Pauline

The Eastern Telegraph Company in the Ottoman Empire  at the End of the Nineteenth Century: A History of  Imperial and Foreign Technology

Semiha

Assist. Prof.

Prof.

Aram Margossian was born in Istanbul in 1853. He completed his university education at the École des Ponts et Chaussées in Paris in 1878. Upon completing his degree, he returned to Ottoman Turkey and worked in the Ministry of Public Affairs as an engineer, where he was later promoted to the director of the railway administration. Concurrently with his post in the ministry, he lectured at the Hendese-i Mülkiye, the school of civil engineering, and published his lecture notes. Not only had Margossian been a civil engineer, a bureaucrat, and a university professor, he would also become a distinguished amateur mathematician later in his life. His book on magic squares, Contribution à l’Étude des Carrés Magiques: De l’Ordonnance des Nombres dans les Carrés Magiques Impairs (1908) was published in France and became the key to his fame. In this authentic book, Margossian extended various known methods for generating magic squares.In addition to his book, the current study has identified three articles he wrote on Euler and Latin squares. In the first article from 1912, Margossian tried to solve an open problem known as Euler’s officer problem. The first part of the current paper will discuss the significance and repercussions of this work and attempt to show why his solution to the problem was incomplete. Margossian published this article in the review journal Sphinx-Œdipe in a separate supplementary issue. This journal was edited and hand-written by André Gérardin. Also, Margossian’s name appeared on the cover of the 1921 issue of Sphinx-Œdipe as one of the founders of the magazine. In 1921, Gérardin and Kraitchik formed an international mathematical circle called Les Amis des Nombres. As a Belgium engineer and mathematician, Kraitchik was instrumental in making Margossian’s methods a household item by referring to them extensively in his book (Kraitchik, 1930). Margossian also became a member of Les Amis des Nombres in 1921. Through his active participation in various mathematical circles and his continuing involvement with his alma mater, Margossian was able to integrate with the French intellectual milieu.In 1909, he became a member of the Ottoman Society for Architects and Engineers, one of the most important scientific and professional societies of the period. Between 1908- 1910, the majority of its members were engineers from the Ministry of Public Affairs and/or university professors from Hendese-i Mülkiye Mektebi. Margossian (1909, 1910) published two opinion articles in the Journal of the Ottoman Society for the Architects and Engineers. In the first opinion piece, Margossian defended the use of Western symbols and Western scientific terminology over the Ottoman/Arabic symbols and terminology that were currently in use. His second article bore the title “Some Remarks on Statistics” and differed from other articles in the same journal in terms of its technical sophistication. The second part of this paper will analyze that article in detail and attempt to establish what Margossian had been trying to do by filling in some details.In his article on statistics, Margossian showed the importance of statistical inference in all fields of knowledge where data analysis is of utmost importance. Margossian started by showing how a collection of numbers obtained from tables of logarithm values can be analyzed using Pearson’s chi-square test as well as how their probability distribution can be inferred. His first scientific example involved chemistry and the well-known historical controversy on calculating the oxygen content of water. By implicitly invoking the Law of Large Numbers, he pointed out that the number of observations that had been made were insufficient to infer an accurate conclusion about the mean value of the data. His second example, from social sciences, involved the Parretto Law for the distribution of wealth. To deduce this law for a specific society, one needs a sophisticated version of the least square line fit. By showing the mathematical skills that are required to deal with these problems Margossian supported his claim that engineers, especially those educated in the West, were the best candidates to learn and apply statistical inferences in all fields of daily life. Margossian further claimed that positions should exist in each ministry for such people.Margossian was an Ottoman Armenian who probably became unemployed after 1909. His interest in trying to define new employment opportunities for the engineers of his period is perfectly understandable. 1909 is believed to have been a turning point in his life, one where he had been transformed from a civil servant in the Ottoman Empire to an amateur mathematician in France. The article published in 1912 is believed to have played a key role in this transformation. Margossian died in Strobl near Austria in 1931 and had probably left the country during World War I.&nbsp;

A Civil Engineer and an Amateur Mathematician: Aram  Margossian’s Views on Statistics

Res. Assist.

The journal Gazette des Hôpitaux Civils et Militaires de l’Empire Ottoman / Ceride-i Emâkinü’s-Sıhha was published between 1887 and 1897 by Spiridon Mavrogeny Pasha, the private physician of Sultan Abdul Hamid II (r. 1876-1909) and studied by Feza Günergun in 2002. This article is an addendum to Günergun’s article in light of the newly opened periodical collection at Bibliothèque interuniversitaire de Santé [Interuniversity Health Library] in Paris, France and the documents kept in the Ottoman Archives in Turkey. Currently, no library is found to hold a complete collection of the journal. The journal was censured due to the articles Dr. David Pardo had written and was discontinued due to funding restrictions. Subsequently, it continued to be published in line with the Gazette Médicale d’Orient, the official publication of the Cemiyet-i Tıbbiye-i Şahane [Imperial Medical Society] in Istanbul. Gazette des Hôpitaux was the first bilingual (French and Turkish) medical journal to be published in Ottoman Turkey. Its originality could not be maintained after being censored, and its publication was suspended despite Dr. Mavrogeny Pasha’s continued efforts. This article contains the French and Turkish index of the 26 issues of the journal (in addition to Günergun’s article) as well as the testimonial account of Dr. David Pardo about the death of Dr. Marko Pasha’s wife and children from diphtheria in its appendix section. The Gazette des Hôpitaux Civils et Militaires de l’Empire Ottoman was a dramatic case that witnessed the effects of Abdul Hamid II’s repressive rules on medical publishing, which made publishing a journal not in allegiance with Abdul Hamid II’s Yıldız Palace impossible. Publications were also controlled by funding restrictions and censorship. Dr. David Pardo had attempted to draw attention in his articles to the inadequate measures that were being taken during the cholera epidemic, the scandalous decisions taken at Toptaşı Asylum, the failures in epidemic management, and the infrastructural problems of Istanbul. During the period when Gazette des Hôpitaux Civils et Militaires de l’Empire Ottoman was published and censored, the scientific activities of the Cemiyet-i Tıbbiye-i Osmaniye [Ottoman Medical Society] in Istanbul were also being impeded. The sessions the Society held were banned because the government had deemed them to be unsuitable, and the Society’s function of supervising and encouraging scientific publications had been transformed into one of inspecting publications that were deemed harmful. The Society functioned as a censorship commission until the beginning of the Second Constitutional Era in 1908, when it almost entirely lost its actual function.&nbsp;&nbsp;Moreover, physicians during this period were not allowed to create associations. According to the Ottoman archival documents, the Ottoman Medical Society did not have enough linguistically qualified officers to supervise the suitability of medical works for publishing (i.e., to perform its censorship function). While this did impede the publication of medical works, it also prevented the publication of many pamphlets, booklets, books, and journals in other languages in Istanbul. Therefore, many authors lost a great deal of time, spending their efforts all in vain. Another medical society, Cemiyet-i Tıbbiye-yi Şahane [Imperial Medical Society] had also been subjected to various pressures in the same period. Important testimonies occurred about the pressure exerted on the Society as well as on sleuthing and whistleblowing activities in Istanbul. Additionally, authorities tried to put the Imperial Medical Society in a difficult situation by reducing its financial aid and even delaying it payments of the reduced aid. This article presents documents regarding what these pressures had led to. Mavrogeny Pasha also appears to have been subjected to various incidents during the period in which he’d published the Gazette des Hôpitaux. He was followed by the Sultan’s sleuths, and reports were written about him. Mavrogeny Pasha was regularly prosecuted, and many investigations were conducted against him. During one investigation, a memoir written in Greek about Abdul Hamid II as well as other personal documents were found in the Pasha’s house. He was interrogated and news about his arrest began to appear in the foreign press. After this incident, Mavrogeny Pasha was forced to swear an oath of loyalty in the presence of the Ecumenical Patriarch of Constantinople, Neophytos VIII and two other witnesses. These events led the Pasha to lose his reputation. As a result of the absolute centralization of the reign of Abdul Hamid II, institutions such as Matbuat Dairesi [the Press Office] lost their authority, and applicants had to apply to the Yıldız Palace either directly or through intermediaries in order to republish journals that had been shut down or to publish new journals; applications needed to include certificates of good status, warrants of guarantee, and safety documents from the communities to which the applicant belonged, with the final decisions being left directly to the will of the Sultan. Journals and newspapers have been directly controlled through funds and censorship. According to archival documents, Gazette des Hôpitaux Civils et Militaires de l’Empire Ottoman was the only scientific publication among the journals and newspapers to have received financial aid from the government. Despite this privileged position the journal had, its publication and content seem to have been overshadowed by Mavrogeny Pasha’s private life and the sensationalist atmosphere of the period. Even today that medical phenomenon, deaths from epidemics, and the inadequate measures taken are well known to have been censored in various ways by those in power in various states. Thus the microhistory of Gazette des Hôpitaux Civils et Militaires de l’Empire Ottoman invites historical researchers to once again subject medical sources to a more careful reading.&nbsp;

Gazette des Hôpitaux Civils et Militaires de l’Empire Ottoman /  Ceride-i Emâkinü’s-Sıhha [1887-1897]: Newly Discovered Issues  and Reassessment

