Jale Özlem

Assist. Prof.

HAZAR DÖNEMİ SARKEL ŞEHRİ, KALESİ VE BİR KISIM ARKEOLOJİK BULUNTU ÖRNEKLERİ (ORTA VE İÇ ASYA TÜRK SANATI BAĞLANTILARI)

Nesrin Çiçek

MİMAR SİNAN CAMİLERİNDE SEMBOLİZM ÜZERİNE BİR DEĞERLENDİRME

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Hatice

Since the emergence of architecture as a practice, architects have built houses for themselves. However, different from the services they provided to their customers, architects begandesigning houses that conveyed their professional identities and that would be a kind of manifesto starting in the second half of the 18th century. Architect houses in the Ottoman Empire with this approach are seen to have started at the beginning of the 20th century. This article focuses on an architectural examination of Raimondo D’Aronco's own houses in Istanbul and Turin, as an architect who made significant contributions to late Ottoman and modern Italian architecture. This article examines D’Aronco’s private living spaces in relation to the emergence and development of the concept of “architects’ own houses”. In this context, the article also includes the individual approaches of architects who’ve designed their own houses, with examples from the Western world and the Ottoman Empire during the period from the end of the 19th century to the first half of the 20th century.D’Aronco carried out many projects in Istanbul, where he lived between 1893-1909. During this period, he kept close relations with the architectural environment of Europe anddesigned buildings in Italy alongside the projects he prepared in Istanbul. During the years he worked in Istanbul, the architect bought a mansion in Arnavutköy. He restored and renovated this mansion between 1901-1902 and then lived there. The architectural characteristics of this mansion have not survived to the present day but are known through some drawings and old photographs. According to these documents, the mansion was located on a high tract of land with a garden opening in terraces facing the sea. Its floor plan involved an interior-central sofa (hall). The Ottoman housing tradition, including this mansion, had left a strong impact on D’Aronco’s design practice. He also interpreted the forms of Central European, British, andOttoman housing culture in the houses he designed for customers from various social classes in Istanbul. He continued this approach with the house he built for himself and his family inTurin between 1903-1906. The house, which is known as Casa Javelli-D'Aronco (named after the architect’s wife, Rita Javelli-D’Aronco) was designed by the architect himself. However,because he was living in Istanbul at the time, his friends the engineer Enrico Bonelli and architect Annibale Rigotti carried out the construction. D’Aronco directed the construction of his house by sending project drawings and letters containing sketches to his friends from Istanbul. Various phases of the project can be traced from these drawings, which are currentlypreserved in the Turin building projects archive (Archivio Edilizio di Torino) and the D’Aronco archive in Udine (Civici Musei di Udine, Galleria d'Arte Moderna). The letters he wrote from Istanbul to Turin along with these drawings helps one analyze and understand not only the design process of the building, but also the planning decisions of the designer. The architect drew inspiration mainly from English and Central European houses of the period for the floor plan and mass design of his house in Turin. He had also interpreted the sofa in the floor plans, with the bay windows and eaves on the facades referring to the Ottoman house tradition. In the decorations, he mainly adopted the formal language of the Vienna Secession, which can also be seen in many of his buildings in Istanbul. He also included compositions that were precursors to the Art Deco style in its interior decorations. Meanwhile, D’Aronco also used some unique individual expressions in his home, unlike the houses he’d designed for his customers. Through all these characteristics, Casa Javelli-D'Aronco resembles a summary of the final stages of D’Aronco's architectural career and a harbinger of the future, while also representing a self-portrait of the architect, one that reveals his professional and private life.

Architects’ Own Houses: The Case of Raimondo D’Aronco

Assoc. Prof.

The subject of this study is the kiosk masjid in Edirne’s Rüstem Pasha Caravanserai, which has an important place among the Ottoman period staging-post structures. This caravanserai was built in the 16th century in Edirne, which connects Asia to Europe, and was an important destination city of the period. Rüstem Pasha Caravanserai served the caravans on the trade route to the Balkans and Anatolia and became one of the most important accommodations and trade structures of Ottoman architecture. The building is located in Edirne’s city center, and was built by Mimar Sinan by order of Grand Vizier Rüstem Pasha in 1560-61. The building continued to serve as a caravanserai until the 19th century, has been repaired many times, and is currently used as a hotel. With Edirne’s Rüstem Pasha Caravanserai, Mimar Sinan implemented a different and very important floor plan in Ottoman architecture by gathering the barn, kitchen, Turkish bath, toilet, and other service spaces in a single unit and placing the rooms among two floors around a rectangular courtyard building, with a kiosk masjid in the middle for accommodation purposes. The two-story Rüstem Pasha Caravanserai consists of two parts: a large courtyard and a small courtyard. A kiosk masjid is known to have existed on top of a shadirvan in the middle of the large courtyard of the building. This kiosk masjid was very important in terms of continuing the kiosk masjid tradition of the Anatolian Seljuk period caravanserais and was destroyed during the 1877-1878 Ottoman-Russian War. The kiosk masjid met the worship needs of pilgrims and the building officials, in particular the needs of the merchants who’d stay in the caravanserai. This masjid has yet to be adequately studied and also has very special importance for the period as well as for mosque architecture. The kiosk masjid tradition had been widely applied in the Seljuk caravanserais in Anatolia, especially in the Sultan's inns and inns of Bursa, and is seen to have occured in Edirne’s 16th-century caravanserai designed by Mimar Sinan. Masjids were also built in Rüstem Pasha’s caravanserai and inns in Galata, Edirne, and Cağaloğlu, as well as Istanbul’s open-air flea markets. However, Rüstem Pasha Caravanserai it being the first and only example with an application of a kiosk masjid makes this building exclusive. The most important document regarding the existence of this kiosk masjid, which was also known by various names such as "the Rüstem Pasha Masjid, the Şadırvan üstü Masjid [Masjid&nbsp;Over the Shadirvan], and Altı Şadırvan üstü Masjid" [Bottom Shadirvan Top Masjid], involves the foundation records belonging to Rüstem Pasha in the Archives of the General Directorate of Foundations. A charcoal drawing dating back to 1830 and stated to belong to Tosyavizade Rifat Osman in the Süheyl Ünver archive has also been found. This drawing introduces the “Rüstem Pasha Masjid (1830)”, and according to it, the building had an octagonal floorplan that rose on eight columns connected by round arches. It was covered with a dome that ended with a slight taper. The masjid had two windows with pointed arches and socket irons on the facade. A polygonal-shaped shadirvan was located underneath the kiosk masjid and was accessible through stairs from the side. These days, the middle of the courtyard has only square floor tiling and the polygonal shadirvan that had belonged to the kiosk masjid. The middle of the shadirvan has a column that helps the upper structure. This study addresses within its scope the kiosk masjid of Edirne’s Rüstem Pasha Caravanserai and emphasizes the records of the now-defunct Rüstem Pasha Founndation and its drawing dating from 1830. The study also attempts to reveal the place and importance of the practice of having a kiosk masjid in Seljuk and Early Ottoman caravanserais, in the inns in Ottoman architecture, and in Mimar Sinan's caravanserai architecture by making a general evaluation and comparing these with similar structures in Turkish architecture. As a result, Mimar Sinan is seen to have recreated an old tradition with a new understanding by designing the place of worship as a separate unit within a caravanserai floorplan in Edirne. This kiosk masjid was designed in the middle of the courtyard of the Rüstem Pasha Caravanserai and is the first and only example of 16th century Ottoman caravanserai architecture having architectural features such as a shadirvan with support columns in the middle, apart from the inner city inns of Bursa. This different and original interpretation was the product of a creative process unique to Mimar Sinan. The charcoal drawing of this kiosk masjid as found in the Süheyl Ünver archive and dating from 1830 was seen to clearly have belonged to the Greek painter Aleksandr Zografos and been copied by Rifat Osman. Süheyl Ünver and other later researchers were cocluded to have included it in their works by referring to it as the “Rüstem Paşa Köşk [Pasha Kiosk] Masjid, 1830”. Until some other document is obtained regarding the architecture of the masjid, this drawing will be considered to involve the destroyed Rüstem Pasha Kiosk Masjid.

Traces of Kiosk Masjid Tradition in Edirne Rustem Pasha Caravanserai

Nergis

Multicultural Architecture in Anatolia: Turkish Islam and Christianity in One Rock-Cut Complex

Aysu

Öğretim Görevlisi Dr.

