the theoretical basis for modern poetic trends.4- The poetic writings of each combined free verse and prose poems.In order for the study to be more comprehensive in its handling of the problem of the relationship between poetry and prose, the researcher expanded the selection of the model of the selected poets temporally and geographically, so that this model includes most of the regions of the Arab World. Therefore, the study consists of two pioneering generations, namely:The first generation: It includes the Iraqi poet Nazik Al-Malaika, the Egyptian poet Salah Abdel-Sabour, the Syrian poet Adonis Ali Ahmed Saeed, and the Lebanese poet Youssef Al-Khal.The second generation: It includes the Yemeni poet Abdul Aziz Al-Maqaleh, the Moroccan poet Muhammad Bennis, and the Bahraini poet Alawi Al-Hashimi.Study Methodology: The study adopted the critical analytical method, which combines the opinions of these critics on the relationship between poetry and prose, with the analysis of these opinions critically.The study revealed that the stance of modern poets towards the relationship between poetry and prose was not one, but took three levels: The first: It refused to abolish all the barriers between poetry and prose, adhered to the theory of literary genres, and called for the importance of preserving the rhythmic meter music as distinguishing poetry from prose, represented by Salah Abdel-Sabour and Nazik Al-Malaika. The second: It called for a rapprochement between poetry and prose, and rejected the theory of literary genres, represented by Youssef Al-Khal, Adonis, and Abdel Aziz Al-Maqaleh. The third: It tried to root the music of prose poetry as an alternative to the music of prosody, represented by Muhammad Bennis and Alawi Al-Hashimi.&nbsp;

The position of Arab Modernist Poets On The Relationship Between Poetry And Prose

Fadi

Omar

The Image of Sulṭān in Islamic Mirror of Princes

Almoataz

Ecclesiastical Arabic is a unique language containing many rare phenomena, vocabulary, and unique linguistic uses. This language has rules that are not subject to the laws of natural languages and is independent of the rulings that are customarily sanctioned by the followers of the religion; it lacks the authority of the general Arabic reality or the interference of its masters. Despite the richness of the Arabic ecclesiastical heritage, due care has not been taken, and its language has been studied only a little to this day. This can be attributed to the most following important reasons: this heritage’s limitations to church parishioners, the lack of publications on this heritage compared to its size, and the weak linguistic formation of most research on it.The linguistic study of the Arabic ecclesiastical heritage will help to explain many linguistic phenomena in Arabic dialects, fill a wide gap regarding its vocabulary, trace back to its origins, and reveal aspects of the influence of Arabic as well as its own influence on other languages. The study will also help connect the vicious circles in the history of Arabic. If the study also goes beyond the limits of just a linguistic study, it will reveal other beneficial aspects including a deep understanding of the topics of belief, philosophy, and comparison of religions as an objective study of the psychological and social aspects of Arab Christian sects and a re-reading of Arab history, especially the history of the East.Sensing the richness of the Arabic ecclesiastical heritage and its need for the attention of those engaged in linguistic study, especially with regard to the scarcity of research achieved in this field, the study’s researcher seeks to dig into this language and explore some of its secrets. The study relies on linguistic material involving more than 170 sources from the Arabic ecclesiastical printed and manuscript heritage and extends in time from the earliest known appearance of that heritage until the modern era using a variety of texts to express the various schools and sciences. The researcher has attempted to invest the collected material in a study of this language from a lexical perspective by tracing its verbal and semantic peculiarities; searching its origins, history and uses; and reviewing it according to the regulations of modern lexicography.This study shows the uniqueness of the Arabic ecclesiastical heritage with its many linguistic phenomena that characterize it as a unique language. These phenomena vary to include morphological forms, structures, and meanings. The study traces the history of the Arabic ecclesiastical heritage as well as its authorship trends. The researcher has ended up classifying the authors of that heritage into two schools: the Eastern School (Mashreq), and the Coptic School. The researcher also points out that some individuals and limited trends have occurred that do not belong to either of the two schools (e.g., Arabists and missionaries).The researcher has sought to track down previous works and concluded the Arabic library to be devoid of an ecclesiastical heritage dictionary with the exception of a few studies concerning ecclesiastical terminology and other studies concerned with Coptic Arabic. This study suggests a methodology for building an Ecclesiastical Arabic dictionary based on a linguistic corpus derived from that heritage and also on modern lexicography rules. The researcher has demonstrated the features of the proposed methodology through two main phases: the first concerned with collecting and preparing material and the second with lexical editing.In the stage of collecting materials, the researcher built a computerized linguistic corpus for the Arabic ecclesiastical heritage and provided a description of this corpus. It contains 6,388,401 words from 179 sources. The researcher classified the texts of the corpus according to three considerations, with the first being in terms of a historical representation into three sections (i.e., ancient heritage, medieval heritage, and modern heritage), the second being in terms of six sections of sectarian representation (i.e., the Melkite texts, Maronite texts, the Nestorian texts, the Jacobite texts, the Coptic texts, and other texts), and the third in terms of cognitive representation in five sections (i.e., sources of beliefs and theology, sources of jurisprudence and worship [and laws], biblical sources [translations and commentaries], sources of literature and ethics, and sources of church history).The study also presents a separate statistical description of the corpus texts in each of the three classifications and proposes a methodology for editing the desired dictionary along six axes representing the basic information included in the dictionary: entries and lexical units (lexemes), lexical meanings, lexical evidence, etymological information, historical information, and levels of use.With regard to the entries and lexical units, this study provides a vision for editing the lexical forms, and the researcher suggests three types of lexical units:&nbsp;singular units, compound units, and special morphemes. As for lexical meanings, the researcher presents the conception of liberating the meaning from the context and suggested two sources for this. One is basic and represented in the linguistic corpus, and the other is secondary and represented in the previous lexical achievement. With regard to the lexical evidence, the study shows the feasibility, both direct and indirect, of the lexical evidence. Regarding tracing the special meanings in particular, the researcher presents a conception of the contextual features and the controls for citations. In regard to the etymological information, the researcher concludes that the nature of the desired dictionary dictates the richness of its etymological material and also presents a methodological vision for editing morphological information based on one of three possibilities: that the word belongs to one of the languages of the ancient world, that the word is borrowed from Arabic, or that the word belongs to one of the modern languages. As for the historical information, the study shows the changing nature of this information according to the available text material, and the researcher suggests a methodology for dating texts based on the dates of their composition and on the dates of their authors’ deaths. Regarding the levels of use, the researcher presents a concept for editing these usages in the dictionary and suggests categorizing them by considering their position under three levels: worship, learning, and social. The researcher also suggests classifying them by considering which of three levels they belong to: Mashreq Arabic, Coptic Arabic, or Common Ecclesiastical Arabic.&nbsp;

Ecclesiastical Arabic Dictionary: "Methodology & Model"

Önder

Reinterpreting the Tension between Dīn and Dunyā: The Naqshbandī Ṭarīqah as Experienced and Shaped by its  Mujaddidī and Khālidī Shaykhs