Hikmet

Throughout history, societies have experienced various disasters, one of these being cholera, an infectious disease that originated in India. Due to its ability to turn into an epidemic, cholera has caused great damage to many states including the Ottoman Empire. The first cholera epidemic in the empire broke out in 1822, with epidemics having ravaged the country since then at various intervals. The 1865 epidemic in particular caused great losses that urged the Ottoman administrators to take greater measures against its spread. The Meclis-i Umur-ı Sıhhiye [Council of Health Affairs] was established in 1838 in order to combat epidemics using modern medical methods. When a cholera epidemic broke out in Hamburg, Germany in 1892, Sultan Abdul Hamid II, worried about its spread to Istanbul, additionally decreed the establishment of an inspectorate of public hygiene in 1892. The chemist and pharmacist Charles Bonkowski Pasha, a Polish refugee who had previously studied the sewers of Istanbul and analyzed the drinking water of the city, was appointed as the chief inspector. This administration was first entrusted with the sanitary problems of Istanbul, as is indicated by the name Inspectorate for Hygiene for Dersaadet and Galata, Üsküdar, and Eyüp. In the same year, the inspectorate’s mission was expanded to include the entire territory of the empire, and its name was changed to the General Inspectorate for Public Hygiene.As inspector-in-chief of public hygiene, Bonkowski Pasha along with his team composed of doctors and disinfection officers, worked effectively against cholera epidemics in Edirne, Bursa, Trabzon, Izmir, Izmit, and especially Istanbul between 1892-1895. He was first given information about the state of infected cities, and he and his team would then visit these cities in line with this information to conduct inspections. During these inspections, Bonkowski Pasha would receive support from the governors, local administrators, military units, and&nbsp;other prominent people. Additionally, Bonkowski Pasha would form a health commission consisting of local people to discuss the measures to be taken against the epidemic. However, he was forced to face some hinderances from the Mayor Rıdvan Pasha in Istanbul, especially for the work to be done in the sewers of the city. In the end, though, the Sultan backed Bonkowski Pasha regarding this situation.Bonkowski Pasha had large-scale disinfections performed in the houses where cholera had broken out. He would have some items burned and immovable objects disinfected effectively. He also would have the remaining items washed and ventilated and the interior walls whitewashed. Streets and market places were cleaned, open toilets were whitewashed, sewers were covered, and rats were exterminated. Work was done to prevent contaminated water from being mixed with the drinking water.Bonkowski Pasha also attempted to prevent the spread of the disease by implementing large-scale quarantines. He ordered the belongings of passengers staying in the quarantine houses located on the important transit routes of the empire to be disinfected, which was important because passengers could spread the disease to other places after leaving the quarantine houses. Bonkowski Pasha provided detailed reports on the epidemic for the places he visited. He would send these reports directly to Abdul Hamid II, in which he detailed the problems he’d encountered and the work he’d done.The pasha sometimes acted in unison with the Council of Public Health when working in places where he’d been assigned. However, he mentioned in his reports that the Council did not always send the required officials to contaminated places, or if they were sent, their number was insufficient. Still, Bonkowski Pasha established good relations with the local peoples, took care to not disturb the people with the precautions he took, and tried to reduce the quarantine period in unaffected localities. The steps he took did sometimes cause problems between him and the Council of Public Health, and the council did not hesitate to warn Bonkowski Pasha about obeying the sanitation laws.The present article is essentially based on the sanitation reports Bonkowski Pasha had written that are kept in the Ottoman Archives in Istanbul. These reports show the hygiene conditions in the Empire to have been poor, with open sewers, non-sanitary toilets, contaminated water being mixed with drinking water, and the unhealthiness of market places and streets being the main factors that paved the way for the spread of the cholera epidemic and that undoubtedly made Bonkowski’s mission difficult. These reports also provided information about the Ottoman administrators’ struggle against the cholera epidemic of 1893-1895.&nbsp;

Sanitary Measures Taken by the Inspector-in-Chief of Public  Hygiene Charles Bonkowski Pasha During the 1893-1895 Cholera  Epidemic in Ottoman Turkey

Ebubekir

The modern terms in philosophy, science, and technology that are used in Western languages began to enter Turkish at the end of the 18th century. The introduction of modern medicine into Turkey, the emergence of new issues in the fields of law and politics, and the translation of Western astronomical, geographical, geological, and economic terms into Turkish accelerated the process. The intensification of relations with the West and the beginning of translations from Western languages, especially after the Tanzimat, led Ottomans to recognize many new concepts of Western origin. Some of these terms also entered daily language through the press and textbooks. However, these terms either passed into Turkish as they were, or several different terms ended up being coined in Turkish by various individuals for one individual Western term. These made the books translated from Western languages very difficult to read and caused a number of semantic problems. For this reason, the need for a common philosophical and scientific language became one of the issues on which Ottoman intellectuals focused. This issue was formally discussed for the first time during the Second Constitutional Era. In 1913, the Istılahat-ı İlmiye Encümeni [Committee for Scientific Terminology] was established in order to decide how to find the Turkish equivalents for the many new terms and concepts in modern philosophy, science, and technology.The Committee for Scientific Terminology was established within the Ministry of Education under the chairmanship of Emrullah Efendi, a former Minister of Education. The Committee had to focus on coining Turkish terms related to fine arts, science, and technology, especially areas related to philosophy. According to the third article of the Committee’s regulations, the following branches of science were to be focused on for coining Turkish&nbsp;terms: philosophy, mathematics, physics, history, geography, natural sciences, medical sciences, law, politics, linguistics, military arts, navigation, literature, art, music, agriculture, engineering, technology, mechanical engineering, mining engineering, and industry. Experts from all branches of science took place on the Committee as members based on their fields of expertise.In the beginning, the committee met once a week in the Darülfünun [University] library, with members being paid one lira for each meeting. In addition, a bonus of half a lira would be paid to members for each chapter published. The committee met every two weeks after 1917. Changes in members of the committee were observed to occur over time for various reasons. The chairman of the committee was elected by a secret election among the members. One of three members who received the most votes in the secret election was appointed by the Minister of Education as the chairman of the committee. Members who did not attend three consecutive meetings were deemed to have resigned, and new members were appointed according to their fields of expertise.According to Rıza Tevfik, a member of the Committee for Scientific Terminology, the committee’s aim was to find Turkish equivalents for many scientific concepts and terms used in developed languages and to prepare a dictionary for Turkish scientific terms.The committee examined ancient works in order to determine whether pre-existing Turkish equivalents could be found for the terms of Western origin. The members of the committee grew in number over time, with new members also joining the committee based on their field of expertise. The committee also endeavored to find terms regarding the military arts and religious sciences. The studies the Committee for Scientific Terminology carried out should also be noted to involve important steps that were taken toward creating a common scientific language in Turkey. However, the results expected from the committee’s work were not obtained, and no common scientific language could be established.The Committee for Scientific Terminology continued its work without interruption until the beginning of 1919 and published three glossaries: one for philosophy, one for the arts, and one for general science. Why the committee did not publish other glossaries than the ones mentioned above is unclear. However, the committee members were known to be experts in all branches of science and to have deliberated on how to determine the scientific terms. The work of the committee officially ended on March 16, 1919.The Committee for Scientific Terminology prepared the following three dictionaries: a dictionary of philosophy terms; a dictionary of art terms, and a dictionary of general science terms including only those starting with the letter A.&nbsp;

The Committee for Scientific Terminology (Istılahat-ı İlmiye  Encümeni, 1913-1919) and the Introduction of Modern Terms in  Philosophy, Science, and Technology to Turkey

Özlem

Agricultural journals in Ottoman Turkey began being published in the late 19th century, with the number of publications gradually increasing in the years that followed. The first journal published in this field was Vasıta-ı Servet [Medium for Wealth] in 1881, which also included articles on veterinary medicine, followed by Ziraat Gazetesi [Journal of Agriculture] in the same year. Among later periodicals was the journal Felâhat [Farming], which provided information on agriculture, veterinary medicine, industry, and trade.No detailed research has been conducted on Felâhat; however, its dates of publication, aim and number of published issues are known. Copies of Felâhat are found in libraries in Ankara, Erzurum, and Istanbul, with this study benefitting from the issues stored in the Hakkı Tarık Us Collection of Beyazıt State Library, Istanbul.Felâhat was published in Istanbul every 15 days between March 28, 1913-February 1919 for a total of 67 issues, with issues being published less regularly after issue #33. The baş moharrir [publisher and editor-in-chief] of Felâhat was Sebuh İstepenyan, and its müdür [director] for the first three years was Ahmed Talat, followed by Leon as its director for the fourth and fifth years.Felâhat was an illustrated journal published in two columns in the dimensions of 20x27.5 cm. The subscription fee for the first two years was 15 kurus for six months and 30 kurus for a year, while the third year saw the annual subscription reduced to 10 kurus and the fourth year raised to 20 kurus. Felâhat was printed in the publishing houses Matbaa-i Hayriye ve Şürekâsı and Matbaa-i Orhaniye.The front cover of the first issue bore the names of the muharrir [editors] for agriculture and its sub-branches, industry and trade, veterinary sciences as well as the institutions where they worked. The editors included experts and administrators working in Ottoman state institutions based in İstanbul, İzmir, İzmit, Kastamonu, Thessalonica, and Skopje such as the Halkalı School of Agriculture in Istanbul, the School of Farming in Skopje, and the School of Horticulture and Viticulture in İzmir to name a few. Two editors were from Egypt, and one was an agricultural engineer at the British engineering company John Fowler &amp;Co.The purpose of publishing the journal was revealed in the first issue, under the titles of “Preface” and “Our Job.” The journal aimed to enlighten farmers through articles prepared by experts using a plain language to help farmers get acquainted with modern agricultural methods and soil cultivation, as well as to develop the country’s agricultural production. Felâhat’s issues included articles on poultry, field and horticultural crops, agricultural tools, animal breeds, diagnosis and treatment methods for plant and animal diseases, forestry, farming, industry, agriculture, minerals, trade, and apiculture. The journal also informed its readers about new scientific and technical developments from the world and the Ottoman Empire and published advertisements, illustrations, serialized texts, and announcements. The articles published in the journal covered a wide range of topics under various subjects such as agriculture, agriculture and animal husbandry in the Ottoman Empire and various countries, pest control, forests, and water wells. In this respect, the journal showed similarities to the other agricultural journals of the period in terms of both the purpose of publication and the wide range of covered topics. Information regarding the end of its publication life is unknown.Most of the articles bore their respective authors’ names, and while full names were given in the first two years, they were mostly abbreviated in the following period. The most prolific authors were Sina Kerim Istepenyan (The Director of the Kastamonu School of Farming), İhsan (Director of the Seydi Köy School of Viticulture and Horticulture at İzmir), Abdulhakim Hares, and Feridun. The affiliations of the two latter authors are unknown.In conclusion, Felâhat was published in line with the aims stated in its first issue, such as making the readership aware of new developments and improvements in agriculture, and the publishers attempted to follow the progress in industry, trade, and veterinary medicine and to convey to farmers the modern agricultural methods using a plain language with the help of experts.&nbsp;

A Farming Journal Published in Ottoman Türkiye:  Felâhat (1913-1919)

Abdüssamet

From Padua to Istanbul: Peregrinatio Medica of Joseph  Solomon Del Medigo (1591-1655) and Tobias Cohen  (1652-1729)

Adem

Taqi-al-Din’s Poem Urcuze li’l-Ceyb ve’d-Darb ve’l-Kısme on  Performing Multiplication and Division Using a Sine Quadrant

İbrahim

Hakan

Assoc. Prof.