The 17th-century Ottoman Empire was a period when relationships between art and politics were intertwined and when some architects directly participated in palace intrigue with the weakening of architectural output. The political developments of the period undoubtedly laid the groundwork for this. Since the beginning of the 17th century, the Kösem Sultan (also known as Mahpeyker Sultan) and Turhan Hadice Sultan undertook the administration of the empire at certain times as a result of having the sultans spend most of their time in the harem by means of the cage method instead of ascending directly to rule and as a result of ascending to rule at a young age and being inexperienced. The fact that the Haseki Sultans ruled the empire enabled various officials, including the chief architects Kasim Agha and Mustafa Agha, to participate in the political games of the period near the harem and these female sultans.Mustafa Agha bin Abdulmennan’s name can be found to occur as chief architect in the mid17th century during the reign of Sultan İbrahim I (1640-1648), when the Ottoman administrative mechanism had weakened and when his mother Mahpeyker Sultan had taken over administration of the empire and the Ottoman Guild of Architects had begun to dissolve. He served as chief architect at intervals between approximately 1644-1661. Mustafa Agha bin Abdulmennan was involved in some architectural scandals and was murdered upon being found responsible for the construction of non-Muslim places of worship, something that had occurred as a result of the grand vizier’s agreement with the imprisoned Greek architects due to the enmity Grand Vizier Fazil Ahmed Pasha had while the construction of the New Mosque was underway. The New Mosque Complex, which Mustafa Agha was charged to complete by Hadice Turhan Sultan, resulted in him losing his life. However, historical figures such as Grand Vizier Melek Ahmed Pasha, Grand Vizier Siyavuş Pasha, and Nasuh Pashazadeh, as well as Fazil Ahmed Pasha, are understood to have disliked Mustafa Agha. Mustafa Agha was mentioned among the people of the age as one who pretended to be a vizier and who had confronted the powerful grand viziers, and the number of freed slaves and odalisques and wealth that was unearthed after his death are also quite remarkable.Various records dating to the 17th century contain no mention of any political architect figures after the death of Mustafa Agha bin Abdulmennan and Kasım Agha. The regulations at the end of the century, especially after the death of two architects in the Ottoman Guild of Architects, show that ability of architects to become political figures had been blocked. The continued weakening of the Ottoman Guild of Architects in the 17th century resulted in the closure of the architectural organization in 1831. Despite the complete weakening of the Ottoman Guild of Architects, the fact that it had survived for centuries until the beginning of the 19th century reveals the solid structure of the architectural institution.&nbsp;Architects are the creators of Ottoman structures yet have been included in a very limited number of Ottoman chronicles. Mustafa Agha was excluded from this generalization because of his political relations and found a wide place in the works of Ottoman historians. In addition to the works of chroniclers, the duties of Mustafa Agha can also be traced through Ottoman archive documents. The current study was mainly prepared based on the works of Ottoman historians, qadi registers, and Ottoman archive documents. It examines Mustafa Agha’s life and architectural process, determines the date of his death, discusses why he was executed, and attempts to analyze the works he had built in the capital of Istanbul during his term as chief architect. In order to eliminate the confusion about other architects who had successively been appointed as chief architects with the same name in the middle of the 17th century, the study also makes a more limited mention of Mustafa Agha bin İbrahim, who had the same name as Mustafa Agha bin Abdulmennan who had died in 1662 and went on to succeed him in this position. As a result, this article has studied the life of Architect Mustafa Agha in an attempt to present a section of the architectural environment in the mid-17th century, was tried to be presented.

The Late Chief Architect Mustafa Agha

Hüseyin

The Himyarites were an Arab dynasty that ruled one of the most powerful pre-Islamic kingdoms during two separate periods between 115 BC and 525 BC in South Arabia and Yemen and had housed what are known as the Marib Antiques. This region had developed a vibrant economy along the Roman-Byzantine and Sino-Indian trade routes and was open to interacting with different cultures. The artifacts from this region, some of which are currently in the Museum of Ancient Oriental Works, part of the Istanbul Archaeology Museum, are from the Himyar period and are examples of the art that had emerged as a result of these interactions. Drawings of these artifacts are also included in the Ottoman yearbook for Yemen dating from 1298 AH.The Ottoman Empire sent a circular to its Provinces in 1840 that involved identifying asar-ı atika [artifacts] in Ottoman lands and ordered the valuable ones to be delivered to Istanbul. This circular formed the basis of the Empire’s attempt to protect and record ancient artifacts. While permits had been granted more shadily in the initial stages of the Müze-i Hümayun’s [Imperial Museum] establishment, excavation permits started being granted to European archeology authorities, researchers, and archaeologists in a more controlled manner during time of Osman Hamdi Bey. At the same time, practices were initiated to appoint an officer to represent the state at excavation sites, with specific regulations being passed that placed these and similar arrangements on preserving unearthed artifacts and preventing them from being taken abroad. However, Philip Anton Dethier and Osman Hamdi Bey’s time as administrators of the Imperial Museum saw an acceleration in the artifacts that had been unearthed as a result of the archaeological studies carried out in the Ottoman geography being transferred to the museum, even from areas far from the capital.The Ottoman yearbooks (salname) are the most important works containing data about the public works the empire carried out in its provinces. The Ottoman yearbooks showed how administrators had tried to identify and collect the ancient artifacts in their regions. The Ottoman yearbook of Yemen Province from 1880-1881 has an exceptional place among the yearbooks that have information about and depictions of rarely seen archaeological artifacts. This Ottoman yearbook of Yemen Province is considered an important resource that can&nbsp;serve to exemplify the operational process of transferring artifacts from the Ottoman borders in the Yemen region to the capital in the 1880s. This yearbook includes both drawings of the artifacts and a brief history of the region under the title of Marib Antiquities, which refers to the period of the advanced Himyar civilization in the region, as well as a list of the artifacts İsmail Hakkı Pasha had acquired from this region and their characteristics. This section of the Ottoman yearbook states that the artifacts obtained from the San'a region at that time have Himyar inscriptions, statues, coins, and small stone artifacts similar to seals and that many similar artifacts remained obtainable from this region, with the author of the yearbook emphasizing the archaeological wealth of this region. In short, this Ottoman yearbook of Yemen is important among other yearbooks issued during that period as a rare example containing data on the asar-ı atika drawings, with some of the works observed in this yearbook still able to be seen in the Museum of Ancient Oriental Works.This study examines the asar-ı atika that had been sent to the Imperial Museum during the administrations of Ahmet Eyüp Pasha and İsmail Hakkı Pasha, in particular those artifacts that came from Yemen’s Sana and Marib regions. Although no details have yet been encountered about the contents of the artifacts that Ahmet Eyüp Pasha had had sent to the capital in 1874, the yearbook reveals some of the information about the artifacts İsmail Hakkı Pasha had sent to Istanbul during his governorship and states how these administrators had collected the ancient artifacts, some of which had been obtained by being purchased. The study mainly revolves around the contents of the section on Marib Antiques, which pertains to the sample of artifacts Yemen Governor İsmail Hakkı Pasha had collected from the San'a and Marib regions, and presents simplified descriptions of the artifacts’ features, archival documents about the transfer of artifacts from Yemen to Istanbul, and the archival documents that contain the first determinations the Imperial Museum’s Administrative Director Kadri Bey and the translator Mortmann made regarding these artifacts.

Marib Antiquities in the Ottoman Yearbook of Yemen from 1880-81: Archaeological Artifacts Sent from Yemen to Istanbul During Ismail Hakkı Pasha’s Governorship

Nurtaç

The ancient city of Perge was one of the important cities of the Pamphylia Region, and is located 18 km east of the city of Antalya and 2 km north of Aksu district’s center. As a resultof the excavations carried out in Perge’s acropolis between 1994-2004, the first settlement there was determined to dates back to the Late Neolithic and Chalcolithic Periods, with the city having hosted large settlements during the Hellenistic, Roman, and Byzantine periods. The study, examines within its scope the glass and metal artifacts found in the Southern Basilica excavations of the ancient city of Perge. The stylistic and functional features of the materials were determined and evaluated by using an analogy comparison involving parallel samples.Around 250 AD, Perge became the metropolis of Pamphylia. Between 311-325 AD, Lycia and Pamphylia were mentioned as two separate states in the lists of the Iznik Council. Perge and Side were the two important religious centers of Pamphylia, and because they were in constant conflict with each other as churches, they started appearing as two separate metropolises in all dioceses as the Pamphylia Prima Side and the Pamphylia Secunda Perge. Toward the end of the 6th century, Perge had lost its title as a metropolis, and Attaleia took its place as the capital city and metropolis of the province. During the 7th century AD., the Byzantine Empire was affected and structurally changed. In addition to the Byzantine-Arab wars, the Byzantine- Sassanid wars and internal rebellions played a major role in the history of the region, with thepeople of Perge being moved to its acropolis in the 7th century AD.Perge’s Southern Basilica is in the plan of a three-aisled, transept basilica. Chronologically, churches with a basilica plan or transept similar to this plan type are seen to have started appearing back in the 5th -6th century A.D. After the Southern Basilica church was completely unearthed in 2017, architectural investigations began in 2021. These investigations have concluded that no other additional structures had been built on the architectural remains since the Early Byzantine Period. The Southern Basilica was dated to the 4th century AD by Hans Rott. The examinations of the architecture and architectural plastic works, discovered dating the Southern Basilica to as early as the 4th century AD was not possible instead determining it to have likely been built around the 5th century AD, based on reasons such as no church from the 4th century AD having yet been identified at that time in the general region, as well as no solid data being found that confirm the church as early as the 4th century AD. Within the scope of the study, the article shows the glass and metal finds that were found in Perge Southern Basilica church to also contain data supporting this chronology, with most of the finds dating back between the 5th and 7th centuries AD. This article does not introduce each individual works within its scope. The entire catalog can be viewed in thesis titled “Perge Güney Bazilika Kazıları Seramik ve Diğer Buluntular” [Perge Southern Basilica Ceramics and Other Finds]. The glass works are grouped as according to function as lamps with hollow stems, goblet shaped lamps, and window glass used for lighting; inserts and ringed bases for everyday use; and beads and inlaid pieces as ornamental element. The glass materials were used over a wide period, dating from the 5th -7th centuries AD as lamps with hollow stems, between the 5th -7th centuries AD as window glass, between 5th -7th centuries AD as goblet lamps, between the 3th -7th centuries AD as ringed bases.The metal artifacts, were found with intact forms in Perge’s South Basilica excavation, and were dated by considering their function, form, and similar examples. Forms of metal artifacts with specific functions have made precisely dating the objects difficult because they have been used for a long time. The findings have been evaluated as chains, polycandelon fragments, veneer plates, applique, hooks, needle, door bolts, clamps, locks, studs, nails, spear, stylus, rings, seals, one finger ring, one lead weight, knives, sickles, and others with with uncertain functions. A group of datable metal pieces were chosen as the subjects of this article, and these metal materials are seen to cover the 5th-7th centuries AD when compared to similar examples as well as when taking the church’s usage dates is into consideration.Some of the artifacts found in Perge’s Southern Basilica are thought to have arrived at the church through transported soil. Other objects such as scales, weights, stylus, amphorae, andcooking utensils are thought to have been transported to the church through the arrangements and use of the macellum during the Early Byzantine Period. The glass and metal finds from Perge’s Southern Basilica as examined within the scope of the study will contribute to the literature in this field both in terms of quality and quantity. The findings show parallel features with other materials in the Mediterranean and its surroundings will contribute to the field by shedding light on the interregional relationships of the area, as well as Perge’s Early Byzantine Period of Perge.

