Muhammed

Assist. Prof.

Becker’s activities from the 1890s until his death in 1933 can be summarized under two headings as an Orientalist and as a cultural politician (Essner &amp; Winkelhane, 1988). The essential point regarding the current study is Becker’s efforts at transferring his experiences as an Orientalist academician into the policies he wanted to develop as a cultural politician. In 1916, Becker was appointed as an expert in the Prussian Ministry of Education, after which he gained importance as a cultural politician. After being appointed undersecretary in the same ministry in 1919, he then became Minister of Education in 1921 but soon returned to his previous position. Between 1925-1930, he again held the position of Prussian Minister of Education. During all these periods, he did not lose his academic interest and continued his studies until his death in 1933 (Essner &amp; Winkelhane, 1988, p. 154). In particular, Becker should be emphasized to have held office independently of all political parties at a time of political polarization. Becker in his own words carried out all these activities as a “member of the education party” (as cited in Essner &amp; Winkelhane, 1988, p. 159).Becker’s importance as a cultural politician was also reflected in his being considered the third reformer of the German education system, after Wilhelm von Humboldt (1767-1835) and Friedrich Althoff (1839-1908). Becker’s role as a cultural politician after 1918 can be observed in his proposals to reform the education system from the ground up; ensuring unity in the higher education system; redesigning educational content within the framework of the current cultural-spiritual requirements; creating courses and chairs that showed the synthetic approach for areas such as sociology, political science, and studies on foreign societies (Auslandstudien); appropriately staffing the newly created courses and chairs; reshaping education in terms of the requirements of mass society; abolishing status differences between academicians; and involving students in the educational process.One of the topics that Becker emphasized the most as a cultural politician was political education (i.e., citizenship education), which is intended to pave the way for individuals to understand themselves as part of a whole (i.e., as part of the people) and which would also ultimately enable to a cultural awareness to actually be sharpened. In fact, the educational institutions that Becker proposed or initiated to open involved the structures in which political education would be imparted to individuals. Two examples of such institutions were the German High School of Politics (Deutsche Hochschule für Politik) and the German High School of Physical Education (Deutsche Hochschule für Leibesübungen). In addition to all these and in terms of the importance carried for this study, Becker was one of the most important people to support the inclusion of sociology as a course and chair in German universities as of 1919 (Essner &amp; Winkelhane, 1988, p. 163). Becker hired academicians who could work in the field of sociology or who could contribute to the forming of sociology chairs (Müller, 1991, p. 349).&nbsp;Becker also tried to establish the intellectual foundations for institutionalizing sociology as a synthetic science at that time. In his writings in the 1920s, Becker pointed to the need for synthetic science in response to the current cultural crisis in Germany. As was already mentioned, Becker didn’t limit the need for synthetic science to sociology; still, sociology stood out among the many other synthetic sciences as the field that could most clearly respond to this need in the relevant debates.Becker’s thoughts can be read most comprehensively in his series of articles “Gedanken zur Hochschulreform” [Reflections on Higher Education Reform]. Becker’s primary problem with the issues experienced in the field of culture was the prevailing particularism and individualism in Germany (Becker, 1997a, pp. 184–185). The problem Becker noted with particularism and individualism was that each part gained importance and strength within a whole, but the power that was inherent in each part could not be extended to the whole. Becker observed this problem in two areas: society in general and education in particular. With regard to society, the issue is about the inability to form a national identity that encompasses all Germans. On the other hand, the particularistic education according to Becker seemed to have revealed a crisis of culture in Germany. The corporate logic that made collective work possible disappeared at the university. The unity of teaching and research within the university had also suffered as a result. This was largely because academicians acted more as researchers trying to specialize more and more in their own professions rather than as teachers educating out of a sense of social responsibility. This situation led to different scientific fields diverging more and more from each other. In addition to universities, polytechnic schools had also emerged to meet the needs of industry and the market, which, as explained above, dissolved the unity of teaching and research. As a result of the disintegration of unity and the inability to produce a general societal outlook, knowledge had gradually gained an encyclopedic nature (Becker, 1997a, pp. 193–198). This meant that, while knowledge was increasing, a holistic and general view of society could not be obtained.Becker also tried to offer a solution to the existing problems. Firstly, serious reforms needed to be carried out in universities and the connection of science with life needed to be restored. Higher education reform could be tackled on two levels: technical and content-related. The main purpose at the technical level was to ensure unity in education and to abandon different institutionalizations beyond universities that would lead to the separation of research and teaching. Universities also needed to be redesigned as institutions that train researchers, enable professions, and above all, provide citizenship education as the main framework of higher education (Becker, 1997a, p. 204).However, one important step toward achieving these goals involved the creation of courses that would address these goals in terms of content. Becker (1997a, p. 202) stated the need to exist for courses that would give students an overview of society. To do this, he drew attention to the need to design these synthetic courses in a way that would be fed from many disciplines. He stated that the primary task here fell to philosophy, but that philosophy needed to also not confine itself to an area that only experts could understand. Again, studies on foreign societies were capable of responding to the need, since these were not fed from a single discipline and dealt with entire peoples through their psychological characters and social structures. Becker stated that this field could produce a sociological view if it were wellstructured. As far as his views on sociology, Germany had lagged in this area because sociology was based on the synthetic approach that did not fit the German way of thinking. However, “sociological courses are an urgent need at all universities” because “spiritual habits can only be created in the intellectual sphere through a sociological perspective that later becomes political opinion when it is transferred to the ethical realm” (Becker, 1997a, pp. 189–190).The harshest criticism of Becker’s assessment of sociology came from the German historian Georg von Below (1920). Von Below was skeptical of Becker’s portrayal of sociology as a synthetic science, and his criticisms gathered around two points: The first is the potential sociology has to be used as a tool for popularizing socialism. To von Below, sociology was the battering ram of socialism. The second point involves how von Below assessed sociology as a typical French science reflecting positivism (Stöltung, 2006, p. 9). If one looks at the issue through the antagonism of Becker and von Below, this situation is indeed seen to be a reflection of the modernist-conservative/ traditionalist split among German academicians of the time (Ringer, 1990, p. 276). A considerable number of German academicians during the Weimar period had developed a conservative reaction similar to von Below’s. The collapse of the Reich in 1918 and the replacement of the Weimar Republic undoubtedly had the greatest influence on this. However, this situation can be accepted to reflect the ailments that had arisen in the rapidly changing society since the 1880s. Industrialization, urbanization, and population growth had had serious impacts on education that led to the shattering of traditional notions and statuses (Kleine, 1989, p. 9).Meanwhile, Becker was one of the intellectuals who were known at the time as reasonable republicans (Vernunftrepublikaner). He believed the need existed to act actively in the face of the changing societal conditions and to find solutions to current problems. In his eyes, universities should become independent of the determinants of the market and state control. On one hand, universities should preserve their old elite position in society, while on the other they should respond to the cultural needs of the time by taking the changing society into account. This was the driving force behind Becker’s emphasis on sociology as a synthesis. Becker’s expectation of sociology was that it should provide political education. As previously stressed, Becker had pointed out the main problems of the Germans to be particularism and individualism. Politically, single German states could not develop into a unified state. On the basis of all these lay the fact that German individuals could not develop their relations with the state on the basis of citizenship. Therefore, the importance of sociology for Becker, who set the goal of strong individual and national unity, was also related to its capacity for providing citizenship education (Müller, 1991, p. 253).&nbsp;

Sentetik Bilim Arayışı: Carl Heinrich Becker’in Almanya’da Üniversite Reformu ve Sosyolojinin Kurumsallaşması Üzerine Düşünceleri

Alaattin

Res. Assist.

This study focuses on coping mechanisms in an environment where subjects who claim a national identity are under threat. What coping strategies and mechanisms step in when the patterns of solidarity holding a nation together are in danger? This fundamental question requires one to consider the current and historical formation and reproduction processes of the Turkish national identity. To do this, the position of nationalist individuals is covered as a social group in the context of newly emerging political situations such as the Syrian refugee issue in Türkiye. This study focuses on the daily experiences of nationalist individuals who have been involved and decisive in restoring the national identity in the Belen district of Türkiye’s Hatay Province. The people who are focused on here have a solid motivation to attribute Turkishness as a supra-identity above all other ethnic identities in Türkiye, as evidenced by both the political election results in the region and the evaluations made through participant observations. National identity is positioned as a frame of reference running parallel to the political agenda in districts such as Belen with strong nationalist motivations. Experiencing high levels of political tension at the local level has increased the sensitivity toward the national identity and its privileges. Therefore, people place more emphasis on the importance of social cohesion. In this sense, the vigilance of Turkish nationalism has led to the naturalization of narratives regarding national identity for ordinary people in Turkish nationalist towns.The study argues Turkish nationalism to strongly emphasize social harmony based on the narratives of history, values, and symbols and to oppose demands, even those coming from Muslim elements. Although Syrian refugees are not in a demanding position with regard to the national identity, Turkish nationalist individuals feel responsible and aspire to declare who is dominant in the region, as they view refugees as an unsettling element in comparison to the local Turkish residents. For example, Arabic signboards in Hatay are typically seen as a cultural variance, but now the neutral meaning has changed and transformed into a threat. National honor is the primary determining dynamic that led to this change in meaning.The people of Belen, Hatay mostly choose to neutralize possible threats to their dominance through a variety of defense mechanisms. In this regard, they insist on three dynamics due to social cohesion’s focus on the permanence of national identity: a strong emphasis on self and their position as true owners of the area, a reference to collective memory (myth), and emphasis on maintaining the existing social stratification.This study has adopted a thematic analytical method using qualitative research techniques. While participatory observations provide the opportunity to participate in daily life practices and combine various observations with a holistic perspective, context sensitivity has also allowed the researcher to analyze statements using theoretical concepts. In addition, sociocultural definitions are concerned with detailed field descriptions. These frameworks have enabled the researcher to penetrate the subjects’ perspectives, establish a theoretical connection, and decide how to reconsider relevant concepts to create a new framework within existing theories. The qualitative research methodology has been developed to address some of the deficiencies in quantitative research methods and focuses on field studies. Social phenomena differ from physical ones and cannot be explained by causal relationships or universal laws of nature. The qualitative methodology suggests appropriate techniques that help researchers access the meaning behind an object. Therefore, qualitative research tools are necessary for analyzing the subjects’ identities in the field. For example, in-depth interviews with younger and older generations are essential for revealing the feelings people of different ages have and for identifying temporal changes. Therefore, the qualitative method involves a type of social research that focuses on how people interpret and make sense of the world in which they live and their life experiences. This approach adheres to the interpretative paradigm, which argues that reality has no single meaning. Researchers should pay more attention to how people construct their existence in real life and give sense to their actions. Therefore, being in the field should involve a multidimensional scientific practice that engages in a reflexive relationship with the reality of the locale.The primary data in this study consists of in-depth interviews, field notes, and participant observations. The prime criteria for participants to take part in the in-depth interview is that they are nationalist individuals who are encountered in the town’s public spaces. Nationalist individuals entail those who believe in the precedence and supremacy of the Turkish identity with an operational definition. This general definition is removed from electoral politics, because elections and party-oriented explanations make the nature of social actions in everyday life difficult to understand. Using this operational framework, those who fit the description were invited to partake in the interview in daily meetings and conversations. If no typology suitable to this prime criterion emerged in the daily discussions, the interview was still carried out to keep the public’s pulse using the participant observations and field descriptions. The study attempted to reach as many ethnic and social strata as possible in the field and conducted in-depth interviews with 13 people. The transcripts tracked the participants anonymously and censored any descriptions that might reveal the identity of an interviewee. The fieldwork was carried out in 2020, during which time the Syrian immigrations to Türkiye were a main agenda and shaped the main subjects in the discussions. Due to being an intense and controversial topic, the focus was on the changing political atmosphere, primarily with regard to social transformation. In this respect, the views of influential people in the region were critical. Therefore, the main focal points consisted of identity, threat perception, and relationship with the state.&nbsp;When considering Belen, the political conjuncture in 2020 (the abandonment of the Democratic Opening Policy, formation of new political coalitions, and Syrian refugees) helped to consolidate the superiority of nationalism in daily life as a discourse. Two common conditions were witnessed in the field: mental fatigue/reluctance resulting from political divisions and strife, and the presence of refugees as a threat to national integrity. This included a nationalistic self-confidence and derived psychological support from the Democratic Opening policy. The objections to the Democratic Opening policy stemmed from the sensitivity toward protecting the achievements of the Turkish national identity that accompanies the discourse on national unity. Places such as Belen where nationalist sentiments run high maintained a sense of this threat. A high number of references was made to the “us versus them” distinction, historical events, and social cohesion for coping with the complications. In this context, the nationalists focused on Syrians and confirming their own national superiority. According to the individuals who were interviewed in the field, while Türkiye acts compassionately toward refugees and “other Muslim nations,” these elements should also respect Türkiye’s red lines. For nationalists, national honor must be defended at all costs. Confusion in the streets of Belen had caused concern about public visibility. While the local Turkish citizens do employ Syrian refugees in jobs that require mainly manual labor, they also complain about their presence, claiming cultural and national incompatibility. The nationalists possess an ideology based on anxiety about political domination and preservation of national culture. This argument is also economically visible because Syrians live in Belen’s Muhlisali District, one of the three prominent neighborhoods, and the relatively wealthy Belen residents had moved to more modern settlements in the town center.The dominant majority nationalism often manifest itself in preserving the dominant national culture. For this reason, nationalism is defined as an ideological scheme that defends the legitimacy of this defensive action. The definition of national borders emerges as a cultural compromise when specific values, classifications, and meanings are agreed upon and are only visible through this custom. Nation states, however, ensure that this meaningful partnership is fortified with institutional closures. According to Wimmer (2004, p. 8–9), the institutional practice of this type of preservation consists of a multidimensional intervention encompassing democratic, legal, military, and social dimensions. Therefore, nationalizing social inclusion and exclusion principles depends on a successful compromise between the political elite and the other lower strata of society; it is not a top-down but rather a reflexive decision.The globalist and multicultural trends that emerged in the 1990s led to tension between the Western powers and the dominant national identities and nation-states. The definition of nationality was also under the impact of a flexible and tentative framework rather than a structurally sound one. Dominant national identities tried to&nbsp;adapt claims of legitimacy to this new global challenge. The threat perceived in the eyes of dominant national identities has been strongly related to political ideology and the level of cultural integration. Tracing the connotations of this sentiment hints not only about the inner mechanism of the group but also about the group’s relationship with the current political agenda. Therefore, people’s efforts to protect their self-worth, pride, success, and inner integrity when feeling alarmed should not be considered independent of the daily political agenda.The political agenda shapes the perceptions of threats and feeds the fear of foreign invasion and alienation from the intrinsic culture. Negative attitudes toward immigrants mostly concern fears about a generalized loss of social status and identity. The Democratic Opening policy and the Syrian refugee problem over the last decade in Türkiye are examples of the dynamism of the national protectionist and adaptive reflexes. These have mainly found themself concerned with softer concepts such as social cohesion. This smooth expression of cohesion or harmony is the insistence on the permanence of national identity and reconstruction of the legitimacy with the sense of identity, shared history, and social balance narratives. Resting upon the historical roots and domination of the area, national pride, and the sense of owning the area signify that vigilance about upholding national boundaries works very effectively. Recent examples of red-line cases in the public are the Democratic Opening policy, the Syrian migrations, and the July 15 coup attempt. Because nationalism equates each individual with one another and grants them dignity through collective consciousness, denying one’s identity is a sign of denying one’s pride. Attempts that are made toward this type of existence also involve crossing their red lines.As a result, tense situations about national identity increase sensitivity toward national identity and its achievements. Nationalists strive to maintain current achievements by setting continuity mechanisms off in moments of crisis. Belen has had a cyclical reproduction of Turkish national identity between the locals and the political elite. This cyclicality is evident in the local’s reactions to issues such as the Democratic Opening policy and Syrian refugees.&nbsp;