An Archaeological Find from Ottoman Northern Arabia:  A Nabatean Sundial from Madā’in Sāliḥ”

Şeref

An Archeology of School Laboratories in Istanbul

Mehmet

From Péra to Kandilli: A 150-Year History of the (Istanbul)  Observatory with Assessments and Comments

The Three Lives and Death of Dr. Cevat Mazhar

Cevat

Bilgesu

Berennaz

İlker

The VIth Student Conference of the History of Science Club of the  Istanbul University’s Faculty of Letters (May 13, 2022)

Ayşe

Alpen

Işılsu

Gürsel

Prof. Dr.

Exploring the First Decade of the Anatomische Gesellschaft: Europe’s Oldest Anatomical Society and a Comparative Perspective from Ottoman Medicine

Mürvet

The Imperial School of Medicine (Mekteb-i Tıbbiye-i Şahane) opened its doors in 1827. Initially, surgical studies were not included in the curriculum. In 1832, a separate institution was established for surgical education, known as the Surgeon School (Cerrahhane). In its early years, the Surgeon School primarily trained Greek surgeons since Turkish doctors were reluctant to become surgeons. In 1838, medical and surgical education was integrated. However, it took until the late 1800s for Turkish doctors to embrace surgical careers fully. The first three names trained at the School of Medicine and continued their surgical specialization abroad are Naim Bey, Osman Bey, and Hayrettin Bey.&nbsp;Naim Bey entered the School of Medicine in 1862 and graduated at 23 with diploma number 400 on June 27, 1873. As the School of Medicine was a military school, he graduated with the rank of lieutenant, holding expertise in both medical and surgical fields. His comprehensive diploma exams encompassed various subjects, including Natural Sciences, Chemistry, Anatomy, Botany, Zoology, Galenic Pharmacy, Minor Surgical Procedures, Physiology, Diseases, Materia Medica, Preventive Medicine, Internal and External Diseases, Forensic Medicine, Pathology, General Surgery, Gynecology, Clinical Medical Methods, Clinical Surgical Methods, Dermatology, Ophthalmology.On Naim Bey's diploma, Sultan Abdülaziz’s name was torn, though the seals and signatures of the school's director, Marko Pasha, and seventeen instructors remained intact. His instructors included Saib, Kalyas, Arşizen Sarandi, Valasidi, Maruvan(?), Ferdinand, Serviçen, Ahmet Remzi, Konstantin Karateodori, Konstantin, Baroçi, Aristidi, Seyyid Ali, Vuçino, Anton, and Mavroyeni.During Naim Bey's graduation period, 33 people, 20 Muslims, received education at the School of Medicine. This is an example of the long-standing tradition that approximately one-third of students are non-Muslim. After completing his education, Naim Bey, along&nbsp;with his friends Hayrettin Bey and Osman Bey, participated in an examination in 1875 that offered opportunities for further education abroad. They all succeeded in this examination, with Naim Bey choosing Vienna for surgical training while his friends opted for Paris. Vienna was known for providing top-notch medical education. However, since the language of instruction at the School of Medicine was French, Paris was a more preferred destination.Upon returning from his foreign education, Naim Bey was called to serve during the 1877-78 Ottoman-Russian War, where he showcased his surgical skills. After the war, it is likely that he became an assistant instructor at the School of Medicine. In 1884, he became a teacher in External Diseases (General Surgery/Emraz-ı Hariciye). In addition to his duty at the School of Medicine, a military school, Naim Bey also taught at the Civil School of Medicine (Mekteb-i Tıbbiye-i Mülkiye), established in 1867 to provide medical education to civilians. He was the teacher of Cemil Topuzlu, who was acknowledged as the founder of modern surgery in Türkiye. Topuzlu said in his memoir that he learned extensively from Naim Bey. After Naim Bey passed away, Hayrettin Bey took his place, and Cemil Bey took Hayrettin Bey’s place. Thus, Naim Bey’s death paved the way for Cemil Topuzlu’s career advancement.In 1887, Naim Bey was promoted to the rank of Colonel, receiving various medals and honors. In 1889, he was appointed to the Council of Civil Medicine and Public Health (Meclis-i Tıbbiye-i Mülkiye ve Sıhhıye-i Umumiye). He also became a member of the Association of Ottoman Medicine (Cemiyet-i Tıbbiye-i Osmaniye), dedicated to translating medical literature into Turkish.In 1890, Naim Bey, along with the Committee of Ottoman Medicine (Heyet-i Tıbbiye-i Osmaniye), visited Doctor Robert Koch in Berlin. During this visit, they met Koch and examined Koch's work on the tuberculosis vaccine and treatment. Various reports were sent back to Istanbul. However, the final decision of the committee was that the treatment remained experimental, and therefore, there was no need for Ottoman citizens to come to Berlin for treatment. Naim Bey was also involved in efforts to establish a tuberculosis hospital, but the treatment did not meet expectations, and the project remained incomplete.Naim Bey's international engagements included participation in the VIIth International Congress of Hygiene and Demography held in London in 1891. Initially, other candidates were considered, but Naim Bey was chosen for his suitability. The congress, attended by over 2000 people, highlighted developments in the field of microbiology.In addition to his professional endeavors, Naim Bey had three children: one son and two daughters. One of his daughters passed away at an early age, while the other married Selim Ucce, a Syrian soldier and a surgeon who studied at School of Medicine and settled&nbsp;in Damascus. Naim Bey's son, Hasan Cevdet Temizkanlı, attended Mekteb-i Harbiye and participated in various battles, and received the Independence Medal. He passed away in 1939.On October 17, 1891, Naim Bey passed away at the age of 41 in his home in Vefa due to an aneurysm. His legacy endures as one of the pioneering Turkish surgeons who received a comprehensive education at the School of Medicine and played an important role in advancing the field of medicine in Türkiye.

Colonel Educator Doctor Naim Hasan Bey: One of The Pioneers of Modern Turkish Surgery

Nuran

Since there used to be no independent research institutes in Turkey, the science of physiology has developed within medical education. The transition to modern medical education in Turkey commenced with Tıphane-i Âmire’s (The Imperial Medical School) inception on March 14, 1827. Until the 1933 University Reform, medical education continued in institutions named as the Mekteb-i Tıbbiye-i Şahane (Imperial Faculty of Medicine), Mekteb-i Tıbbiye-i Mülkiye (School of Civil Medicine), Dârülfünun-ı Osmani Tıp Fakültesi (The Ottoman University Faculty of Medicine), Şam Mekteb-i Tıbbiye-i Mülkiyesi (Damascus School of Civil Medicine) which at one time continued its education affiliated with the Darülfünun-ı Osmani Tıp Fakültesi, was also added to these schools that constituted the core of Istanbul University Faculty of Medicine. This study addresses the establishment and development of the physiology course in the schools where Istanbul Medical Faculty maintained its education from 1827 until the 1933 University Reform.From 1834 onward at Tıphane-i Âmire, physiology education was conducted by Osman Saib Efendi through translations of a contemporary French physiology book. Osman Saib Efendi also taught physiology for several years at the Mekteb-i Tıbbiye-i Şahane, resulting from the merging of Tıphane-i Âmire and Cerrahhane-i Mamûre (School of Surgery) beginning French-based education in 1839. Until 1873, at Mekteb-i Tıbbiye-i Şahane, physiology professors additionally taught courses in anatomy, pathology, pathological anatomy, zoology, botany, hygiene, surgical internal diseases, and clinical medicine.The commencement of Turkish education at Mekteb-i Tıbbiye-i Mülkiye (1867), followed by the transition to Turkish education at Mekteb-i Tıbbiye-i Şahane (1870), led to the challenge of a lack of Turkish-speaking instructors and a shortage of Turkish textbooks. In response, the translation of French medical books into Turkish began. Kâtipzâde Mehmet Nuri Birgivî, an assistant surgical instructor at Mekteb-i Tıbbiye-i Şahane, translated a physiology book&nbsp;named Traité élémentaire de physiologie humaine comprenant les principales notions de la physiologie comparée (Paris 1866, 5th edition) authored by Prof. Dr. Jules Béclard, renowned for his studies in anatomy and physiology during that era. This translated physiology book was published as Menâfi'ül-azâ Fisioloci (Istanbul,1873-1874). Şemsi Şerif Bey, the Physiology Instructor, utilized this book in his theoretical lessons between 1873 and 1881.Dr. Mehmet Şakir (Şakir Pasha), who specialized under Dr. Claude Bernard, returned to Istanbul (1876) driven by the inspiration and high energy acquired during his apprenticeship and with a determination to bring newly learned knowledge to his country. In the same year, he was appointed as an assistant instructor alongside the physiology instructor Şemsi Şerif Bey at the Mekteb-i Tıbbiye-i Şahane. In addition to this role, he assumed the position of assistant physiology instructor at Mekteb-i Tıbbiye-i Mülkiye (1878). Upon his promotion to an instructor, he departed from Mekteb-i Tıbbiye-i Mülkiye (1888). From then on, he solely worked at Mekteb-i Tıbbiye-i Şahane. The lectures where he discussed the latest developments in physiology were compiled by students through note-taking. Şakir Pasha revised and corrected these notes before publishing them as “Dürûs-ı Hayat-ı Beşeriye” (Lessons on Human Life, Istanbul 1893).Upon his arrival from Paris, Şakir Pasha made considerable efforts to establish a physiology laboratory. However, instead of the envisioned laboratory, he initiated experimental physiology classes in a small room using equipment he procured with his own funds. He personally conducted practical and demonstration classes every Thursday. His experiments involved dogs, island rabbits, and frogs. Due to the absence of allocated funding for the physiology laboratory, the dogs used in the experiments were either brought by attendants or enthusiastic students from around the Karacaahmet cemetery or the vicinity surrounding the school in Sirkeci-Demirkapı, while the frogs were collected from the botanical garden pond of the school.Şakir Pasha succeeded in introducing the fundamentals of experimental physiology to Turkey through his physiology classes conducted alongside animal experiments in this modest laboratory. His requests for new equipment to enhance the physiology laboratory were disregarded by the authorities, and after years of waiting, he managed to procure some new equipment for his laboratory (1896), albeit not to the extent he desired. Due to the reluctance of the Babıâli (Sublime Porte) that sent him to France for specialized training to comprehend and establish a fully equipped physiology laboratory, Şakir Pasha couldn’t engage in scientific research. Another misfortune for Şakir Pasha was that the assistants who began working with him, having no income apart from their salaries, did not embrace physiology and shifted to clinical fields. Consequently, he had to single-handedly continue theoretical and experimental physiology education for years. As those who started their careers in physiology education eventually transitioned to clinical specialties, the education was sustained with contributions&nbsp;from instructors and assistant instructors of other disciplines. The names we have identified as contributing to physiology education are listed in the table “Contributors to Physiology Education, 1827-1933” at the end of this article.After settling into the monumental building of Mekteb-i Tıbbiye-i Şahane in Haydarpaşa, Dr. Kemal Cenap (Berksoy), Şakir Pasha’s persevering assistant in physiology, pushed the limits of the era’s resources to facilitate the expansion and equipping of Şakir Pasha’s modest laboratory with new tools. Despite this effort, the laboratory, which fell short compared to its European counterparts, saw Kemal Cenap Bey publish his experimental studies in European physiology journals and receive citations. He particularly emphasized experimental studies on digestive physiology, notably identifying the most effective secretion occurring within the deep mucosal layer of the duodenum, a contribution that entered the physiology literature. Kemal Cenap Bey, who achieved international recognition for his scientific research, established experimental physiology as both a teaching and research discipline by conducting experiments with his students during classes.