Eşref

Option contracts are among the most important instruments of financial derivatives because they pave the way for investors to hedge against risks in an environment characterized by risk and uncertainty. Options also enable investors to speculate using financial leverage. Meanwhile, some profess option contracts to have transformed from being risk contracts into contracts for hedging against risks while actually still maintaining the same risk. This is because options are nothing but gambling tools for trading in risks, due to being sold and bought by being transferred from those who are hedging against them to those who accept them with a desire to obtain the fee for taking on the risk.In light of many Arab countries’ (especially Gulf countries) inclination toward implementing option contracts in their financial markets while maintaining Shariah compliance, this study intends to discuss the Shariah ruling regarding these contracts from the perspective of Islamic economics. The study relies on inductive and deductive approaches to discuss the concept of option contracts, their origin, development, types, and Islam’s view toward them.The study defines an option contract as a contract between two parties, one being the holder or buyer of the contract and the other being the issuer or seller of the contract. Under this contract, the buyer has the right to buy from or sell to the issuer a number of units of a real or a financial asset at a specific price agreed upon in advance during the contract initiation on the condition that the execution will take place at a later date (i.e., the execution or expiration date). The buyer has the right not to execute the contract if this execution is not in their best interest. In exchange, a compensation payment is made to the issuer, called a reward or premium, during the contract initiation phase. This premium is neither refundable nor a part of the transaction value.The study also discusses the types of option contracts and categorizes them according to various considerations. In terms of the type of transaction, option contracts can be divided into a call option, a put option, or a double option. In call options, the investor (buyer of the option) has the right to buy a number of financial securities (or other) at a specified price on a certain date in return for a premium paid by the buyer to the issuer of the option. In put options, the investor (buyer of the option) has the right to sell a number of financial securities (or other) at a specified price on a certain date in exchange for a premium paid by the buyer to the issuer of the option. In double options, the investor (the purchaser of the option) has the right to buy and sell a number of financial securities at a specified price on a specific date in return for a premium paid by the buyer to the issuer of the option, thus combining both the call and put options under one contract.In terms of ownership of securities, option contracts can be divided into covered and uncovered options. In the covered option, the contract issuer (seller) owns the underlying securities of the contract or has sufficient cash to meet their obligations if the request is made to execute the contract and the contract is a put option. In the uncovered option, however, the option seller does not have enough of the underlying securities from the contract to allow them to fulfill their obligations upon a request to execute the contract and deliver the underlying asset if the contract is a call option or lacks sufficient cash to meet their obligations if the contract is a put option.In terms of contract execution date, option contracts can be divided into American options and European options. In American options, the option buyer has the power to exercise or execute it at any time during the period from the conclusion of the contract until the expiry date. The European option, however, is an option contract that can only be exercised or executed on the contract’s specified expiry date. Namely, the expiry/execution date is the last valid day of the contract (i.e., the third Friday of the month of execution/expiry).The study also presents the emergence and development of option contracts, as they have been known for hundreds of years. In the 19th century, traders in the United States called them privileges, but these were traded in an unorganized market only among people who knew each other in a city. Meanwhile, the first organized market for trading in option contract shares was established at the Chicago Stock Exchange in April 1973. Through this, options were traded in the organized market only after being traded over the counter.The study seeks to find out the ruling on option contracts in light of Islamic Shariah based on their depiction. This requires identifying the rights in Islamic&nbsp;Shariah by considering how an option gives not an obligation but a right to its purchaser and by identifying the named contracts that can be viewed as being in agreement with option contracts. In addition, the study includes a discussion on considering option contracts as new and unnamed contracts.The right in option contracts is shown to not originally be an inherited right for the seller but rather one created through the contract for the benefit of the buyer. Furthermore, after its creation, the right is not associated with wealth but with the abstract aspect of buying or selling. If selling Shariah-mandated rights such as Haq al-Shufa’ah [right of preemption] and Haq al-Qisas [right of retribution] is not permissible unless they are associated with wealth, then selling rights not mandated by Shariah (e.g., options) is impermissible a fortiori.Furthermore, option contracts are not the same as the permissible Salam contract, because the price in option contracts is not paid during the contract initiation phase but rather delayed until the execution date and done through settlement of price differences. According to the opinion of the majority of scholars on Salam contracts, however, the price must be paid during contract initiation, or within a period of no more than three days according to the Maliki scholars. Moreover, the underlying asset in the option contract is sold several times while in the possession of the first seller and before the first buyer takes possession of it with the aim being to receive or pay the price differences, while selling the item before receiving it is not permissible in the Salam contract.Option contracts are also not the same as sales that use Bai’ al-Urbun [down payment contract], which Imam Ahmad approved of, unlike the view of the majority. This is because the down payment is part of the price of the commodity. However, the option premium is a liability or an obligation that represents the price of the option itself separate from the price of the asset. Additionally, the subject matter (i.e., commodity) is present in the sale using Bai’ al-Urbun. As for the option contract, the subject matter does not exist. Furthermore, the right in option contracts may be for the buyer or for the seller, while in sales using Bai’ al-Urbun, the right is only granted to the buyer. In addition, option contracts are tradable, while sales using Bai’ al-Urbun are not. The objective of option contracts is not to attain the purpose of the contract (i.e., receipt of the price and the subject matter), but rather to benefit from the price differences. However, in sales using Bai’ al-Urbun, the purpose of the contract is achieved by delivering the remainder of the price and receiving the commodity.Option contracts are also unlike sale contracts in which Khiyar al-shart [right of cancelation] is stipulated, for option contracts are independent of sale contracts,&nbsp;while Khiyar al-shart has no independent existence. It is related to the sale contract itself and its subject matter is a specific commodity. Moreover, the subject matter of option contracts is a mere right, not a real or financial asset, while the subject matter of contracts in Khiyar al-shart is an existing commodity. Lastly, options are tradable, whereas a Khiyar al-shart is not.An option contract cannot be considered as a new unnamed contract in order to be legitimate in Shariah. Although the general rule in Islamic transactions is permissibility, applying this maxim should not go against the fundamentals of the Shariah. Charging money in exchange for granting options can be considered the same as attaining people’s wealth unlawfully. Also, option contracts are undoubtedly of the Gharar [ambiguity] and gambling types. They also involve usury, and all of these are prohibited by Islamic law. They also violate the objective of sale-based contracts, which is to grant ownership. Options contracts also fall under the sale of what one does not have or possess as well as Ba’i al-kali bil kali [sale of debt]. Options also go against the maxim of justice, which is the cornerstone of contracts, because the interests of the contracting parties clearly collide as the benefit of one party is, at the same time, a loss for the other.&nbsp;Although option contracts in their current forms are impermissible, Islam does not forbid anything without having multiple permissible alternatives in its place. Creativity and good innovation in worldly matters are required and desirable as long as they are disciplined through religious commands. Therefore, no objection exists toward finding Shariah compliant alternatives to option contracts, provided that they are targeted toward hedging against price movements and not for speculation. This should be done by avoiding resorting to the use of patchworked rulings to provide Shariah excuses; being blameworthy by copying, imitating, or using tricks; or using Satanic financial engineering. This is done by avoiding things Sharia consider impermissible such as Riba [usury] and Gharar, selling what is not owned, or delaying the possession of countervalues to initiate a debt with another debt,. This is also done in addition to being reasonable regarding the core objectives and holistic matters in Islamic economics by basing Shariah rulings on partial and holistic matters as well as the core and minor objectives.&nbsp;This can be achieved by basing sales using Bai’ al-Urbun [down payment contract], Shariah-approved rights, and the binding promise without trading them. This ensures achieving the actual delivery and possession of the assets, be it real or financial, while avoiding gambling. This also realizes the interests of both contracting parties without having a zero-sum game. Ultimately, this is beneficial to the national economy.&nbsp;

Options contracts from an Islamic perspective

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Azamat

Müneccimbaşı [Chief Astrologer] ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi, also known as Ṭarsūsīzāde, received his early education in mosques before attending the madrasa. After graduating from the madrasa, he successfully passed the ruʾūs [chief] examination and served as a professor in many madrasas. He held the title of müneccimbaşı during the reign of ʿAbdülhamīd II, and between 1274-1280 AH, ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi was assigned as a professor at the Madrasa of Maḥmūdiyya in Medina for almost six years, during which he translated Risāla fī Uṣūl al-Hadīth, a work attributed to al-Birgivī. The current article publishes this translation for the first time and simultaneously has scanned and recorded the archives and registers in order to construct the biography of ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi. This article also attempts to identify the works regarding the methodology of ḥadīth that were written in Turkish during the Ottoman Empire. These works can be considered as a step toward a clearer understanding of how the uṣūl of ḥadīth works had been written during the Ottoman era.Muḥammad Rāshid Efendi’s son, ʿOs̱mān Kāmil, was born in 1236/1821 and died in 1313/1896. ʿOs̱mān Kāmil was also well known as Ṭarsūsīzāde. At an early age, ʿOs̱mān Kāmil attended lectures in Istanbul mosques and was very well regarded by the famous teachers of his period. After completing his studies in the madrasa, he passed the ruʾūs exam in 1258/1842 in Meşīhat. When he was 21, he was tasked with being a professor, and after completing his work in the madrasa he was promoted to the rank of Anadolu Każʿaskerliği [Ottoman chief judge]. In addition, he was also a member and chairman of some councils such as the Meclis-i Tedḳīḳāt-i Şerʿiyye [Assembly of Religious Inquiries]. However, one of his main tasks was undoubtedly as the müneccimbaşı [chief astrologer]. As Sultan ʿAbdülhamīd II’s müneccimbaşı, ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi must have been attracted to this duty especially under the influence of the lessons he’d received as a teenager from the Crimean Selim Efendi. ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi held this post until his death in 1896. Between 1274-1280 AH, he served at the Maḥmūdiyya Madrasa in Medina as a professor, during which he translated the Risāla fī Uṣūl al-Hadīth attributed to al-Birgivī. ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi’s translation was discovered recently, and this article publishes it for the first time. Before teaching the ḥadīth of Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārī to students at the Maḥmūdiyya Madrasa, he wanted to start with a brief introduction to ḥadīth methodology, and for this reason translated the Risāla fī uṣūl al-ḥadīth. As such, this translation is the work of a professor who wanted to teach ḥadīth to his students.This article has also written an extensive biography of ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi by collecting information from various sources; this has also been enriched by his writings in the Ottoman Archive at the archive of Meşīhat. This article should also be mentioned as the first academic research on ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi. During the six years he stayed in Medina, he often came to Istanbul and repeatedly demanded an increase in salary due to a lack of funds.&nbsp;This article has identified and presented a list of works on the methodology of ḥadīth that were written in or had been translated to Turkish during the reign of the Ottoman Empire. The article also evaluates the place and importance of ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi’s translation among these other listed works. In his translation, ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi used and often referenced Dāvūd-i Ḳārsī’s commentary on the Risāla as his main source. This was a general characteristic of translations during the Ottoman period, and ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi’s translation also bears this characteristic. ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi must have based his translation on the text of Dāvūd-i Ḳārsī, which had been printed during ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi’s time. With the exception of translations made for printing, some works such as ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi’s translation appear to have not received wide distribution nor to have found their way into circulation after being written. This likely related to how well known the translator was, how many students he had, or how close he was to them. At the same time, the competence of translators or authors in their written field also directly affected the recognition of their works. The only copy of this translation that this study has been able to identify is the one in the Konya Regional Manuscript Library. The scribe was Sayyid Muḥammad Ṣāliḥ Rüşdī Efendi. Ṣāliḥ Rüşdī Efendi was one of Bayezid Mosque lecturers and probably copied the translation while he was in Istanbul.The importance of ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi’s translation is an indicator of the increased study of the ḥadīth methodology in the 19th century AD. At the same time, when looking at the biographies of scholars from this period, one can see that the ḥadīth lessons given by the Dersiʿāms in mosques had increased and the tradition of giving ijāzah [permission] at the end of the courses became widespread. Apart from this growing interest in Istanbul, the environment or the duties of the author or translator also influenced the creation of the work. For example, Dāvūd-i Ḳārsī wrote his commentary while in Egypt. Similarly, ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi wrote his translation not while in Istanbul but while in Medina during his tenure as a professor. This may be due to the fact that ḥadīth education was more widespread along the Hijāz-Damascus-Cairo line in relation to Istanbul as well as the writing of ḥadīth works being more common there. Therefore, scholars or professors who went to the Hijāz or Damascus from Istanbul were more interested in the science of ḥadīth because of the scientific environment there, and this situation led to an increase in the creation of literature on ḥadīth.ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi began his work with two short prefaces in Arabic and Turkish. At the end of the Arabic introduction, he dedicated his work to Sultan ʿAbdülʿazīz (1830- 1876 AD). In the Turkish preface, he spoke about the need to write a basmala at the beginning of the book and gave a small parable about the basmala. Apart from the source he only quoted in the introduction, the scholars he quoted as the source of the ḥadīths he used were the sources and names used in the commentary by Dāvūd-i Ḳārsī. Therefore, one can say that, except for one quotation, the translation had been written with the help of Dāvūd-i Ḳārsī’s commentary.&nbsp;