Glass and Metal Finds from the Southern Basilica Excavations at Perge

Sevil

Unfortunate Fate, A Lost History: The Complex of Grand Vizier Hali̇l Hami̇d Paşa in Isparta

Ufuk

The cult of saints and martyrs, has become an important means of representation in the Christian faith, and occurred at the forefront of the elements shaping church liturgy in addition to the principles of belief and worship. The tomb structures of religious elders, have become symbols and been turned into sacred centers of pilgrimage as a result of the respect and devotion shown to them. These structures have plans developed within the framework of the belief in saints and martyrs and, can be encountered in various areas where Christianity spread. The activities carried out within the scope of such pilgrimages had impacts on the principles of belief and worship and subsequently contributed to the development of the holy relic cult. Having the relics of saints or martyrs who’d sacrificed their lives for their faith was considered to indicate a particular status. Once could argue that the cult of saints and martyrshad been profoundly experienced in Mesopotamia, alongside where important developments in Christianity. The belief in saints and martyrs, influenced how religious architecture, was shaped and led to the construction of many immovable cultural assets in Mesopotamia.The city of Silvan, in the Diyarbakır province of Türkiye is adjacent to this region and has an important place in terms of Christian theology. Silvan had also been called (Martyropolis) in accordance with the martyr cult and the religious martyrs buried there. Even from this path, Silvan can be emphasized as to have had an important position in terms of the cult of saints and martyrs throughout the entire region. The factors affecting the architecture ensured the regional popularization of the remains and objects that were considered as sacred. Reliquaries containing relics were also formed in this context and had a wide area of use. Remains and objects thought to belong to saints or martyrs were transformed into important means of representation. The ways in which these relics were identified and the areas they covered have expanded over time. As a result of these developments, the reliquaries gained a very rich range in terms of form and technical features. These objects, also started being produced in various sizes and forms, and had been styled according to the shape of the remains they carried and the area where they were used.Mount Izlo has hosted many structures where the monastic tradition of the Eastern Syriacs had moved to the status of a symbol. The cult of saints seen in the region contributed to theconstruction of many churches and monasteries. Influencing church traditions and liturgy as well as pioneering the development of religious architecture. The examples of religious architecture in the region contained very sacred relics. Some examples of the reliquaries encountered in churches and monasteries concretely reflect the atmosphere of faith in the region and the cult of saints. The fact that the monastery, which sources containing information about the region mention as belonging to the Eastern Syriacs, was built in honor of the Saint Mor Yuhannon Tayyoyo Its presence and the reliquaries found within also concretely supports the presence of the cult of saints and martyrs in the region. The area where the monastery was built is rich in limestone, which naturally, became the most used material in the construction of buildings, and the main material for the reliquaries in the monastery.The purpose of this study is to examine the reflections of the relic cult found in Christianity and the factors affecting its development regarding Eastern Christianity, (i.e. the Early Syriacs). In addition, the study purposes to make a general description of the reliquaries found in the monastery mentioned above in light of the typological information regarding the reliquaries containing holy relics. Within the framework of the applied method. the research presents information about the cult of saints and martyrs, which has an important place in Christian theology, before mentioning the form and technical features of the reliquaries under study, The next stage, introduces the cult of relics in Christianity and the reliquaries that have been used in general terms. The study also examines the periods over which they spread based on the meaning they carried in Eastern and Western Christianity. Following these stages, the article identifies the positions of the reliquaries in the church. The required definitions were made by detailing their forms and technical features. In order to ensure the integrity of the subject, the current status of the reliquaries has been supported with visuals and drawings. In light of the findings, the reliquaries in the monastery were determined to be of small sizes and are assessable within the group of reliquaries possessing the form of sarcophagi. Identifying their forms and technical features was difficult, as they had been profoundly destroyed. No fine workmanship could be seen on the reliquaries local craftsmen had shaped. The difficulties encountered in dating were based on the presence of different views regarding the history of the monastery and the hagiography of the saints in the region.

Assessing the Stone Reliquaries at Mor Yuhannon Tayyoyo Monastery in Nusaybin District’s Village of Dibek

Yavuz

Lecturer

By focusing on dating and iconology, this article discusses the Komnenos mosaic in the south gallery of Hagia Sophia. The mosaic has often been dates to 1122 or shortly after and depicts the Byzantine Emperor John II Komnenos (1118-1143), Empress Irene, and their son, the co-emperor Alexios Komnenos, on either side of the standing Mother Mary and Christ the Child in the center. The emperor holds a moneybag (apokombion), while the Empress holds a scroll.The dating of the mosaic mentioned above has been based on the coronation of Alexios, which is believed to have occurred in 1122. According to the present hypothesis, because the inscription of Alexios in the mosaic refers to him as Basileus Romaion (Emperor of Romans), the mosaic must have been ordered at a time when Alexios had been declared co-emperor or shortly after. Furthermore, scholars agree that the mosaic commemorates a donation Emperor John II Komnenos made to Hagia Sophia, due to the moneybag he holds. However, neither of these hypotheses have been clearly proven with documents. Firstly, historical documents show the coronation date of Alexios Komnenos to have actually been in 1119. In addition, no historical evidence indicates any financial support given by Emperor John II Komnenos to Hagia Sophia. These facts necessitate a reexamination of the mosaic within its own specific context.Therefore, the study firstly discusses the possible coronation dates of Alexios and tries to indicate the importance of his co-emperor status regarding the depiction of the mosaic. John II and Alexios were also represented together another time, in Christ’s company on a miniature in the Vatican Library (folio 19v. of the Tetraevangelion, Urb. Gr. 2). This miniature has also been dated to 1122 or shortly after. Interestingly, no other images of John II have survived, apart from those representing him with Alexios. The article then turns to examine the events that occurred during the possible dates suggested for the coronation of Alexios. An examination of these events paves the way for an iconographical discussion of the mosaic in the context of John II’s dynastic policy and indicates Alexios to have been an image put forward when a threat arose to his father’s throne, firstly by Anna Komnena in 1119 and later by Isaac Komnenos around 1122. The representation of Alexios hereby becomes the main iconographical element for placing the mosaic within a dynastic context.As is known, dynastic stability had been major policy of the Komnenian system, since Emperor Alexios I, the founder of the Komnenian dynasty. John II put more emphasis on this&nbsp;policy and aimed to ensure the succession of his sons: thus, Alexios became the main image of this dynastic policy. Historical evidence indicates that a conscious effort had indeed occurred that intended to create such an image of Alexios.Therefore, the mosaic appears to be a visual representation of the coronation ceremony of Alexios as the main image of his father’s dynastic policy. The other elements and figures of the mosaic give more hints that link the subject to the coronation of Alexios. For instance, as indicated in Book of Ceremonies, the emperors were known to distribute moneybags, full of gold coins, during the coronation ceremonies held in Hagia Sophia. Therefore, the moneybag held by Emperor John II Komnenos appears to be a symbol indicating the coronation ceremony. Furthermore, the representation of Empress Irene seems to be another sign referring to the coronation of Alexios, as the mother of the crowned prince would also have been present in the coronation representations of a co-emperor, as exemplified by the poem by Theodoros Prodromos. Moreover, the choice of Mary in the mosaic also has an iconographic meaning as an interpretation of this context, because she was regarded as an image that legitimized power and dynasty in Byzantium. In the literature of the period, Mary was portrayed as one of the main images of John II’s power and political ideology. One can thus conclude that both historical and iconographical evidences offer an adequate framework that links the subject to the dynastic policy of John II, especially its main image to the coronation of Alexios rather than to an imperial donation.

A Komnenos Mosaic in Hagia Sophia: On Its Dating and Iconology

Burak

Res. Assist. Dr.