Physiology in Istanbul Faculty of Medicine from Tıphane-i Âmire to Dârülfünun, 1827-1933

Saltuk

Sources of Maritime Weather Monitoring in the Ottoman Navy at the Age of Modern Observatories, 1868-1914

Zekeriya

Salih Zeki (1864-1921) returned to Istanbul after attending L’École Supérieure de Télégraphie in Paris between 1883 and 1887. He started to teach mathematical physics (hikmet-i riyaziyye) at the Mühendishâne-i Berrî-i Hümâyun, the Ottoman military engineering school. There are indications that he had covered probability topics as part of this course. In 1898 he published Hulâsa-i Hesâb-ı İhtimâlî, a booklet on probability which has the distinction of being the first in its field in Turkey. The small treatise has two chapters totaling fifty-eight pages. The first 40-page chapter of the book presents the theoretical concepts of probability. The second 18-page chapter includes examples on empirical probability.Bernoulli’s theorem was first presented with its proof by Jacques Bernoulli (1655-1705) in Ars Conjectandi (1713), his posthumous work in Latin. The theorem can be simply stated as follows;With the probability approaching 1 or certainty as near as we please, we may expect that the relative frequency of an event E in a series of independent trials with constant probability p will differ from that probability by less than any given number , provided the number of trials is taken sufficiently large. (J. V. Uspensky, Introduction to Mathematical Probability, 1937, 96.)Unlike this statement, Salih Zeki wrote the theorem as follows and solved its examples in this context: “If the number of experiments for an event is increased to equal the simple probability of the event, the probability of that event will eventually be brought closer to the level of mathematical certainty.” We will now briefly represent Salih Zeki’s three examples.Example 1: The probability of getting a 6 when a dice is rolled is . If the dice were rolled twice, the probability of at least one of them getting a 6 would be . Similarly, if a dice is rolled three times, the probability of getting a 6 for at least one of them is . The probability of getting a 6 at least once when rolled four times is and other situations can be calculated by continuing in this way. The resulting probabilities are getting larger and closer to 1 for each case where the number of experiments is increased.&nbsp;Example 2: Let the probability of an event occurring be very small. If the number of experiments for the same event is gradually increased, the probability of the event approaches the level of certainty. For example, while the probability of drawing a white ball from a box containing 40 black and one white ball is , this probability can be approached to the degree of mathematical certainty in 100 consecutive draws. Indeed, when drawn 100 times, the probability of being white is 0,91526.Example 3: Consider the following sixteen situations that occur when balls a, b are drawn in quaternary:&nbsp;aaaa aaab aaba abaa baaa aabb abab baab baba abba bbaa bbab abbb babb bbba bbbbIf two classes are accepted according to whether the quaternary order of balls is mixed or uniform, the probabilities of these two classes of events will be 14/16, 2/16 respectively. Accordingly, the ratio of mixed-type events to all events is 14/16. When the number of experiments is increased, this ratio also increases. Indeed, when the number of experiments is five, 30/32 ratio is obtained, and when six experiments are performed, 62/64 ratio is obtained. Thus, it is possible to bring the probability of mixed-type events closer to the level of mathematical certainty by increasing the number of experiments as much as possible.Bernoulli’s theorem has a privileged place in calculus of probability. Salih Zeki allocated a subchapter to this theorem in a small and concise textbook, Hulâsa-i Hesâb-ı İhtimâlî (1898), thus emphasizing its importance in a sense. The text of the theorem in the work and three related examples were examined. Here, it is stated that in experiments conducted for an event whose probability is not zero, if the number of experiments is increased as much as possible, this event will occur at the level of mathematical certainty. However, in the Bernoulli theorem texts that we see in the 18th and 19th-century probability works that Salih Zeki was aware of, it is emphasized that as the number of experiments increases, the ratio of the results obtained approaches a probability value p. Since Salih Zeki did not take into account approaching a certain probability value in his examples, the definition he gave does not belong to Bernoulli’s theorem but to another rule called Littlewood’s law today.

Bernoulli's Theorem and Its Reception in Türkiye

Müjdat

Assist. Prof. Dr.

In the nineteenth century, the Ottoman Empire was aware of its scientic deciency and while trying to solve it introduced numerous innovations in education. The Ottoman Empire wanted to bring Western science to the country by sending successful students to Western countries. During this period, many students completed their education, returned to the country, and contributed to the country’s academic media. This situation was also reflected in Darülfünun, and efforts were made to increase the qualifications of its faculties. One of these was the publication of a scientific journal called Darülfünûn Fünûn Fakültesi Mecmuası in 1916. After publishing six issues between 1916 and 1917, the journal went on a forced holiday due to the war. In this period, Hasan Fehmi [Çayköy] (1887-1950) published the highest number of articles in the field of mathematics in this journal. Hasan Fehmi, who graduated from Darülfünun’s Mathematics Department in 1911, worked as a mathematics teacher in the elite high schools of his time, such as Kabataş High School, Mercan High School, Girls’ School of Education, and Darüşşafaka High School. He was also the principal of Darüşşafaka between 1939 and 1943. Analyzing the articles in scientific periodicals published in the last period of the Ottoman Empire will contribute to the literature in this field. In this context, the present study aims to make a mathematical analysis of all of Hasan Fehmi’s articles published in Darülfünûn Fünûn Fakültesi Mecmuası. In this context, six articles by Hasan Fehmi published in the journal were transliterated, and mathematical analyses were made separately.Between 1916 and 1917, Hasan Fehmi published 6 articles in the Darülfünûn Fünûn Fakültesi Mecmuası on mathematics. In his essays, he explained his subjects using a simple style and elaborately drawn figures at the necessary points.In his first article, titled “Küre Hacminin Bi’l-Cebr İstihrâcı (Determination of Sphere Volume with Algebra)”, Hasan Fehmi used algebraic methods to determine how the expression 4/3πr³, which is the volume formula of any sphere with radius r, emerged.In his second article, “Hendese Meselesi (Geometry Problem)”, Hasan Fehmi dealt with a problem concerning the relationship between a circle and a triangle. In the problem, any angle, such as XVY, is first drawn on the plane, and then points H and B are chosen on the arms of that angle such that VH + VB is constant. It is claimed that the circumcircles of the triangles VHB obtained from here will pass through a fixed point, and then the claim is proved.In his third article, “Müsellesât [1] (Trigonometry [1])”, Hasan Fehmi explained the solution to a trigonometry problem based on the relationship between a circle and a triangle. In this problem, let the heights of a triangle such as BLC intersect at the point K and let M be the center of the circumcircle of the triangle. The necessary conditions for the line segment MK passing through K and M to be equal to half of the base of the triangle are analyzed in this problem.In his fourth article, “Bir Gâye Meselesi (A Limit Problem)”, Hasan Fehmi examined whether the limit value of the sum 1x2/3x4x5x6 + 2x3/4x5x6x7 + ... + n(n+1)/(n+3)(n+4)(n+5) is equal to 1/9.In his fifth article, “Müsellesât [2] (Trigonometry [2])”, Hasan Fehmi drew a line from a point G chosen randomly outside a triangle like BCE to the vertices of the triangle. The perpendicularity centers of the three new triangles obtained are K1 , K2 and K3 , respectively. In this problem, Hasan Fehmi showed the equality of the triangle K1 K2 K3 and the triangle BCE.In his sixth article titled “Cebir (Algebra)”, Hasan Fehmi discussed the derivatives of some special trigonometric functions, the equality of the derivative values of these special functions to each other, and finally, the equality of the derivatives of these special functions without derivative operation.Hasan Fehmi included some special problem situations and solutions in the fields of geometry, trigonometry, and algebra in his articles published in Darülfünûn Fünûn Fakültesi Mecmuası. Within the scope of the present study, these articles were analyzed mathematically in detail. According to the results obtained, it has been determined that the problems in question are at a level that can be accepted at the undergraduate level today and frequently brought up in the related courses. In this sense, they have a widespread recognition. In addition, the approaches used in problem-solving are not original. Hasan Fahmi does not make such a claim in his articles.