An Evaluation of Müneccimbaşı Ṭarsūsīzāde’s (1821-1896) Translation of Risāla fī Uṣūl al-Hadīth

Kevser

Before the production of separate works on al-awāil, which has the definitions of knowing the beginning of important works, the first things done and the first doers, and the one thing that happened before any other, al-awāil reports can be seen to have occurred in historical and prophetic biographical (al-Sīra al-Nabawiyya) sources. The legitimation of people or authority is well known to have been quite effective in the emergence of al-awāil narrations. Undoubtedly, the legitimacy of a new administration depends on gaining the acceptance of society with regard to political, religious, and cultural topics. However, an important obstacle appears to have existed for the Umayyad dynasty following the Khulafāʾ al-Rāshidūn period. This is because the practices of the Umayyad state concerning political and religious topics, as well as the narration stating, “Those to change the Sunnah of the Prophet for the first time will be one among the Umayyads” had both caused some controversy with regard to their legitimacy.Though a lot of first-time (al-awwal) practices were attributed to the Umayyads due to being a new administration, they are historically seen as the continuation of a process that had started with the Prophet. The attribution of such al-awāil reports to the Umayyads poses a problem as they had caused a certain paradigm regarding this dynasty. For this reason, the current study presents whether the Umayyads had really been the first ones with regard to the subjects in which they are said to have been the first, whether they had continued the practices from the period of the Prophet and the Khulafā’ al-Rāshidūn, and whether al-awāil narrations that were attributed to them regarding political, religious, and cultural subjects had been influential in the Umayyads gaining acceptance or not. This study also aims to determine whether these narrations had had a positive or negative impact on the perceptions toward the Umayyad State.In this context, the study analyzes al-awāil reports attributed either to those descended from the Umayyad dynasty or to those officially employed by the Umayyad State specifically with regard to the earliest extant al-awāil works, namely al-Musannaf by Ibn Abī Shayba (d. 235/849), Kitab al-Awāil by Ibn Abī ‘Āṣim (d. 287/900), al-Aʻlāq alnafīsa by Ibn Rusta (d. 300/913), and al-Maḥāsin wa’l-Masāwī by Bayhaqi (d. 320/932). Although various al-awāil narrations are found to have been attributed to members of the Umayyad dynasty, this study has only analyzed the narrations in al-awāil sources mentioned above within the context of the Umayyad government’s legitimacy.The study classified al-awāil narrations attributed to the Umayyads classified in political, religious, and cultural terms and then compared them to the practices that occurred during the time of the Prophet and the Khulafā’ al-Rāshidūn. At the same time, the study supported this method using the literature review, analysis, and holistic approach methods and avoided anachronism while doing this. Though studies on al-awāil do exist in the field of hadith, the fact that al-awāil narrations have not been studied in the context&nbsp;of the legitimacy of the Umayyad rulers who have an important place in Islamic history is what makes this study valuable.This study takes the opinion that certain first-time practices such as maqsūrah, ad̲h̲ān, and mahr can be analyzed either both politically and religiously or both politically and culturally. In order to not fall into repetition, however, the study has preferred to evaluate such first-time practices under only one title that is thought to outweigh the others. Some of those to whom al-awāil reports had been attributed had also served the Caliphs from the Khulafāʾ al-Rāshidūn period. However, identifying an exact date when the practices attributed to them first occurred is quite obviously difficult as the concept of “first” has an ambiguous use. Because the Umayyads and their rulers had mostly converted to Islam in the later period after the conquest of Mecca, that the study prefers to accept first-time practices mentioned here to have happened during the Umayyad period needs to be stated.al-Awāil reports mentioned in regard to administrative topics are seen to focus on the steps the Umayyads had taken, especially with regard to how the rulers had slowly moved away from society in order to become a monarch, establish their power, and institutionalize. While these al-awāil narrations generally involve Muʿāwiya ibn Abī Sufyān, Ziyad b. Abih and Hajjaj ibn Yusuf, certain events experienced at that time such as the Battle of Karbala are also noteworthily attributed as first-time events. The firsttime narrations related to altering the Sunnah of the Prophet, the titles used by the rulers, the vehicles they’d receive, being gifted a decapitated head, the Battle of Karbala, and adding Ziyād to the lineage of Abī Sufyān are understood to have been produced later for the purpose of creating negative perceptions toward the Umayyads.Obviously al-awāil reports on building a city, passing the Balkh River, and constructing a ship with regard to the wars the Umayyads had fought to expand their borders were actually a continuation of the practices from the previous periods and cannot be regarded as actual first-time practices. Along with presenting the richness of the state, because the matters of ornamenting dirham coins, getting money from the bazaar, and quantity of mahr are closely related to ostentatiousness, they cannot be said to have contributed to the Umayyads’ good image. The aim of having such reports declared is understood to have been not to actually inform about this very subject but to stimulate and reinforce a negative image. However, all the first-time practices mentioned here can be said to have been positive steps the Umayyads had taken toward institutionalizing the state and therefore are worthy of being called first-time practices.The fact that the Umayyads had used issues related to worshipping and aḥkām [judgement], especially the ad̲hān, minbar, and khuṭbah, for political purposes to make people adapt to their administration and accept their legitimacy was considered to be in a manner that contradicted the Prophet’s practices and thus caused religious criticism. As a result, the Abbasids used this against the Umayyads and turned it into propaganda to lay the foundations for their own state. No first-time practices are found that can be attributed to the Umayyads regarding the hajj, qira’at, qāḍī, and testimony, and even though these were all practiced during the period of the Prophet and the Khulafāʾ alRāshidūn, these can be taken as other negative attitudes toward the Umayyads regarding religion, especially when not considering the background of the situation regarding the hajj and qira’at. As a result, these were found to have become elements that put the Umayyads at a disadvantage.With regard to cultural practices (i.e., al-awāil reports on naming and clothing attributed to the Umayyads), the Umayyads were understood to have not been the first ones to do these. The names Abd al-Malik and Abd al-Aziz had been given personally by the Prophet, and the shoes (khuff) and cotton fabric types narrated in al-awāils had also been used during the time of the Prophet. While a regional first-time practice did exist regarding water and snow, the Umayyads were observed to have made practices contrary to those of the Prophet, although different al-awāil reports are found about riding on a camel or horse during a funeral. In this case, the Umayyads cannot be argued to have brought about an innovation or bid’ah to the society in general.In conclusion, certain al-awāil reports attributed to the Umayyads can be said to have been especially included in al-awāil literature as a result of the state founders’ efforts to be taken on as the fathers of that state and to institutionalize it. However, the Umayyads were seen to have been unsuccessful at being adopted by the society and forming an origin story but to have been successful with regard to gaining power. Most of al-awāil narrations that had created negative impressions about the Umayyads actually had the characteristic of having maintained the practices of the Prophet and the Khulafāʾ alRāshidūn. However, they were the first ones from their own period regarding topics where they’d continued the practices of the Prophet and the Khulafāʾ al-Rāshidūn. They were also seen to have actually continued the Prophet’s practices with regard to certain practices in which al-awāil reports say they opposed the Prophet, especially about religious subjects. Yet, because the Umayyads had acted differently from the Prophet regarding the topics of ad̲h̲ān, the minbar, and khuṭbah, which the Abbasids in fact had politicized despite being religious elements, the perception had occurred that Umayyads were generally not cautious enough about religion. Moreover, the real purpose of many of al-awāil narrations about the Umayyads that stated them to have been the first ones despite not actually being the first, was obviously to create a negative impression of them.&nbsp;

Establishing Government Based on Narration: al-Awāil Reports Attributed to the  Umayyads