The Aziziye district (previously Ilıca) is an important district of Erzurum province and forms the western part of the city. Village in Aziziye has the status of a neighborhood today and is located 82 km from the district center and 95 km from the city center. However, the village is noteworthily only 61 km away from an important central stop along the Silk Road Bayburt. Aziziye had been damaged due to the 1983 Erzurum Earthquake disaster, after which it was completely evacuated and resettled on a plain a few kilometers downstream from the old village in 2004-2005. No examples of civil architecture have survived intact in the ruined village, with the mosque in the center of the village being the only surviving religious monument. This mosque resembles Black Sea mosques in terms of its architectural elements and decorations. The studies that have been carried out to date determined that the mosque had not been registered, and thus this point shows the importance and main purpose of the current study. Two epitaphs are found on the building. The first contains three lines found on the arch keystone of the entrance door and reads, “1354, 1938, and Ameli Rız(d)a,” which corresponds to the year 1354 AH (1935 AD). For this reason, the date 1938 must have been added as the year it was finished. The second epitaph is on the pulpit door crown. Written under the phrase “Maşallah” is the information “Master Majnoon the year 1358 AH/1939 AD” in the three-line inscription. Mecnun Usta [Master Majnoon] was a master from Bayburt who’d built the mosque. In addition, the inscription shows that the pulpit was placed a year after the construction process of the building had been completed. The harem of the mosque extends in a north-south direction and is 8.87 x 9.58 sq. m. in size. The mosque has a wall thickness of 80 cm and was built with wooden supports using a rectangular floorplan almost approaching a square. The mihrab is made of cut stone and was oriented in parallel to the entrance door of the Harim. It has a niche that narrows from the bottom to top, similar to mihrabs in Black Sea mosques. The upward staggering of the mihrab niche is also emphasized by a row of indents. The wooden minbar in the classical form of the mosque reveals the historical past of the building through its ornamental compositions. The flowing S-shaped curves with palmette and heart motifs on the mirror, skirting, kiosk and under kiosk sections decorate the architectural elements. The conical pulpit is a repetition of the minbar in terms of decoration but references Black Sea mosques in terms of form. An ornamental design consisting of palmettes and hearts is encountered under the balcony of the women’s prayer section, which covers the northern side of the Harem. A similar situation is in the ceiling decorations. When evaluating the structure in terms of floorplan and architecture, it is seen to maintain the sense of a traditional village mosque with its wooden supports, as is encountered throughout Anatolia. However, the form of the mihrab and the decoration setup reveal the vernacular side of the work. The primary detail that draws attention is the fact that the mihrab, whose classic style in many places in the Black Sea region, especially in cities such as Bayburt, Rize, Artvin and Trabzon, narrows from bottom to top, does this as well in this building. Apart from the architectural details, the forms of the ornamental compositions and the woodworking technique a more reminiscent of Black Sea structures than Erzurum ones. While Erzurum structures mostly prefer stone and hand-drawn decorations, wooden decorations are more often encountered in Black Sea structures, which also supports this point. In addition to the crescent star, curtains, rose decorations, and lotus motifs found in the Aşağı Canören Village Mosque, the frequently repeated styles of the empire-inspired flowing S-shape folds with heart and palmette figures resemble those in Black Sea Mosques. Although these decorations in the sanctuary are important in terms of the construction, the lack of tulip, bowtie, almond crossing, and wave motifs, which are classical Black Sea motifs, being used in this structure is thought to be directly related to a choice by Master Majnoon, and the fact that these classical Black Sea decorations are not generally seen in the Bayburt mosques also explains why the Master did not choose them to be found in this building.

The Black Sea Tradition in Aşağı Canören Village’s Mosque in  Aziziye, Erzurum

Müjde Dila

The Creation of a Natural History Display at the Yıldız Palace by Fausto Zonaro and Hüseyin Zekâi Paşa

Sema

Assoc. Prof. Dr.

Elif

Lala Şahin Pasha was one of the most important political-military personalities during the reign of Orhan Gazi (1324-1360). His first official task was to be appointed lala [high rankingman servant in charge of the sultan’s son] to Orhan Gazi’s son Murad. For this reason, he is referred to as Lala in the sources. Lala Şahin also served as vizier during this sultan’s reign and was the first person to use Pasha as a recruited title within Ottoman state administration. Sultan Murad I (1360-1389) appointed Lala Şahin Pasha to be the Rumelian Grand Seigneur after the conquest of Edirne. For this reason, Lala Şahin Pasha also was the first person to be appointed grand seigneur outside of the members of the dynasty.No inscription about Lala Şahin Pasha are known, with only information about his wakfiya from 1348 having survived to the present day. This wakfiya is seen to have first attributed to Lala Şahin Pasha the titles of great emir and emir of the world and religion. Interestingly, inscriptions about Orhan Gazi and Murad I as the sultans of the period also referred to themas great emirs. Albeit only in Lala’s waqfiya, this preference indicates Lala Şahin to have been an important and powerful statesman who was able to share the same title as the sultans of the period. Another special use in Pasha's wakfiya was the phrase of kumandan [commandant].Emphasizing Lala as being at the head of the armies, this phrase was similar to the title pasha and supports the idea that Lala Şahin had attained the rank of vizier before 1348. Lala Şahin was later appointed as the Lala Vizier during the Orhan period and as the Grand Seigneur Vizier during the reign of Murad I. Lala Şahin drew attention as the first person outside the dynasty to hold the most important duties of the period and has gone down in history as a strong personality who was able to declare this through his waqfiya.Lala Şahin Pasha raised important structures during the reign of both the mentioned sultans. As pointed out in Pasha’s waqfiya with the inscription “The mosque and lodges he built within the town of Kirmasti [the previous name of Mustafakemalpasha district]”, he clearly possessed a complex consisting of a mosque and lodges that had been built in Kirmasti, which had been was given to him as property. The importance of this complex is in how it shows for the first time an Ottoman vizier’s attempt at having such buildings in a settlement that had been given as property.However, this most significant architectural activity in this complex is not what points to Lala Şahin Pasha’s unique position during the period. Lala Şahin Pasha also raised two structures in the capital Bursa, the first being the Lala Şahin Madrasa in the castle. Şahin Pasha had built when he was the Lala Vizier. Although only part of the building has survived to the present day, four of the other six madrasahs from before 1348 had been built by Sultan Orhan and the other two by his son Süleyman Pasha. Therefore, Lala Şahin Pasha was the first person to build a madrasah from outside the dynasty in the Ottoman Empire. Pasha’s second structure in the capital of Bursa was an inn. Known as the Bezir [Demir] Inn, the existence of this structure could be learned from registry records. No definite information is found about under which sultan’s reign the inn had been built, though it is located in the commercial center of Bursa that Sultan Orhan had created. The first of the three inns here was from Orhan Gazi, and the second was from Sultan Murad I. The third belonged to Lala Şahin Pasha, who again appears to have been the first person to build an inn in Bursa apart from the sultans. The fact that strong viziers would build inns in this region in the following periods apart from the sultans makes one think that Lala Şahin Pasha had pioneered the tradition. In this case, Lala Şahin Pasha’s construction of madrasahs and inns in the capital Bursa alongside the sultans of the period, while also at points being able to be called Sultani, can be considered concrete indicators of his political power. When considering Lala Şahin Pasha’s positions at the state level, he can be accepted to have raised his madrasah at the peak of his power after reaching the position of Lala Vizier, while the inn was constructed during his duty as Grand Seigneur Vizier.Only the minaret and shrine have survived from Lala Şahin Pasha’s complex in Mustafakemalpaşa. Mustafakemalpasha Municipality began excavation work in the area where these two structures are located in 2015-2017 and unearthed some walls, but the excavation was not completed. After this study performed investigations in 2019, it detected the 50-60 cm high walls that had largely been covered with grass and soil over time on the site and documented them while taking measurements. The survey plan showed the remains to present important data about the mosque of the complex, which hadn’t survived to the present. The walls unearthed in the excavation site, which are shown in red on the survey plan, established a direct connection between the tomb and the minaret in the first stage. According to these walls, the mosque is located between the tomb and the minaret and adjacent to these two structures; it was positioned so as to expand toward the river. Moreover, these walls are the clearest data regarding the building plan that this study believes to be a mosque. In line with these data, a rectangular harim is understood to have existed in the north-south direction, with the mosque having a three-section portico arrangement in the east. It was probably covered with a flat wooden ceiling placed on the rectangular harim walls, which measured 13 x 10 m. The east section of the harim had a portico arrangement with wooden ceilings and a broken sloped roof. The southern unit of the portico was designed as an entrance to the shrine, with the other two units opening outward with arches. In this case, the arched facade design on theeastern facade of the tomb is understood to have continued along the eastern facade of the last congregation place. However, the arches on the tomb facade are smaller, while the arches on the portico facade are larger. Importance was had in having the eaves line up in the form of a small belt array in line with the tomb facade eaves, continuing on the portico facade eave line.

Lala Şahin Pasha and Lala Şahin Pasha Mosque of 1348 in Bursa’s Mustafakemalpaşa (Kirmasti) District

Mustafa Çağhan

Many well-known actors from the modern architectural environment inherited the profession from a parent and/or had handed it down to their children and even grandchildren. Unlike modern architects who continued their parents’ profession through an academic-based education, pre-modern architects learned the architectural profession, which was based on the masterapprentice relationship, directly from their fathers. In other words, they had inherited it from their fathers. Sometimes, the situation of learning a trade from the father continued for generations, and families that had continued the same profession for centuries would dominate the market.In the early modern period, architects, artists, and craftsman were trained though an experimentation process based on practice rather than a theorical education. Professional training was based on the traditional master-apprentice relationship within an experienceoriented hierarchy. In institutional schools such as the Ecole des Beaux Arts and Bauhaus, which provided the first modern education in the field of art and architecture, the master-apprentice relationship was one of the basic inputs of the professional maturation process. Sanâyi-i Nefîse Mektebi was founded in 1882, and the system and curriculum it used as the first Ottoman school to provide education in art and architecture in a modern sense was created by taking the Ecole des Beaux Arts method as an example.However, the traditional method became abandoned over time. Today, master-apprentice relationships are quite limited, so much so that even modern architects who chose to follow in their father’s profession did not acquire the professional skills from their parents through the master-apprentice relationship. On the contrary, they went through an academic process in which theory had become at least as important as practice.In pre-modern society, 'taking up a father’s profession was often a necessity rather than a choice. Male descendants, being seen as an auxiliary labor force, were raised by their father within the framework of the master-apprentice relationship, and professional knowledge was handed down from generation to generation. The earliest significant examples of the transfer of professional experience and knowledge over generations in Anatolian Turkish architecture and art can be seen in the Ahlat tomb stones.The Armenian Baylan family, a kind of architectural dynasty, form the most striking example in which the profession of architecture had been passed down from generation to generation. In fact, the history of families dealing with architecture in the Ottoman world dates back to the founding of Ottoman architecture in the 15th century.According to surviving inscriptions, Ebu Bekir bin Muhammed al-Mushaimish, the architect of the Bayezid Pasha Imaret in Amasya and the Çelebi Sultan Mehmed Madrasa in Merzifon in 1414, was nephew to the Syrian Ali ibn Mushaimish, who had built a mosque in Selçuk (Ayasuluk) on behalf of İsa Bey, the ruler of the Aydınoğlu Emirate in 1375. Ebu Bekir’s son, Ahmed, who referred to himself as an üstâd ibni üstâd [master and son of the master] alongside his father in one of his own inscriptions was also the architect of the Karacabey Imaret in Ankara in 1427. The Mushaimish family from Damascus were not affiliated with any private patron or institutional organization such as the Hassa Mimarlar Ocağı, and members of the family are understood to have come to Türkiye from Syria starting in the mid-14th century to provide architectural services for various patrons in different regions. By the end of the 15th century, father and son teams such as Murad Halife and his sons Hayreddin, Hızır Bâli, and İbrahim; Yâkub Shah and his son Hüdâverdi; and Alâuddin Ali [Acem Ali] and his son Hamza were seen among the architects employed under the institutional architecture organization affiliated with the realm. During the rule of Bayezid II, the architectural activities carried out by the realm were seen to have been shared between Murad Halife and his sons, Yâkub Shah and Alâuddin Ali. The sons had been brought up under the master-apprentice relationship with their fathers and appear to have found a place for themselves among the staff the Hassa Mimarlar Ocağı during its founding, albeit with the influence of their fathers.Since the chief architect Sinan, who was appointed to replace Alâuddin Ali, recruits were employed in the construction processes, causing the chief architect and the members of the Hassa Mimarlar Ocağı to be mostly devshirme origin architects, and father-sons lost their influence except for individual examples. This study aims to reveal and discuss the father-sons of early Ottoman architecture.Mimar Sinan, the grand architect who had been appointed to replace Alâuddin Ali, mostly took on recruits who were employed in construction, thus resulting in the chief architect and members of the Ottoman Guild of Architects to be mostly Devshirme [forced labor] architects. Apart from individual examples, this also caused the father-son teams to lose their influence. This study aims to reveal and discuss the father and son teams in early Ottoman architecture.