Türk Milli Kimliğinde Alarmizm ve Devlet-Toplum Etkileşimi: Hatay-Belen Örneği

Cemil

This article aims to reveal the changes in the role of the Turkish armed forces (TAF) in the modernization of Türkiye post-World War II. While American military aid has previously been researched mostly as the subject of international relations and history, this study will examine it from a sociological perspective.As a modernizing force, the military has had significant influence during both the Ottoman era and throughout the Republic of Türkiye. TAF was one of the most important state institutions in Türkiye as it taught and educated people how to be good citizens before World War II. With the implementation of compulsory military service since the beginning of the 20th century, the young villagers, the main source of soldiers for the army, were able to get a chance to see what lay beyond the mountains of their villages. However, the military lacked the technical capabilities to provide education for the masses. Despite the deficiencies, the army attempted to train young recruits, many of whom at the very least became literate by the end of their service.Prior to the 1950s, nearly 75% of the population of Türkiye lived in underdeveloped rural areas. People hardly went outside of their villages, and agricultural production was not based on the market economy. Illiteracy was high among rural people, and medical conditions were poor in villages. Military service was practically the only reason for young males to leave their village and enabled young people to discover new places and meet new people from all around Türkiye. Most importantly, military service made these people realize they are a part of the nation.In those years, TAF also lacked the capacity to defend the country against the Soviets. The army’s power was constrained by inadequate transportation, out-of-date equipment leftover from the era of World War I and the War of Independence, and its outdated military education. As a result, TAF began training young males both militarily and ideologically so as to strengthen the young Republic. However, these trainings mostly played no vital role in developing the technical skills that might be needed in agriculture in that period. This picture changed significantly after World War II.During the Cold War, the US began to implement an encirclement policy toward the USSR. Thus, Türkiye’s strategic significance was obvious to the US. Türkiye could be an optimal choice for a US base due to its closeness to the Soviet mainland. In addition, equipping Turkish soldiers was far cheaper than equipping American soldiers at that time. Based on these considerations, the US started providing military and economic aid to Türkiye in an effort to strengthen its military force and open its economy to the market. The US planned to use these developments so that Türkiye could acquire the strength needed to hold the Soviets at bay until US reinforcements arrived. Therefore, the US established the Joint American Military Mission for Aid to Turkey (JAMMAT) in 1947 for carrying out the military aid. In the beginning, US authorities thought that the military aid would be enough to modernize the Turkish army but later realized that weapon and equipment transfer alone would not be useful. Therefore, JAMMAT applied a large-scale military education program in order to train soldiers on how to use high-tech weaponry.Through JAMMAT’s efforts, the number of motorized vehicles rapidly increased during this time, whereas the number of mounted animals in the armed forces declined. Thus, the young recruits of those years found an organization that was very different from what their fathers and grandfathers had told them about before. Soldiers who lived in barracks at that time had no idea what a motor looked like. A wooden stick plough had been the most sophisticated piece of machinery they’d seen before enlisting. They hardly even knew the difference between a hammer and a screwdriver. During their conscription, young soldiers witnessed the power of the machinery and experienced devices such as telephone that bring distant locations closer. Thus, these novelties significantly affected the young soldiers’ mindsets.While the military aid transformed the armed forces and its soldiers, economic assistance also changed civilian and economic life. The mechanization of agricultural production led to radical changes in rural areas. The article will consider the works from the Public Road Administration Group, a JAMMAT unit, in this regard. Due to how this organization’s constructions had linked the cities and countryside, villagers consequently started to visit cities more frequently. This boosted interactions between cities and villages and also caused changes in production and job patterns. Because the tractor had replaced the ox, the demands in production fields also changed. For instance, driving became one of the most essential and wanted skills in agricultural production at that time. Soldiers who had learned how to drive in the army could become more useful both to the military and in civilian life. With driving skills, these conscripts would become the operators, drivers, and transporters whom agricultural production needed in that period. In short, JAMMAT’s activities not only improved Türkiye’s military capability but also its infrastructure and population quality.In this way, young villagers began to meet the new requirements of the agriculture-based economy with the good training they obtained in the army. While TAF taught its soldiers essential skills, it also maintained its education of citizens on reasonable ideological grounds. After conscription service, young villagers returned to society as mobile personalities who were equipped with the skills needed to deal with the new demands that may arise around them. With the skills that they acquired in the army, their importance also gradually rose. Thus, they began to play a vital role and were able to be elected as chiefs in their villages.As can be seen, Turkish villages witnessed big changes in the 1950s. Too many people lost their jobs in agricultural production as the new types of machinery poured into the fields, and many of them moved to the big cities. As a result, many problems occurred, the results of which are still affecting Turkish society. However, these problems are the subject of another study. This article has focused on the role of the military within the progress of Turkish modernization. By applying the document research method, this study has used the monographs on villages that were made in the 1940s and 1950s, as well as the reports from the State Planning Organization and from the JAMMAT archive. As a result, the study has found that upon receiving US military aid, TAF was able to train its soldiers more efficiently and impart on them important skills that would be useful for their civilian life, in addition to the ideological education TAF had been providing for a long time.&nbsp;

Çekiç ile Tornavida Arasındaki Fark: Amerikan Askerî  Yardımları Sonrası TSK’daki Dönüşümün Toplumsal Etkileri

Mahmut

Prof.

Levent

Eray

Since they first appeared on the world stage, universities have continued to play a leading role in the development-oriented ecosystem of countries. Although the existence of universities affects the social system in general, its primary concern and impact is on the “education function,” which is a subsystem of the social system. Universities, which traditionally have carried out training and education functions, scientific research, and social services, have focused on research activities in an effort to support the development of countries, especially after the Second World War. In this context, it is evident that universities, which are seen to have started to produce knowledge, products, services, policies, and programs for the solution of all economic, social, political, cultural, and social problems of countries, have evolved in the direction of adopting a “research-oriented management philosophy.” Undoubtedly, this transformation has not been realized at the same capacity and on the same scale for all universities. While some universities have maintained their preference to prioritize education and training activities, those that are more suitable and sufficient in terms of material and human resources have come to the forefront with their research functions. Research-oriented universities, which are seen to differ from other universities in terms of their mission, vision, and fundamental objectives, strive for excellence, not only in research, but also in other roles and functions. It is recognized that research universities that prioritize interdisciplinary work strive to make a difference with their graduate programs and studies, have a strong strategic planning culture, and do not neglect to fulfill their responsibilities towards society have been predominantly public universities across the world. However, it is also seen that some private universities, especially in Japan and the USA, operate with a research-oriented administration philosophy.Stakeholder relations and sustainability of the process are very important in the research university ecosystem. In this regard, research assistants and graduate students work in harmony to create a strong research culture, use funding sources effectively, and establish powerful productivity-oriented institutional collaborations with the business world. In ensuring the sustainability of the process, the continuity of workshops, research seminars, academic and library information systems, open research forums, journals and books are of great importance. The research-oriented university philosophy became evident in Turkey in 2017 within the scope of the “Mission Differentiation and Specialization” project of the Council of Higher Education (YÖK). The process started with the identification of 11 noble and five candidate research universities. At this point, research capacity is monitored with 33 performance indicators under the headings of research quality, interaction, and cooperation, with the results now beginning to be announced. Finally, in the public ranking of research universities in 2021, Istanbul University ranked fifth among 20 public universities with a total score of 54.72. This success of Istanbul University, which has followed a rising trend&nbsp;among research universities from 2017 when it was first announced until the last announcement, is appreciated and followed by the entire public, especially by the scientific community. The scope of this article is to strategically examine all aspects of this success of Istanbul University, one of the world’s most well-established and respected higher education institutions. In this framework, this article evaluates the University’s research strategy, institutional research structure, research process cycle and its sustainability, research competencies, and performance monitoring under separate sections.Istanbul University has directly reflected its research-oriented administration philosophy to its fundamental principles and values. It has preferred to share this effectively with all of its stakeholders, especially the academic staff of the university, at different times and grounds and through appropriate methods. The 2019-2023 Strategic Plan of the University, which is currently in force, has two objectives: 1) to increase the research infrastructure and qualified scientific studies to an internationally competitive level and to ensure their sustainability, and 2) to increase its entrepreneurial and innovative activities and projects that turn into economic and social values. The 40 performance indicators in eight targets under these objectives are directly related to research activities.Istanbul University fulfills the institutional functioning of research activities through the sub-units it has established. Some of the prominent sub-units in this regard include: Research Oriented Graduate Schools, Istanbul University Technopolis, International Projects Office, 3D Medical and Industrial Design Laboratory, CEOTEKMER Enterprise Center, Teknopark Esenler, and Istanbul University Pharmaceutical Application and Research Center.The allocation of internal resources to research activities at Istanbul University is carried out through the BAP (Scientific Research Projects) unit. In this scope, it is clearly seen that the budget distribution of research support is based on project type, research area, priority areas, and technical infrastructure development projects. In this respect, it is apparent that the University encourages cooperation with internal/external stakeholders and procurement of external resources in different ways in order to make resource utilization more efficient and effective. It is important to emphasize that the other policy in budget allocations is output-oriented resource utilization. Focusing on project development activities and mechanisms in maximizing the research budget, the University attaches great importance to increasing the number of academic staff and even undergraduate and graduate students that constitute its researcher category. At this point, the dissemination of the project culture and its diffusion to the grassroots is seen as a function of special interest. The University, which attaches special importance to institutional collaborations with the business world, plays an active role in determining the areas of cooperation, the strategic content of the projects that can&nbsp;be produced in these areas, and in identifying the appropriate academic staff. Additionally, it also provides technical and mental support in the later stages of the projects.Istanbul University devotes special attention to the University’s research competencies and the rankings of national and international academic rating organizations. It also attempts to extend its current situation and future perspectives on these issues to the grassroots. In the “Competency Assessment of Universities by Research Areas,” which was updated and published by Scientific and Technological Research Council of Turkey (TÜBİTAK) in 2021, 160 universities were evaluated within the scope of 130 subresearch areas. In this analysis, Istanbul University demonstrated a high-level performance by ranking first in 60 areas, second in 26 areas, third in 10 areas, and fourth in 11 areas. Considering the results of this analysis, the Council of Higher Education has associated Istanbul University in 16 fields in its 11th Development Plan. Four of them are in the areas of health, two in areas of science/engineering, and six are in areas of social sciences. The University displays particular interest in the areas with which it is associated and pays utmost attention to the development of projects related to these areas.Istanbul University has achieved great success by being included in the list of all 11 reputable rating organizations that rank the most successful universities in the world. Of these, Istanbul University is the only Turkish University to be ranked in the top 500 of ARWU’s 2022 ranking, which is one of the most recognized lists worldwide. The University has also demonstrated the same success in the CWTS LEIDEN ranking. In the URAP 2022-2023 ranking, which evaluates the academic success of universities in Turkey, Istanbul University ranked third among public universities.&nbsp;

Üniversitelerde Araştırma Odaklı Yönetim Anlayışı: İstanbul Üniversitesi Örneği

Fatih

Halil

Panel Data Analysis on the Socio-Economic Determinants of Corruption in the D-8 Countries

Serdar

Erdinç

Betül

Aysun

Ayşe

The Validity and Reliability of The Turkish Version of The  Social Curiosity Scale

Veysel

Hasan

Assoc. Prof.

