Ayşe

Prof.

Tomas

Şeref

Medical dissertations composed in Latin by Ottoman authors have been largely neglected in historical research. Dr. Marcus Marchand’s De Peste Orientali has been discovered as one of these published theses. Marcus Marchand (b. Istanbul, 1807 – d. Istanbul, 1879) attended the Vienna University Medical Faculty between the years 1824 and 1830, and received his Doctoris Medicinæ degree on January 29, 1831 by defending his inauguration thesis on the so-called “Oriental plague”, titled De Peste Orientali. In his concise text comprised of 13 sections, Marchand reviews the nosology and pathology of the bubonic plague as observed in epidemics prevalent in the Levant and Eastern Europe, relying on current lœimology (i.e. related to plague and pestilential/infectious diseases) literature and etiological concepts, with emphasis on clinical conditions and therapeutics. De Peste Orientali was printed in the same year at the Mechitarist Congregation Press in Vienna in a slim (5,600-word, 34-page) booklet. Six extant copies of the publication are catalogued in library holdings. The copy of the thesis the authors have been able to study herein is from a private collection and bears the author’s dedication and the library stamp of Dr. Constantinos Caratheodory (1802-1879), professor of obstetrics and surgery at the Imperial Military Medical Academy in Istanbul.Marc Marchand attended the St. Petersburg Academy (Académie Impériale des Sciences) after completing his studies in Vienna. On his return to Istanbul, he opted to collaborate in the sanitary reform efforts of Sultan Mahmud II (r. 1808 –1839) and was appointed member of the General Health Council (Meclis-i Umur-ı Sıhhiye) in 1839. Marchand was known as Marshan Effendi within bureaucratic circles, and as Μάρκος Μαρσάν [Markos Marsan]&nbsp;within his Greek Catholic community. Subsequently, Dr. Marchand became one of the founding members of the La Société impériale de Médecine de Constantinople (later the Turkish Medical Society, est. 1856) and was elected president of the society in 1860. Marc Marchand was also among the initial board of the of Ottoman Red Crescent (est. 1868). Marchand fulfilled a life-tenure in the capacity of Sanitary Intendant (intendant sanitaire des quarantaines de l’Empire Ottoman) on the International Quarantine Board. In 1872, Dr. Marshan Effendi participated as the Ottoman delegate in the International Conference on Rinderpest (cattle plague) that convened in Vienna. In secondary sources, the name of Dr. Marchand is mentioned erroneously as a French or European representative on the Quarantine Board.In his introduction to De Peste Orientali, Marc Marchand states that “the reason he felt impelled to choose the subject matter for his medical thesis, was that the disease [pest] itself, had been an implacable foe of his homeland, that had not been able to be quelled up to that time”. Marchand’s personal observations are highlighted throughout the text with the remark “novi ipsemet Constantinopoli” [as known by myself in Constantinople]. Marchand then re-expresses his views on quarantining and protection with the comment: “by commenting that when the plague raged in Constantinople, families [who had] avoided company with the infected remained unharmed” (“… si sententia nostra alicujus esse posset ponderis, perbene scimus, tempore quo pestis Constantinopoli saevit, familias consortium cum infectis vitantes, incolumes manere”). References Marchand cites in his thesis include Daniel Samoïlowitz’s (Самойлович), Mémoire sur la Peste de Moscou, qui, en 1771, ravagea l’Empire de Russe (1783), and Dominique-Jean Larrey’s Relation historique et chirurgicale de l’Expédition de l’Armée d’Orient en Egypte et en Syrie (1803). Marchand quotes the latter title for descriptions of post-mortem findings of plague victims that were conducted in Ottoman Palestine as early as 1799, during the Napoleonic campaigns in the Eastern Mediterranean.Dr. Marchand was a staunch proponent of contagionism and stood, in particular against the European physicians who opposed maritime quarantine on mercantile grounds. He published polemical articles in the Gazette médicale de Paris and the Gazette médicale d’Orient (Istanbul) challenging their position. In 1842, Dr. Marcus Marchand, together with Drs. Antonio Pezzoni and André Leval of the International Quarantine Board, presented a memorandum to the Académie des Sciences in Paris outlining their epidemiological studies titled: Recherches relatives à la Question de Contagion de la Peste et au Système des Quarantaines, that disputed anti-contagionist claims. Marc Marchand’s conclusions with regard to the contagiousness of the plague and the effectiveness of quarantining for containing of epidemics were to become emblematic for cholera, as well as other communicable diseases.In his thesis, Marchand subdivides the “cure” for the bubonic plague into three sections (viz. direct, vital, and symptomatic), and attributes the diversity of expert opinions to the confusing and elusive character of its symptomatology. The armamentarium of procedures and remedies mentioned in De Peste Orientali for treating the plague amount to a materia medica, none of which are deemed specific to the plague (Pharmacon absolutum non datur, Thesis V).The present study gives a biography of Dr. Marc Marchand based on his published obituary and archival records, followed by a reading and Turkish translation of his thesis De Peste Orientali.