Fathers and Sons in Early Ottoman Architecture: ‘üstâd ibni üstâd’

Emre

Müge

Modern Ottoman prisons were shaped at the second half of the 19th century, took on a legal identity by issuing relevant legally based regulations, and have been handled within the framework of the search for a suitable way to house criminals in modern criminal law. The transition of criminal law from the Sharia-based methods of punishment that had been practiced for centuries to a new penal system oriented around time and space was accompanied by the need to organize new penal spaces. In this regard, constructing modern prison buildings like those in Europe was recommended, after considering how the castles, bastions, shipyards, and idle building groups that had been used since the Middle Ages were no longer suitable as detention areas in modern criminal law. The emergence of prison and detention center projects, in the second half of the 19th century, are frequently encountered in archival documents, and was directly related to the reform process of the penal code. The lack of civil servants with the required qualifications for provide prisons with modern conditions also affected the institution's management system. Reports were prepared by foreign diplomats and soldiers to solve such problems, and the need for new prison buildings to be in accordance with modern health and safety conditions was frequently emphasized. Archival documents show that, the Ministry of Internal Affairs had produced numerous projects in the second half of the 19th century and even developed a number of project types.A place for temporarily holding people who have not yet been convicted of a crime is called a detention center. After the Tanzimat, various attempts were made to differentiate between and keep in different places those who’d been convicted of crimes and those who had not. For this reason, detention houses were often seen to have been designed within prisons, police stations and gendarmerie departments, and to sometimes have been designed as independent buildings. The detention center building in Thessaloniki has an important place within the framework of Ottoman prison architecture, as it involves a campus of three independent building groups under gendarmerie administration, with both male and female detention centers.The inadequacy of structures such as the warehouses and towers that had been used as prisons and detention centers in Thessaloniki over time and the emergence of public order and health problems in these structures necessitated the construction of a new detention center. The preconstruction processes related to this building went on until 1907, when the new detention center was finally built on a plot of land behind the government office building. According to the survey books and projects, the detention center building consists of a men's detention center as well as on efor women, a gendarmerie Office, and a grocery store. A survey book, aslo contained calculations describing the construction, dimensions, unit prices, and total costs for these buildings. In addition to these calculations, survey books also contained information about the structural system and socio-economic status of the region or geography. The project file, showed common first floor plans for the gendarmerie office and the women’s detention center, as well as common first and second floor plans for the men’s detention center building. The gendarmerie office has a corridor in the center and four rooms with different functions placed on either sides of the corridor. The men’s detention center building had a "U" shaped floor plan, which presented a plan design not frequently encountered for prisons and detention centers. The plans note the function for practically all spaces in the building complex. The single-storey women’s detention building shows spaces with different functions asymmetrically placed on either side of the central corridor. Rather than being a single building, the Thessaloniki Detention House is valuable in that it has a campus model consisting of multiple multifunctional stand-alone buildings on land bounded by walls. Izmit Prison, Yedikule Prison and Konya Prison are other examples of penal structures with these features.Examples of detention centers are found, like prisons to have been designed as independent buildings. Two of the best examples of such detention centers are the Sultanahmet Homicide Detention Center and the Üsküdar Detention Center in Istanbul. The Sultanahmet Homicide Detention Center has an "L" shaped floor plan and the Üsküdar Detention Center has a “+” shaped floor plan. The Thessaloniki Detention Center is significant in terms of introducing the "U" shaped floor plan to these designs. The Sinop Prison can also be shown as an example of a prison preferring the "U" shaped floor plan. While similar floor plans can be seen for various other public buildings such as the Istanbul Gümüşsuyu Military Hospital, İzmir Hamidiye Military Hospital, and Adana American Women’s High School as well as the government office buildings in Samsun and Tekirdağ.While the Thessaloniki Detention Center’s construction was completed in 1907, it no longer exists, nor could any information be found regarding the date of its demolition. Also the Thessaloniki Fire in 1917 is thought to have probably damaged the detention center.&nbsp;

Assessing the Thessaloniki Detention Center Project and the  Discovery Book/Keşif Defteri

Ender

This study aims to document, examine, and evaluate the intangible data regarding the traditional architectural culture in the region that can be defined as the rural environment of Antakya, the central district of Hatay province on the coast of the Eastern Mediterranean. This study has been carried out in the field sporadically since 2006 and is based on data obtained through research, interviews, and oral history studies. The compiled data on the actors of traditional architecture (i.e., architects and building masters) and the intangible components of architectural culture (i.e., terminology and building traditions) around Antakya are classified and presented in two large tables, one including 29 names of architects and masters and related information, and the second having 123 terms and idioms and their explanations. During the study, the researcher noted that the people interviewed on terminology should be above a certain age; not have been affected by different cultures, languages, and traditions outside their own region; not be active users of technological communication tools; and be predominantly people who are engaged in activities and have knowledge of building and construction. Thus, the study attempted to reach the most legitimate information, terms, and idioms belonging to the tradition. Some of the architects and craftsmen mentioned in this compilation are understood to have actively worked between the late-19th and mid-20th centuries; however, the study does not include chronological information about all of them. As a result of the historical process, Arabic was basically the native language of the inhabitants of rural Antakya, especially along the Lower Asi River Basin. As one moves toward higher elevations, hillside settlements, and the city center, several forms (both dialects and accents) of Turkish and Arabic are seen to be dominant. Armenian used to be spoken in the villages of Moses Mountain (today only in the Vakıflı district). Turkish is the dominant language in the city center. As one moves away from the city center, noteworthily the terms are spoken in languages that were the mother tongue of the villagers from past generations. This is naturally due to the conservation of local rural life, which is inward-oriented and less related to the outside world. As one moves close to the&nbsp;city center, a blending begins to be perceived. In the city center, each language has separately maintained its own existence. As a result of coexistence and widespread agreement, terms were also observed to have been produced by blending Arabic and Turkish words and/or suffixes, especially with an understanding that would be appropriate for Elsine-i Selase [the three languages], namely Ottoman Turkish, which evolved, expanded, and was shaped throughout many Ottoman regions over the centuries.Because Antakya is located in a region that is generally considered the Anatolian-Northern Syrian cultural interaction (transition) belt by researchers who have studied Ottoman and Turkish housing architecture, as well as being considered alongside historical cultural centers such as Gaziantep, Şanlıurfa, Halep, and Adana, the terms compiled in this study have been compared with the terms concerning traditional folk building art from the surrounding city centers of Mersin, Adana, Gaziantep, Şanlıurfa, and Aleppo. In Gaziantep and Şanlıurfa, the terms tağa, kuş penceresi, mahmil, neccar, kapı arası, curun, and nhit/nahit are used with similar or close meanings. In Aleppo, terms such as kastal/kastel, beyt, maṣṭbe, ġırfe, ḥımmem, maṭbeḫ, seḳf, atbe, ʿatbe, bâb, blâṭ, mzeyyen, kıbbe, hacâr, and bırke are used with the same or close meanings. Some terms are also found to have the same pronunciation but different meanings. Not surprisingly, these peripheral centers intersect terminologically with their similarities regarding the dynamics of the cultural atmosphere throughout history. However, some terms suggestive of more macro interactions such as avda, sṭabıl, sḳāla, and draʿ almiʿmar have also been noted and evaluated. The study’s results have the potential to attract attention in terms of ethnicity and related linguistic and cultural factors; however, evaluating the issue within its historical context would be more appropriate. The names, activities, and terminology of the architects who have been compiled and evaluated suggest that traditional architecture in the region had the characteristics of a school that possessed and transmitted certain standards. In particular, the terminology is worth emphasizing as an important indicator of whether a specifically qualified professional specialization had existed.