Hasan Fehmi’s [Çayköy] Articles in Mathematics Published in Darülfünûn Fünûn Fakültesi Mecmuası [Darülfünûn Science Faculty Journal]

Volkan

Natural philosophy, which was progressively neglected in the education system of Ottoman Turkey, established a basis for the formation of modern sciences in the Western world. As Western Europe has begun to forge ahead since the sixteenth century, they have not only developed human knowledge through discoveries, observations and experiments, but also created a solid scientific terminology based on Latin. The Latin alphabet, among other cultural elements, was inherited by the barbarian kingdoms, which contributed to the fall of the Western Roman Empire and transformed themselves into the modern Western European nations. Spelling of the vernacular Western European languages were modified based on the Latin script, but pronunciation of the words locally differed. Finally, the position of Latin as the preeminent academic language over the centuries gradually replaced by the national languages starting in the seventeenth century. Although the usage of Latin has been considerably diminished in academic studies, taxonomy, one of the common grounds of biology and paleontology, represents one of the exceptional fields in which the Latin nomenclature still prevails. In the Western world, spelling of the taxonomic nomenclature (i.e., the names representing species, genera, and other groups of organisms belonging to higher taxonomic ranks) is uniformly done according to the Latin grammar, but pronunciation of those may vary in different languages.The Turks, on the other hand, became the permanent settlers of Anatolia towards the end of the eleventh century and built political and cultural relationships with their western rivals, the Eastern Roman Empire. The selection of Greek as the official language of the Eastern Roman Empire created a lack of familiarity with Latin for the Turks. During the period of &nbsp;modernization in Ottoman Turkey, which began in the eighteenth century, numerous terms were subsumed from French, the world language at the time, and most of these terms have been transcribed by following the French pronunciation. English replaced French as the new lingua franca after the Second World War, from which the new terms have been introduced into Turkish.A striking resemblance between Latin and Turkish is that the words are pronounced as they are spelled in both languages. This situation became more apparent after the Alphabet Reform in 1928 when the Latin script was adopted for Turkish. Considering that Turkish was formerly typed with the Arabic script, the new alphabet also eliminated the problem of transliteration and eased the transcription process. In Turkish taxonomic terminology, however, pronunciations imitate either those in French or English, whereas no transcription has been applied to the incorporated Western terms that originated from Latin.To resolve this controversy, a regulatory list with seven clauses is proposed here to establish a standardization of the taxonomic nomenclature in Turkish. The proposed solutions for pronunciation and transcription follow the instructions for the Latin pronunciation as much as possible. For a proper translation, it is strictly advised to have enough knowledge on the subject. The clauses are as briefly follows:1. No translation or transcription should apply to genus and species names, and these names should be typed by using a distinguishably different font/style from the rest of the text. Pronunciations of the genus and species names in Latin may be provided in square brackets if necessary.2. The original Latin names for the groups of organisms representing taxonomic ranks higher than the genus level (in both hierarchical taxonomy and cladistics) should not be transcribed. Transcription can be applied to the names which are derived from the original Latin name in another language using the Latin alphabet (e.g., transcription is not allowed for the Latin group name “Theropoda” but allowed for “theropods,” which is the derivative in English). The original Latin name may be provided in brackets next to the transcribed name if necessary.3. Applications for the pronunciation of the taxonomic names and the transcription of the names representing taxonomic ranks higher than the genus level, containing C, Y, H (in forms of CH, PH, RH, TH), I (in forms of IA, IE, IO, IU), diphthongs (AE, AU, OE, EU), and the letters which are not present in the Turkish alphabet (Q, X, W) are provided, in accordance with the instructions for Latin pronunciation and some particular cases in Turkish. All the silent letters that exist in the Western European languages are nullified, as all the letters must be pronounced in Latin and Turkish.4. Genus and species names should remain intact in the text (i.e., no suffixes or punctuation marks should be placed). 5. There are special applications for the taxonomic names derived from foreign proper nouns. Basically, the foreign proper nouns which have already been incorporated into Turkish should be in use. Those that have not been officially subsumed into Turkish should be pronounced as similar as possible to what it has been done in the original language and should be transcribed according to the provided method. 6. Translation of the names of the groups of organisms should only be applied to those belonging to the ranks higher than the genus level. It is crucial to obtain accurate information about the origin and meaning of the name and the general characteristics of that group to make a decent translation. If this kind of data is not available, it should be contented with the transcription. 7. Transcribed and translated versions may exist separately for the name of a particular group of organisms, but transcription and translation should not be applied together to form a name.

A Paleontologist’s Point of View for the Standardization of the Taxonomic Nomenclature in Turkish

Ahmet

In the Ottoman Empire, the establishment of vocational and technical education institutions commenced with the Tanzimat reforms. In this context, the Forestry School was founded in 1858 under the guidance of French experts to advance Ottoman forestry. This school, however, produced a limited number of qualified students. Following the return of French experts in 1878, forestry education faced a setback, and in 1880, the school lost its independent structure and was restructured as the Forest and Mining School. As of 1893, this institution was closed, and forestry education was incorporated into the Halkalı Agricultural and Veterinary School [Halkalı Agricultural School (1894) / Halkalı Agricultural and Forestry School (1903)], encompassing a few courses.Following the declaration of the Second Constitutional Era, there emerged a discussion about the need to reform forestry education. During this period, Ali Rıza Efendi communicated his aspiration to establish an independent and high-level forestry school separate from the Halkalı Agricultural and Forestry School to the relevant authorities. With the support of the Minister of Forestry, Mines, and Agriculture, Mavrokordato Pasha, the Forestry Academy was founded in 1909. However, due to the renovation of the school building, education was temporarily conducted under inadequate conditions. While the teaching and administrative staff of the school were deemed sufficient for a newly established institution, the two-year duration of the education was considered inadequate for a high-level school. An elaborate curriculum was prepared to compensate for this deficiency. On the other hand, the regulation prepared at the establishment of the school was revised in a more organized and functional manner in 1914. The internal and external political and economic problems faced by the Ottoman Empire led to challenging times in the education of the Forestry Academy. Particularly, the outbreak of the Italo-Turkish War, the Balkan Wars, and World War I hindered the desired stability in education. Besides the war conditions, budgetary constraints resulted in a lack of quantity and quality in terms of productivity from the school. Nevertheless, despite the difficult circumstances of World War I, forestry education was not neglected. The employment of Dr. Bauer from Germany as the Director of Studies in 1917 led to many reforms in the school. Following Bauer's report, the duration of education was extended from 2 to 3 years, and reforms were made to the curriculum.The defeat of the Ottoman Empire in World War I and the subsequent occupation of İstanbul marked a challenging period for the Forestry Academy. During the Armistice Period, the attempts of Greek residents of Bahçeköy to take over the school building caused distress for the school administration and students. Shortly thereafter, with British support, the Greeks succeeded in evacuating the school building. Despite facing deprivation in terms of infrastructure and education during this period, the school managed to graduate a limited number of students.After the proclamation of the Republic in 1924, the Forestry Academy was run by a director who previously came to be administered by a rector and was entrusted with the management of the Belgrad Forest as a model forest. Investments in the school started to increase regularly in the subsequent period. Accordingly, many innovations, such as establishing laboratories, procuring equipment, afforestation activities, etc., were implemented. In 1926, reports prepared by two important experts, Saby and Bernhard, directed the course of forestry education at the school. Consequently, in 1927, the school was officially recognized as a specialized institution, admitting only high school graduates. Numerous new regulations, including admission requirements and the curriculum, were implemented. With the simplification of language, the school's name was changed to the Higher Forestry School, which started in 1930, and an affiliated Middle Forestry School was also established. Despite increasing interest in the school, the number of graduates declined to 4-5 individuals. In 1934, the Forestry Faculty was included in the faculties established within the Ankara Higher Agricultural Institute. Thus, a new era began for forestry education.

Forestry Academy from the Ottoman to the Republic (1909-1934)

Çiğdem

The Emergence of Man and the Stone Ages

Addendum to the article “Müderris Tevfik [Subaşı], 1879-1954” [Letter]

Gönenç

Review of “Introduction and Institutionalization of Modern Geosciences in Turkey” by Emre Dölen

@JOURNAL_BOX_CURRENT

@JOURNAL_BOX_EARLYVIEW

Eyüp

Emre

Training Courses for the Protection from Poisonous Gases and Legal Regulations between the Two World Wars in Turkey

Derya

Training of Ottoman Naval Soldiers to be Employed in Airplanes

@JOURNAL_BOX_FEATURED

Nilüfer

Doctor Ömer Vasfı̇ Aybar and Türk Heki̇mi̇, the Medical Journal He Published in Ankara

Pharmacy Assistants’ Endeavours in Establishing Vocational Associations in Ottoman and Republican Turkey (1912-1949)

@JOURNAL_BOX_MOSTREAD

An official publication of the Department of the History of Science, Faculty of Letters, Istanbul University, Osmanlı Bilimi Araştırmaları (Studies in Ottoman Science) is a peer-reviewed bi-annual international academic journal. Founded in 1995, it is the oldest academic journal in its field in Turkey. As of 2024, the print version has been stopped. The journal has become an online-only publication.