Theses in Latin as Sources for Turkish Medical History: Dissertatio Inauguralis Medica De Peste Orientali,… Marcus Marchand, Constantinopolitanus (1831)

Özgür

Prof. Dr.

Although plague epidemics which killed millions of people, ceased to be a problem for Western Europe from the beginning of the 18th century on, outbreaks continued to be seen in the Ottoman Empire. In the 19th century, while the plague was thought to have disappeared, it continued to be seen in different parts of the empire, albeit regionally, and continued to be a worry for the state and the medical community. After a long break in the first half of the century, the first place where the plague occurred in 1858 was Benghazi. The Benghazi epidemic emerged after disasters such as drought, famine, and mass animal deaths that continued for three to four years, in which living conditions were shaken to the core. This epidemic which effected the rural areas where the Bedouins lived, was important in several respects. First, it overturned the prevailing belief in the medical circles that the plague had lost its devastating effects in the Ottoman Empire in the first half of the 19th century, and showed that the disease plague was not over yet. The second feature was the geography where the plague occurred. Its appearance in the south of the Mediterranean, such as the Tripoli Province, and between Egypt and Europe caused concern and forced the introduction of strict quarantine measures for a while for the safety of both Istanbul and the navigation in the Mediterranean. Another feature of this epidemic was its relatively short-term effect in the site where it appeared, without spreading around and then dying out. In this respect, the Benghazi plague of 1858 represents a typical example of “plague epidemics with regional effects” that emerged in the 19th century.The Ottoman government took several measures in order to fight against the epidemic. First of all, priority was given to Istanbul: Strict quarantine measures were taken to ensure the sanitary safety of the city. As Benghazi was quite far from the capital, the State’s intervention came, albeit late for taking the outbreak under control. For this reason, the Ottoman government, through the Tripoli Province administration, sent orders to the officials of the places where the epidemic was effective, and asked for the implementation of the sanitary measures and security. The most important step taken by the government was undoubtedly the sending of physicians affiliated to the Ottoman Sanitary Administration, from Istanbul to Benghazi to determine the nature of the disease and control the outbreak.&nbsp;As first commission the physicians sent to Benghazi were Dr. Bartoletti (1808-1894) and Dr. Amadeo. Their short-term mission to Benghazi not only revealed the nature of the disease, but also guided the measures to be taken in the future. His short inspection revealed that more physicians were needed to control the disease in the regions and to carry out the necessary studies. Therefore, a commission consisting of five physicians, headed by Dr. Amadeo as an inspector-physician, was formed and sent to the region. However, it is unclear whether commission was active in the places where it served, especially in Benghazi. Since the inadequacy of this second commission caused complaints from the health authorities in Istanbul, this commission was dismissed and third commission headed by Dr. Barozzi was sent to the region. During Barozzi’s inspectorship, the epidemic lost its power and disappeared. Barozzi has been a successful inspector: He effectively combat the obstacles faced by physicians who went to the region before, and to “scientifically” examine the epidemic in detail in accordance with the expectations of the health authorities in Istanbul”.Previously, there was uncertainty about the type of disease afflicting Benghazi. It seems that this uncertainty arose primarily from the wrong decisions taken by the physician in charge of Benghazi regarding the disease, as well as from the belief that the plague had completely disappeared because it had not occur for a long time. On the other hand, since the plague would bring strict quarantine measures, the official announcement of the disease in Benghazi created undesirable conditions in terms of “local interests”. Therefore, it was only about three months after the appearance of first cases that the disease was officially declared to be a plague and the necessary measures started to be taken. In this process, doubts about “nature of the disease” were removed after the investigations of competent and experienced physicians sent to the region, and it was accepted that the disease was plague.