Ömer

One of the most widely commented upon and translated works of Islamic literature is Kaʿb ibn Zuhayr’s (d. 24/645 ?) Qasīdah al-Burdah, also known as Bānat Suʿād [Suʿād has departed] due to its opening words. Kaʿb ibn Zuhayr presented this poem to Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) in person and received his praise and benevolence, with the poem having since been highly regarded for its spiritual and literary value in all Islamic states. It continued to be a prominent text in literary circles during the Ottoman period and was consistently translated and commented upon in Turkish. In this regard, Qasīdah al-Burdah managed to maintain its place on the agenda without being neglected until the last years of the Ottoman Empire and even into Türkiye’s Republican Period.One of the most recent Turkish translations of Qasīdah al-Burdah belonged to an apparently unknown author named Zeynelābidin Bey from Isparta. Published in 1928, this prose work was titled Hadīqa-i Samaratu’l-Fuʾād [the fruits of the walled garden of the heart] and according to our findings is the first and only independent Turkish translation of Qasīdah al-Burdah printed in Arabic script.As far as can be seen, no independent study has yet occurred regarding Zeynelâbidin Bey of Isparta. However, he was a person who’d witnessed many important events in his period and was also a prolific author who wrote many works. Zeynelābidin Bey served under the command of famous Ottoman pashas such as Djemal Pasha (d. 1922), Kāzim Karabekir Pasha (d. 1948), Fakhri Pasha (d. 1948), and Ali Fuat Cebesoy (d. 1968) on critical fronts such as Gallipoli and al-Ḥijāz and wrote his important memories about his experiences on these fronts in his remarkable autobiography titled Ben Kimim? [Who Am I?]. This text is understood to have been prepared in the late 1930s and is a valuable resource that can shed light on the political, military, and scientific fronts of the period as it presents his education and duties, the fronts where he fought, the pashas he served, the people he contacted, his adventures in the National Struggle, his ideas about society, his library he said he’d created with great care, and a comprehensive breakdown of his 100 works, both those that were published and those only prepared for publication. In terms of the purpose of its writing, Who Am I? brings to mind the attempt of a person who’d been accused of certain allegations in both periods he lived in (i.e., the Second Constitutional Monarchy and the Republic) to express, defend, justify, and thus maintain his hold by revealing his past with all the documents in his possession.According to this autobiography titled Who Am I?, Zeynelābidin Bey had been born in Isparta in 1308 AH (1890-1 CE) and completed his education in the most popular classical and modern educational institutions of the period, graduating from the Faculty of Theology at Dārülfünūn. During these years, he also worked as a teacher in some educational institutions in Istanbul, including Galatasaray High School.&nbsp;In light of the information he generously provided about himself, Zeynelābidin Bey appears to have led a very troublesome life filled with ordeals, and he survived largely through his scholarly, literary, and social engagements. The author’s sorrowful life did not prejudice his faith or beliefs, and he was committed to the idea of Pan-Islamism unity, keeping his distance from active political life as much as possible and carrying out his services and activities mostly through these scientific and social activities. He is also portrayed as a pious man of action who made significant contributions to the National Struggle movement with his sermons and writings from Rumelia. However, his autobiography reveals that he’d spent his years as a person who could not find the environment he sought or expected in the new order, and thus was unable to connect.By listing his works one by one in his autobiography, Zeynelābidin Bey appears as an extremely prolific author who has prepared some 100 works, 13 of which had already been published and 86 of which are in preparation for publication. These works cover a wide variety of subjects, ranging from tafsir, psychology, fiqh, and sociology to hunting and archery. One of the most important texts among these works, which include some remarkable texts such as Hicaz’ı Nasıl Kaybettik? [How We Lost Hidjāz], Isparta Tarihi [The History of Isparta], Vehhâbî Mezhebine Reddiye [Refutation to the Wahhābism], Şeyhülislamlar Tarihi [History of the Shaykh al-Islāms], is his Turkish prose translation of the famous poem Qasīdah al-Burdah, which the Companion Kaʿb b. Zuhayr presented to the Prophet to ask for forgiveness and for which the Prophet wrapped him in his mantle as a gift in return. This translation was titled Hadīqa-i Samaratu’l-Fuʾād and published in 1928, the year of the Alphabet Reform; it is probably one of the last works to be published in Arabic script. The translator, who had originally intended a more comprehensive translation and commentary but had to settle for a short translation due to health problems, noteworthily reported that his work, of which a significant number of copies (6000) were printed, had sold out within 10 years. In addition to being an important example of a literary text translated with literary care, the work is also of particular importance due to the organized information it contains on the constructed and periodical characteristics of Topkapı Palace on the occasion of the Khirqa-i Saʿāda [Prophet’s cardigan], which is related to the ode. Technical details such as the Arabic text of the qasidah having been proofread by İsmāil Sāib Sencer (d. 1940) and the full text at the end being written in Mustafa Halim Özyazıcı’s (d. 1964) calligraphy reveal the scholarly and artistic quality of the work, as well as its value as an edition.The study makes within its scope a brief analysis of Hadīqa-i Samaratu’l-Fuʾād, including a translation of the text, and attempts to outline a biography of the author through his work titled Ben Kimim?. Zeynelābidin Bey is expected to become the subject of new and more detailed studies due to him having been a witness to his era, as well as for the many works he wrote.&nbsp;

An Underexplored Author and a Famous Ode: Ispartalı Zeynelābidin Bey and His  Translation of Kaʿb ibn Zuhayr’s Qasīdah al-Burdah Titled Hadīqa-i Samaratu’l-Fuʾād

Bünyamin

Ibn Hishām stated that iʻrāb must be done by considering the meaning and as required by the meaning, otherwise wrong results will be achieved. Tammām Hassān expressed this situation as grammatical analysis based on meaning which necessarily requires consideration of context. Accordingly, context, has internal and external elements and can determine not only the lexical meaning of the word, but also its functional meaning. From the interpreter’s point of view, the effects of contextual elements on grammatical analysis can be seen in the following ways: by not analyzing unknown words, by listing the possibilities in meaningful words or by making a choice based on contextual factors. This study will discuss how iʻrāb is based on meaning at the levels of lexical and contextual meaning after explaining some basic concepts of meaning and iʻrāb. In this sense the study will research the aspects on which the grammatical analyses of the preposition mā in the sixth verse of Sūrah Yāsīn are based, reveal the linguistic, epistemological and theological foundations on which the grammatical analysis is based, chronologically review the grammatical comments and evaluate the dimensions of the relationship between meaning and iʻrāb within the framework of the concept of tawaqquf.Tawaqquf is a general term that means the dependence of one thing’s existence on another. Tawaqquf in grammatical analysis refers to the dependence iʻrāb has on meaning. As a result of this iʻrāb is impossible for sentences whose meaning is unknown, and one of the possible iʻrāb cases cannot be preferred using purely grammatical methods in sentences whose meaning is known. In such a case, the exegete can be content by listing the possible iʻrāb cases, by referring to other verses if the text of the Qur’an is in question or by referring to the contextual elements surrounding the text. The decisive factor in matters such as putting the possible iʻrāb cases in order of correctness and eliminating one of the possibilities or preferring one over the other is the context of linguistic expression. In some sentences, the context necessitates one iʻrāb case while other times may allow all cases equally. This situation is the appearance of polysemy at the syntactic level, which is one of the reasons leading to tawaqquf and referred to in the Arabic language as iltibās, ġumūd, labs, taʻaddud al-awjuh and ihtimālāt iʻrābiyyah. This language fact can occur due to reasons related to phonetic, morphological, syntactic and semantic aspects and is expressed through the concept of ambiguity in English. Ambiguity means: 1) having more than one semantic interpretation of syntax structure 2) the situation in which a linguistic form leads to two or more interpretations in the absence of correspondence between form and meaning and 3) having more than one syntactic structure of a sentence. In such ambiguity, the exegete has to refer to the linguistic and extra linguistic elements surrounding the expression. This shows the analysis to have an aspect that goes beyond grammatical boundaries the iʻrāb process to be one carried out based on the meaning, and the historical, epistemological and theological elements to be able to be determinant regarding the grammatical analysis.&nbsp;Ibn Hishām (d. 761/1360) focused on the relationship between iʻrāb and meaning in the section of his book Muġni’l-Lebīb titled “Possible Objections to the Exegete Regarding İʻrāb” and emphasized at the beginning of this section that iʻrāb should be done by considering meaning and as required by the meaning. According to Ibn Hishām, the exegete has to know the meaning of the expression upon which he wants to perform the iʻrāb at the word and sentence levels. Considering this necessity at the word level results in the inability to do iʻrāb for words that are included in the sentence construction but whose meanings are unknown. For example, some letters in the beginning of certain Sūrahs of Qur’an, have no iʻrāb. In addition, the meanings of all the words in a sentence should be determined in order for the iʻrāb process to take place. At the sentence level, wrong results are achieved if the iʻrāb is not done by considering the meaning and direction required by the meaning.The necessity Ibn Hishām emphasized was expressed by Tammām Hassān (1918- 2011) as iʻrāb’s dependence on meaning. Tawaqquf can be said to apparently have three cases. One of these is that iʻrāb is impossible for words whose lexical meanings are unknown. Secondly, if the grammatical and semantic structures allow different iʻrāb cases in sentences consisting of words with known meanings, the context may necessitate one or the other of these cases. Thirdly, if no preferential reason exists, the exegete can remark on the possible cases one by one. This study will discuss these three cases within the concept of tawaqquf. Firstly by explaining the basic concepts of meaning and iʻrāb and then by revealing the appearing of tawaqquf at the lexical and contextual meaning levels. Afterward, the study will chronologically evaluate the analyses of the exegete regarding the word mā in the sixth verse of the Qur’an’s Sūrah Yāsīn.As a linguistic fact, syntactic ambiguity is expressed with concepts such as labs, iltibās, ihtimālāt al-awjuh in Arabic and refer to situation where a syntactic structure permits open to more than one semantic interpretation, and this shows the sign of iʻrāb to not always be sufficient for distinguishing meanings. This also shows that in the case of mabnī or different iʻrāb positions being indicated by the same case endings, grammatical analysis can be carried out through meaning based on non-linguistic elements. This shows the need to consider meaning in iʻrāb to not be independent of the interpreter’s preferences, as emphasized by Ibn Hishām.&nbsp;

The Concept of Tawaqquf in Grammatical Analysis In the Context of Ibn Hishām’s Idea of Murāʻāt al-Maʻnā

Shaykh al-Islām’s Dream Is Coming True: From Evkaf Bank to Vakif Participation Bank, Establishing a Bank with a Cash Waqf

Maher

Mohammed

Marion

Abdulhalim

Suhaib

The Effectiveness of Online Learning and Teaching of Arabic as a  Foreign Language in Turkish Universities

Muhammet

The Predominant Christian Interpretation of Religious Faith in the  Middle Ages: Augustine of Hippo and Thomas Aquinas