Erol

Kadriye

The Mental Health of a Society in Crisis: Complaints of  Depression and Anxiety

İsmail

Prof. Dr.

Call for Papers Special Issue on “Subjectivities in the Digital Economy”

CALL FOR PAPERS-SPECIAL ISSUE

Istanbul University Journal of Sociology. Call for Papers-June 2025

Şeyda

“Claude Lévi-Strauss Today”

Claude

Mutfak Üçgeni

«Une parenthèse sur Terre: L’Entretien avec Philippe Descola»

Frédéric

Preparing cities for future pandemics. A Lévi-Straussian analysis of the H5N1 avian influenza in Hong Kong, Istanbul and New York in 2005

Gözde

Assist. Prof. Dr.

This study is based on the argument that neo-evolutionary sociology, by distancing itself from old deterministic polarizations in the 21st century and adopting a more careful synthesis of biological and sociological data, provides an indispensable methodology for re-examining the dualisms of human-nature and nature-culture. However, a comprehensive theoretical analysis of neo-evolutionary sociology extends beyond the scope of this study and constitutes a distinct research inquiry in its own right. In this context, the relevance of neo-evolutionary sociology is considered exclusively through its intersections with Lévi-Strauss’s inverted anthropological approach, which critiques the Western tendency to evaluate both Western and non-Western societies through the binary opposition of self and other. This approach serves an explanatory function in understanding how neo-evolutionary sociology, which reflects the contemporary reconceptualization of the long-standing relationship between sociology and biology, situates itself within academic discourse. In other words, this study is structured around the objective of substantiating this claim and elucidating the relevant connections in a concrete manner. Throughout the 19th century, Darwin’s theory of evolution, which fundamentally transformed the prevailing definition of humanity, began to exert its influence on sociology as well. It is no coincidence that the founding figures of modern social sciences, particularly in anthropology and sociology, were deeply influenced by evolutionary thought when constructing their theories. However, from the early 20th century onward, this initially welcomed approach gradually acquired negative connotations. Nevertheless, deterministic attempts to explain human nature and society through biological and evolutionary theories continued to be strongly emphasized. A reaction to this perspective was inevitable. Alternative models emerged, seeking to define human beings and the foundations of their social relations primarily through cultural and social determinants. Consequently, within the scientific paradigm of the 20th century, two polarized and equally deterministic camps emerged, each attempting to dismiss the other, thereby obstructing the possibility of a holistic evaluation that incorporates both biological and sociological data. Moreover, the neglect of certain data led to rigid and incomplete assessments, rendering them susceptible to ideological interpretations. From the second half of the 20th century onward, the idea that the relationship between the social sciences and biology could be reconsidered within a non-deterministic framework gained increasing acceptance. This development was further reinforced by the accumulation of new empirical findings in both biology and sociology, which increasingly contradicted the positivist and deterministic scientific paradigms of the 19th century and the first half of the 20th century. In other words, the realization that nature does not consist solely of predictable and identifiable regular laws contributed to the maturation of the idea that humans and societies do not operate according to rigid and unchanging principles. In this regard, employing the methodology of neo-evolutionary sociology to examine the dualisms of nature-culture and human-nature, along with integrating Lévi-Strauss’s anthropological and social perspectives, constitutes a functional effort to concretize these contexts. Lévi-Strauss’s sensitivity to paradigm shifts in the second half of the 20th century, his critique of orthodox models in anthropology, and his proposal of a new perspective provide a dynamic framework that can deepen both constructive and critical thought in contemporary discussions on neo-evolutionary sociology. Lévi-Strauss occupies a unique position within the anthropological tradition due to his unconventional perspective on the modern-primitive and nature-culture dualisms produced by Enlightenment and modern scientific thought. He positions himself at the intersection where Western identity, initially constructed through encounters with non-Western civilizations before the 19th century, was reconstructed in the second half of the 20th century using the same methods but in an inverted manner. His primary aim was to question whether the model of the Western individual and society—constructed as progressive, evolutionary, rational, advanced, knowledgeable, and capable of mastering nature—truly corresponded to the semantic patterns associated with these concepts. Thus, one of the fundamental premises of Lévi-Strauss’s thought is that the distinction between modern and primitive, as well as between nature and culture, is itself a product of the Western human and societal model developed from the 19th century onward. This foundational idea was not exclusive to Lévi-Strauss but became increasingly significant within the social sciences in the second half of the 20th century. Until humans learned to coexist with nature rather than struggle against it, they lived within nature. Humans produce culture through their interaction with nature. Over time, when this culture is positioned in opposition to nature and becomes strong enough to shape human existence, it transforms into a second nature. However, since this second nature is human-made, it inherently contains contradictions. Calling it a second nature does not render it truly natural, as the fundamental characteristic of the first and true nature is its indifference to human affairs. Nature’s indifference to humans is its defining quality, as it liberates human existence from the limitations of artificial structures. Culture, on the other hand, is directly tied to how humans construct reality. It changes dynamically as humans attribute new meanings to it and has no independent agency beyond human influence. Because culture is an artificial nature dependent on human agency, it is perpetually embedded in ideologies, conflicts, and competition. Consequently, the idea that human nature is inherently based on competition and conflict remains functional within naturalist and orthodox evolutionary thought. Lévi-Strauss, as an anthropologist who directly engages with the observer-observed distinction, offers a methodology applicable to all sociological concepts. In particular, his approach provides a useful perspective for the contemporary trend of re-evaluating sociology and biology together within the framework of neo-evolutionary sociology. Unlike past positivist approaches that adhered to evolutionary and universal laws, this contemporary trend represents a more complex and reflexive convergence of sociology and biology, raising the question of whether this intersection symbolizes a new epistemological shift. Thus, reconsidering Lévi-Strauss within this current context allows us to interpret him as a methodological guide in the synthesis of sociology and biology. Lévi-Strauss fundamentally opposed the evolutionary and social Darwinist perspectives that dominated the 19th century and the first half of the 20th century. In this respect, he aligns with the reversal efforts undertaken by neo-evolutionary sociology in the 21st century. While 19th century evolutionary thought was often infused with universal, ideological assumptions, neo-evolutionary sociology seeks to establish itself as a new and productive interdisciplinary branch. Given that this approach aims to escape the determinisms of both evolutionary and social constructionist perspectives, reconsidering Lévi-Strauss within this framework becomes particularly meaningful. The paradigm of evaluating human societies through the lens of development and progress within the framework of modernization has become so dominant that it continues to exert influence even in the 21st century. Similarly, past understandings of biological and sociological evolution legitimized hierarchies between modernized societies and so-called primitive communities by grounding them in the supposedly objective knowledge of modern natural sciences. Neo-evolutionary sociology emerged precisely as a critical response to such ideological and deterministic perspectives, aiming to offer a more holistic synthesis. In this regard, the fundamental concerns and objectives of both perspectives are similar: while Lévi-Strauss critiques the deterministic and ideological narrative of modernization and modernity based on the nature-culture dualism, neo-evolutionary sociology questions the hierarchical structures imposed on societies through a rigid and reductionist link between biology and sociology. Recognizing the significance of these discussions is crucial for the theoretical development of sociology. Rather than avoiding such syntheses due to past deterministic concerns, it is necessary to engage with these issues more closely.

Examining Lévi-Strauss from the Perspective of Neo-Evolutionary Sociology: The  Nature-Culture Dichotomy

Sylvia

Lévi-Strauss: Reason And Sensibility

Jeferson

The cities of Claude Lévi-Strauss

Yaşar

French anthropologist Claude Lévi-Strauss is one of the most influential figures in the discipline. He is known for his studies on myth and kinship. In his early career, he mainly focused on Native American cultures. In the following years, his work expanded into many areas, from the kitchen to the arts. Even though he never wrote explicitly about the philosophy of science, his various comparisons between modern and so-called “primitive” cultures allowed him to develop an epistemological stance.First, his structural anthropology is characterized by an opposition to hierarchical explanations of cultural differences. Unlike anthropological theories that focus on cultural distances, structural anthropology is more of a theoretical perspective that highlights cultural similarities. By doing so, it reminds us not only that universal standards for hierarchy don’t exist but also that the fundamentals of modern and “primitive” cultures are not so different. This approach underpins the epistemological stance outlined earlier.Most notably,&nbsp;The Savage Mind, published in 1962, is a defense of the so-called primitive way of thinking. In this book, Lévi-Strauss attempts to replace evolutionary perspectives on the relationship between modern and primitive minds with a more horizontal view. The idea that different ways of thinking can be valid simultaneously is a view Lévi-Strauss continued to advocate throughout his life. This claim, however, sparked a lot of criticism.Some argue that Lévi-Strauss undervalued the contributions of science by defending the dignity of the "savage mind." According to Maxim Rodinson, since Lévi-Strauss bwas influenced by cultural relativist fallacy of contemporary anthropology, his stance was unscientific. Edmund Leach also criticizes Lévi-Strauss, arguing that his theory is not consistent with empirical realities. For Leach, Lévi-Strauss is “a poet in a laboratory.” Another scholar places LéviStrauss’s work within a postmodern context, due to his critique of the Western rational mind.&nbsp;However, not everyone agrees that Lévi-Strauss undermined modern science or that he was anti-scientific. Another group of anthropologists highlights how committed he was to the scientific method and the positivist paradigm. Clifford Geertz, for example, argues that no one in the history of anthropology, other than Lévi-Strauss, has so strongly insisted that anthropology is a positive science. Hugo Nutini also praises Lévi-Strauss for his effort to follow developments in the physical sciences to open new paths for cultural anthropology. These differing opinions about Lévi-Strauss’s epistemological stance are contradictory. It seems that for those who try to categorize him narrowly, defending the "savage mind" while remaining committed to modern science seems inconceivable.&nbsp;However, a comprehensive approach to structural anthropology can help resolve this apparent contradiction. In academic discussion, those who focus solely on Lévi-Strauss’s defense of the savage mind often ignore his use of models, mathematical formulations, and his pursuit of certainty in structural anthropology. This represents a limited view. Both elements—scientific rigor and the defense of the savage mind—are present in Lévi-Strauss’s thought.In his early articles, Lévi-Strauss investigated methods to align anthropology with the natural sciences. In&nbsp;“Structural Analysis in Linguistics and in Anthropology”, he presents linguistics as a model discipline with completed scientific development, in contrast to other social sciences. According to Lévi-Strauss, linguistics deserves to be called a "science" and embodies a positivist method. Anthropology, he argues, should strive to reach the same scientific rigor. In another article,&nbsp;“History and Ethnology”, he clearly states that being scientific means striving for certainty. Later, Lévi-Strauss applied these theoretical principles to the field of mythology.In 1955, he wrote&nbsp;The Structural Study of Myth. In these studies, it becomes clear that simplifying complex phenomena is, for Lévi-Strauss, a key feature of scientific theory. While earlier approaches considered myths to be meaningless or disorganized, Lévi-Strauss persistently sought to uncover regularities among different myths from around the world. To find order in the chaos of countless myths, he applied the methods of phonology. Just as phonological units gain meaning only in relation to others, mythological units can similarly be organized through their interrelations. He even illustrated the mathematical relationships between these units using formulas.&nbsp;At the same time, Lévi-Strauss argued that the savage mind is as valid a way of explaining reality as modern science. However, this does not mean they are the same. He claimed that “primitive” cultures also engaged in “observation” and “experiments,” much like modern science, and that both operate according to a basic human drive to seek order in the universe. He distinguishes the savage mind by calling it the “science of the concrete.” While the science of the concrete works like a “bricolage”—based on secondary qualities such as smell, taste, color, and temperature —modern science, based on primary qualities, functions like engineering, relying on pre-constructed models. The outcomes of both epistemes differ. Lévi-Strauss never denies the achievements of modern science. We can dominate nature with the power of modern science. It is evident that neither myth nor magic enables us to do such things; we can drive cars or turn on radios because of modern science. But the key point is that so-called “primitive” people lack this kind of power not because they are incapable, but because they choose not to pursue it.Therefore, Lévi-Strauss argues that all humans possess a universal cognitive capacity that enables cultures to develop distinct forms of knowledge. These forms of knowledge, while varied, are all in harmony with the way nature unfolds and opens itself to human understanding. However, Lévi-Strauss emphasizes that not all cognitive capacities can be developed at the same time.It is therefore consistent that Lévi-Strauss, while remaining faithful to the methods of positive science, also seeks justice for the 'savage mind,' long regarded as its opposite. He does not abandon science while defending the validity of the savage mind. On the contrary, he attempts to enrich modern science by expanding its boundaries to include and understand this alternative way of thinking, instead of dismissing it as meaningless. His approval of modern science’s growing attention to secondary qualities reflects this broader effort. Lévi-Strauss’s epistemological stance is grounded in expanding the boundaries of science, without becoming unscientific or abandoning scientific rigor.