Disaster Caused by Drought and Famine: The Plague of Benghazi in 1858-1859 According to the Physicians of the Ottoman Sanitary Administration

Şefik

Hanging as a form of execution has been practiced as a punishment for centuries and continues to be practiced in many countries today. Undoubtedly, this tragic method of punishment has attracted the attention of artists for centuries. Giotto (d. 1337), Ambroggio Lorenzetti (d. 1348), Leonardo da Vinci (d.1519), Andrea del Sarto (d. 1531), Annibale Carracci (d. 1609), and Pisanello (c.1395-c.1455) are among the first examples that come to mind. Executed figures are also frequently encountered in the depictions of hell in Italian frescoes. The first thing that comes to mind here in terms of medical history is to make an evaluation about whether artists had seen a real execution or not and how realistically they conveyed what they had seen.Depictions of hangings in art are generally used as a symbol for the provision of justice. Images of hanging have often been depicted in relation to law, war, suicide, punishment, and lynching throughout history. In Christian iconography, depictions of executed figures can be found regarding the lives of martyrs and also in scenes of hell. The depiction of a hung Judas also frequently appears in scenes of hell. In the Late Middle Ages, the concepts of justice and judgment reached lay people as images through the depictions of the Last Judgment and Hell. The death penalty was certainly frequently among these descriptions as a method of punishment. For example, a group of executed figures is seen in Giotto’s Last Judgement scene in the Arena Chapel in Padua. These figures were hung on the gallows, as a reminder of the punishment for which they’d been executed. For example, liars were hung from their tongues, adulterous clergy and women were hung their genitals. Undoubtedly, these are symbolic hangings, as the organs cannot possibly carry the weight of the whole body. However, the depiction of the positions of the feet of executed figures corresponds to reality from the perspective of forensic medicine. The execution scenes found in the frescoes of Taddeo di Bartolo (c.1363-1422) in San Gimignano can be counted among examples to be given in this regard.Executed figures can also be found in Italian frescoes regarding descriptions of secular subjects. Some secular frescoes contain execution scenes as symbols of justice. Perhaps the most well-known depictions of executions regarding secular subjects is Ambrogio Lorenzetti’s Allegories of Good and Bad Government in City and Country in the Palazzo Pubblico in Siena, Tuscany.Pisanello (Antonio Pisano, c.1395-c.1455) is known as an Italian painter and medalist. He is thought to have likely been from Pisa and is known to have spent his first years as an artist in Verona. Because of his successful works, he went on to worked in the Vatican and the palaces of northern Italy. Unfortunately, most of his works have not survived. The Annunciation and St. George and the Princess of Trebizond frescoes, as well as other fresco fragments and sketches, are all that remain of his limited works that have survived to the present day. Pisanello is also known as the most important portrait medalist of the entire Renaissance period. Sources generally state that his success was based on his sharp observation skills. Pisanello went to Ferrara in 1438 and also made the medallion of the Byzantine emperor Johannes Paleologus (1392-1448), who was in the city due to the Ferrara Council that had gathered to unite the Eastern and Western churches. Sources mention Pisanello’s career as a medalist to have started with this work. Pisanello also made medallions for Gianfrencesco Gonzaga (1439-1440), Filippo Maria Visconti (1440), Francesco Sforza (1442), Lionello d’Este (1441-1443), Sigismond Pandolfo Malatesta (1445), Ludovico III and Cecilia Gonzaga (1447), Lodovico Gonzaga, Novello Malatesta, and Alfonso of Aragon. However, Pisanello most surely identified himself as a painter, as his name is mentioned on his medallions as PISANUS PICTOR. The artist died in 1455, with no documented work occurring after 1449.Pisanello’s depiction of hangings located in the back left corner of the Saint George and the Princess of Trebizond fresco in the Pellegrini Chapel in the Church of Sant’Anastasia, Verona, North Italy constitutes the subject of the study. The sketches of the hanging scenes Pisanello prepared for this fresco have survived to the present day. These sketches and drawings consist of six executed bodies with two figures drawn on a single page and are found in the collection of the British Museum. Pisanello drew the figures from different angles and used them in the upper section of the Saint George and the Princess of Trebizond fresco. After being executed, the corpses of prisoners were known to exhibited on the scaffold for a while. Some of the sketches mentioned above are known to have been made after a certain period of time had passed due to the decomposition of the corpses. It is difficult to distinguish whether these two figures on the fresco represent the same prisoners drawn on the single page mentioned above. The hands of the figures in the drawings are tied behind their backs. Today, this position is defined as full judgment in forensic medicine terminology. In other words, this serves as another indication that the executed had been executed as a result of a given punishment. The position of the feet of these executed figures also corresponds to reality. The placement of the rope on the neck of the figure on the left in the fresco corresponds to an atypical hanging, while the situation of the figure on the right corresponds to a typical hanging. This shows that Pisanello had seen the executed figures in real life and had had very strong observation skills. Another drawing by Pisanello, found in the Frick Collection also includes executed figures. Taking off the clothes of those sentenced to death and exposing their naked bodies to the public before the execution was also practiced from time to time as a part of the punishment.&nbsp;In the Middle Ages, local courts in cities such as Florence and Siena could issue sentences for humiliating the convicted person by walking them around naked in public. The trousers of the figures in Pisanello’s drawings and frescoes were partially peeled off. This may have been done with the aim of dishonoring people as part of the punishment, as well as suggesting that they had been convicted of a crime such as rape, incest or homosexual intercourse. The presence of symbols related to the punishment of the executed persons in the hanging depictions makes us think that this option was also likely to have occurred.