Yeşim

Sumerians in Light of Eliade’s Concept of Sacredness

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Nilüfer Kalkan

In this article Fuat Sezgin’s claims about the early written sources of the hadīth before the al-Kutub al-Sitta are expanded and discussed according to Arabic Language sources written before the al-Kutub al-Sitta. In order to verify the authenticity of these claims, the ahādīth and the chain system in the al-Baṣra and al-Kūfa Arabic Language books are determined. If the aḥādīth given in these sources comes before the al-Kutub al-Sitta this means that we can reach earlier sources for some ahādīth except the hadīth books. In addition, the method of using the hadīth in these sources, isnāds, and the possible isnāds are examined in a chronological and comparative way. Therefore there are two main questions in this study. The first is “Does the hadīth feature in the Arabic Language Sources” and the second is ”With what method did they give a place to the hadīth.” In order to answer these questions, fundamental and early Arabic Language sources were used such as Halil b. Ahmed’s Kitāb al-ʿAyn which represents the Basra School’s methods and Yaḥyā b. Ziyād al-Farrāʾs al-Maʿāni al-Qur’ân which represents the al-Kūfa School’s methods.The work titled Kitāb al-ʿAyn of Khalīl b. Aḥmad, the first representative of the Basra school, includes somewhat extensive use of the hadīth. Indeed, approximately three hundred and forty one hadīth narratives are included in this work. Of these, two thousand and fifty were narrated only as hadiths, seventy were related to Rasūlullāh and thirty one to the companions. Apart from this, there is no usage of isnād in the work. If we analyse these numbers, we can say that seventy three percent of the narratives are passed only as hadīth, twenty one of them refer to the Prophet and six percent of them to the companions.In this regard, it can be said that only 25% of the narratives of Khalīl b. Aḥmad, conveyed as hadīth, were mentioned in the hadith works before Khalīl b. Aḥmad, Therefore, we can say that Khalīl b. Aḥmad’s work is the first source for many hadīth. In addition, these hadīth, which Khalīl b. Aḥmad described as hadīth, were also conveyed as marfū‛ and mawkūf in hadīth works after him.&nbsp;When the isnads of the narratives are examined, it can be seen that narrators come from different regions such as Kūfa, Basra, Mecca and Medina. In addition, we can say that there are many hadīths in the work that can be described as ṣaḥīḥ (authentic).&nbsp;When it comes to the question of how the hadith narratives reached Khalīl b. Aḥmad, we see that there is a common name in most of the isnāds. This name is Ayyūb asSakhtiyānī (d. 131/749), one of the hadīth narrators. Hence he is also the teacher of Khalīl b. Aḥmad and can be considered to be the person that Khalīl b. Aḥmad, took the hadīth narratives from.The second source of this study is al-Farrāʾs al-Maʿāni al-Qur’ân The most important feature of al-Farrāʾ is that he includes hadīths with isnād in his book. Indeed, as far as we could determine, there are one hundred and sixty seven narratives of hadīth with isnad.&nbsp;Adding the ones with isnads, this number reaches four hundred. Approximately seven of these narratives are based on the Prophet, seventy on the companions and the remaining on the next generations such as ʿAlqama b. Qays (d. 62/682) Masrūk b. al-Ecdā‛ (d. 63/9- 683), Saʿīd b. Cubayr (d. 94/713), Ibrāhīm al-Nakhaʿī (d. 96/714), Mujāhid b. Cabr (d. 103/721), Sulaymān b. Mihrān al-Aʿmash (d.147/764). If we compare these numbers, it can be seen that four percent of the narratives were based on the Prophet, 41 % on the Companions and 55 % on the next generations.&nbsp;Looking at the next generation, it can be seen that the work has the isnād system of the Kūfa region. Moreover, the fact that he includes mubham narrators in thirty three and balāg mode in twenty three of the isnāds is a reminder that the isnāds of ahl alra’y are used in the hadīths. Indeed, the ittisāl in the isnāds in this regard are not very important. The same understanding exists in the Kūfa language school. However, an important feature of the Kūfe language school separating them from ahl al-ray is that they include ʿAbdallāh b. ʿAbbās narratives more than ʿAbdallāh Ibn Masʿūd. Furthermore, when we look at the numbers of the narratives of the companions, we see that fourteen of them are conveyed from ʿAlī , twenty seven from ʿAbdallāh b. ʿAbbās, eighteen from İbn Mesud, six from Aisha, two from Abu Bakr and two from Omar. If we evaluate these numbers, we see that 23% was conveyed from ʿAlī , 37% from ʿAbdallāh b. ʿAbbās, 25% from ʿAbdallāh Ibn Masʿūd, 9% from Aisha and the remaining 6% from Abū Bakr and Omar. But, it is inevitable to say that al-Farrāʾs hadīth generally is not a first source for hadīth. We can find them with their isnāds in ʿAbd al-Razzāq al-Ṣanʿānī’s book and in the other hadīth books before al-Kutub al-Sitta.

The Function of Hadīth Chains in the Arabic Language Sources (First Three Centuries of Islam)

Sümeyra

Autism is defined as the inability to establish relations with people and situations, the inability to use the language in an adequate and accurate manner, an obsessive repetition of the same behavior, and a developmental problem in which various obsessions are observed. There is no absolute treatment for this developmental problem, which manifests itself in the first or second years of life. However, individuals who have autism are brought into society through education.In Turkey, the education of individuals who have autism is carried out in special education schools, in Inclusive Classes at schools, and in private training centers after the diagnosis is made with individual tests. In these centers, education is carried out with many different disciplines. The Religious Culture and Moral Knowledge (RCMK) courses took their place in special education curricula as a compulsory course for the first time in 2010. This decision brought with it many debates on the existence and teaching of religious courses in autistic individuals. When the literature is reviewed on the possibility of religion and religious education in autistic individuals, it is seen that there are some opinions arguing that autistic individuals cannot perceive religion, and therefore, it is not possible for them to receive any religious education.&nbsp;The basis of these views is that individuals with autism are not able to perceive abstract concepts, metaphorical discourses and symbolic expressions and are insufficient in socializing. The basic arguments of the previous studies are that religions include abstract and symbolic expressions and the participation to congregations is compulsory, which do not comply with the aforementioned characteristics of the autistic individuals. On the other hand, there are also several viewpoints in the literature arguing that autistic individuals are able to perceive religion, create their own image of God, and in case appropriate conditions are prepared, can worship. On the basis of these viewpoints, there is the idea that abstract religious concepts may be explained by using appropriate methods and techniques, and positive contributions may be made to autistic individuals by making use of the socializing sphere of the religion when appropriate conditions are prepared.The different viewpoints on this subject in the literature may affect the legitimacy of the existence of religious courses that are prepared for autistic individuals; and may also be important in determining whether the subjects in the curriculum are suitable for individuals with autism. Based on this, in the present study, previous studies conducted on the possibility of religion and religious education in autistic individuals were examined, and the Religious Culture and Moral Knowledge curricula that were prepared for autistic individuals were evaluated in the light of the data reported by these studies. As a result of the study, it was determined that all of previous studies on religious education in autistic individuals were conducted with individuals who had religions other than Islam or with their families. However, the unique structure of the Islamic religion differs from other&nbsp;religions with the teaching and perception form of it. Based on this, it was decided that the current studies should also be conducted with children of Muslim families in Turkey. In addition, in the literature review, it was also determined in previous studies reporting positive results that practical subjects were focused on in religious education. It was also emphasized that individuals should participate to rituals in an applicable way, Allah should be perceived as a “being” that the individual should feel an attachment and pray to, and religious expressions should be used in everyday life. In this context, it was observed that the RCMK curriculum was based on cognitive acquisitions, and that there were very limited acquisitions on affective and psychomotor fields.In this context, it is possible to argue that the current curriculum does not overlap with the relevant literature at an adequate level. Another interesting point about the RCMK is that the curriculum was prepared for students who had moderate-to-severe mental disabilities and autism spectrum disorder. However, in actual fact, autistic individuals with high-functioning may show different developmental characteristics that are specific to autism, and they may also have normal intelligence function or some superior abilities. The current curriculum does not address high-functioning autism, and there are no other separate curricula prepared for them. In this case, it may be recommended to conduct curriculum development studies for individuals with high-functioning autism. In addition, it was also determined as a result of the present study that the needs of the individuals with autism in terms of religion and religious education must be determined; and subjects, contents and learning-teaching activities must be prepared in line with these needs.&nbsp;It is considered that this study, which was conducted with the Literature Review and Content Analysis Method will shed light on the religious education issue in autistic individuals, which has emerged as a new field of application in our country; and will contribute to curriculum development studies for Religious Culture and Moral Knowledge courses.

Religious Culture and Moral Knowledge Course Curriculum for Children with Autism: A Study on the Debates on the Possibility of Religion and Religious Education

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Muharrem

This study focuses on the notion of non-fixed heavy punishment in Hanafi penal tradition and its reflection in classic Ottoman kânûns. As is known, in Islamic criminal law, there are severe fixed penalties called had or kısas. These penalties are determined by the Shâri‘a, and take a variety of forms ranging from amputation to death. Apart from these penalties, the public authority is also authorized to impose heavy sanctions when necessary. Hanafî jurists use the terms ta‘zîr and siyâsa to express these sanctions. Those called siyâsa are marked as aggravated. Some authors emphasize this aspect in particular. In fact, in the Hanafî doctrine, the ta‘zîr, which is the basis of siyâsa, is accepted as lighter punishment than for fixed penalties. Apparently, ta‘zîr sanctions that reach or exceed the fixed penalties in terms of being aggravated, are called siyâsa to adhere to this rule.Hanafî jurists often associate non-fixed severe penalties with two causes. These are repetitions of an offense (tekerrur) and the effort for corruption of society (sa‘y bi’lfesâd). Repetition of offenses, which is generally considered to be a cause for severe penalty, usually occurs when certain crimes are committed a second time after being proven guilty. The effort for corruption of society is also generally admitted as a cause for severe penalty, because the perpetrator is attempting to disrupt society. In the Hanafî penal tradition, it is understood that habitual criminals can be heavily punished directly by the public authority on the grounds that they are working to disrupt society. This idea has evolved over time. In this context, Hanafî jurists state that those who commit crimes such as sodomy, killing someone by strangling, or robbery for the second time can be sentenced directly to death by public authority. This understanding can potentially include some crimes that disrupt society even if they are not habitual. Indeed, some Hanafî jurists state that a thief can be sentenced directly to death by the public authority on the grounds that he/she is attempting to disrupt society, whether or not the crime is habitual. From this perspective, even if the crime has been committed only once, it is regarded as repetitive because it deeply disturbs public interest.In the classic Ottoman law books, many references are made to the non-fixed heavy penalty concept of Hanafî. However, elements such as tekerrur, fesâd, and siyâsa, which constitute this understanding, are generally not mentioned together in the articles of law. In most cases, the term siyâsa alone is considered sufficient to imply the basis on which the punishment from the Hanafî tradition is based. This term, which often refers to severe penalties such as death or amputation in the law books, does not impose fines, and is generally related to penalties for habitual criminals who are believed to have attempted to disrupt society. Some articles of the law state that the offense should be habitual to receive heavy punishment, and this condition implicitly includes the rest of the formula. If the perpetrator is a habitual criminal, he or she will be penalized directly by the public authority for working toward the deterioration of society. For instance, some provisions of law order the execution of anyone who has stolen a few times and hand amputation&nbsp;for those who make it a habit to stab somebody or pick somebody’s pocket, and nose amputation for those who habitually corrupt women-men relations. In these provisions, the Ottoman lawmakers seem to be inspired by the concept of Hanafî repetition.&nbsp;In some articles of law, we see that the Ottoman rulers severely punish non-habitual criminals directly according to their own will. They use the death penalty for some crimes besides fixed ones without mentioning repetition. For example, they order hanging for wrongdoers who enter a shop or a house for the purpose of theft, who burn a shop or house deliberately, and who print counterfeit money. It is understood that these wrongdoers are considered habitual criminals for damaging the public interest and that they are to be included in the non-fixed heavy penalty formula. However, it should be noted that this inclusion may open the door to arbitrary and oppressive siyâsa, which some jurists are concerned.