Epistemological Expansion in Claude Lévi-Strauss: Can the Search for Scientific Certainty and the Defense of Savage Mind Come Side by Side?

Zübeyde

The evolution of scientific methods has significantly reshaped disciplinary boundaries, enabling the integration of mathematics as a foundational tool across the natural sciences, social sciences, and humanities. Particularly after World War II, the pursuit of more systematic and objective analytical approaches led to the widespread adoption of mathematical thinking in the social sciences (Fararo, 2007). In the mid-20th century, social scientists developed a growing interest in systems theory and formal models as they sought to better understand the complexity of social phenomena. This intellectual climate also informed the work of Claude Lévi-Strauss, whose structuralist anthropology prominently incorporated mathematical models and formalist logic. Lévi-Strauss regarded mathematics not merely as a tool for statistical analysis but as a fundamental method for discerning the deep structures that underlie human culture and society. According to him, structural methods, which emerged as a natural outgrowth of modern mathematical advances, would bring rigor and internal coherence to the social sciences and the humanities (Lévi-Strauss, 2012, p. 399). His efforts to position anthropology as a “positive science” capable of generating formal and universal models exemplify this orientation (Tunçbilek, 2024, p. 247). For Lévi-Strauss, mathematics offered a means of analyzing cultural phenomena—such as kinship systems, myths, and rituals—through formal models that revealed the symbolic and relational logic beneath surface-level variations. He referred to this mode of analysis as “human mathematics”, emphasizing its qualitative, structural, and relational nature. Lévi-Strauss’s approach marked a departure from the conventional uses of mathematics in the social sciences, which often prioritized quantification and empirical generalization. Instead, he sought to formalize meaning, analogy, and symbolic structure—dimensions frequently overlooked in positivist paradigms. In his view, despite apparent cultural diversity, human societies exhibit universal patterns that can be expressed mathematically. The purpose of such modeling was not merely to measure or classify but to uncover the latent structure that governs symbolic and social relationships. Thus, his work laid an important foundation for later developments in structurally oriented computational methodologies.Today, Lévi-Strauss’s insights are remarkably prescient in the context of computational social science (CSS), a field that integrates digital tools, large-scale data analysis, and algorithmic modeling to study social processes. The rise of big data analytics has enabled researchers to analyze massive datasets, detecting patterns and correlations that would otherwise remain obscured (Lazer et al., 2009). These methods mirror, in some respects, Lévi-Strauss’s aspiration to reveal hidden structures, although they often lack the theoretical grounding and interpretive depth that characterized his work. In CSS, mathematical models are used to map and predict social behavior, track communication networks, and identify cultural trends. Techniques such as network analysis, natural language processing, and machine learning rely on detecting patterns and structural regularities across vast amounts of data. This operational logic, centered on pattern recognition, shares an affinity with Lévi-Strauss’s structuralist method. However, the epistemological orientation has shifted. Whereas Lévi-Strauss emphasized meaning, context, and symbolic logic, many contemporary approaches prioritize efficiency, scale, and computational optimization. This shift has led to growing critiques of computational approaches in the social sciences. Scholars have raised concerns that big data methodologies often operate with limited theoretical frameworks, leading to empiricism that privileges observable regularities over causal explanation and contextual interpretation. Critics point out that such approaches risk reducing complex, historically situated social phenomena to decontextualized data points and shallow correlations (Seaver &amp; Maurer, 2024). This critique is especially pertinent when data-driven models are applied without sufficient attention to the symbolic and cultural dimensions of social life—areas that Lévi-Strauss considered foundational.&nbsp;In this light, revisiting Lévi-Strauss’s “human mathematics” offers a valuable alternative. Rather than relying solely on pattern identification, his approach insists on embedding those patterns within a broader interpretive and theoretical framework. Structural analysis, in his work, functioned on both the syntactic and semantic levels—connecting formal relationships to cultural meaning. His method sought not only to model structures but also to understand their function and significance within specific cultural and historical contexts. The central question for contemporary social sciences, therefore, is how to synthesize the explanatory power of mathematical modeling with the interpretive depth of qualitative analysis. Achieving such integration requires preserving the discipline’s commitment to theoretical rigor while also engaging with the methodological innovations of the digital era. This need is increasingly reflected in a new generation of research that seeks to bridge computational and interpretive approaches. Examples of this synthesis can be found in a range of contemporary methodologies. Mohr’s formal analysis of institutional meaning structures, for instance, adapts structuralist principles to study organizational fields through computational methods. Lev Manovich’s “cultural analytics” project employs algorithmic tools to explore patterns in visual culture, treating images and aesthetics as structured data without sacrificing cultural nuance. Likewise, Nelson’s computational grounded theory reconstructs qualitative theory-building using digital tools while maintaining an interpretive foundation. All these approaches resonate with Lévi-Strauss’s conviction that mathematical models must serve not just to describe surface patterns, but also to illuminate the underlying symbolic and relational structures that give those patterns meaning.This convergence of digital humanities and computational social science is generating a new analytical paradigm— one that brings together the cultural meaning-making of the former with the formal abstraction and scalability of the latter. These emerging frameworks offer a promising response to critiques of both traditional and digital methodologies, allowing for analyses that are at once systematic and interpretively rich. They also expand the possibilities for cross-disciplinary collaboration, enabling researchers to explore questions that lie at the intersection of data, meaning, and structure. In this context, Lévi-Strauss’s concept of “human mathematics” should not be regarded merely as a theoretical artifact of mid-20th-century anthropology. Rather, it constitutes a forward-looking framework with the potential to inform and revitalize contemporary social science. By emphasizing the symbolic dimensions of structure, the importance of context, and the value of theoretical modeling, Lévi-Strauss offers tools for rethinking how we use data, algorithms, and formal analysis to study society. His legacy challenges us to ensure that the increasing mathematization of the social sciences does not come at the expense of their interpretive depth and critical potential. In conclusion, this extended reflection on Lévi-Strauss’s structuralist methodology and his notion of human mathematics reveals a compelling lineage between mid-20th-century structuralism and contemporary computational practices. It highlights the enduring relevance of structuralist thinking in an era dominated by data and algorithms, while also calling for a more reflexive and theoretically grounded use of computational tools. By revisiting and reimagining the principles proposed by Levi-Strauss, the social sciences can move toward a more holistic paradigm—one that honors both structure and meaning, pattern and interpretation.

Mathematics and Social Sciences: From Lévi-Strauss’s Structuralism to Computational Social Sciences

Enes

Lecturer

Louise Glück’s “A Myth of Innocence” and the Myth of Persephone:  A Structuralist Analysis through Lévi-Strauss

Kenan

Yiğitcan

The phenomenon of slum in Turkey emerged to meet the housing needs of people who went to large industrial cities with the internal migration flow that started after 1950, and became the solution to the housing problem and possible collective homelessness. Millions of immigrants have chosen the last one between options such as not being able to hold on in a big city and returning to their hometown, being on the street/homeless, and building their own house (slum), albeit both informal (informal) and illegal. Immigrants have mostly occupied vacant government-owned land, saved themselves from becoming homeless by building structures that are like houses but not like homes. Thanks to the slums formed as a result of the migrations after 1950, poor people have fulfilled their need for housing and have found this formula as a solution to the problem of homelessness. Slum districts and the reality of slums have been covered in many literary and artistic works, especially cinema and novels, and the hardships and joys experienced by the residents of slums have been transferred to novels and on the white screen. People who came to cities by emigrating looked for remedies in the face of high rents and the cost of owning a house, and they found the remedy by building miniature houses on government land. Thanks to the amnesty granted to the slums, which emerged as a remedy and a rebellion against homelessness, the governments turned a blind eye due to voting concerns and the bribery of low-ranking officials, the slums became the owners of the land they occupied and obtained huge annuities due to the fact that these plots remained in the city. As a rebellion, the squatters who have overcome the problems of homelessness have eaten too much of the fruits of their ordeals with the annuities they have provided these days.These slums have become neighborhoods in cities and have created their own culture along with it. The phenomenon of squatters, which has become widespread since the 1950s, has found a response in both cinema and literature. As seen in films such as Sultan, The Laughing Man (Gülen Adam), Are You Laughing Or Crying (Gülermisin Ağlarmısın), Turkish cinema conveyed the troubles experienced in slums to the audience in drama and comedy genres in the 1970s and 1980s. In the field of literature, especially novelists have focused on the squatter problem. Novels is of great importance for the new society formed in cities with internal migrations after 1950 to explain how housing, food and drink, homelessness, unemployment and social relations are and for society to perceive these relations. Orhan Kemal's novel "Gurbet Kuşları“, Demirtas Ceyhun's novel ”Asia“ (Asya), ”Berci Kristin Garbage Tales" (Berci Kristin Çöp Masalları) Latife Tekin's novel about slums and Orhan Pamuk's novel A Strangeness in My Head (Kafamda Bir Tuhaflık) tell us that people who are homeless, regardless of public or private property, find a cure for their homelessness by placing slums on vacant land, and it seems that the winner of the war they are fighting against homelessness is capable people known for their daredevils. In Hasan Izzettin Dinamo's novel titled "Sheep Father“ (Koyun Baba); the novel's protagonist, philosophy teacher Ahmet, was exiled from the city to a rural place during the One-Party period because of his thoughts, during this period he received the nickname ”Sheep Father" due to his life on the mountain. When the DP Government won the general elections in 1950, his exile in the countryside ended; he was asked to leave the place of exile by the new government, which used more liberal rhetoric, considered itself against the bans and suggested that he had come to work to show that he was pursuing a policy against the bans. Ahmet took with him a young woman, Ayse, nicknamed Buncuk, who would later become his wife, and made his way to Istanbul, struggling to get rid of homelessness and survive in Istanbul, where he came from. Emphasizing that people attempt an illegal job by building illegal structures, people in despair make their slums without recognizing the law with a rebellion, intimidation and running away are not the solution, Dinamo wrote in his novel that struggling people will win victory, the slums where they meet their housing needs today will turn into a fortune for them tomorrow, and conveyed to the reader by writing in his novel the idea that slums will turn into a fortune for themselves tomorrow.Hasan Izzettin Dinamo also addressed the phenomenon of slums as a solution to the housing crisis and, in his own words, “an uprising against homelessness” in his novel Koyu Baba (1976); he explained how immigrants took advantage of legal loopholes when building their slums, and what difficulties they faced and found solutions to them when building their slums. As can be seen both in sociological research and in Turkish novels and cinema, the phenomenon of squatters can be said to have come into consideration as a solution to a collective and public housing problem from the point of origin. This makes it necessary to consider the issue in the context of homelessness and homelessness recovery. Within the scope of the article, a conceptual framework is drawn primarily to illuminate the regions where slum life converges with homelessness, thus trying to draw attention to the transitional region between slum Decadence and homelessness literatures. Then, it is examined how slums are dealt with in Turkish cinema, especially in the context of solving the housing problem, and how they are interpreted as a collective solution and remedy, especially in the face of homelessness, through several examples. After that, in order to form the main focus of the article, it is discussed whether the slum can be considered as an “uprising against homelessness” or - in a more neutral phrase - “a form of combating homelessness” or “a way to get rid of homelessness” in Turkish literature and the novel Koyun Baba, in which the slum is associated with homelessness in the author's words. This research examines the housing solutions of the slum construction process that arise at the intersection of urban poverty and the housing problem and phenomena such as the "temporary extended family”; it attempts to address different aspects of homelessness by associating them with concepts such as “unsafe housing” and “inadequate/unsuitable housing”, which are used to describe “hidden homelessness” and “getting rid of homelessness”, as well as “housing exclusion”.&nbsp;

“Gecekondu” as an “Uprising Against Homelessness” or Looking at “Gecekondu” through the Lens of Homelessness: The Example of Hasan İzzettin Dinamo’s Novel Koyun Baba

Abdullah

Bentham’s Calculus: The Economy of Coercion and Mechanisms of Security

Res. Assist. Dr.