The journal Osmanlı Bilimi Araştırmaları publishes peer-reviewed original research articles (in Turkish and English), review articles and articles in translation on the history of science technology and medicine. Research notes, addendum, book reviews and reports of scientific meetings in the field are also accepted.

The journal covers research on the history of science, technology and medicine especially dealing with the historical aspects of scientific institutions; the development of scientific disciplines and techniques; the transmission of scientific and technical knowledge among various societies; the translation of scientific and technical books; the science education; biographies of scientists and many other themes of the history of science. History of pharmacy is also included in the scope. Focus is given on the history of scientific activities in Turkey during the Ottoman Empire (14-20th c.) and occasionally during the Turkish Republic (beginning as from 1923). The historical studies dealing with science in former Ottoman territories such as the Middle East and the Balkans, are also welcomed.

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Studies in Ottoman Science

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The journal Studies in Ottoman Science-Osmanlı Bilimi Araştırmaları publishes peer-reviewed original research articles (in Turkish ve English), review articles and articles in translation on the history of science technology and medicine. Research notes, addenda, book reviews and reports of scientific meetings in the field are also accepted. The journal is published in January and July.The journal covers research on the history of science, technology and medicine especially dealing with the historical aspects of scientific institutions; the development of scientific disciplines and techniques; the transmission of scientific and technical knowledge among various societies; the translation of scientific and technical books; the science education; biographies of scientists and many other themes of the history of science. History of pharmacy is also included in the scope. Focus is given on the history of scientific activities in Turkey during the Ottoman Empire (14-20th c.) and occasionally during the Turkish Republic (beginning as from 1923). The historical studies dealing with science in former Ottoman territories such as the Middle East and the Balkans, are also welcomed.

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<ul><li>SCOPUS</li><li>TÜBİTAK-ULAKBİM TR Index</li><li>DOAJ</li><li>ERIH PLUS</li><li>EBSCO Academic Search Ultimate</li><li>EBSCO Central &amp; Eastern European Academic Source</li><li>SOBİAD</li><li><a href="https://go.gale.com/ps/dispAdvSearch.do?userGroupName=anon~84c5a0c7&amp;prodId=AONE" target="_blank">Gale Cengage</a></li></ul>

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Editor should consider publishing correction if minor errors that do not effect the results, interpretations and conclusions of the published paper are detected. Editor should consider retraction if major errors and/or misconduction that invalidate results and conclusions are detected.Editor should consider issuing an expression of concern if there is evidence of research or publication misconduct by the authors; there is evidence that the findings are not reliable and institutions of the authors do not investigate the case or the possible investigation seems to be unfair or nonconclusive. The guidelines of <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/flowcharts/complete-set-english" target="_blank">COPE</a> and <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/" target="_blank">ICJME</a> are taken into consideration regarding correction, retractions or expression of concern.RetractionJournal follows <a href="https://publicationethics.org/sites/default/files/retraction-guidelines-cope.pdf" target="_blank">COPE’s Retraction Guidelines</a> in case of retraction. The editor has the right to retract an article if: <ul><li>There is clear evidence that the findings are unreliable; either as a result of a major error (e.g. miscalculation or experimental error), or as a result of fabrication (e.g. of data) or falsification (e.g. image manipulation).</li><li>It contains plagiarised content. </li><li>It has been published elsewhere without proper attribution. </li><li>It contains material or data without authorisation for use.</li><li>There is copyright infringement or there is some other serious legal issue.</li><li>It reports unethical research. </li><li>There is evidence that the peer-review process is compromised or manipulated.</li><li>The author(s) failed to disclose a significant competing interest (also known as a conflict of interest) that, in the opinion of the editor, would have unduly influenced the interpretation of the work or the recommendations of the editors and peer reviewers.</li></ul>In case of retraction the following steps are followed:<ul><li>Retraction notice including article title is published in a subsequent issue of the journal. The retraction notice is paginated and listed in the table of contents. </li><li>A link is provided between the retraction notice and the original article in the electronic version. </li><li>The online article is preceded by a page containing the retraction notice; the reader can then proceed to the article itself.</li><li>The original article remains unchanged, except for a watermark on the .pdf on each page stating that it has been &#34;retracted”.</li></ul>Article Removal for Legal ReasonsIn the following circumstances, except the metadata (title and authors), the text of the article is removed and a page informing that the article has been removed for legal reasons replaces the article. <ul><li>The article is found to be defamatory or to infringe the legal rights of others, and retraction is not deemed to be an adequate solution.</li><li>The article has been, or is reasonably likely to be the subject of a court order.</li><li>There is a significant risk to public health. </li></ul>

To guarantee that all papers published in the journal are maintained and permanently accessible, articles are stored in Dergipark which serves as a  national archival web site and at the same time permits LOCKSS to  collect, preserve, and serve the content.Additionally, authors are encouraged to self-archive the final PDF version of their articles in open electronic archives with  that conform to standards of Open Archives Initiative (<a href="https://www.openarchives.org/" target="_blank">https://www.openarchives.org/</a>). Authors should provide a link from the deposited version to the URL of IUPress journal website.

Studies in Ottoman Science-Osmanlı Bilimi Araştırmaları is committed to upholding the highest standards of publication ethics and pays regard to Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing published by the <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, the <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, the <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a>, and the <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> on <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a>All submissions must be original, unpublished (including full text in conference proceedings), and not under the review of any other publication synchronously. Authors must ensure that submitted work is original. They must certify that the manuscript has not previously been published elsewhere or is not currently being considered for publication elsewhere, in any language. Applicable copyright laws and conventions must be followed. Copyright material (e.g. tables, figures or extensive quotations) must be reproduced only with appropriate permission and acknowledgement. Any work or words of other authors, contributors, or sources must be appropriately credited and referenced.Each manuscript is reviewed by one of the editors and at least two referees under double-blind peer review process. Plagiarism, duplication, fraud authorship/denied authorship, research/data fabrication, salami slicing/salami publication, breaching of copyrights, prevailing conflict of interest are unnethical behaviors.All manuscripts not in accordance with the accepted ethical standards will be removed from the publication. This also contains any possible malpractice discovered after the publication. In accordance with the code of conduct the editor will report any cases of suspected plagiarism or duplicate publishing.

Ethics

Studies in Ottoman Science-Osmanlı Bilimi Araştırmaları adheres to the highest standards in research ethics and follows the principles of international research ethics as defined below. The authors are responsible for the compliance of the manuscripts with the ethical rules.- Principles of integrity, quality and transparency should be sustained in designing the research, reviewing the design and conducting the research.- The research team and participants should be fully informed about the aim, methods, possible uses and requirements of the research and risks of participation in research.- The confidentiality of the information provided by the research participants and the confidentiality of the respondents should be ensured. The research should be designed to protect the autonomy and dignity of the participants.- Research participants should participate in the research voluntarily, not under any coercion.- Any possible harm to participants must be avoided. The research should be planned in such a way that the participants are not at risk.- The independence of research must be clear; and any conflict of interest or must be disclosed.- In experimental studies with human subjects, written informed consent of the participants who decide to participate in the research must be obtained. In the case of children and those under wardship or with confirmed insanity, legal custodian’s assent must be obtained.- If the study is to be carried out in any institution or organization, approval must be obtained from this institution or organization.- In studies with human subject, it must be noted in the method’s section of the manuscript that the informed consent of the participants and ethics committee approval from the institution where the study has been conducted have been obtained.

It is authors’ responsibility to ensure that the article is in accordance with scientific and ethical standards and rules. Authors must ensure that submitted work is original. They must certify that the manuscript has not previously been published elsewhere or is not currently being considered for publication elsewhere, in any language. Applicable copyright laws and conventions must be followed. Copyright material (e.g. tables, figures or extensive quotations) must be reproduced only with appropriate permission and acknowledgement. Any work or words of other authors, contributors, or sources must be appropriately credited and referenced.All the authors of a submitted manuscript must have direct scientific and academic contribution to the manuscript. The author(s) of the original research articles is defined as a person who is significantly involved in “conceptualization and design of the study”, “collecting the data”, “analyzing the data”, “writing the manuscript”, “reviewing the manuscript with a critical perspective” and “planning/conducting the study of the manuscript and/or revising it”. Fund raising, data collection or supervision of the research are not sufficient for being accepted as an author. The author(s) must meet all these criteria described above. The order of names in the author list of an article must be a co-decision and it must be indicated in the <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/CD6036D23EAB4EA3BD0F169E2C40EFC2" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a>. The individuals who do not meet the authorship criteria but contributed to the study must take place in the acknowledgement section. Individuals providing technical support, assisting writing, providing a general support, providing material or financial support are examples to be indicated in acknowledgement section.All authors must disclose all issues concerning financial relationship, conflict of interest, and competing interest that may potentially influence the results of the research or scientific judgment.When an author discovers a significant error or inaccuracy in his/her own published paper, it is the author’s obligation to promptly cooperate with the Editor-in-Chief to provide retractions or corrections of mistakes.

Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, sexual orientation, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors. He/She provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles for publication and ensures that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential before publishing.Editor-in-Chief is responsible for the contents and overall quality of the publication. He/She must publish errata pages or make corrections when needed.Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers. Only he has the full authority to assign a reviewer and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal.Reviewers must have no conflict of interest with respect to the research, the authors and/or the research funders. Their judgments must be objective.Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees must be ensured. In particular situations, the editor may share the review of one reviewer with other reviewers to clarify a particular point.

Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by editor-in-chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope.The editor hands over the papers matching the formal rules to at least two national/international referees for double-blind peer review evaluation and gives green light for publication upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.

Peer Review

Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors. He/She provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles for publication and ensures that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential before publishing.Editor-in-Chief is responsible for the contents and overall quality of the publication. He/She must publish errata pages or make corrections when needed.Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers. Only he has the full authority to assign a reviewer and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the journal.Reviewers must have no conflict of interest with respect to the research, the authors and/or the research funders. Their judgments must be objective.Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees must be ensured. In particular situations, the editor may share the review of one reviewer with other reviewers to clarify a particular point.

Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by Editor-in-Chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope. Editor-inChief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors and ensures a fair double-blind peer review of the selected manuscripts.The selected manuscripts are sent to at least two national/international external referees for evaluation and publication decision is given by Editor-in-Chief upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the journal.Reviewers’ judgments must be objective. Reviewers’ comments on the following aspects are expected while conducting the review.- Does the manuscript contain new and significant information?- Does the abstract clearly and accurately describe the content of the manuscript?- Is the problem significant and concisely stated? - Are the methods described comprehensively? - Are the interpretations and consclusions justified by the results?- Is adequate references made to other Works in the field?- Is the language acceptable?Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees is important.

All correspondence will be sent to the first-named author unless otherwise specified. Manuscpript is to be submitted online via <a href="https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/iuoba" target="_blank">http://dergipark.gov.tr/login</a> that can be accessed at <a href="https://iupress.istanbul.edu.tr/en/journal/oba/home" target="_blank">https://iupress.istanbul.edu.tr/en/journal/oba/home</a> It must be accompanied by a <a href="http://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/FileHandler2.ashx?f=title-page-oba_637057788458910257.docx" target="_blank">title page</a> specifying the article category (i.e. research article, review etc.) and including information about the manuscript (see the Submission Checklist). Manuscripts should be prepared in Microsoft Word 2003 and upper versions. In addition, <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/CD6036D23EAB4EA3BD0F169E2C40EFC2" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a> that has to be signed by all authors must be submitted.1. The journal publishes manuscrits in Turkish and English. Preferably, the manuscript should not exceed 10,000 words (not including notes) and 120 notes.2. Manuscript should be written in MS Word format, double-spaced and in 11 point Times New Roman font. We kindly ask you not to send a pdf file. The title should be written with capital letters (12 point, bold), sub-headings in lower case letters (11 point, bold).3. For research articles; reviews, research notes and translations in English, an abstract of 150- 200 words (excluding keywords) in English is to be added to the first page of the article; optionally an abstract of 150-200 words (excluding keywords) in Turkish can be added as well. For non-English articles; an abstract of 150-200 words in the language of the article, an abstract of 150-200 words in English, and an extended abstract of 600-800-words in English should also be included. Maximum 10 keywords will be provided underneath both of the abstracts. Each keyword can include more than one word. No abstract and bibliography are needed for research notes, addendum, book &amp; scientific meeting reviews, and letters to the editor. While uploading addendum, book review and letter to the editor files on the DergiPark system, please enter the first paragraph of the article in the abstract section.4. Appendixes, with related bibliographical references,are placed after the main text, and before the bibliography. Their references should be included in the bibliography.5. Centuries and dates should be written in full: fifteenth century, 29 October 1923. For dates please use BCE and CE in English texts and MÖ and MS in Turkish texts.6. Short quotations should be given between double quotes within the paragraph. Long quotations (10 points) should have double indentation on the left (only), without quotes.7. Figures and images should include captions with related bibliographical references.Bibliographical references mentioned in the captions should be included in the bibliographyTheir captions should be incorporated within the text, and not be collected at the end of the manuscript. Also, they should be separately uploaded to DergiPark system. Captions of images and figures should be numbered separately. Captions should be in 9 points.8. Notes and bibliography must be in line with journal’s reference style based on Chicago Manual of Style (16th edition).9. Notes (8 point) should be given at the bottom of every page, signalled by superscript numbers in the main text. Reference numbers should follow the punctuation marks (.35 ,23).10. Submitted manuscripts and abstracts should be conformed with the grammar and orthography of the language (Turkish and English) in which they were written. English language editing will not be provided by the editor. Non-English speaking authors are kindly invited to consult language editing services before sending their manuscript and abstract.11. A <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/BAC922C39A0E4D9C9E6DB74FB429657E" target="_blank">title page</a> including author information must be submitted together with the manuscript. The title page is to include fully descriptive title of the manuscript and, affiliation, title, e-mail address, postal address, phone, fax number of the author(s) and ORCIDs of all authors (see The Submission Checklist).