Building Masters, Tradition, and Terminology in the Vernacular Architecture Around Lower Orontes (Asi) Basin in Hatay Province

The village of Dinecik in the Çine district of Aydın province has a single scene depicting the birth of Jesus among its Byzantine wall paintings on textured rock. This depiction of theNativity of Jesus is the only surviving Nativity scene among the paintings of Latmos, Yatagan, and the southern Carian coasts close to Çine. Because the Cappadocian wall paintings have the widest range of subjects among the paintings in Anatolia, these were influential in the study’s iconographic analysis of the depiction. While a significant portion of The scene consists of many episodes covering a large surface, and while a significant portion has survived, especially the hands and faces of the figures, the fact that some of the depictions have been largely destroyed makes a healthy evaluation difficult. However, a detailed examination of the work was able to be made based on the remains of some scenes that give period clues. The center of the depiction shows the baby Jesus and Mary. To the right side of Mary on a square cradle with long legs is the baby Jesus with a halo on his head and wrapped in white swaddling cloth. Behind the cradle are figures of oxen and donkeys. Joseph is in the lower right corner of the scene seated on a chair with his back to Mary. The first bathing scene is in the lower left corner of the stage and shows the midwives who will wash Jesus. The upper left part of the scene is understood from the remaining fragments to involve shepherds, although most of them have been destroyed. The upper right corner shows an angel figure and the three wisemen.Canonical gospels and Apocryphal texts constitute the source of the iconography of the Birth of Christ, which is the fourth Feast of the Orthodox calendar. The place, surroundings, and time of Jesus’ birth are the most debated subjects of nativity scenes. Although no clear statement is made in the canonical Gospels regarding these, several different texts of the Apocryphal Gospels state that the birth had taken place in a cave. Another controversial issue is the year of Jesus’ birth. The statements in the Gospels on this topic are quite contradictory. The star of Bethlehem is mentioned in both the Canonical and Apocryphal texts and is considered to be the most important iconographic element indicating the time of birth.The figures and events that make up the nativity scene are described differently in each Gospel, with some Gospels not even mentioning certain events or people at all. Only the Apocryphal texts mention Jesus in the cradle, the donkey and the ox, the first bath, the midwives assisting the birth, Joseph’s anxiety, and the cave, while the Apocryphal and Canonical Gospels use similar expressions to describe the angel’s good news to the shepherds, the worship of soothsayers, and the star of Bethlehem. The depictions of the nativity on the artwork here are mainly based on the narratives in the apocryphal texts, with the Gospel of Luke, which deals with these events in more detail than the Gospel of Matthew, forming a secondary source for the scenes. The depiction of certain scenes and figures was additionally influenced by works from Antiquity. The first examples of the nativity scene appeared at the beginning of the 4th century and were seen to be handled with a simple narrative consisting of a donkey, oxen, and Jesus in the cradle. With the addition of figures and subjects related to the birth in each period, however, the Nativity had become a complex composition with many figures and episodes by Middle Byzantium. The star of Bethlehem, Jesus in the cradle, the ox and donkey worshipping him, Mary, Joseph, the first bath, and the angel giving the good news to the shepherds have become indispensable figures and episodes in the advanced iconographic order of the Nativity depictions. The Nativity depiction is the only surviving religious scene of the wall paintings made in the textured rock in Dinecik, and despite having suffered much loss and wear, the fragments that contain certain preserved details have allowed this study to identify the stylistic features of the painting to some extent. The faces of all the figures except Joseph have worn away, with Joseph’s facial features only being partially identifiable. The facial details include being painted in brown on light yellow skin, the eyebrows lying in a straight line apart from each other, and the thin long nose being interrupted by a white mustache and beard. The round eyes are aimed at the ground, reflecting sadness with a simple and realistic expression.Black, white, reddish brown, grayish blue, and yellow are the earth colors used in the painting. The shading on the clothes was created using lime white. Slightly bluish carbon black was mixed with white and used as grayish blue on the clothes. Red brown is seen on the clothes of Mary and the angel. In addition to the clothes, grayish-blue was seen to be used to create a bright area in the background, especially in the section where Mary and Jesus are located; this was frequently applied for ground lighting in the 11th-12th centuries in particular. Dark yellow was used on the faces and hands as skin color that started from the yellow in the halos of the figures. Mary’s bed is surrounded by a brown color leaning toward red for emphasis.The figures’ clothes have linear folds, with the light and shadow effects being created with white paint and thick lines of dark brown color. The halos of the figures are dark yellow. The halos are surrounded by black inner and white outer contours. The heads and facial extensions of the ox and donkey are painted brown. The use of reddish brown for facial features had become widespread after the 10th century. This small chapel, whose main space is formed by a naturally eroded rock mass surrounded by masonry walls on the north and west sides, can be considered to have been one of the worship or retreat structures built on the routes the clergy travelled on their way to their religious centers.The Nativity of Christ is the only preserved scene in the chapel, and this scene is one of the most depicted liturgical scenes of the Eastern Church in the Middle Byzantine period. Thescene shares stylistic and technical characteristics with the paintings at Latmos and Fethiye, but also partially bears the characteristics regarding certain period-specific colors, styles, and techniques similar to those found in all examples of the wall paintings in Anatolia. Despite the predominant influence of the local style, the scene shows close similarities to other Nativity scenes of the period in terms of its iconographic features.The scene has a crowded compositional arrangement that brings together episodes such as the Prophet Kings, the Adoration of the Shepherds, and the First Bath, which had been depicted as separate scenes after the depiction of the Nativity in the early period. This arrangementhad become widespread in the paintings of the Cappadocia region toward the end of the 10th century. In addition, Mary being depicted in a semi-sitting position with her head pointing toward Jesus in the cradle didn’t occur until after the 10th century, and the technical and painting style features used in the depiction at Dinecik weren’t commonly applied on buildings until the 11th century; these also indicate that the painting had been painted by local craftsmen in the late 10th and mid-11th centuries using regional characteristics.

Studies on the 'Nativity of Jesus' Scene in a Rock Mass in Çine

Nurcan

Prof. Dr.

Soner

Şükrü

Selçuk

Nazhan

Res. Assist.

New educational institutions were added to the Ottoman education system throughout the Tanzimat period in the 19th century. New educational institutions continued to be opened within the borders of the Empire until the last phase; in order to modernize the human resources who would work in Türkiye’s Western-style modernization and development process. The first officials of the new Republic had also been educated in these new institutions, and they continued to build new ones. These educational buildings were mostly designed in the "First National Architecture" style, which had started in the late Ottoman period and continued into the Republican Era. This article, examines the educational buildings in Istanbul’s Fatih district (historically referred as the "Suriçi" region) that were designed in the First National Architecture style and aims to evaluate the common aspects of these structures have, in terms of architecture and art history. In addition, the study aims to determine the historical importance these structures have with regard to other educational buildings of the same period in Türkiye and in the world.The study, analyzes these educational buildings under two headings: Ottoman period examples and Republican Era examples. Among the identified buildings, six are from the Ottoman period, with the oldest dating from 1911, while thirteen buildings are from the Republican Era, and were built between 1923-1940. The field study has examined and documented all these buildings, with the exception of two structures that did not survive to the present day but were identifiable through other sources. The article has compiled information about the buildings using detailed bibliographic and archival sources and presents them one by one in terms of their historical and architectural aspects.The educational buildings, in Istanbul’s Fatih district built between 1910-1940 have various plan types; most of them having a “U-shaped floorplan”, though a few have a rectangular or&nbsp;“E- shaped floorplan”. The “U-shape layout”, in its plain form, was generally preferred in the Ottoman period examples, with Medresedü'l Kuzat (Istanbul University Rare Books Library today), Medreset'ül Mütehassin (Sultan Selim High School today), and Fethiye Madrasa (Fethiye Junior High School today), being examples of this type with some minor differences among them. The Tetimme Madrasa (it was renovated in the following period), is also in this group. The rectangular floorplan was applied to the madrasah of Zeynep Sultan Mosque and to the twin buildings of Beyazıt Primary School. At the end of the Ottoman period and the beginning of the Republic Era, two buildings were founded with the E- shaped floorplan; Şehremini Selçuk Hatun Sultanisi and Fatih Gelenbevi High School. This floorplan was known to be frequently used for school buildings both in Türkiye and in the world at that time. The “E-shaped floorplan” was also frequently applied in the educational buildings from the Republican Era, especially in Anatolia.A series of buildings are encountered among the schools in the First National Architectural style in the Fatih district, that seem to have been planned as a result of a "standard project". Examples are; Karagümrük 27th School, Mevlanakapı 34th School, Cibali 54th School, Cerrahpaşa 24th School, and Ayvansaray 55th School, as well as the Suphi Paşa Vocational and Technical High School, and the Cağaloğlu Büyük Reşitpaşa School. They, all belong to the Republican Era, and are examples that have survived to the present day. According to the accessible documents, the Sultanahmet 44th Primary School and Yavuz Selim 15th School, are also known to have repeated this "standard project" floorplan. Although these structures generally have a “U- shaped floorplan”, they also have a single-storied and octagonal, multi-purpose hall along the entrance axis, overlooking the back garden. These schools are distinguished from other previous schools with “U- shaped floorplans” through this multipurpose hall. The first example of this floorplan is seen in the Dar' ül-Muallimat-ı Ali Building (1914) in the Çapa, neighborhood and is also included in the study. The research has concluded that schools with the same type of floorplan had been built in other districts in Istanbul besides Fatih, such as Kasımpaşa, Üsküdar, Kadıköy and Eyüp districts. This standard floorplan was observed to have only been applied in Istanbul, and never in other cities.&nbsp;&nbsp;The facade was an important part of the building design in the studied period. The facades of the educational buildings in Istanbul’s Fatih district contain pointed arches, roof consoles, wide wooden eaves, tile decorations, and many ornaments distinctive to the First National Architecture style. Seljuk or Ottoman decoration and architectural elements are found to be concentrated in the first period examples of these whose symmetrical floorplans are reflected on their facades, especially the buildings that had been built up until the 1930s. Contrarily, the facades of the buildings that were built between 1930-1940 had been simplified, although the principles floorplans did not change much. The pointed arches were replaced by rectangular and/or flat arches, tiles were not used on the facades and decorations were rarely included. Again, the ornamentation characteristic of the First National Architecture style were included on the facade designs of the examples surveyed here, however decorative elements such as wall tiles and plaster reliefs are rarely encountered in the interior spaces. Geometric and vegetal patterned floor tiles (i.e.,“karosiman”), were used in the interior floor arrangements of the educational buildings. Limited information is available regarding the architects of the structures of the period examined period. The standard-type projects probably had been designed by the same architect or architects based on the sources and facade inscriptions on some buildings.As a result, this study has revealed for the first time that the plan designs used in the examined educational buildings paralleled the Western European and American examples of the period, as well as the specific type of “standard project having only been” applied to the school buildings in Istanbul. Another important finding is that the schools of the Republican Era are simpler examples, in terms of ornamentation, in accordance with the general tendency of the First National Architecture style.