Ersin

There is a cyclical relationship between Mobil değersizleştirme, globalisation and the information society. Globalisation and the information society have led to people developing greater access to and dependence on smartphones and social media. Epistemologically, the term ‘Mobil değersizleştirme,’ a combination of the words “phone” and ‘snubbing,’ refers to the act of ignoring (disrespecting) the person in front of you by focusing your attention on your mobile device instead of communicating directly with them in a social setting. In this context, Mobil değersizleştirme can be defined as a person physically ignoring someone which is physically present and focusing on their phone. On a sociological level, Mobil değersizleştirme is becoming widespread as a behaviour that has negative effects on relationships between people due to the increasing speed of communication and the information society. Mobil değersizleştirme can lead to communication breakdowns at the local level while people communicate on a global scale, and it can cause people to lose their social skills. Additionally, Mobil değersizleştirme can hinder the development of critical thinking, creativity, and problem=solving skills, which are essential in an information society.There are various factors behind Mobil değersizleştirme behaviour. Some of these can be listed as follows:<ul><li>Phone addiction: Some people use their phones excessively and cannot function without them. This leads to phone use disrupting social interactions.&nbsp;</li><li>Social media addiction: Social media platforms enable people to stay constantly updated and look into the lives of others. This causes people to neglect their real=life relationships and feel inadequate.</li><li>Personality traits: Certain personality traits are associated with Mobil değersizleştirme behaviour. For example, narcissistic, Machiavellian, psychopathic, and cynical individuals are more likely to engage in Mobil değersizleştirme.</li><li>Lack of social skills: Some people struggle with face=to=face communication and use their phones as an escape route. This is perceived as disrespectful by the other person.</li></ul>Mobil değersizleştirme behaviour has various negative consequences for both the phubbers and the person being hubbed. Some of these are as follows:<ul><li>Decline in relationship quality: Mobil değersizleştirme reduces satisfaction, trust, commitment and closeness in relationships. It also increases negative emotions such as conflict, stress, jealousy and loneliness in relationships.&nbsp;</li><li>Deterioration of psychological health: Mobil değersizleştirme leads to psychological problems such as depression, anxiety, low self=esteem, social exclusion, and alienation.</li><li>&nbsp;Decline in social skills: Mobil değersizleştirme hinders the development of social skills and reduces communication quality. People who engage in Mobil değersizleştirme have difficulty understanding the feelings, thoughts, and needs of others and lack empathy. Mobil değersizleştirme is a situation that negatively affects the relationship quality and psychological health of both the person engaging in Mobil değersizleştirme and the person being hubbed. With its widespread use in social settings, it is being addressed as a sociological problem. This study, which aims to determine the theoretical framework of the concept of Mobil değersizleştirme, which is a relatively new concept in the literature but is rapidly expanding in terms of its factual dimension, seeks to analyse scientific works published in the Web of Science index database using a bibliometric method. Thus, the factual dimension of the concept of Mobil değersizleştirme will be better understood, and efforts will be made to fill the gaps in the Turkish literature.</li></ul>The main objective of this study is to understand what the concept of ‘Mobil değersizleştirme’ means and to reveal its factual plane. The research is based on the bibliometric analysis of scientific works found in the Web of Science Core Collection in order to identify the research areas of the concept of ‘Mobil değersizleştirme’. The bibliometric analysis method allows for the analysis of the research topic by examining the leading publications in the field, as well as the collaboration structures and intellectual structure of the research areas specific to the topic. The findings obtained because of the analysis conducted in the study are as follows:<ul><li>According to the WOS database, which covers 287 scientific studies on the concept of ‘Mobil değersizleştirme,’ the research field categories with the highest weight are Psychology (51.9%) and Psychiatry (10.45%). From a conceptual perspective, other research areas that address the concept of ‘Mobil değersizleştirme’ are Computer Science (9.4%), Communication (9.05%), Family Studies (6.62%), Education and Teaching Studies (6.27%), Other topics in Social Sciences (4.87%), Business (3.14%) and Ecology (3.14%) research areas. Based on the fact that a large portion of the studies on the concept of ‘Mobil değersizleştirme’ in WOS were conducted in the fields of Psychology and Psychiatry, it can be understood that the concept primarily contains a psychological element.</li><li>Based on the findings, it would not be wrong to say that the aforementioned psychological context intersects most with computer science, communication, family studies, and education studies. The distribution of studies on the concept of ‘Mobil değersizleştirme’ in WOS by years is shown below. Within this framework, it can be seen that the concept of ‘Mobil değersizleştirme,’ which was first addressed in 2014 with one study within the scope of WOS, has been the subject of 87 scientific studies in 2022, showing an increasing trend over the years. In this context, it can be understood that the concept of ‘Mobil değersizleştirme,’ which can be considered quite new, is receiving increasing attention in academic studies.</li><li>Bibliometric studies generally focus on countries, researchers, institutions, and documents. A country publication citation network map was identified based on the total connection strength of 51 countries with at least one publication and one citation from 57 countries with scientific studies on the concept of ‘Mobil değersizleştirme.’ In this context, countries such as China, the United States (US), the United Kingdom, Türkiye, and the Netherlands appear to have formed network centres.</li><li>Another point emphasised in bibliometric studies is the identification of researchers who stand out for their contributions to the field. This provides other researchers with an advantage in literature searches. A cluster of author-citation relationship maps was identified based on the total connection strength of 564 authors who published at least one publication and received one citation related to the concept of ‘Mobil değersizleştirme’ . Within this framework, researchers such as Pencheng Wang, Xingchao Wang, and Brandon T. Mcdaniel was found to be the researcher who received the most citations related to the concept.</li><li>Another important point revealed by bibliometric analyses is the identification of universities and institutions that have contributed the most to the field. Among the 417 institutions that published at least one paper and received one citation on the concept of ‘Mobil değersizleştirme,’ 327 institutions were identified based on their total connection strength, with Renmin University of China ranking first with 958 units. Following Renmin University, Kent University ranked second with 793 units of connection strength, and Baylor University ranked third with 605 units, according to the analysis. Based on these results, it can be understood that there is no Western dominance in scientific studies on the concept of ‘Mobil değersizleştirme.’ On the contrary, the inclusion of universities from East Asia, such as Renmin University and Shanxi University, as well as universities in Türkiye, such as Çoruh and Osmangazi, indicates that the concept is significant worldwide and has found its place in scientific studies.</li><li>According to the results of the concept coherence analysis of the research, ‘Family Mobil değersiz= leştirme (31), Adolescence (19), Tech Conference (18), Smartphone (18), Addiction (16), Relationship Satisfaction (16), Smartphone Addiction (15), and Smartphones (15)’ were found. However, in recent years, a correlation has been observed with concepts related to the economics of work, such as ‘business, work performance, and job satisfaction.’ The concept of job satisfaction, which has a negative correlation with the concept, was found to be unrelated in the study. This situation essentially points to a new area of study in the literature. In this context, when we look more closely at the relationship between job satisfaction and Mobil değersizleştirme, we see that Mobil değersizleştirme behaviour, which has become widespread among managers in recent years, has a demotivating effect on employees in terms of work performance and commitment to work. It can be seen that the two concepts are intertwined negatively. Indeed, the work conducted by Yousaf et al. in 2022 supports this situation. The study found that Mobil değersizleştirme behaviour reduces employees’ intrinsic motivation, which in turn weakens their job satisfaction (Yousaf et al., 2022).&nbsp;</li></ul>The results obtained in the study reveal important information about working life through bibliometric analysis and offer new perspectives for future studies. It is understood that Mobil değersizleştirme is a popular concept that is developing and attracting interest in different disciplines in the academic community. This situation can be evaluated as both positive and negative results. Indeed, the fact that the concept is new but has begun to be researched can frequently be considered positive in terms of its contribution to the academic literature. However, the fact that the concept is rapidly developing in today’s world and is widely discussed indicates that mobile devaluation in social life is becoming widespread among people. Necessary measures must be taken to prevent this situation from leading to future social deterioration.

The Place of Phubbing in Academic Production: A Biometric Analysis

Merve

Assoc. Prof. Dr.

Young Women’s Transition to the Workforce: The Influence of Career-Decidedness on Happiness and the Mediating Role of SelfEsteem

Alptekin

Digital Atatürk, Collective Memory, and Political Longing: A Sociological Analysis of AI-Generated Representation of Atatürk on YouTube

@JOURNAL_BOX_CURRENT

@JOURNAL_BOX_EARLYVIEW

Alexander

Tradition, Morality and Solidarity in Durkheim’s Theory

Çağrı

Since the 1950s, environmental sociology is hardly accepted despite existing social-environmental issues. These problems have been generated by the rapid industrialization and urbanization causing pollution in the post-war era. Environmental sociology was established in the 1970s when environmental problems gained public attention and the environmental movement emerged. The theories of sociologists Durkheim, Weber, who introduced the rationalization concept, and Marx, who introduced the theory of metabolic rift, were welcomed in environmental sociology. However, Durkheim was criticized that his methodological dictum was excluding society-environment interaction. There are two explanations for the association between Durkheim and societyenvironment interaction. On the one hand, the industrialism of his era caused the exclusion of environment from sociology. On the other hand, Durkheim’s works have significant references to environment that indicate a potential for environmental sociology. This paper aims to examine Durkheim’s sociological approach in terms of society-environment interaction. First, the foundation of environmental sociology is summarized. Then, both examples showing the exclusion of environment and societyenvironment interactions in Durkheim’s studies are shown. The paper concludes with the assessment of Durkheim’s contribution to current environmental sociology challenging ecological crisis that threatens society. Although the first years of sociology were marked by geographical and biological determinism, sociologists favoring a “world view” of development, progress, and modernism in later years ignored environment as an issue (Hannigan, 2006). After a century, when environmental problems had surfaced and threatened industrialized Western societies, environmental concerns and movement were accepted in society and from the cultural perspective. Two pioneers of environmental sociology, Dunlap and Catton (1978) criticized human exceptionalism paradigm of causing the exploitation of nature and Durkheim’s methodological dictum (Madappalli, 2016). The paradigm assumes nature as an endless resource and that the human progress is limitless, while human existence is unique as a result of its developed culture (Catton &amp; Dunlap, 1978) that “covers the dependence of human societies to biophysical environment” (Rice, 2013, p. 238). However, environmental problems and restrictions in the 1960s shook this paradigm and Durkheim’s methodological dictum that reportedly ignored society-environment interaction. Hence, environmental parameters were included in sociological researches. In fact, the New Ecological Paradigm (NEP) scale, developed by environmental sociologists, introduced “environmental facts” against the social facts of Durkheim. The paradigm aims to consider the effects of&nbsp;environmental problems like resource scarcity on main sociological research issues like stratification (Catton &amp; Dunlap, 1978). Hence, environmental sociologists, by using the New Ecological Paradigm, challenge Durkheim’s methodological dictum by accepting the effect of environment on society (Dunlap &amp; Catton, 1979). Durkheim was criticized for excluding the impact of the environment on sociology with his methodological dictum. Sociology, a social discipline excluding environment (Foster, 1999, p. 367), was positioned out of “psychology, biology, economics, and geography” by Marx, Weber, and Durkheim, the three fathers of sociology (Buttel, Dickens, Dunlap, &amp; Gijswijt, 2002, p. 5). However, Marx and Weber were applauded for their concepts, the metabolic rift and rationality, in environmental sociology, unlike Durkheim who was criticized for his methodological dictum that was believed to be against the use of biophysical parameters in sociology (Lidskog, Mol, &amp; Oosterveer, 2015). Durkheim defined social facts only with other social facts, ignoring the biophysical environment (Dunlap, 2016), and implied examination of social systems without using environmental parameters (Norgaard, 1997, p. 159). Durkheim developed a social reductionism to resist biological reductionism (Benton, 1991, as cited in Konak, 2010). Hence, traditional sociology following Durkheim’s approach excluded biophysical environment (Hoyen, 2013). To objectify society within a scientific discipline (Durkheim, 2016, pp. 58, 59, 168), Durkheim defended the use of social facts and collective consciousness against biology and psychology (Hannigan, 2006, p. 5), that social facts can only be explained by social facts (Buttel, 2002) that have power over individuals and are different from non-human and organic facts (Durkheim, 2016). As a result, the methodological dictum made Durkheim and sociologists ignore biological and physical parameters (Dunlap, 1997; Dunlap &amp; Catton, 2007). The exclusion of physical reality by Weberian and Durkheimian authors (Ritzer 1975; Choldin 1978, as cited in Dunlap &amp; Catton, 2007) should be seen as a constructive approach in the early years of sociology (Buttel, 2002). The exclusion of environment was dominant and environmental parameters were ignored in other subdisciplines like rural sociology until the 1970s; these subdisciplines are the foundation of environmental sociology (Dunlap &amp; Martin 1983, as cited in Dunlap, 2002). Durkheim implied the static position of nature throughout history while society changes and evolves (Durkheim, 2010; Gross, 2000; Jarvikoski, 1996). Durkheim separated the concept of evolution, originated from ecology and biology, from nature and integrated it into the social sphere (Durkheim, 2014). Furthermore, he put a sharp distinction between human society and animals, as they lack of morality and collective consciousness (Durkheim, 2010) and they are static unlike human societies (Durkheim, 2014). Although sociological theorists Durkheim, Weber, and Marx did not directly examine society-environment interaction; their studies indirectly included this issue (Hannigan, 2006, p. 5). Hence, Durkheim should be comprehended through the extensive framework of human-nature systems instead of narrow anthropocentricism (Rosa &amp; Richter, 2008). In fact, Durkheim did not deny the importance of biological and physical parameters in sociology (Jarvikoski, 1996). Moreover, Durkheim followed the example of natural science during the exploration of social reality (Durkheim, 2016). Despite a strong and common prejudice in traditional sociology, Durkheim’s studies involve many references to the environment. However, the methodological dictum of Durkheimian scholars reinstructed sociology (Catton, 2002), resulting in Dunlap and Catton, two founders of environmental sociology, strongly criticizing the Durkheimian theory. Contrarily, the limited prevalence of social facts and the emphasis on the environmental parameters in Durkheim’s studies are important objections to their critique (Rosa &amp; Richter, 2008). Çelebi (2007, p. 159) highlighted the importance of the balance between population and land as social facts that affect society. Durkheim considered the effects of the position of sun and the condition of the atmosphere to people, and his social morphology notion had other environmental insights like the use of land (Gross, 2000). He also implied the coevolution of nature and society in his work of Pragmatism and Sociology (Foster, 1999). According to him, nature is not the reverse of society, but a part, the highest representation, and complex form of nature (Durkheim 2010; Jarvikoski, 1996). Moreover, Durkheim (2016) implied similarities between “physical environment” and society and defined society as part of nature. Durkheim often referred to nature in his classical study of totemism. Tribe members lean toward plants, animals, and rocks in understanding their society. They imitate animals in their religious rituals. Safety and domination of nature make up their religion (Durkheim, 2010). Durkheim often used biological terms like species, population density, and resource scarcity in his explanation of social evolution and solidarity concepts (Buttel, 2002). He implied that division of labor exists in all living organisms, and transfers society from nature (Durkheim, 2014). On the other hand, his notion of competition and division of labor undermined environmental concerns like pollution and resource scarcity in urbanization (Lenski, 1984, as cited in Buttel &amp; Humprey, 2002). This paper aims to examine Durkheim’s sociological approach in terms of societyenvironment interaction. The construction process of sociology as a distinct discipline excluded environmental parameters. However, urbanization and industrialization in the 1950s have caused environmental concerns and movements in Western societies.&nbsp;The foundation of environmental sociology was challenged in the 1970s by the methodological dictum of Durkheim. Although some of his studies strongly separate society from environment like social facts, he often referred to environmental concepts like population, balance, organism, and resource scarcity. Durkheim also implied metabolic interaction between society and environment, and that society is a complex part of nature.