Author Guidelines

Studies in Ottoman Science - Osmanlı Bilimi Araştırmaları has adopted the “notes and bibliography” documentation system preferred by many in the humanities, including those in literature, history, and the arts. This style presents bibliographic information in notes and, a bibliography. Authors who would send proposals to the journal are kindly invited to follow the examples given below when writing the footnotes and compiling the bibliography. These examples are borrowed from the Chicago Manual of Style (http://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide/citation-guide-1.html). A few more examples have also been added. Further information and numerous examples about the “notes and bibliography” system are available at the 14th and 15th chapters of the Chicago Manual of Style (16th edition).A bibliography is needed at the end of research (original) articles, review articles and articles in translation. It should include all sources given in footnotes, captions and appendixes. The bibliography can include separate sections such as archival, manuscript, secondary, and/or electronic sources. Secondary sources are listed after the author’s name. When referring to archival material and manuscripts please note the name of the library and the collection, number and date of the document used if available.Authors who do not have surnames (i.e. Salih Zeki), should be listed according to their first names: Salih Zeki should enter the bibliography under the letter S. Authors with surnames are listed after their surnames (i.e. Adıvar, A. Adnan).Examples:fn (first note), sn (subsequent/short notes), bib (bibliography).Book, one authorfn Zadie Smith, Swing Time (New York: Penguin Press, 2016), 315–16.sn Smith, Swing Time, 320.bib Smith, Zadie. Swing Time. New York: Penguin Press, 2016.Book, two authorsfn Brian Grazer and Charles Fishman, A Curious Mind: The Secret to a Bigger Life (New York: Simon &amp; Schuster, 2015), 12.sn Grazer and Fishman, Curious Mind, 37.bib Grazer, Brian, and Charles Fishman. A Curious Mind: The Secret to a Bigger Life. New York: Simon &amp; Schuster, 2015.Chapter or other part of an edited bookIn a note, cite specific pages. In the bibliography, include the page range for the chapter or part.fn Henry David Thoreau, “Walking,” in The Making of the American Essay, ed. John D’Agata (Minneapolis: Graywolf Press, 2016), 177–78.Sn Thoreau, “Walking,” 182.bib Thoreau, Henry David. “Walking.” In The Making of the American Essay, edited by John D’Agata, 167–95. Minneapolis: Graywolf Press, 2016.In some cases, you may want to cite the collection as a whole instead.fn John D’Agata, ed., The Making of the American Essay (Minneapolis: Graywolf Press, 2016), 177- 78.sn D’Agata, American Essay, 182.bib D’Agata, John, ed. The Making of the American Essay. Minneapolis: Graywolf Press, 2016.Translated bookfn Jhumpa Lahiri, In Other Words, trans. Ann Goldstein (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2016), 146.sn Lahiri, In Other Words, 184.bib Lahiri, Jhumpa. In Other Words. Translated by Ann Goldstein. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2016.E-bookFor books consulted online, include a URL or the name of the database. For other types of e-books, name the format. If no fixed page numbers are available, cite a section title or a chapter or other number in the notes, if any (or simply omit).fn Jane Austen, Pride and Prejudice (New York: Penguin Classics, 2007), chap. 3, Kindle.sn Austen, Pride and Prejudice, chap. 14.bib Austen, Jane. Pride and Prejudice. New York: Penguin Classics, 2007. Kindle.fn Brooke Borel, The Chicago Guide to Fact-Checking (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2016), 92, ProQuest Ebrary.sn Borel, Fact-Checking, 104–5.bib Borel, Brooke. The Chicago Guide to Fact-Checking. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2016. ProQuest Ebrary.fn Philip B. Kurland and Ralph Lerner, eds., The Founders’ Constitution (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987), chap. 10, doc. 19, http://press-pubs.uchicago.edu/founders/.sn Kurland and Lerner, Founders’ Constitution, chap. 4, doc. 29.bib Kurland, Philip B., and Ralph Lerner, eds. The Founders’ Constitution. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987. http://press-pubs.uchicago.edu/founders/.fn Herman Melville, Moby-Dick; or, The Whale (New York: Harper &amp; Brothers, 1851), 627, http://mel.hofstra.edu/moby-dick-the-whale-proofs.html.sn Melville, Moby-Dick, 722–23.bib Melville, Herman. Moby-Dick; or, The Whale. New York: Harper &amp; Brothers, 1851. http://mel.hofstra.edu/moby-dick-the-whale-proofs.html.Journal articleIn a note, cite specific page numbers. In the bibliography, include the page range for the whole article. For articles consulted online, include a URL or the name of the database. Many journal articles list a DOI (Digital Object Identifier). A DOI forms a permanent URL that beginshttps://doi.org/. This URL is preferable to the URL that appears in your browser’s address bar.fn Shao-Hsun Keng, Chun-Hung Lin, and Peter F. Orazem, “Expanding College Access in Taiwan, 1978–2014: Effects on Graduate Quality and Income Inequality,” Journal of Human Capital 11, no. 1 (Spring 2017): 9–10, https://doi.org/10.1086/690235.sn Keng, Lin, and Orazem, “Expanding College Access,” 23.bib Keng, Shao-Hsun, Chun-Hung Lin, and Peter F. Orazem. “Expanding College Access in Taiwan, 1978–2014: Effects on Graduate Quality and Income Inequality.” Journal of Human Capital 11, no. 1 (Spring 2017): 1–34. https://doi.org/10.1086/690235.fn Peter LaSalle, “Conundrum: A Story about Reading,” New England Review 38, no. 1 (2017): 95, Project MUSE.sn LaSalle, “Conundrum,” 101.bib LaSalle, Peter. “Conundrum: A Story about Reading.” New England Review 38, no. 1 (2017): 95–109. Project MUSE.fn Susan Satterfield, “Livy and the Pax Deum,” Classical Philology 111, no. 2 (April 2016): 170.sn Satterfield, “Livy,” 172–73.bib Satterfield, Susan. “Livy and the Pax Deum.” Classical Philology 111, no. 2 (April 2016): 165–76.fn Rachel A. Bay et al., “Predicting Responses to Contemporary Environmental Change Using Evolutionary Response Architectures.” American Naturalist 189, no. 5 (May 2017): 465,https://doi.org/10.1086/691233.sn Bay et al., “Predicting Responses,” 466.bib Bay, Rachael A., Noah Rose, Rowan Barrett, Louis Bernatchez, Cameron K. Ghalambor, Jesse R. Lasky, Rachel B. Brem, Stephen R. Palumbi, and Peter Ralph. “Predicting Responses to Contemporary Environmental Change Using Evolutionary Response Architectures,” American Naturalist 189, no. 5 (May 2017): 463–73. <a href="https://doi.org/10.1086/691233" target="_blank">https://doi.org/10.1086/691233</a>.News or magazine articleArticles from newspapers or news sites, magazines, blogs, and the like are cited similarly. Page numbers, if any, can be cited in a note but are omitted from a bibliography entry. If you consulted the article online, include a URL or the name of the database.fn Farhad Manjoo, “Snap Makes a Bet on the Cultural Supremacy of the Camera,” New York Times, March 8, 2017, https://www.nytimes.com/2017/03/08/technology/snap-makes-a-bet-on-the-cultural-supremacy-of-the-camera.html.sn Manjoo, “Snap.”bib Manjoo, Farhad. “Snap Makes a Bet on the Cultural Supremacy of the Camera.” New York Times, March 8, 2017. https://www.nytimes.com/2017/03/08/technology/snap-makes-a-bet-on-the-cultural-supremacy-of-the-camera.html.fn Rebecca Mead, “The Prophet of Dystopia,” New Yorker, April 17, 2017, 43.sn Mead, “Dystopia,” 47bib Mead, Rebecca. “The Prophet of Dystopia.” New Yorker, April 17, 2017.fn Tanya Pai, “The Squishy, Sugary History of Peeps,” Vox, April 11, 2017, http://www.vox.com/culture/2017/4/11/15209084/peeps-easter.sn Pai, “History of Peeps.”bib Pai, Tanya. “The Squishy, Sugary History of Peeps.” Vox, April 11, 2017. http://www.vox.com/culture/2017/4/11/15209084/peeps-easter.fn Rob Pegoraro, “Apple’s iPhone Is Sleek, Smart and Simple,” Washington Post, July 5, 2007, LexisNexis Academicsn Pegoraro, “Apple’s iPhone.”bib Pegoraro, Rob. “Apple’s iPhone Is Sleek, Smart and Simple.” Washington Post, July 5, 2007. LexisNexis Academic.Readers’ comments are cited in the text or in a note but omitted from a bibliography.Eduardo B (Los Angeles), March 9, 2017, comment on Manjoo, “Snap.”Book reviewfnMichiko Kakutani, “Friendship Takes a Path That Diverges,” review of Swing Time, by Zadie Smith, New York Times, November 7, 2016.sn Kakutani, “Friendship.”bib Kakutani, Michiko. “Friendship Takes a Path That Diverges.” Review of Swing Time, by Zadie Smith. New York Times, November 7, 2016.Encyclopaedia entryfn Mogens Herman Hansen, “Athenian Democracy,” The Oxford Classical Dictionary, 3rd ed. (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 1996).sn Hansen, “Athenian Democracy.”Bib Hansen, Mogens Herman. “Athenian Democracy.” The Oxford Classical Dictionary, 3rd ed. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 1996.Interviewfn Kory Stamper, “From ‘F-Bomb’ to ‘Photobomb,’ How the Dictionary Keeps Up with English,” interview by Terry Gross, Fresh Air, NPR, April 19, 2017, audio, 35:25, http://www.npr.org/2017/04/19/524618639/from-f-bomb-to-photobomb-how-the-dictionary-keeps-up-with-english.snStamper, interview.bib Stamper, Kory. “From ‘F-Bomb’ to ‘Photobomb,’ How the Dictionary Keeps Up with English.” Interview by Terry Gross. Fresh Air, NPR, April 19, 2017. Audio, 35:25. http://www.npr.org/2017/04/19/524618639/from-f-bomb-to-photobomb-how-the-dictionary-keeps-up-with-english.Thesis or dissertationfn Cynthia Lillian Rutz, “King Lear and Its Folktale Analogues” (PhD diss., University of Chicago, 2013), 99–100.sn Rutz, “King Lear,” 158.bib Rutz, Cynthia Lillian. “King Lear and Its Folktale Analogues.” PhD diss., University of Chicago, 2013.Paper presented at a meeting of a conferencefn Rachel Adelman, “ ‘Such Stuff as Dreams Are Made On’: God’s Footstool in the Aramaic Targumim and Midrashic Tradition” (paper presented at the annual meeting for the Society of Biblical Literature, New Orleans, Louisiana, November 21–24, 2009).sn Adelman, “Such Stuff as Dreams.”bib Adelman, Rachel. “ ‘Such Stuff as Dreams Are Made On’: God’s Footstool in the Aramaic Targumim and Midrashic Tradition.” Paper presented at the annual meeting for the Society of Biblical Literature, New Orleans, Louisiana, November 21–24, 2009.Manuscriptsfn Feyzi, Muhadarat-ı Feyzi, Istanbul, Istanbul University Rare Books and Manuscripts Library, MS T6833, 48a.sn Feyzi, Muhadarat-ı Feyzi, MS T6833, 51b.bib Feyzi, Muhadarat-ı Feyzi, Istanbul, Istanbul University Rare Books and Manuscripts Library, MS T6833, 1a-70b.fn Salih b. Nasrullah, Ghayat al-itqan fi tabdir badan al-insan,Istanbul, Süleymaniye Library, MS Ayasofya 3682, 26a.sn Salih b. Nasrullah, Ghayat al-itqan, MS Ayasofya 3682, 23b.bib Salih b. Nasrullah, Ghayat al-itqan fi tabdir badan al-insan,Istanbul,Süleymaniye Library, MS Ayasofya 3682, 1a-311a. Copied on 10 Rabi I 1135 (19 December 1722).Archival documentsfn Ottoman Archives of the Turkish Prime Ministry (Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi, BOA), Cevdet Askeriye (C.AS.) 71/3352, 9 Şevval 1211 (7 Nisan 1797).sn BOA, C.AS. 71/3352.bib Ottoman Archives of the Turkish Prime Ministry (Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi, BOA). Cevdet Askeriye (C. AS) 71/3352, 9 Şevval 1211 (7 Nisan 1920).fn Topkapı Palace Museum Archives(Topkapı Sarayı Müzesi Arşivi, TSMA), E. 3202-2=597-2-7.sn TSMA, E. 3202-2=597-2-7.bibTopkapı Palace Museum Archives(Topkapı Sarayı Müzesi Arşivi, TSMA). E. 3202-2=597-2-7.Website contentfnKatie Bouman, “How to Take a Picture of a Black Hole,” filmed November 2016 at TEDxBeaconStreet, Brookline, MA, video, 12:51, https://www.ted.com/talks/katie_bouman_what_does_a_black_hole_look_like.sn Bouman, “Black Hole.”bib Bouman, Katie. “How to Take a Picture of a Black Hole.” Filmed November 2016 at TEDxBeaconStreet, Brookline, MA. Video, 12:51. https://www.ted.com/talks/katie_bouman_what_does_a_black_hole_look_like.fn “Privacy Policy,” Privacy &amp; Terms, Google, last modified April 17, 2017, https://www.google.com/policies/privacy/.sn Google, “Privacy Policy.”bib Google. “Privacy Policy.” Privacy &amp; Terms. Last modified April 17, 2017. https://www.google.com/policies/privacy/.fn “About Yale: Yale Facts,” Yale University, accessed May 1, 2017, https://www.yale.edu/about-yale/yale-facts.sn “Yale Facts.”bib Yale University. “About Yale: Yale Facts.” Accessed May 1, 2017. https://www.yale.edu/about-yale/yale-facts.Personal communicationPersonal communications, including email and text messages and direct messages sent through social media, are usually cited in the text or in a note only; they are rarely included in a bibliography.fn sn Sam Gomez, Facebook message to author, August 1, 2017.

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Editor(s)	Ayşe Feza Günergun
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Studies in Ottoman Science

VOLUME 24, ISSUE 1, 2023

The Eastern Telegraph Company in the Ottoman Empire at the End of the Nineteenth Century: A History of Imperial and Foreign Technology

A Civil Engineer and an Amateur Mathematician: Aram Margossian’s Views on Statistics

Gazette des Hôpitaux Civils et Militaires de l’Empire Ottoman / Ceride-i Emâkinü’s-Sıhha [1887-1897]: Newly Discovered Issues and Reassessment

Sanitary Measures Taken by the Inspector-in-Chief of Public Hygiene Charles Bonkowski Pasha During the 1893-1895 Cholera Epidemic in Ottoman Turkey

The Committee for Scientific Terminology (Istılahat-ı İlmiye Encümeni, 1913-1919) and the Introduction of Modern Terms in Philosophy, Science, and Technology to Turkey

A Farming Journal Published in Ottoman Türkiye: Felâhat (1913-1919)

From Padua to Istanbul: Peregrinatio Medica of Joseph Solomon Del Medigo (1591-1655) and Tobias Cohen (1652-1729)

Taqi-al-Din’s Poem Urcuze li’l-Ceyb ve’d-Darb ve’l-Kısme on Performing Multiplication and Division Using a Sine Quadrant

An Archaeological Find from Ottoman Northern Arabia: A Nabatean Sundial from Madā’in Sāliḥ”

An Archeology of School Laboratories in Istanbul

From Péra to Kandilli: A 150-Year History of the (Istanbul) Observatory with Assessments and Comments

The Three Lives and Death of Dr. Cevat Mazhar

The VIth Student Conference of the History of Science Club of the Istanbul University’s Faculty of Letters (May 13, 2022)

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