Non-fixed Heavy Penalty Formula from Hanafi Tradition to Classical Ottoman Kanuns

In our age, as a result of the phenomena of technology, individuality, and globalization, the divorce rate is rapidly increasing despite the change in family structure. Divorce can cause various psychological effects such as trauma. Therefore, the divorced individuals and their children need psychological and social support.&nbsp;With a divorce, if both members are adaptable, it can either prevent the divorce from happening or be a factor that affects an amicable divorce; detecting divorce enhancing or inhibiting factors is an important issue.As in many other areas, religion or religiousness play an important role in the continuation of marriage and divorce. This drove the reasons investigated in our study for what causes a divorce. Divorced individuals were asked questions about the effect of religiousness in the process of marriage and divorce. This research will contribute to the field of marriage and divorce in terms of eliminating the lack of adequate study of the religiosity factor.&nbsp;Our study conducted interviews with 20 divorced people, including ten women and ten men. The majority of the participants we interviewed were middle aged adults with a high level of education, who spent most of their lives in Istanbul, and who participated in certain professions. Female participants, in particular, needed jobs to make a living during or after the divorce.Based on the findings, we cannot say to remove the high educational level as a factor of divorce. In fact, it is effective for women to display a more decisive attitude toward divorce.Most participants chose to get married based on the emotional factors “appearance” (8 people), “love to be/to like” (8 people). Also “being religious” (6 persons) and “not suitable for families” (4 people) criteria were significant. According to this, being religious is among the criteria sought in marriages.We can say that these two options, which are connected with each other, such as exterior appearance and being in love, are not functional in maintaining the marriage in terms of the marriage criteria and that it is more important to approach marriage from a logical point of view.According to participants at the beginning of a divorce, the research results of “deception/ deceived” (9 people) were at the top of the list. The second reason is “indifference” (6 people). This was followed by “communication” (5 people), “irresponsibility” (5 people), and “economic reasons” (5 people). “Psychological violence” (4 people), “physical strength” (4 people), “disrespect” (3), and “jealousy” (3) are also among the causes of divorce. The deception angle, after women had been deceived, led them choosing “irresponsibility” (5 people) as a major cause of divorce, and men chose “indifference” (4 people).&nbsp;The reasons for divorce that emerged in our research show parallels with other research. According to participants, divorce does not depend on a single cause; we see a negative situation could cause different problems. Also, disrespectful communication problems in couples and the emergence of situations such as irresponsibility, poor communication within the family, and being unable to relate to one another are other reasons. According to this, spouses did not spend time together, and the lack of pleasure in performing activities together may be among the reasons behind the conflicts within the family.For the majority of the participants, more attention should be given to the premarital period rather than the prevention of marriage or divorce. According to them, first of all, people should get to know each other and their families better. The biggest regret from the majority of the participants is that they married quickly, without getting to know the other side and their family. In the process of divorce, individuals expected more functional mediation than their relatives. The participants expected more help from their relatives.When we asked the interviewers whether religiousness had any function in the attitudes of spouses and their divorce, they emphasized that they were generally more moral than religious. This situation shows that the spouses who promote themselves as religious do not turn their words into behaviors, and they exhibit unethical behavior in family life. Accordingly, based on the opinions of respondents, those who said that they mostly defined themselves as religious, had a piety factor in the moral dimension of marriage and divorce, which had an important function in terms of the experience.&nbsp;Conflicting words and behaviors are seen before and after marriage, causing people to become disillusioned and breaking the feelings of trust that spouses have toward each other. Therefore, deception is the most important cause of divorce. In considering the moral sense of priorities from each of the spouses, honesty, loyalty, and respect are expected. After sacrifice and altruism, moral values such as responsibility and compassion come to the fore. However, it is also important to know the attitudes of the people who were looking for these criteria against their former spouses. Therefore, bilateral negotiations need to be conducted with divorced people, and work done with qualitative research on religiosity will be useful.

The Role of the Religiosity Factor in Relation to Marriage Experiences and Divorce Process

Hafize Şule

Christian Zionist ideas have been embraced by many presidents in American politics, but the power of Christian Zionism in American politics became clear after Donald Trump was elected in November 2016. He recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel, which had been a long-term ambition of the American Christian Zionists and Jewish Zionists. In this study, Christian Zionists and their theo-political approach will be discussed. In addition, the active participation in politics among evangelical Protestants with an emphasis on their prioritising of Jews and Israeli policies in American politics will be examined. This topic, which can be linked not only to the field of sociology of religion but also to all fields of social sciences, is important for understanding the debates and social poles in American society, as well as for making sense of the determinants of US policy, especially toward the Middle East. The reason behind the US-based Israeli policies in the Middle East has a theological and ideological justification.&nbsp;In this descriptive work, I will seek answers to the questions of “who are the Christian Zionists?”, “what constitutes the roots and fundamental doctrines of Christian Zionism?” and “how do Christian Zionists view world politics?” In this context, I will draw attention to the fact that Zionism is not only a concept related to Judaism and that there have been many non-Jewish Christian Zionists in the past and many who are still actively present in the American administration. My work sets out the conceptual framework of Christian Zionism as a theo-political ideology and sheds light on the historical background of the subject; It also aims to clarify how the ideology in question has gained power and become an effective discourse within American Protestantism. In this context, the study will trace the imperialist policies of the British Empire on Ottoman lands in the first half of the 19th century when Christian Zionism first emerged; then, the main elements of the Christian Zionists’ ideological and theological approaches to social and political processes, the extent of how Jews benefitted will be discussed, and their effects on American politics will also be pointed out.Christian Zionism has, in general, evolved from evangelical and fundamentalist Christians. This approach adopts the reading of The Bible with a literal, premillennial approach and takes Biblical eschatology crucial. In order to understand the Christian Zionists’ support for Israel and their insistence on directing American policies, it is necessary to consider the pre-millennial dispensationalism that centered on Jews and the doctrines of the End Times. Pre-Millennial dispensationalism is the fundamental doctrine of Christian Zionists. In addition, Christian fundamentalists are based on the literal (literalism) reading of the scripture. While giving Jews a central place in the doctrine of the End Times, they have a very negative attitude towards Muslims.&nbsp;In general terms, the term “Christian Zionist” is given to a constituent of the most influential apocalyptic beliefs of today’s American society, which emerged in Britain in&nbsp;the 19th century, later coming to the US in the middle of the same century. Christian Zionism, which proposes rather radical ideas, is widespread among American Protestants. According to the results of a 2013 poll conducted by the Pew Research Center, 82% of the white evangelical Protestants in the United States believe that Israel was given to the Jews by God; whereas this rate is only 40% among Jews. In general, 44% of Americans believe that God gave Israel to the Jews. When the period and the environment in which Christian Zionism emerged are evaluated, it is possible to see that the ideologies that were formed on the basis of the activities of British imperialism in the Middle East were transformed into religious discourse. Christian Zionism, which formed an important ideological basis for British imperialism in the first period of its emergence, provides an ideological basis for American imperialism today. It is also an important part of the Israeli lobby in the US.The enduring teachings of the Christian Zionists, who have gained more influence in recent American politics compared to previous periods, have reached the point of power to be able to affect US foreign policy. Trump’s decision to recognize Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and his declarations that Golan Heights belong to Israel are closely related to the theological teachings of Christian Zionism. The fact that a group with a radical theo-political ideology in the US is so effective in politics and state administration raises questions about American secularism. The important question of whether there is a reversal from American secularism –given the current developments in spite of the Constitution of America, where religion and state affairs are clearly separated- should be focused on in the coming years.

Christian Zionism in the US: Its Roots, Founding Principles and Its Influence in American Politics

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darulfunun ilahiyat is the academic publication of Istanbul University, Faculty of Theology and is an open access, peer-reviewed, scholarly journal published biannually in June and December. It was founded in 1925.

darulfunun ilahiyat publishes studies dealing with the different aspects of religion in independent and interdisciplinary fields and theoretical and applied sciences.

In this scope, darulfunun ilahiyat covers religion, alongside the faith and behavior of its practitioners, as a system of belief and society with papers that are able to perform the following: (i) Address human and social sciences; (ii) Develop original theoretical and conceptual advances; (iii) Examine different and new research methods; (iv) Present comparative studies using case studies.

(I)         Address human and social sciences;
(II)         Develop original theoretical and conceptual advances;
(III)        Examine different and new research methods;
(IV)        Present comparative studies using different example cases.