Society-Environment Interaction in Durkheim: Exclusion of Social Facts versus Environmental Potential

@JOURNAL_BOX_FEATURED

Eric

Durkheim and the Nation

Bjørn

From Holism to Participation: Three Phases in Durkheim’s Work

@JOURNAL_BOX_MOSTREAD

Manuscript submission system of the journal is Istanbul University Online Publishing Management System.

Published by the Istanbul University Department of Sociology, İstanbul University Journal of Sociology has held an important place in the development of sociology as a scientific discipline in Turkey. 

First published in 1917, İstanbul University Journal of Sociology was the first sociology journal written in Turkish. In its roughly 100-year history, the journal has become the most pioneering and prominent publication within the discipline. The publication languages of the journal are Turkish, English, French and Germany. The print version of the journal has been stopped as of 2022; the publication continues as an electronic only journal.

İstanbul University Journal of Sociology is an open-access, double-blind peer-reviewed, international journal focusing on the publication of research and studies covering all aspects of the social. The journal’s goal is to aid and facilitate both international and interdisciplinary scientific communication, to strengthen the links between scientific research and society in Turkey, and to stimulate and enhance the quality of debate. Representing an interdisciplinary forum for the exchange of recent data and expert opinions, it reflects the importance of a comprehensive approach to resolving the social problems in Turkey.
İstanbul University Journal of Sociology publishes peer-reviewed research reports on sociology, bringing together research conducted within a variety of different disciplines. Articles include theoretical, philosophical, political essays, research papers, research on social behaviors, and historical research related to any social activity. In addition to original research, the journal features both articles and book reviews.
Studies that clearly contribute to the current knowledge of sociology are given priority. Scholarly commentaries on topical issues and systematic reviews are also encouraged.

All expenses of the journal are covered by the Istanbul University. Processing and publication are free of charge with the journal. There is no article processing charges or submission fees for any submitted or accepted articles. http://istanbul.edu.tr:8080/en/journal/iusd/information/policies                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                        

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EBSCO

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SOBIAD

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The journal’s goal is to aid and facilitate both international and interdisciplinary scientific communication, to strengthen the links between scientific research and society in Turkey, and to stimulate and enhance the quality of debate. Representing an interdisciplinary forum for the exchange of recent data and expert opinions, it reflects the importance of a comprehensive approach to resolving the social problems in Turkey. İstanbul University Journal of Sociology publishes peer-reviewed research reports on sociology, bringing together research conducted within a variety of different disciplines. Articles include theoretical, philosophical, political essays, research papers, research on social behaviors, and historical research related to any social activity. In addition to original research, the journal features both articles and book reviews.

Aim & Scope

<ul><li>Web of Science Emerging Sources Citation Index (ESCI)</li><li>TÜBİTAK ULAKBİM TR-Dizin </li><li>EBSCO Sociology Source Ultimate​</li><li>EBSCO SocINDEX (with Full Text) </li><li>DOAJ</li><li>ProQuest CSA Sociological Abstract</li><li>Erih Plus</li><li>SOBİAD</li><li>Gale Cengage</li><li><a href="https://about.proquest.com/en/products-services/Ulrichsweb/" target="_blank" style="font-size: 14.6667px;">Ulrichsweb</a> </li>  </ul>

Indexing and Abstracting

The journal is committed to upholding the highest standards of publication ethics and pays regard to Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing published by the <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, the <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, the <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a>, and the <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> on <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a> The subjects covered in the manuscripts submitted to the Journal for publication must be in accordance with the aim and scope of the Journal. Only those manuscripts approved by every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Changing the name of an author (omission, addition or order) in papers submitted to the Journal requires written permission of all declared authors.Plagiarism, duplication, fraud authorship/denied authorship, research/data fabrication, salami slicing/salami publication, breaching of copyrights, prevailing conflict of interest are unethical behaviors. All manuscripts not in accordance with the accepted ethical standards will be removed from the publication. This also contains any possible malpractice discovered after the publication. Plagiarism Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. If plagiarism/self-plagiarism will be found authors will be informed. Editors may resubmit manuscript for similarity check at any peer-review or production stage if required. High similarity scores may lead to rejection of a manuscript before and even after acceptance. Depending on the type of article and the percentage of similarity score taken from each article, the overall similarity score is generally expected to be less than 15 or 20%. Double Blind Peer-Review After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by the editors-in-chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope. The editor provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles and hands over the papers matching the formal rules to at least two national/international referees for evaluation and gives green light for publication upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.

Policies

The journal is an open access journal and all content is freely available without charge to the user or his/her institution. Except for commercial purposes, users are allowed to read, download, copy, print, search, or link to the full texts of the articles in this journal without asking prior permission from the publisher or the author. This is in accordance with the <a href="https://www.budapestopenaccessinitiative.org/read" target="_blank">BOAI</a> definition of open access.The open access articles in the journal are licensed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.en" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) license.

All expenses of the journal are covered by the Istanbul University. Processing and publication are free of charge with the journal. There is no article processing charges or submission fees for any submitted or accepted articles.

Authors publishing with the journal retain the copyright to their work licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/" target="_blank">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/</a>) and grant the Publisher non-exclusive commercial right to publish the work. CC BY-NC 4.0 license permits unrestricted, non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

Editor should consider publishing correction if minor errors that do not effect the results, interpretations and conclusions of the published paper are detected. Editor should consider retraction if major errors and/or misconduction that invalidate results and conclusions are detected.Editor should consider issuing an expression of concern if there is evidence of research or publication misconduct by the authors; there is evidence that the findings are not reliable and institutions of the authors do not investigate the case or the possible investigation seems to be unfair or nonconclusive. The guidelines of <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/flowcharts/complete-set-english" target="_blank">COPE</a> and <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/" target="_blank">ICJME</a> are taken into consideration regarding correction, retractions or expression of concern.RetractionJournal follows <a href="https://publicationethics.org/sites/default/files/retraction-guidelines-cope.pdf" target="_blank">COPE’s Retraction Guidelines</a> in case of retraction. The editor has the right to retract an article if: <ul><li>There is clear evidence that the findings are unreliable; either as a result of a major error (e.g. miscalculation or experimental error), or as a result of fabrication (e.g. of data) or falsification (e.g. image manipulation).</li><li>It contains plagiarised content. </li><li>It has been published elsewhere without proper attribution. </li><li>It contains material or data without authorisation for use.</li><li>There is copyright infringement or there is some other serious legal issue.</li><li>It reports unethical research. </li><li>There is evidence that the peer-review process is compromised or manipulated.</li><li>The author(s) failed to disclose a significant competing interest (also known as a conflict of interest) that, in the opinion of the editor, would have unduly influenced the interpretation of the work or the recommendations of the editors and peer reviewers.</li></ul>In case of retraction the following steps are followed:<ul><li>Retraction notice including article title is published in a subsequent issue of the journal. The retraction notice is paginated and listed in the table of contents. </li><li>A link is provided between the retraction notice and the original article in the electronic version. </li><li>The online article is preceded by a page containing the retraction notice; the reader can then proceed to the article itself.</li><li>The original article remains unchanged, except for a watermark on the .pdf on each page stating that it has been &#34;retracted”.</li></ul>Article Removal for Legal ReasonsIn the following circumstances, except the metadata (title and authors), the text of the article is removed and a page informing that the article has been removed for legal reasons replaces the article. <ul><li>The article is found to be defamatory or to infringe the legal rights of others, and retraction is not deemed to be an adequate solution.</li><li>The article has been, or is reasonably likely to be the subject of a court order.</li><li>There is a significant risk to public health. </li></ul>

To guarantee that all papers published in the journal are maintained and permanently accessible, articles are stored in Dergipark which serves as a  national archival web site and at the same time permits LOCKSS to  collect, preserve, and serve the content.Additionally, authors are encouraged to self-archive the final PDF version of their articles in open electronic archives with  that conform to standards of Open Archives Initiative (<a href="https://www.openarchives.org/" target="_blank">https://www.openarchives.org/</a>). Authors should provide a link from the deposited version to the URL of IUPress journal website.

The Artificial Intelligence Policy, prepared in light of developments in artificial intelligence (AI) and practices in scholarly publishing, sets out the editorial and ethical principles that authors, reviewers, and editors should follow when using such technologies. The following sources have been considered in the preparation of the AI policy:Committee on Publication Ethics <a href="https://publicationethics.org/guidance/cope-position/authorship-and-ai-tools" target="_blank">(COPE) - Authorship and AI tools</a>; International Committee of Medical Journal Editors <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/browse/roles-and-responsibilities/defining-the-role-of-authors-and-contributors.html#four" target="_blank">(ICMJE) - Artificial Intelligence (AI)-Assisted Technology; World Association of Medical Editors  (WAME) Chatbots, Generative AI, and Scholarly Manuscripts</a><a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/browse/roles-and-responsibilities/defining-the-role-of-authors-and-contributors.html#four"></a>AI-assisted technologies (such as large language models [LLMs], chatbots, or image generators) can develop and produce a wide variety of content, including text, images, audio, and synthetic data. When used ethically and safely, these capabilities can increase productivity and foster innovation, but when used without human guidance, they pose risks such as inaccurate and biased results, omissions and errors in citations, deficiencies in protecting privacy and intellectual property rights, and potential violations of authors' and publishers' rights. IUPress adopts the following core principles to avoid these risks in the use of AI:  <ul><li>Details of any AI used in the production of content (including but not limited to text, figures, images, and code) must be declared and clearly explained in the appropriate section of the paper (as an acknowledgement and/or in the methods section). </li><li>No AI tool may be listed as an author in any scientific paper. </li><li>Authors are responsible for the accuracy, completeness, and originality of their work, even if AI is used in any way; they are responsible for the proper referencing and attribution of others' ideas, data, words, or other materials. </li><li>Reviewers and editors must not upload submitted work, in whole or in part, to any generative AI application.</li></ul>In the editorial processes of IUPress publications, tools are available to assist editors in identifying AI-generated content. On the other hand, it is common to use AI tools that provide suggestions for improving and enhancing readability, language, and grammar, and such AI tools can be used in IUPress publications under the supervision of editors and authors.