Education Buildings in "First National Architecture" Style in Fatih District-İstanbul

Resul

Assist. Prof. Dr.

Turkish principalities and states were established in different regions in Anatolia alongside the rule of Turks there. Zoning activities were carried out following the resettlements and acquisitions in order to make them permanent. Having a state be long-lasting, remain strong politically and militarily, and possess intense and active commercial activities is important for the welfare of the communities under its rule. New trade routes were created and caravanserais were built alongside the old roads at the time of the Anatolian Seljuk Empire for this purpose. Trade routes starting from Tabriz, the Caucasus, and Syria were able to reach Trabzon, Sinop, Konya, Istanbul, Aegean, and Mediterranean ports without interruption. Many caravanserais were built between these centers to provide safe and comfortable transportation while on these routes. The Anatolian Seljuk Empire was centered in Konya as the strongest of the Turkish principalities. Therefore, many caravanserais were established in and around Konya.Construction inscriptions refer to these caravanserais as hans [roadside shelters] or ribat in terms of the type of building type. While these inscriptions use the term han for the majority of caravanserais in Anatolia, ribat is seen to have been preferred as the term for only a very few structures. The meaning of ribat as a term has undergone semantic changes depending on the social events that have occurred throughout history. Ribat as a word contains meanings such as bond, rope, han, and tekke. The phrase ribat-ül hayl is used in the Qur’an with regard to hitching a horse. Hadiths use this term to express protecting one’s borders and keeping watch. Ribats are traditionally fortresses in Islamic geography where soldiers gather to guard the borders. As the borders expanded, the need for these structures decreased, with ribats now falling within city borders and their identity being changed over time. Structures such as tekkes, zawiyas, and khanqahs have also been described as ribats as time went on. In addition, shelters found along the sides of trade routes such as han and caravanserai have also been called ribats. Thus, ribat, which was used as a military term, also began being used to promote religious and commercial buildings throughout history.The term han usually appears in the inscriptions regarding commercial buildings in Anatolia from the Seljuk Empire and Ottoman Empire. The use of ribat as a term for these buildings was rarely preferred or encountered. Ribat also appears in the inscription catalogued under Inventory&nbsp;No. 28598(27) in the Ankara Ethnography Museum. The infrequent use of the term ribat and the fact that it has not been a subject in previous publications were instrumental in making this the subject examined in this work. Ribat being chosen here to identify the construction type in this inscription, the structure being constructed during the reign of Kaykhusraw I, and Kameruddin Kaymâz being mentioned as the patron in the inscription provide some suggestions as to which structure this inscription may belong.The name Kaymaz Han is encountered when examining medieval sources and studies by other researchers. These days, historians and art historians refer to the structure located on the Konya-Aksaray Road as Akbaş Han or as Dibidelik Han. Other sources have written that Kaymaz Han may be Akbaş Han. Clues are found in sources that suggest Kaymaz Han may be Akbaş Han, the building mentioned in the inscription this study examines. The word ribat is also mentioned in the inscriptions for other Kuruçeşme and Dokuzun caravanserais built during the reign of Kaykhusraw I. In addition, the floorplan typology and spatial characteristics of these caravanserais resemble those of Akbaş Han (i.e. Kaymaz Han), the one examined in the current study. These three caravanserai structures have a similarly sized courtyards and covered units. They have rooms and a portico system that face each other in their courtyards. They have vaulted units at the entrance to their courtyards. The barn-like (covered) units of these structures extend vertically, with the middle unit being wider and three congregation halls being present. Thus, the common features these structures have are that they were built during the reign of Kaykhusraw I, ribat is the term used to identify these buildings in inscriptions, the same floorplan style was applied to these buildings, and they have the same spatial dimensions. The manner in which the inscription this study examines came to the Ankara Ethnography Museum reveals an interesting situation. According to the museum inventory registry, this inscription had been moved from the Ahi Şerafeddin Tomb to the museum.The sultan at the time when the inscription was made, the patron named in the inscription, and the presence of ribat as the identifying term are what have made examining this work important. The results from the inscription show the name of the caravanserai to be Kaymaz Han, a caravanserai that has been referred these days as Akbaş Han or Dibidelik Han. As a result of the study, one can say that this caravanserai can also be known as Kaymaz Han again by studying this inscription.

A New Caravanserai Inscription from The Reign of Kaykhusraw I

Suna

Ayşe

Robert G. Ousterhout (16 Ocak 1950- 23 Nisan 2023)

Erdem

Arkeolog-Mimar Ülkü İzmirligil’i kaybettik (1941-2023)

Nurhan

Dostlarım John Carswell ve Michael Rogers’ın Ardından…

@JOURNAL_BOX_CURRENT

@JOURNAL_BOX_EARLYVIEW

KHAZAR PERIOD SARKEL ANCIENT CITY, FORTRESS AND SOME EXAMPLES OF ITS ARCHAEOLOGICAL FINDINGS (THEIR INTERACTIONS WITH CENTRAL AND INNER ASIAN TURKISH ART)

AN EVALUATION ON SYMBOLISM IN MIMAR SINAN’S MOSQUES

Okan

TWO SQUARES EXAMPLES IN THE LIGHT OF GNOSTICISM, ROSE-CROSS AND THEOSOPHY: “DARK DARKNESS” (ROBERT FLUDD) AND “BLACK SQUARE”(KAZIMIR MALEVICH)

Bahman

THE INFLUENCE OF EUROPEAN VISUAL ARTS PRODUCTS ON THE PERSIAN PAINTING IN 17TH CENTURY

@JOURNAL_BOX_MOSTREAD

Journal of Art History- Sanat Tarihi Yıllığı, began its publication in 1964-65 with the first issue prepared by Oktay Aslanapa, Şerare Yetkin and Metin Sözen, as a periodical of Istanbul University, Institute of Art History. Today, it is the scientific, peer-reviewed, open access journal of Istanbul University, Faculty of Letters, Art History Research Center. It is published annually and publication language of the journal are Turkish, English, German and French. 

Journal of Art History aims to contribute to the world of science by publishing original articles with high quality scientific content in all fields of art history discipline.

Journal of Art History publishes original articles within the scope of art history discipline, especially in the fields of Byzantine art, Turkish-Islamic arts, Western art and contemporary art. In this context, the articles submitted to the Journal of Art History must be original works that have not been published elsewhere.

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Journal of Art History

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Journal of Art History aims to contribute to the world of science by publishing original articles with high quality scientific content in all fields of art history discipline.Journal of Art History publishes original articles within the scope of art history discipline, especially in the fields of Byzantine art, Turkish-Islamic arts, Western art and contemporary art. In this context, the articles submitted to the Journal of Art History must be original works that have not been published elsewhere. Articles can be in Turkish, English, French and German.

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Web of Science Core Collection – Emerging Sources Citation Index (ESCI)SCOPUSTUBITAK-ULAKBIM TR IndexDOAJERIH PLUSEBSCO Central &amp; Eastern European Academic SourceSOBİAD

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The journal is committed to upholding the highest standards of publication ethics and pays regard to Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing published by the <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, the <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, the <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a>, and the <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> on <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a> The subjects covered in the manuscripts submitted to the Journal for publication must be in accordance with the aim and scope of the Journal. Only those manuscripts approved by every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Changing the name of an author (omission, addition or order) in papers submitted to the Journal requires written permission of all declared authors.Plagiarism, duplication, fraud authorship/denied authorship, research/data fabrication, salami slicing/salami publication, breaching of copyrights, prevailing conflict of interest are unethical behaviors. All manuscripts not in accordance with the accepted ethical standards will be removed from the publication. This also contains any possible malpractice discovered after the publication. Plagiarism Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. If plagiarism/self-plagiarism will be found authors will be informed. Editors may resubmit manuscript for similarity check at any peer-review or production stage if required. High similarity scores may lead to rejection of a manuscript before and even after acceptance. Depending on the type of article and the percentage of similarity score taken from each article, the overall similarity score is generally expected to be less than 15 or 20%. Double Blind Peer-Review After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by the editors-in-chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope. The editor provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles and hands over the papers matching the formal rules to at least two national/international referees for evaluation and gives green light for publication upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.

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To guarantee that all papers published in the journal are maintained and permanently accessible, articles are stored in Dergipark which serves as a  national archival web site and at the same time permits LOCKSS to  collect, preserve, and serve the content.Additionally, authors are encouraged to self-archive the final PDF version of their articles in open electronic archives with  that conform to standards of Open Archives Initiative (<a href="https://www.openarchives.org/" target="_blank">https://www.openarchives.org/</a>). Authors should provide a link from the deposited version to the URL of IUPress journal website.