Index Islamicus

Scopus

EBSCO

ERIH PLUS

TR Dizin

DOAJ

SOBIAD

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darulfunun ilahiyat

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Editor in Chief

Co Editor in Chief

Editorial Management Board Member

Section Editor

Language Editor

Editorial Relations Manager

Statistics Editor

Book Review Editor

Methodology Editor

Publicity Manager

Editorial Assistant

Technical Specialist

Editorial Board Member

@INFO_TAB_BOARDS

darulfunun ilahiyat aims to publish articles dealing with different aspects of religion in independent and interdisciplinary fields and theoretical and applied sciences.darulfunun ilahiyat focuses on religion, faith and behaviors of its practitioners and religion as system of belief and society. The journal expects the articles to (i) Address human and social sciences; (ii) Develop original theoretical and conceptual advances; (iii) Examine different and new research methods; (iv) Present comparative studies using case studies.Within this range, the issues listed below are given particular priority:Islamic culture and civilization&gt; The interpretation and education of religious and Islamic sciences in the contemporary world&gt; The formation and transfer of religious identity&gt; Public life in various faith groups, and religion in a multicultural environment&gt; Interactions between the individual, religion, and societyIn addition to qualified, original, theoretical, and applied research, darulfunun ilahiyat also publishes book reviews, research notes, meeting abstracts and translatory-commentarial papers from classical languages.

Aim and Scope

<a href="https://www.scopus.com/sourceid/21101058362" target="_blank">SCOPUS</a><a href="https://search.trdizin.gov.tr/dergi/detay/2132/darulfunun-ilahiyat" target="_blank">ULAKBIM TR Index</a><a href="https://brill.com/fileasset/downloads_products/35122_ii_surveyed_periodicals_2008_2017FINAL.pdf" target="_blank">Index Islamicus</a><a href="https://www.ebsco.com/tr-tr/urunler/arastirma-veri-tabanlari/academic-search-complete" target="_blank">EBSCO Academic Search Complete</a><a href="https://doaj.org/toc/2651-5083?source=%7B%22query%22%3A%7B%22bool%22%3A%7B%22must%22%3A%5B%7B%22terms%22%3A%7B%22index.issn.exact%22%3A%5B%222651-5083%22%5D%7D%7D%5D%7D%7D%2C%22size%22%3A100%2C%22sort%22%3A%5B%7B%22created_date%22%3A%7B%22order%22%3A%22desc%22%7D%7D%5D%2C%22_source%22%3A%7B%7D%2C%22track_total_hits%22%3Atrue%7D" target="_blank">DOAJ</a><a href="https://kanalregister.hkdir.no/publiseringskanaler/erihplus/periodical/info.action?id=495011" target="_blank">ERIH PLUS</a><a href="https://atif.sobiad.com/index.jsp?modul=dergi-sayfasi&amp;ID=0&amp;magazinename=darulfunun%20ilahiyat" target="_blank">SOBIAD </a>

Indexing and Abstracting

The journal is committed to upholding the highest standards of publication ethics and pays regard to Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing published by the <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, the <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, the <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a>, and the <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> on <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a> The subjects covered in the manuscripts submitted to the Journal for publication must be in accordance with the aim and scope of the Journal. Only those manuscripts approved by every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Changing the name of an author (omission, addition or order) in papers submitted to the Journal requires written permission of all declared authors.Plagiarism, duplication, fraud authorship/denied authorship, research/data fabrication, salami slicing/salami publication, breaching of copyrights, prevailing conflict of interest are unethical behaviors. All manuscripts not in accordance with the accepted ethical standards will be removed from the publication. This also contains any possible malpractice discovered after the publication. *After an author's article is published in darulfunun ilahiyat, a new article will not be published in the next two issues.Plagiarism Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. If plagiarism/self-plagiarism will be found authors will be informed. Editors may resubmit manuscript for similarity check at any peer-review or production stage if required. High similarity scores may lead to rejection of a manuscript before and even after acceptance. Depending on the type of article and the percentage of similarity score taken from each article, the overall similarity score is generally expected to be less than 15 or 20%. Double Blind Peer-Review After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by the editors-in-chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope. The editor provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles and hands over the papers matching the formal rules to at least two national/international referees for evaluation and gives green light for publication upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.

Policies

The journal is an open access journal and all content is freely available without charge to the user or his/her institution. Except for commercial purposes, users are allowed to read, download, copy, print, search, or link to the full texts of the articles in this journal without asking prior permission from the publisher or the author. This is in accordance with the <a href="https://www.budapestopenaccessinitiative.org/read" target="_blank">BOAI</a> definition of open access.The open access articles in the journal are licensed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.en" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) license.

All expenses of the journal are covered by the Istanbul University. Processing and publication are free of charge with the journal. There is no article processing charges or submission fees for any submitted or accepted articles.

Authors publishing with the journal retain the copyright to their work licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/" target="_blank">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/</a> ) and grant the Publisher non-exclusive commercial right to publish the work. CC BY-NC 4.0 license permits unrestricted, non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

Editor should consider publishing correction if minor errors that do not effect the results, interpretations and conclusions of the published paper are detected. Editor should consider retraction if major errors and/or misconduction that invalidate results and conclusions are detected.Editor should consider issuing an expression of concern if there is evidence of research or publication misconduct by the authors; there is evidence that the findings are not reliable and institutions of the authors do not investigate the case or the possible investigation seems to be unfair or nonconclusive. The guidelines of <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/flowcharts/complete-set-english" target="_blank">COPE</a> and <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/" target="_blank">ICJME</a> are taken into consideration regarding correction, retractions or expression of concern.

To guarantee that all papers published in the journal are maintained and permanently accessible, articles are stored in Dergipark which serves as a  national archival web site and at the same time permits LOCKSS to  collect, preserve, and serve the content.Additionally, authors are encouraged to self-archive the final PDF version of their articles in open electronic archives with  that conform to standards of Open Archives Initiative (<a href="https://www.openarchives.org/" target="_blank">https://www.openarchives.org/</a>). Authors should provide a link from the deposited version to the URL of IUPress journal website.

darulfunun ilahiyat is committed to upholding the highest standards of publication ethics and pays regard to Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing published by the <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, the <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, the <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a>, and the <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> on <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a>All parties involved in the publishing process (Editors, Reviewers, Authors and Publishers) are expected to agree on the following ethical principles.All submissions must be original, unpublished (including as full text in conference proceedings), and not under the review of any other publication synchronously. Each manuscript is reviewed by one of the editors and at least two referees under double-blind peer review process. Plagiarism, duplication, fraud authorship/denied authorship, research/data fabrication, salami slicing/salami publication, breaching of copyrights, prevailing conflict of interest are unnethical behaviors.All manuscripts not in accordance with the accepted ethical standards will be removed from the publication. This also contains any possible malpractice discovered after the publication. In accordance with the code of conduct we will report any cases of suspected plagiarism or duplicate publishing.

Ethics

The journal adheres to the highest standards in research ethics and follows the principles of international research ethics as defined below. The authors are responsible for the compliance of the manuscripts with the ethical rules.-    Principles of integrity, quality and transparency should be sustained in designing the research, reviewing the design and conducting the research.-    The research team and participants should be fully informed about the aim, methods, possible uses and requirements of the research and risks of participation in research.-   The confidentiality of the information provided by the research participants and the confidentiality of the respondents should be ensured. The research should be designed to protect the autonomy and dignity of the participants.-    Research participants should participate in the research voluntarily, not under any coercion.-    Any possible harm to participants must be avoided. The research should be planned in such a way that the participants are not at risk.-    The independence of research must be clear; and any conflict of interest or must be disclosed.-    In experimental studies with human subjects, written informed consent of the participants who decide to participate in the research must be obtained. In the case of children and those under wardship or with confirmed insanity, legal custodian’s assent must be obtained.-    If the study is to be carried out in any institution or organization, approval must be obtained from this institution or organization.-    In studies with human subject, it must be noted in the method’s section of the manuscript that the informed consent of the participants and ethics committee approval from the institution where the study has been conducted have been obtained.

It is authors’ responsibility to ensure that the article is in accordance with scientific and ethical standards and rules. And authors must ensure that submitted work is original. They must certify that the manuscript has not previously been published elsewhere or is not currently being considered for publication elsewhere, in any language. Applicable copyright laws and conventions must be followed. Copyright material (e.g. tables, figures or extensive quotations) must be reproduced only with appropriate permission and acknowledgement. Any work or words of other authors, contributors, or sources must be appropriately credited and referenced.All the authors of a submitted manuscript must have direct scientific and academic contribution to the manuscript. The author(s) of the original research articles is defined as a person who is significantly involved in “conceptualization and design of the study”, “collecting the data”, “analyzing the data”, “writing the manuscript”, “reviewing the manuscript with a critical perspective” and “planning/conducting the study of the manuscript and/or revising it”. Fund raising, data collection or supervision of the research group are not sufficient roles to be accepted as an author. The author(s) must meet all these criteria described above. The order of names in the author list of an article must be a co-decision and it must be indicated in the <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/E42C1612F8C548D7BE0C447D9008E553" target="_blank">Copyright Transfer Form</a>. The individuals who do not meet the authorship criteria but contributed to the study must take place in the acknowledgement section. Individuals providing technical support, assisting writing, providing a general support, providing material or financial support are examples to be indicated in acknowledgement section.All authors must disclose all issues concerning financial relationship, conflict of interest, and competing interest that may potentially influence the results of the research or scientific judgment.When an author discovers a significant error or inaccuracy in his/her own published paper, it is the author’s obligation to promptly cooperate with the Editor to provide retractions or corrections of mistakes.

Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, sexual orientation, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors. He/She provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles for publication and ensures that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential before publishing.Editor-in-Chief is responsible for the contents and overall quality of the publication. He/She must publish errata pages or make corrections when needed.Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers. Only he has the full authority to assign a reviewer and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal.Reviewers must have no conflict of interest with respect to the research, the authors and/or the research funders. Their judgments must be objective.Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees must be ensured. In particular situations, the editor may share the review of one reviewer with other reviewers to clarify a particular point.

Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by editor-in-chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope.The editor hands over the papers matching the formal rules to at least two national/international referees for double-blind peer review evaluation and gives green light for publication upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.