Artificial Intelligence Policy

<ul><li>Authors are required to declare if they have used AI-assisted technologies (such as large language models [LLMs], chatbots, or image generators) in the creation of their submitted work. </li><li>Authors should explain, both in the cover letter and in the appropriate section of the submitted paper (as a footnote and/or in the methods section), which AI tool and which version of it they have used and for what purpose. </li><li>Authors should also indicate how they used the AI tool and how they assessed the validity of the results obtained using this technology, and what aspects of the paper, manuscript content, data or supporting files were influenced by the use of the AI tool or were generated by AI.</li><li>It is the authors' responsibility to ensure the accuracy, validity and appropriateness of content and citations generated by AI-assisted technologies and to eliminate potential errors, inconsistencies and biased results. </li><li>Authors should always check the original sources to eliminate possible plagiarism, recognising that there is a potential for plagiarism in texts produced with AI-assisted technologies. They should confirm that they have checked and that the sources are original.  </li><li>AI-assisted tools (such as ChatGPT) cannot be listed as authors because they cannot be responsible for the accuracy, integrity, and originality of the work, and these responsibilities are essential to authorship. Therefore, authors are responsible for all material involving the use of AI-assisted technologies. Authors should ensure that all statements in the article that state the hypotheses, interpretations, conclusions, limitations, and implications of the study represent their own opinions.  </li><li>Studies created by authors using AI tools in the following ways, which substitute for the basic researcher's and author's responsibilities, violate the principles of scientific publishing and publication ethics, and such studies are not eligible for inclusion in publications: </li></ul><ul><ul><li>&#65279;Generation of text or code without rigorous review, </li><li>Generation of synthetic data to replace missing data without a robust methodology, </li><li>Creation of any inaccurate, synthetic content, including abstracts or supplementary materials, </li><li>Creation and manipulation of images and figures (pictures, graphs, data tables, medical images, image snippets, computer codes and formulae) or original research data (enhancing, hiding, moving, removing or adding a particular feature within an image or figure) using AI.&#65279;</li></ul></ul>

It is essential to maintain confidentiality in the peer review process and not to share or use the reviewed work in this process. <a href="https://publicationethics.org/sites/default/files/ethical-guidelines-peer-reviewers-cope.pdf" target="_blank">(COPE – Ethical Guidelines for Peer Reviewers</a>)<ul><li>Reviewers should not upload a manuscript or part of a manuscript submitted to them for review to generative AI tools or large language models to assist in the review, evaluation or decision-making process, as uploading content to such AI tools by reviewers violates the authors' privacy and property rights.  </li><li>Reviewing a scientific paper is a responsibility that can only be undertaken by human beings. The critical thinking and original evaluation required for peer review is beyond the scope of this technology, and there is a risk that the technology will produce inaccurate, incomplete or biased conclusions about the paper. The peer review report and decision letters should reflect the personal assessment of the reviewers and editors of the submitted content. The reviewer is responsible and accountable for the content of his/her report. </li><li>AI tools may be used in a limited way to improve the quality of the language of the peer review report (for translation or language editing) in the context of peer review. If such use is made, the reviewer must declare the use when submitting the report. </li><li>Reviewers who suspect inappropriate or undisclosed use of generative AI in a submission should report their concerns to the editor.</li></ul>

Editors are obliged to ensure that the confidentiality of the manuscripts submitted to the journal is maintained during the evaluation process, and it is essential that the peer-reviewed work is not shared or used outside the parties involved in that process. (COPE - Code of Conduct and Best Practice Guidelines for Journal Editors) <a href="https://publicationethics.org/files/Code_of_conduct_for_journal_editors_Mar11.pdf" target="_blank">(COPE – Code of Conduct and Best Practice Guidelines for Journal Editors)</a>.<ul><li>Editors should not upload a submitted article, or any part of it, to generative Artificial Intelligence tools or Big Language Models to assist in the review, evaluation or decision-making process, as this may violate authors' privacy and property rights. </li><li>Managing the editorial review of a scientific article implies responsibilities that can only be attributed to humans. Generative AI or AI-assisted technologies should not be used by editors to assist in the evaluation or decision-making process of an article, as the critical thinking and original evaluation required for this task is beyond the scope of this technology and there is a risk that the technology will produce inaccurate, incomplete or biased conclusions about the article. The editor is responsible and accountable for the editorial process, the final decision and its communication to the authors.</li><li>Editors should not use generative AI tools to compose decision letters or abstracts of unpublished research. </li><li>Editors may use generative AI tools to help find appropriate reviewers.</li><li>If editors suspect the use of generative AI in a submitted manuscript or a submitted referee report, they should conduct an editorial review of the matter and consider the policy.</li></ul>

İstanbul University Journal of Sociology is committed to upholding the highest standards of publication ethics and pays regard to Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing published by the <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, the <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, the <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a>, and the <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> on <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a>All submissions must be original, unpublished (including as full text in conference proceedings), and not under the review of any other publication synchronously. Authors must ensure that submitted work is original. They must certify that the manuscript has not previously been published elsewhere or is not currently being considered for publication elsewhere, in any language. Applicable copyright laws and conventions must be followed. Copyright material (e.g. tables, figures or extensive quotations) must be reproduced only with appropriate permission and acknowledgement. Any work or words of other authors, contributors, or sources must be appropriately credited and referenced.Each manuscript is reviewed by one of the editors and at least two referees under double-blind peer review process. Plagiarism, duplication, fraud authorship/denied authorship, research/data fabrication, salami slicing/salami publication, breaching of copyrights, prevailing conflict of interest are unnethical behaviors.All manuscripts not in accordance with the accepted ethical standards will be removed from the publication. This also contains any possible malpractice discovered after the publication. In accordance with the code of conduct we will report any cases of suspected plagiarism or duplicate publishing.

Ethics

İstanbul University Journal of Sociology adheres to the highest standards in research ethics and follows the principles of international research ethics as defined below. The authors are responsible for the compliance of the manuscripts with the ethical rules.-    Principles of integrity, quality and transparency should be sustained in designing the research, reviewing the design and conducting the research.-    The research team and participants should be fully informed about the aim, methods, possible uses and requirements of the research and risks of participation in research.-    The confidentiality of the information provided by the research participants and the confidentiality of the respondents should be ensured. The research should be designed to protect the autonomy and dignity of the participants.-    Research participants should participate in the research voluntarily, not under any coercion.-    Any possible harm to participants must be avoided. The research should be planned in such a way that the participants are not at risk.-    The independence of research must be clear; and any conflict of interest or must be disclosed.-    In experimental studies with human subjects, written informed consent of the participants who decide to participate in the research must be obtained. In the case of children and those under wardship or with confirmed insanity, legal custodian’s assent must be obtained.-    If the study is to be carried out in any institution or organization, approval must be obtained from this institution or organization.-    In studies with human subject, it must be noted in the method’s section of the manuscript that the informed consent of the participants and ethics committee approval from the institution where the study has been conducted have been obtained.

It is authors’ responsibility to ensure that the article is in accordance with scientific and ethical standards and rules. And authors must ensure that submitted work is original. They must certify that the manuscript has not previously been published elsewhere or is not currently being considered for publication elsewhere, in any language. Applicable copyright laws and conventions must be followed. Copyright material (e.g. tables, figures or extensive quotations) must be reproduced only with appropriate permission and acknowledgement. Any work or words of other authors, contributors, or sources must be appropriately credited and referenced.All the authors of a submitted manuscript must have direct scientific and academic contribution to the manuscript. The author(s) of the original research articles is defined as a person who is significantly involved in “conceptualization and design of the study”, “collecting the data”, “analyzing the data”, “writing the manuscript”, “reviewing the manuscript with a critical perspective” and “planning/conducting the study of the manuscript and/or revising it”. Fund raising, data collection or supervision of the research group are not sufficient roles to be accepted as an author. The author(s) must meet all these criteria described above. The order of names in the author list of an article must be a co-decision and it must be indicated in the <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/ABCAC0D48F9844D0B211AD7D55559C54" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a>. The individuals who do not meet the authorship criteria but contributed to the study must take place in the acknowledgement section. Individuals providing technical support, assisting writing, providing a general support, providing material or financial support are examples to be indicated in acknowledgement section.All authors must disclose all issues concerning financial relationship, conflict of interest, and competing interest that may potentially influence the results of the research or scientific judgment.When an author discovers a significant error or inaccuracy in his/her own published paper, it is the author’s obligation to promptly cooperate with the Editor-in-Chief to provide retractions or corrections of mistakes.

Editor evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, sexual orientation, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors. Editor provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles for publication and ensures that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential before publishing.Editor is responsible for the content and overall quality of the publication and must publish errata pages or make corrections when needed.Editor does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers. Only editor has the full authority to assign a reviewer and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal.Reviewers’ judgments must be objective. Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the Editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the Editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. Unless the authors and editor permit, the reviews of referees cannot be published or disclosed. The anonymity of the referees is important. In particular situations, the editor may share the review of one reviewer with other reviewers to clarify a particular point.

Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by editor-in-chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope.The editor hands over the papers matching the formal rules to at least two national/international referees for double-blind peer review evaluation and gives green light for publication upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.&#65279;

Peer Review

Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors. Editor-in-Chief provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles for publication and ensures that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential before publishing.Editor-in-Chief is responsible for the contents and overall quality of the publication. He/She must publish errata pages or make corrections when needed.Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers. Only he has the full authority to assign a reviewer and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal.Reviewers must have no conflict of interest with respect to the research, the authors and/or the research funders. Their judgments must be objective.Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees must be ensured. In particular situations, the editor may share the review of one reviewer with other reviewers to clarify a particular point.

Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by Editor-in-Chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope.Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors and ensures a fair double-blind peer review of the selected manuscripts.​ The selected manuscripts are sent to at least two national/international external referees for evaluation and publication decision is given by Editor-in-Chief upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims. Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal. Reviewers’ judgments must be objective. Reviewers’ comments on the following aspects are expected while conducting the review.- Does the manuscript contain new and significant information?- Does the abstract clearly and accurately describe the content of the manuscript?- Is the problem significant and concisely stated?- Are the methods described comprehensively?- Are the interpretations and consclusions justified by the results?- Is adequate references made to other Works in the field?- Is the language acceptable?Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees is important.

General Formatting Requirements<a href="http://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/FileHandler2.ashx?f=formatting_guidelines1.pdf" target="_blank">Formatting and content requirements for manuscripts to be submitted to İstanbul University Journal of Sociology </a>Font: The font used in the entire manuscript should be Times New Roman, font size 10. For tables and figures, see below.Page Layout: Page margins for bottom, top, right, and left should be pre-set as 2.5 cm (0.98 inch). Text should be justified with no hyphenation breaks in words at the end of a line. Text should be typed as a single-column document. Paragraphs and headings should not be indented, but aligned with the main text.Paragraph Format: Paragraph indents should be pre-set in the tabs section as follows:before and after: 0.6 nkline spacing: 1.5.Page Limit: Manuscripts prepared in compliance with the guidelines should not exceed 20 pages.Manuscript SectionsTitle: Article titles should be boldfaced and centered. If the study has been submitted before or extracted from a project or a thesis, an asterisk (*) should be placed at the end of the title and an explanation provided as a footnote. (Please refer to the sample).Author (s)’s Names: Author’s names should be written in bold. Authors’ full names, titles, institutional affiliations, postal addresses, and contact details such as e-mail addresses should be mentioned.Abstract: Abstracts should be between150–200 words. No citations should appear in the abstractKey Words: 5–8 words representing the manuscript should be given as keywords.Main Text: Qualitative and quantitative studies should contain the following sections: Introduction, Method, Findings, and Discussion. The Methods section must include Sampling/Study Population, Data Collection Tools,and Procedure as sub-sections if an original research method has been used.Literature reviews should elaborate on the problem, analyze the relevant literature, emphasize the gaps and inconsistencies in the literature, and discuss actions toward solving these problems.Other types of studies can allow slight variations in sections, but they should not contain too many details and sub-sections that could distract readers’ attention and compromise readability.Başlık* Title in TurkishÖz* Öz (Abstract in Turkish) should be between150–200 words. No citations should appear in the “öz”Anahtar Kelimeler* 5-8 Turkish words representing the manuscript should be given as “anahtar kelimeler”Uzun Özet* A 1000-1500 word extended abstract in Turkish that provides the main points of main textReferences: Both in-text citations and references should comply with the APA guidelines as provided in the Publication Manual of American Psychological Association(APA) (6th edition).<ul><li>“Başlık”, “Öz”, “Anahtar Kelimeler” and “Uzun Özet” will be supplied by İstanbul University Journal of Sociology translation office for authors whose native language is not Turkish</li></ul>Tables, Figures, and AppendicesTables and Figures: Tables, figures, pictures, graphics, and similar aspects should be embedded in the text, and not provided as appendices.For tables and figures, use Times New Roman, font size 9.Under the Paragraph tab, ensure that the indentation is as follows:<ul><li>Before and after: 0</li><li>Spacing: Single</li></ul>Tables and figures should be left aligned, and the text wrapping feature should be turned off. Please refer to the sample below for tables.Appendices: Each appendix should be displayed on a separate page after the references section.