Hanging as a Form of Execution in Pisanello

Gülten

Trachoma is an infectious eye disease and was a significant public health issue in terms of the history of Turkish medicine. Trachoma was endemic to Southeast Anatolia until World War I, when it then spread all over the country and caused vision loss and blindness in many people. The Turkish Republic had three million trachoma patients (70% of the population) when it was founded in 1923. Although the Ottoman government had listed trachoma among the diseases to be reported since 1915, the systematic fight against trachoma in the country didn’t begin until after the proclamation of the Turkish Republic. Starting in 1925, the Ministry of Health and the Department of Public Hygiene initiated work to eradicate trachoma as well as other infectious diseases such as malaria, tuberculosis, and syphilis. The Trachoma Control Program was implemented first, and laws and regulations to fight trachoma were also enacted. Due to the success of this program, trachoma cases decreased in number over the years, and the work of the institutions diminished with time.The region including Adıyaman and Malatya, was one of the areas with the greatest number of trachoma cases, which made the struggle most difficult. For this reason, the war against trachoma was started in 1925 by establishing trachoma hospitals in Adıyaman (20 beds) and Malatya (10 beds), as well as opening dispensaries in both cities. At the same time, specialist doctors, nurses, secretaries, health officers, and caregivers were appointed. Treatment included both surgical interventions and medication.After the decision was made to combat trachoma, ophthalmologist Dr. Vefik Hüsnü Bulat was sent to the region to conduct an inspection. Vefik Hüsnü prepared a report on trachoma that he then presented at the National Turkish Congress of Medicine in Ankara in 1927. The report included information about the spread of the disease in Türkiye, its characteristics, and the ways through which it had entered the country.The fight against trachoma was given a prominent place in the Public Health Law of 1930. The fight continued in the 1930s with the creation of institutions, including the trachoma institute, hospitals, dispensaries, and village treatment houses. Mobile teams consisting of&nbsp;physicians and health officers who traveled in the region first on horseback and later on motorized vehicles carried out highly efficient work to eradicate the disease. The number of hospitals, dispensaries, and beds in affected regions gradually increased, with the number of hospitals and dispensaries growing to 120 by 1933.&nbsp;Separate schools were established for children infected with trachoma. Between 1933 and 1934, 25 such schools were found across the country that educated students with trachoma. Efforts were also made to inform the public about the measures to be taken in order to avoid the disease. Free movie viewings were organized, informative posters and brochures were distributed, and books and magazines were published.The trachoma war zone expanded over the years to include nine provinces. By 1950, 16 trachoma hospitals with a total of 225 beds had been placed into operation, as well as 40 trachoma dispensaries and 115 trachoma village treatment houses. During this time, the World Health Organization (WHO) occasionally sent experts to help prepare annual work programs, with UNICEF also contributing in the fight against trachoma by sending motor vehicles, drugs, and other materials. In Malatya, the combat against trachoma continued intensively through hospitals, dispensaries, and courses, until the end of the 1930s when positive results began being obtained.&nbsp;In 1951, the fight against trachoma was run by three regional directorates situated in Adana, Diyarbakir, and Malatya.&nbsp;&nbsp;The provinces of Malatya (Adıyaman), Bingöl, Erzincan, Erzurum, and Tunceli were affiliated with the Malatya regional directorate. As a result of these establishments, trachoma gradually ceased being a serious health problem, especially in the city center of Malatya with the development of urbanism and social life. In 1966, one dispensary was closed due to the decreased rate of trachoma in the city. The Malatya regional directorate for trachoma continued to function until the early 1980s, with the last hospital and dispensary closing in 1984.