Peer Review

Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, sexual orientation, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors. He/She provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles for publication and ensures that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential before publishing.Editor-in-Chief is responsible for the contents and overall quality of the publication. He/She must publish errata pages or make corrections when needed.Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers. Only he has the full authority to assign a reviewer and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal.Reviewers must have no conflict of interest with respect to the research, the authors and/or the research funders. Their judgments must be objective.Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees must be ensured. In particular situations, the editor may share the review of one reviewer with other reviewers to clarify a particular point.

Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by editor-in-chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope.  Editor-in-chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, sexual orientation, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors and ensures a fair double-blind peer review of the selected manuscripts.The selected manuscripts are sent to at least two national/international referees for evaluation and publication decision is given by editor-in-chief  upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.Editor in chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal.Reviewers’ judgments must be objective. Reviewers’ comments on the following aspects are expected while conducting the review.-    Does the manuscript contain new and significant information?-    Does the abstract clearly and accurately describe the content of the manuscript?-    Is the problem significant and concisely stated?-    Are the methods described comprehensively?-    Are the interpretations and consclusions justified by the results?-    Is adequate references made to other Works in the field?-    Is the language acceptable?Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees is important.

1. Aim and ScopeBefore you send your application to darulfunun ilahiyat, please look through the journal’s “<a href="https://iupress.istanbul.edu.tr/en/journal/ilahiyatjournal/information/aim-and-scope" target="_blank">Aim and Scope</a>” page. Studies that fall outside the scope of the journal will not be accepted for the review process.2. Types of SubmissionStudies submitted for publication are first examined by the Journal Manager and Chief Editor in regard to the suitability of their goals, subject, content, presentation style and compliance to the journal’s writing rules. Your work should be between 5000-8000 words, excluding references. The editorial evaluation criteria to be applied to all article types submitted to the journal are listed below:(1) High academic quality (2) Clear expression of theoretical bases (3) Specialist conceptual and or methodological academic contribution (4) Theoretical and or method innovation (5) Careful use of modern methods 2.1. Research Articledarulfunun ilahiyat aims to publish work that reveals fundamental problems in the field of religion and offers solutions to them. Particular attention is paid to: (a) Expression of the theoretical framework on which the research is based (b) Statement of the theoretical and practical contribution that the research makes (c) Contribution to the current knowledge in the religious sciences (d) Presentation of original theses in a coherent manner (e) Presentation of groundwork to approach and methodology 2.2. Research NoteResearch notes aim to share the academic experience gained through research. Research notes, in which researchers can also convey their personal evaluations, should not exceed 2500 words. 2.3. Meeting AbstractMeeting abstract includes evaluations of the contents of a national or international academic meeting and should not exceed 1500 words. The academic contribution of the meeting,should be discussed in a meeting abstract. 2.4. Book ReviewsBook reviews submitted to the journal should not exceed 1500 words. 3. General Format Properties3.1 Font: The font used in the entire manuscript should be Times New Roman, font size 10,5. 3.2 Page Layout: In a A4 paper, page margins for bottom, top, right, and left should be pre-set as 0.98 inch. Text should be justified with no hyphenation breaks in words at the end of a line. Text should be typed as a single-column document. Paragraphs and headings should not be indented, but aligned with the main text. 3.3 Paragraph Format: Paragraph indents should be pre-set in the tabs section as follows: before and after: 6 pt; line spacing: 1.5. 3.4 Word Limit: Submitted manuscripts should be between 5000-8000 words. 3.5 Abstract: Abstract should be between 150-200 words. 3.6 Keywords: 5-8 keywords are required. 3.7 Extended Summary: Extended summary in English is required for non-English articles after acceptance. The extended summary should be between 1000-1500 words.3.8 Main TextPlease look at the [04_main_document.pdf] for an example of how the main text will look. Important Note: The main document you upload should not contain author names or information. Be sure to remove this information from the submitted documentation before uploading. Such information should be included on the Title Page. Quantitative and qualitative studies should include introduction, method, results and discussion sections. Sampling/study group, data collection tools and process subsections are to be stated in method section, model subsection should only be included if an original model is used.3.9. Title PageThe following information should be provided in he Title Page: (i) title of the manuscript (ii) category of the manuscript (iii) full names of the author(s) (iv) institutional information of author(s) (instituiton, city, country) (v) e-mail addresses of author(s) (vi) orcid (vii) Information regarding financing, conflict of interest and acknowledgement 3.10 Tables, Figures and Appendices: Tables, figures, pictures, graphics, and similar aspects should be embedded in the text, and not provided as appendices. Under the Paragraph tab, ensure that the indentation is as follows: before and after: 0; spacing: single. Tables and figures should be left aligned, and the text wrapping feature should be turned off. Appendices: Each appendix should be displayed on a separate page after the references section. 4. Submissions in a Foreign Languagedarulfunun ilahiyat accepts submissions in Turkish, English and Arabic. Submissions received in these languages are evaluated in terms of language proficiency before the referees evaluate them. Those submissions that are judged to be incomprehensible by a referee that is a native language speaker will not be accepted into the review process and will be sent to the author for correction.5. ORCIDIstanbul University gives importance to ensuring an ethical, transparent and fair editorial and referee review process. With the scope of this aim, Istanbul University supports the Open Researcher and Contributor ID (ORCID) platform. To differentiate researchers from each other ORCID matches researchers with their previous work by assigning a digital ID number. In the articles published by the darulfunun ilahiyat the authors are listed with ORCID numbers. Our expectation from writers is that they provide ORCID information during their application. If you currently have no ORCID number, you can obtain it here [<a href="http://orcid.org/register" target="_blank">http://orcid.org/register</a>]. 6. Sending Us the WorkPlease click the link below to submit the work to the darulfunun ilahiyat [<a href="https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/darulfunun" target="_blank">https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/darulfunun</a>]If you encounter any problem in submission please contact <a href="mailto:ilahiyat.editor@istanbul.edu.tr" target="_blank">ilahiyat.editor@istanbul.edu.tr</a>Note: darulfunun ilahiyat does not request any submission fee. 7. The Publication Process7.1. Post-AcceptanceThe acceptance of the work for publication is reported to the corresponding author. The work that the corresponding author has organized according to the relevant reports is reviewed by the Chief Editor or Field Editor. The approved work then undergoes a proofreading and redaction process.7.1.1. Extended Summarydarulfunun ilahiyat attaches great importance to the dissemination and influence of the articles it publishes with the international public. To this end, works written in Turkish are published together with an extended summary in English. The authors of the work accepted for publication are request therefore requested to prepare an extended summary for the article. The extended summary should be 600-1000 words and reflect the main claims in the various parts of the article (i.e., Introduction, Methodology, Results, Conclusion, etc.).7.1.2. OnlineFirstOnlineFirst is the platform where Istanbul University publishes ready-to-print articles online before they go to press. An article on OnlineFirst is published with a DOI (Digital Object Identifiers) number, as Volume and page numbers are still unassigned. The article is removed from the OnlineFirst page when it is published, and is included in the published edition in the website. A study accepting for publication is published as OnlineFirst within approximately 30 days.8. Contact InformationPlease contact the address of e-mail <a href="mailto:ilahiyat.editor@istanbul.edu.tr" target="_blank">ilahiyat.editor@istanbul.edu.tr</a> for your questions regarding darulfunun ilahiyat.

Author Guidelines

Although references to review articles can be an efficient way to guide readers to a body of literature, review articles do not always reflect original work accurately. Readers should therefore be provided with direct references to original research sources whenever possible. On the other hand, extensive lists of references to original work on a topic can use excessive space on the printed page. Small numbers of references to key original papers often serve as well as more exhaustive lists, particularly since references can now be added to the electronic version of published papers, and since electronic literature searching allows readers to retrieve published literature efficiently. Papers accepted but not yet included in the issue are published online in the Early View section and they should be cited as “advance online publication”. Citing a “personal communication” should be avoided unless it provides essential information not available from a public source, in which case the name of the person and date of communication should be cited in parentheses in the text. For scientific articles, written permission and confirmation of accuracy from the source of a personal communication must be obtained.Reference Style and Formatdarulfunun ilahiyat complies with CMOS 17 (The Chicago Manuel of Style) style 17th Edition for referencing and quoting. For more information: <a href="http://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide.html" target="_blank">http://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide.html</a>

Ensure that the following items are present:●    Cover letter to the editorü    The category of the manuscriptü    Confirming that “the paper is not under consideration for publication in another journal”.ü    Including disclosure of any commercial or financial involvement.ü    Confirming that the statistical design of the research article is reviewed.ü    Confirming that last control for fluent English was done.ü    Confirming that journal policies detailed in Information for Authors have been reviewed.ü    Confirming that the references cited in the text and listed in the references section are in line with CMOS 17.●    <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/E42C1612F8C548D7BE0C447D9008E553" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a>●    Permission of previously published copyrighted material if used in the present manuscript●    <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/FileHandler2.ashx?f=di_title_page.docx" target="_blank">Title page</a>ü    The category of the manuscriptü    The title of the manuscriptü    All authors’ names and affiliations (institution, faculty/department, city, country), e-mail addressesü    Corresponding author’s email address, full postal address, telephone and fax numberü    ORCIDs of all authors.●    Main Manuscript Documentü    The title of the manuscriptü    Abstract (150-200 words)ü    Key words: 5 to 8 wordsü    Main article sectionsü    Grant support (if exists)ü    Conflict of interest (if exists)ü    Acknowledgement (if exists)ü    Referencesü    All tables, illustrations (figures) (including title, description, footnotes)

<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/A757C4A498B04CFAA7405FCB9F83387D" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form </a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/BE8E906BB56240288B7DD11F7F140BCF" target="_blank">Title Page</a>

Issue Type	Special
Editor(s)	Necmettin Kızılkaya
Cover (PDF)
Front Pages (PDF)

darulfunun ilahiyat

VOLUME 32, ISSUE 1, 2021