Author Guidelines

Before beginning the online submission process please read the Information for Authors and make sure you have the followings available:<a href="http://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/FileHandler2.ashx?f=formatting_guidelines1.pdf" target="_blank">Formatting and content requirements for manuscripts to be submitted to İstanbul University Journal of Sociology</a>Cover letter to the editor<ul type="disc"> <ul type="circle"> <li>The category of the manuscript</li> <li>Confirming that “the paper is not under consideration for publication in another journal”.</li> <li>Including disclosure of any commercial or financial involvement.</li> <li>Confirming that the statistical design of the research article is reviewed.</li> <li>Confirming that last control for fluent English was done.</li> <li>Confirming that journal policies detailed in Information for Authors have been reviewed.</li> <li>Confirming that the references cited in the text and listed in the references section are in line with APA 6.</li> </ul> </ul><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/ABCAC0D48F9844D0B211AD7D55559C54" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a>Permission of previous published material if used in the present manuscript<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/65CEC23E332146C09925642990ED5D91" target="_blank">Title page</a><ul type="disc"> <ul type="circle"> <li>The category of the manuscript</li> <li>The title of the manuscript both in the language of the article and in English</li> <li>All authors’ names and affiliations (institution, faculty/department, city, country), e-mail addresses</li> <li>Corresponding author’s email address, full postal address, telephone and fax number</li> <li>ORCIDs of all authors.</li> </ul> </ul>Main Manuscript Document<ul type="disc"> <ul type="circle"> <li>The title of the manuscript both in the language of the article and in English</li> <li>Abstracts (200-250 words) both in the language of the article and in English</li> <li>Key words: 5 words both in the language of the article and in English</li> <li>Extended Abstract (600-800 words) in English (only for articles which are not in English)</li> <li>Main article sections</li> <li>Acknowledgement (if exits)</li> <li>References</li> <li>All tables, illustrations (figures) (including title, description, footnotes)</li></ul></ul><ul type="disc"> </ul>Files to be uploaded separately<ul type="disc"> <li><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/3987D117ECEB471BB87B0B638CAF14C1" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a></li> <li>Permissions obtained for previously published material if used in the present manuscript</li> <li><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/65CEC23E332146C09925642990ED5D91" target="_blank">Title page</a></li> <li>Main Manuscript Document</li> </ul><ul type="disc"> <ul type="circle"> <li>The title of the manuscript both in the language of the article and in English</li> <li>Abstracts (200-250 words) both in the language of the article and in English</li> <li>Key words: 5 words both in Turkish and in English</li> <li>Extended Abstract (600-800 words) in English (only for articles which are not in English)</li> <li>Main article sections</li> <li>Acknowledgement (if exists)</li> <li>References</li> <li>All tables, illustrations (figures) (including title, description, footnotes)</li></ul></ul><ul type="disc"> </ul>

İstanbul University Journal of Sociology complies with APA (American Psychological Association) style 6th Edition for referencing and quoting. For more information:-    American Psychological Association. (2010). Publication manual of the American PsychologicalAssociation (6th ed.). Washington, DC: APA.-    <a href="http://www.apastyle.org" target="_blank">http://www.apastyle.org</a>Accuracy of citation is the author’s responsibility. All references should be cited in text. Reference list must be in alphabetical order. Type references in the style shown below.Citations in the TextCitations must be indicated with the author surname and publication year within the parenthesis.If more than one citation is made within the same paranthesis, separate them with (;).Samples:More than one citation;(Esin et al., 2002; Karasar, 1995)Citation with one author;(Akyolcu, 2007)Citation with two authors;(Sayıner &amp; Demirci, 2007)Citation with three, four, five authors;First citation in the text: (Ailen, Ciambrune, &amp; Welch, 2000) Subsequent citations in the text: (Ailen et al., 2000)Citations with more than six authors;(Çavdar et al., 2003)Citations in the ReferenceAll the citations done in the text should be listed in the References section in alphabetical order of author surname without numbering. Below given examples should be considered in citing the references.Basic Reference TypesBooka) Turkish BookKarasar, N. (1995). Araştırmalarda rapor hazırlama (8th ed.) [Preparing research reports]. Ankara, Turkey: 3A Eğitim Danışmanlık Ltd.b) Book Translated into TurkishMucchielli, A. (1991). Zihniyetler [Mindsets] (A. Kotil, Trans.). İstanbul, Turkey: İletişim Yayınları.c) Edited BookÖren, T., Üney, T., &amp; Çölkesen, R. (Eds.). (2006). Türkiye bilişim ansiklopedisi [Turkish Encyclopedia of Informatics]. İstanbul, Turkey: Papatya Yayıncılık.d) Turkish Book with Multiple AuthorsTonta, Y., Bitirim, Y., &amp; Sever, H. (2002). Türkçe arama motorlarında performans değerlendirme [Performance evaluation in Turkish search engines]. Ankara, Turkey: Total Bilişim.e) Book in EnglishKamien R., &amp; Kamien A. (2014). Music: An appreciation. New York, NY: McGraw-Hill Education.f) Chapter in an Edited BookBassett, C. (2006). Cultural studies and new media. In G. Hall &amp; C. Birchall (Eds.), New cultural studies: Adventures in theory (pp. 220–237). Edinburgh, UK: Edinburgh University Press.g) Chapter in an Edited Book in TurkishErkmen, T. (2012). Örgüt kültürü: Fonksiyonları, öğeleri, işletme yönetimi ve liderlikteki önemi [Organization culture: Its functions, elements and importance in leadership and business management]. In M. Zencirkıran (Ed.), Örgüt sosyolojisi [Organization sociology] (pp. 233–263). Bursa, Turkey: Dora Basım Yayın.h) Book with the same organization as author and publisherAmerican Psychological Association. (2009). Publication manual of the American psychological association (6th ed.). Washington, DC: Author.Articlea) Turkish ArticleMutlu, B., &amp; Savaşer, S. (2007). Çocuğu ameliyat sonrası yoğun bakımda olan ebeveynlerde stres nedenleri ve azaltma girişimleri [Source and intervention reduction of stress for parents whose children are in intensive care unit after surgery]. Istanbul University Florence Nightingale Journal of Nursing, 15(60), 179–182.b) English Articlede Cillia, R., Reisigl, M., &amp; Wodak, R. (1999). The discursive construction of national identity. Discourse and Society, 10(2), 149–173. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957926599010002002c) Journal Article with DOI and More Than Seven AuthorsLal, H., Cunningham, A. L., Godeaux, O., Chlibek, R., Diez-Domingo, J., Hwang, S.-J. ... Heineman, T. C. (2015). Efficacy of an adjuvanted herpes zoster subunit vaccine in older adults. New England Journal of Medicine, 372, 2087–2096. http://dx.doi.org/10.1056/NEJMoa1501184d) Journal Article from Web, without DOISidani, S. (2003). Enhancing the evaluation of nursing care effectiveness. Canadian Journal of Nursing Research, 35(3), 26–38. Retrieved from http://cjnr.mcgill.cae) Journal Article wih DOITurner, S. J. (2010). Website statistics 2.0: Using Google Analytics to measure library website effectiveness. Technical Services Quarterly, 27, 261–278. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07317131003765910f) Advance Online PublicationSmith, J. A. (2010). Citing advance online publication: A review. Journal of Psychology. Advance online publication. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/a45d7867g) Article in a MagazineHenry, W. A., III. (1990, April 9). Making the grade in today’s schools. Time, 135, 28–31.Doctoral Dissertation, Master’s Thesis, Presentation, Proceedinga) Dissertation/Thesis from a Commercial DatabaseVan Brunt, D. (1997). Networked consumer health information systems (Doctoral dissertation). Available from ProQuest Dissertations and Theses database. (UMI No. 9943436)b) Dissertation/Thesis from an Institutional DatabaseYaylalı-Yıldız, B. (2014). University campuses as places of potential publicness: Exploring the politicals, social and cultural practices in Ege University (Doctoral dissertation). Retrieved from http://library.iyte.edu.tr/tr/hizli-erisim/iyte-tez-portalic) Dissertation/Thesis from WebTonta, Y. A. (1992). An analysis of search failures in online library catalogs (Doctoral dissertation, University of California, Berkeley). Retrieved from http://yunus.hacettepe.edu.tr/~tonta/yayinlar /phd/ickapak.htmld) Dissertation/Thesis abstracted in Dissertations Abstracts InternationalAppelbaum, L. G. (2005). Three studies of human information processing: Texture amplifica&#173;tion, motion representation, and figure-ground segregation. Dissertation Abstracts International: Section B. Sciences and Engineering, 65(10), 5428.e) Symposium ContributionKrinsky-McHale, S. J., Zigman, W. B., &amp; Silverman, W. (2012, August). Are neuropsychiatric symptoms markers of prodromal Alzheimer’s disease in adults with Down syndrome? In W. B. Zigman (Chair), Predictors of mild cognitive impairment, dementia, and mortality in adults with Down syndrome. Symposium conducted at the meeting of the American Psychological Association, Orlando, FL.f) Conference Paper Abstract Retrieved OnlineLiu, S. (2005, May). Defending against business crises with the help of intelligent agent based early warning solutions. Paper presented at the Seventh International Conference on Enterprise Information Systems, Miami, FL. Abstract retrieved from http://www.iceis.org/iceis2005/abstracts_2005.htmg) Conference Paper - In Regularly Published Proceedings and Retrieved OnlineHerculano-Houzel, S., Collins, C. E., Wong, P., Kaas, J. H., &amp; Lent, R. (2008). The basic nonuniformity of the cerebral cortex. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 105, 12593–12598. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.0805417105h) Proceeding in Book FormParsons, O. A., Pryzwansky, W. B., Weinstein, D. J., &amp; Wiens, A. N. (1995). Taxonomy for psychology. In J. N. Reich, H. Sands, &amp; A. N. Wiens (Eds.), Education and training beyond the doctoral degree: Proceedings of the American Psychological Association National Conference on Postdoctoral Education and Training in Psychology (pp. 45–50). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association.i) Paper PresentationNguyen, C. A. (2012, August). Humor and deception in advertising: When laughter may not be the best medicine. Paper presented at the meeting of the American Psychological Association, Orlando, FL.Other Sourcesa) Newspaper ArticleBrowne, R. (2010, March 21). This brainless patient is no dummy. Sydney Morning Herald, 45.b) Newspaper Article with no AuthorNew drug appears to sharply cut risk of death from heart failure. (1993, July 15). The Washington Post, p. A12.c) Web Page/Blog PostBordwell, D. (2013, June 18). David Koepp: Making the world movie-sized [Web log post]. Retrieved from http://www.davidbordwell.net/blog/page/27/d) Online Encyclopedia/DictionaryIgnition. (1989). In Oxford English online dictionary (2nd ed.). Retrieved from http://dictionary.oed. comMarcoux, A. (2008). Business ethics. In E. N. Zalta (Ed.). The Stanford encyclopedia of philosophy. Retrieved from http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/ethics-business/e) PodcastDunning, B. (Producer). (2011, January 12). inFact: Conspiracy theories [Video podcast]. Retrieved from http://itunes.apple.com/f) Single Episode in a Television SeriesEgan, D. (Writer), &amp; Alexander, J. (Director). (2005). Failure to communicate. [Television series episode]. In D. Shore (Executive producer), House; New York, NY: Fox Broadcasting.g) MusicFuchs, G. (2004). Light the menorah. On Eight nights of Hanukkah [CD]. Brick, NJ: Kid Kosher.

Ensure that the following items are present: ●    Cover letter to the editorü    The category of the manuscriptü    Confirming that “the paper is not under consideration for publication in another journal”.ü    Including disclosure of any commercial or financial involvement.ü    Confirming that last control for fluent English was done.ü    Confirming that journal policies detailed in Information for Authors have been reviewed.ü    Confirming that the references cited in the text and listed in the references section are inline with APA 6.●    <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/ABCAC0D48F9844D0B211AD7D55559C54" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a>●    Permission of previous published material if used in the present manuscript●    <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/65CEC23E332146C09925642990ED5D91" target="_blank">Title page</a>ü    The category of the manuscriptü    The title of the manuscript both in the language of article and in Englishü    All authors’ names and affiliations (institution, faculty/department, city, country),e-mail addressesü    Corresponding author’s email address, full postal address, telephone and fax numberü    ORCIDs of all authors.●    Main Manuscript Documentü    The title of the manuscript both in the language of article and in Englishü    Abstracts (200-250 words) both in the language of article and in Englishü    Key words: 5 words both in the language of article and in Englishü    Extended Abstract (600-800 words) in English for the articles which are not in Englishü    Acknowledgement (if exists)ü    Referencesü    Acknowledgements, grant supports, conflict of interest should be indicated

<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/ABCAC0D48F9844D0B211AD7D55559C54" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/66EE5F4908F44A6FA5B92F4D78957028" target="_blank">Author Form</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/65CEC23E332146C09925642990ED5D91" target="_blank">Title Page</a>

Issue Type	Supplement
Editor(s)	İsmail Coşkun
Cover (PDF)
Full Text (PDF)
Front Pages (PDF)

İstanbul University Journal of Sociology

VOLUME 42, ISSUE 3, 2022

Sentetik Bilim Arayışı: Carl Heinrich Becker’in Almanya’da Üniversite Reformu ve Sosyolojinin Kurumsallaşması Üzerine Düşünceleri

Türk Milli Kimliğinde Alarmizm ve Devlet-Toplum Etkileşimi: Hatay-Belen Örneği

Çekiç ile Tornavida Arasındaki Fark: Amerikan Askerî Yardımları Sonrası TSK’daki Dönüşümün Toplumsal Etkileri

Üniversitelerde Araştırma Odaklı Yönetim Anlayışı: İstanbul Üniversitesi Örneği

Panel Data Analysis on the Socio-Economic Determinants of Corruption in the D-8 Countries

The Validity and Reliability of The Turkish Version of The Social Curiosity Scale

The Mental Health of a Society in Crisis: Complaints of Depression and Anxiety

INFORMATION

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