The Fight Against Trachoma During the Turkish Republic Era: The Case of Malatya

Sarper

Until recently, some university medical faculties and state-funded teaching hospitals in Türkiye had more than one clinic / department (presently called Anabilim Dalı) for the same medical or surgical specialty. Thus, in the example of a surgical department, these clinics would be named the 1st, 2nd, or 3rd surgical clinics. These departments were administratively independent from one another, under the direction of a chief, and had deputies and clinical research assistants as staff. The decisions that led to the formation of second and third departments and the eventual abolition or merging of these departments constitutes a part of institutional and academic history and deserves comprehensive study. The objective of the present study is to shed light on the establishment and evolution of the Second Surgical Clinic (II. Cerrahi Kliniği) at Ankara University Medical Faculty.Originally, the Ankara Medical Faculty had two surgical departments: I. Cerrahi Kliniği [First Surgical Clinic] had been composed of the staff from the Surgery Department of Gülhane Military Hospital, which had transferred from Istanbul to Ankara in 1941. This department was located at the Cebeci Military Hospital in Ankara under the chair of Professor Kamil Sokullu (1903-1957). The II. Cerrahi Kliniği [Second Surgical Clinic] of the Medical Faculty was located at the Ankara Numune Hospital of the Ministryof Health and Social Assistance under the chair of Professor Eduard Melchior (1883-1974), a wellknown senior German surgeon who had worked at the same hospital since 1936. Located in separate hospital buildings distant from each other, these two departments started to work independently in a relatively uncoordinated manner from the very beginning. Following its foundation in 1945, the Second Surgical Clinic of the Ankara University Medical Faculty enjoyed working within the surgical clinic of Ankara Numune Hospital. However, when Prof. Melchior, the only professor of the department, retired and returned to his native country in 1954, problems began to arise around the administration and status of the department. In the&nbsp;end, the Second Surgical Clinic was transferred to the premises of Cebeci Hospital where the First Surgical Clinic operated. Evidently, re-establishing relations between these surgical clinics was far from uneventful, and following this reorganization, things became even more complicated. The Second Surgical Clinic experienced a number of troubles that seemed to have never faded away, being the newcomer at the hospital and lacking any reputable department head, at least at the beginning. Belonging to either the First or Second Surgical Clinic was a particularly serious matter, even after the clinics united in later years. Apart from the aloof nature of their relationships, the main point of concern for the Second Surgical Clinic after moving to Cebeci Hospital was always the lack of adequate work space within the surgical building. This issue became worse in 1959, and the problems encountered when electing a chair for the Second Surgical Clinic gave rise to the Third Surgical Clinic (III. Cerrahi Kliniği). Fortunately, this incident did not precipitate into a further fracture among the existing surgical departments.The Second Surgical Clinic of Ankara University Medical Faculty was founded and directed by Dr. Melchior for about nine years. Melchior himself seems to have mastered a strong and novel surgical tradition in his department, which was greatly appreciated by his colleagues and students, in addition to being a very prolific author who’d written numerous academic texts and articles. Following his retirement, the members of the department continued to perform special surgical procedures and upheld the academic standards of publication. For instance, the first surgical treatment of an abdominal aortic aneurysm in Turkey with the employment of a synthetic vascular graft was accomplished by Dr. Osman Akata (b. 1923), a member of the Second Surgical Clinic. However, many recent publications dealing with the history of the General Surgery Department (Genel Cerrahi Anabilim Dalı) established by the merging of the three surgery departments in 1974 have tended to ignore the significant contributions from the Second Surgical Clinic and from its founder Dr. Eduard Melchior, instead attributing the majority of achievements to the First Surgical Clinic. Therefore, past circumstances need to be addressed and revised for the sake of investigating what actually happened in the surgical field. This article is fortunate to have had the help of centenarian Dr. Akata, a witness to the history of the Second Surgical Clinic of Ankara University Medical Faculty.