<div style="text-align: left;">Journal of Art History - Sanat Tarihi Yıllığı is committed to upholding the highest standards of publication ethics and pays regard to Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing published by the <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, the <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, to access the <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a>, and the <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> on <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a></div>All parties involved in the publishing process (Editors, Reviewers, Authors and Publisher) are expected to agree on the following ethical principles.All submissions must be original, unpublished (including as full text in conference proceedings), and not under the review of any other publication synchronously. Each manuscript is reviewed by one of the editors and at least two referees under double-blind peer review process. Plagiarism, duplication, fraud authorship/denied authorship, research/data fabrication, salami slicing/salami publication, breaching of copyrights, prevailing conflict of interest are unnethical behaviors.All manuscripts not in accordance with the accepted ethical standards will be removed from the publication. This also contains any possible malpractice discovered after the publication. In accordance with the code of conduct we will report any cases of suspected plagiarism or duplicate publishing.

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Journal of Art History - Sanat Tarihi Yıllığı adheres to the highest standards in research ethics and follows the principles of international research ethics as defined below. The authors are responsible for the compliance of the manuscripts with the ethical rules.<ul><li>Principles of integrity, quality and transparency should be sustained in designing the research, reviewing the design and conducting the research.</li><li>The research team and participants should be fully informed about the aim, methods, possible uses and requirements of the research and risks of participation in research.</li><li>The confidentiality of the information provided by the research participants and the confidentiality of the respondents should be ensured. The research should be designed to protect the autonomy and dignity of the participants.</li><li>Research participants should participate in the research voluntarily, not under any coercion.</li><li>Any possible harm to participants must be avoided. The research should be planned in such a way that the participants are not at risk.</li><li>The independence of research must be clear; and any conflict of interest must be disclosed.</li><li>In experimental studies with human subjects, written informed consent of the participants who decide to participate in the research must be obtained. In the case of children and those under wardship or with confirmed insanity, legal custodian’s assent must be obtained.</li><li>If the study is to be carried out in any institution or organization, approval must be obtained from this institution or organization.</li><li>In studies with human subject, it must be noted in the method’s section of the manuscript that the informed consent of the participants and ethics committee approval from the institution where the study has been conducted have been obtained.</li></ul>

It is authors’ responsibility to ensure that the article is in accordance with scientific and ethical standards and rules. And authors must ensure that submitted work is original. They must certify that the manuscript has not previously been published elsewhere or is not currently being considered for publication elsewhere, in any language. Applicable copyright laws and conventions must be followed. Copyright material (e.g. tables, figures or extensive quotations) must be reproduced only with appropriate permission and acknowledgement. Any work or words of other authors, contributors, or sources must be appropriately credited and referenced.All the authors of a submitted manuscript must have direct scientific and academic contribution to the manuscript. The author(s) of the original research articles is defined as a person who is significantly involved in “conceptualization and design of the study”, “collecting the data”, “analyzing the data”, “writing the manuscript”, “reviewing the manuscript with a critical perspective” and “planning/conducting the study of the manuscript and/or revising it”. Fund raising, data collection or supervision of the research group are not sufficient roles to be accepted as an author. The author(s) must meet all these criteria described above. The order of names in the author list of an article must be a co-decision and it must be indicated in the <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/37CCCB7EDE7142A183F2D21C542D9DD8" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form.</a> The individuals who do not meet the authorship criteria but contributed to the study must take place in the acknowledgement section. Individuals providing technical support, assisting writing, providing a general support, providing material or financial support are examples to be indicated in acknowledgement section.All authors must disclose all issues concerning financial relationship, conflict of interest, and competing interest that may potentially influence the results of the research or scientific judgment.When an author discovers a significant error or inaccuracy in his/her own published paper, it is the author’s obligation to promptly cooperate with the Editor to provide retractions or corrections of mistakes.

Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors. He/She provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles for publication and ensures that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential before publishing.Editor-in-Chief is responsible for the contents and overall quality of the publication. He/She must publish errata pages or make corrections when needed.Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers. Only he has the full authority to assign a reviewer and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the journal.Reviewers must have no conflict of interest with respect to the research, the authors and/or the research funders. Their judgments must be objective.Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees must be ensured. In particular situations, the editor may share the review of one reviewer with other reviewers to clarify a particular point.

Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by editor-in-chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope.The editor hands over the papers matching the formal rules to at least two national/international referees for evaluation and gives green light for publication upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.

Peer Review

Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, sexual orientation, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors. He/She provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles for publication and ensures that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential before publishing.Editor-in-Chief is responsible for the contents and overall quality of the publication. He/She must publish errata pages or make corrections when needed.Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers. Only he has the full authority to assign a reviewer and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal.Reviewers must have no conflict of interest with respect to the research, the authors and/or the research funders. Their judgments must be objective.Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees must be ensured. In particular situations, the editor may share the review of one reviewer with other reviewers to clarify a particular point.

Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by Editor-in-Chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope. Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, sexual orientation, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors and ensures a fair double-blind peer review of the selected manuscripts.The selected manuscripts are sent to at least two national/international referees for evaluation and publication decision is given by Editor-in-Chief upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal.Reviewers’ judgments must be objective. Reviewers’ comments on the following aspects are expected while conducting the review.- Does the manuscript contain new and significant information?- Does the abstract clearly and accurately describe the content of the manuscript?- Is the problem significant and concisely stated?- Are the methods described comprehensively?- Are the interpretations and consclusions justified by the results?- Is adequate references made to other Works in the field?- Is the language acceptable?Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees is important.

All correspondence will be sent to the first-named author unless otherwise specified. Manuscpript is to be submitted online via <a href="http://dergipark.gov.tr/login" target="_blank">http://dergipark.gov.tr/login</a> that can be accessed at <a href="https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/iusty" target="_blank">https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/iusty</a> and it must be accompanied by a <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/D309744786794830A4037753E0F31EB9" target="_blank">Title Page</a> specifying the article category (i.e. research article, review etc.) and including information about the manuscript (see the Submission Checklist). Manuscripts should be prepared in Microsoft Word 2003 and upper versions. In addition, <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/37CCCB7EDE7142A183F2D21C542D9DD8" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a> that has to be signed by all authors must be submitted.1. The manuscripts should be in A4 paper standards: having 2.5 cm margins from right, left, bottom and top, Times New Roman font style in 10 font size and line spacing of 1.5. Due to double blind peer review, the main manuscript document must not include any author information.2. A <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/D309744786794830A4037753E0F31EB9" target="_blank">title page</a> including author information must be submitted together with the manuscript. The title page is to include fully descriptive title of the manuscript and, affiliation, title, e-mail address, postal address and phone number of the author(s) (see The Submission Checklist).3. Before the introduction part, there should be an abstract between 180 and 200 words in Turkish and English, an extended abstract in English between 600-800 words summarizing the scope, the purpose, the results of the study and the methodology used. Underneath the abstracts, five keywords that inform the reader about the content of the study should be specified in Turkish and in English. Extended abstract in English is required only for non-English manuscripts.4. The manuscripts should contain mainly these components: title, abstract and keywords; extended abstract in English, sections, end notes and references.5. Research article sections are ordered as follows: “INTRODUCTION”, “AIM AND METHODOLOGY”, “FINDINGS”, “DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION”, “ENDNOTES” and “REFERENCES” and “TABLES AND FIGURES”. For review and commentary articles, the article should start with the “INTRODUCTION” section where the purpose and the method is mentioned, go on with the other sections; and it should be finished with “DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION” section followed by “ENDNOTES”, “REFERENCES” and “TABLES AND FIGURES”.6. Tables, graphs and figures can be given with a number and a defining title.7. References should be prepared in accordance with the reference style of the journal.8. Authors are responsible for all statements made in their work submitted to the Journal for publication.

Author Guidelines

<ul><li><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/37CCCB7EDE7142A183F2D21C542D9DD8" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a></li><li><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/24255377581B4DEFB939754CBBF93031" target="_blank">Title Page</a></li><li><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/D589C5BC8FE645268E3233A5A926EF19" target="_blank">Author Form</a></li></ul>

Ensure that the following items are present:<ul><li>Confirm that the category of the manuscript is specifed.</li><li>Confirm that “the paper is not under consideration for publication in another journal”.</li><li>Confirm that  disclosure of any commercial or financial involvement is provided.</li><li>Confirm that last control for fluent English was done.</li><li>Confirm that the references cited in the text and listed in the references section are in line with the bibliography edition adopted by the journal.</li><li>Confirm that journal policies detailed in Information for Authors have been reviewed.</li></ul>●    <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/37CCCB7EDE7142A183F2D21C542D9DD8" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a>●    Permission of previous published material if used in the present manuscript●    <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/B8843915AE60467BAB7CCE91F68B6548" target="_blank">Title page</a><ul><li>The category of the manuscript</li><li>The title of the manuscript both in the language of the article and in English</li><li>All authors’ names and affiliations (institution, faculty/department, city, country), e-mail addresses</li><li>Corresponding author’s email address, full postal address, telephone and fax number</li><li>ORCIDs of all authors.</li><li>Grant support (if exists)</li><li>Conflict of interest (if exists) </li><li>Acknowledgement (if exists)</li></ul>●    Main Manuscript Document<ul><li>Important: Please avoid mentioning the author (s) names in the manuscript</li><li>The title of the manuscript both in the language of the article and in English</li><li>Abstract (180-200 words)</li><li>Key words: 5 words</li><li>Extended Abstract (600-800 words) in English</li><li>Body text sections</li><li>References</li><li>All tables, illustrations (figures) (including title, explanation, captions)</li></ul>

Journal of Art History

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HAZAR DÖNEMİ SARKEL ŞEHRİ, KALESİ VE BİR KISIM ARKEOLOJİK BULUNTU ÖRNEKLERİ (ORTA VE İÇ ASYA TÜRK SANATI BAĞLANTILARI)

MİMAR SİNAN CAMİLERİNDE SEMBOLİZM ÜZERİNE BİR DEĞERLENDİRME

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