A Neglected Department: The Second Surgery Department of Ankara University Faculty of Medicine

Res. Assist. Dr.

This article provides a modest contribution to the history of the General Directorate of Public Assistance of Constantinople (Müessesat-ı Hayriye-i Sıhhiye Müdiriyeti), which formed an important step in Türkiye’s social policy history. With the Second Constitutional Era and the Young Turks Revolution (II. Meşrutiyet), the reorganization of health organizations (teşkilat-ı sıhhiye) became necessary due to many reasons such as institutions’ financial conditions, corruption in hospitals and institutions, mismanagement, dysfunction in Istanbul’s health organizations, the new government’s need for caderization. Following the Second Constitutional Era, health workers had great expectations that the order would change, and the Constitutional administration quickly began to purge the cadres from the Abdul Hamid II era (tensikat); however, the expectations did not bear fruit, and civilian physicians began to protest in front of the Ministry of Health (Sıhhiye Nezareti). Many articles emphasized the financial and moral statuses of municipal physicians in the provinces. In the meantime, the new government sent Dr. Muhittin Nuri and Dr. Ahmed Nureddin to Europe to inspect municipalities and health institutions and establish a new health administration specific to Istanbul (Müessesat-ı Hayriye-i Sıhhiye Müdiriyeti) for managing certain hospitals and charitable institutions there. The institutional structure of the directorate was modeled on the Assistance Publique organization in Paris, which transparently managed hospitals and charities from one location. Many debates occurred during the drafting of the regulations of the directorate, which was directly affiliated with the Istanbul municipal council (Cemiyet-i Umumiye-i Belediye) and indirectly with the Council of Civil Medicine and Public Health (Meclis-i Umur-ı Tıbbiye-i Mülkiye ve Sıhhiye-i Umumiye) and the Ministry of the Interior (Dahiliye Nezareti). An administration of 20 members, including a president and a general inspector, as well as deputy mayors, merchants, and physicians, took over and organized the budget, kept tenders free of corruption, and improved hospitals.&nbsp;Protracted disputes occurred between the directorate and the Council of Civil Medicine and Public Health, which wanted to take the appointment and dismissal of physicians working in the hospitals under its own authority, and this authority was eventually taken away from the directorate. The Istanbul municipality had been providing the budget for the directorate but suffered a financial crisis after the Second Constitutional Era and sought to borrow money. This loan was not used effectively, and the required payments were not transferred to the directorate. In addition to dealing with financial crises and austere policies, the directorate was subordinate to the Istanbul municipal council, which meant that many matters were difficult to resolve. Significant modernizations were made in almost all hospitals under the directorate’s administration; however, syphilis, tuberculosis, and cholera epidemics could not be prevented. In addition to this, the Toptaş Mental Hospital had received a new annex, thus increasing its patient capacity, and the Haseki Mental Observatory (Haseki Mecanin Müşahedehanesi) had been opened to serve mentally ill patients. The directorate experienced financial difficulties as a result of the subsidy non-payment, the cost of fighting the cholera epidemic that had broken out in 1910, and the opening of the Haseki Mental Observatory. The reasons for the directorate’s failure include the financial crisis, a lack of interinstitutional coordination, political struggles, and epidemics. Upon being accused of corruption and other charges, the director Dr. Muhittin Nuri Bey was suspended in June 1912. Finally, the Directorate was closed down in October 1912 at a meeting of the Cemiyet-i Umumiye-i Belediye [Municipal Council of Istanbul] that had been convened Istanbul, Mayor Dr. Cemil Topuzlu. In 1919, Dr. Abdullah Cevdet, the Director General of Health (Sıhhiye Müdir-i Umumisi), attempted to reestablish the directorate, but these attempts yielded no results. In general, the directorate had carried out important modernization activities in hospitals and made institutions functional with the instructions it had issued. In Türkiye’s social policy history, the directorate is one of the critical step toward institutionalization.

A Familiar Story: The Istanbul General Directorate of Public Assistance (1909-1912)

Erdem

World War II not only brought the horrors of war but also unimaginable medical atrocities and crimes against humanity. Along with the racist policies that eventually led to the Holocaust, terrible medical experiments had been carried out on prisoners in the name of the advancement of medicine and scientific research, with even the corpses of the executed being abused to that end. Institutionalized criminal medical practices in the name of public health, eugenics, and scientific research was one of the priorities of the Nazi regime. Medicine was diverted from the right path by the state, and political and social pressures had completely corrupted medical values. Without the apparent voluntary contributions of medical doctors, formulating, directing, implementing, and benefiting from Nazi policies would have been completely impossible. During the period between Nazi’s ascension to power and the start of World War II (1933-1939), the path to creating a new society consisting of individuals with pure Aryan blood who were physically healthy and productive and mentally committed to the National Socialist morality first occurred through inappropriate medical policies. In retrospect, German doctors had obviously not been forced into committing crimes. They had been very active, willing, and eager to participate in irrational acts and medical crimes under the guise of scientific research and served the Nazi ideology without question. They knew the experiments they were conducting violated every standard of moral research on humans.Although these medical crimes physicians committed are believed today to be unlikely to be repeated, reality may not be so. Today, physicians and other health personnel are known to exist who torture or direct the torture of detainees, especially those working with intelligence agencies. The horrors and medical crimes of World War II must be told and retold to honor and commemorate the victims of the Nazi regime in order to promote the basic humanism of medicine in a world where genocide and state-mandated and doctor-supervised torture and executions continue.As one member of the Nazi Party and a symbol of Nazi medical crimes, Dr. Max Clara (1899-1966) spent the last part of his life as a lecturer at Istanbul University. The present study examines the last period of Max Clara’s life in Istanbul (1950-1966), as well as his scientific activities, and shows that ethical violations continued even years after the war and the Doctors’ Trial in Nuremburg. Max Clara’s life in Istanbul was documented based on primary sources in the Istanbul University Archives. Archival documents have been supplemented by the existing literature on the history of Istanbul University, on refugee academicians in Turkey, on Max Clara’s life, and on an analysis of his publications.Carrying out medical procedures on dead bodies without the consent of the person or their relatives is an unethical medical crime, just as is conducting experiments on living people without their consent. Unbeknownst to prisoners who were to be executed, Clara had given them vitamin C beforehand and removed various organs immediately after the execution to conduct research on how vitamin C had been distributed in these organs in his laboratory. However, this mode of action in its mildest form involves cooperating with murderers and is morally reprehensible.Following the war, Clara moved to Istanbul in 1950 because he had been unable to find an academic position in Germany, thus bringing samples from the executed prisoners and continuing to work on them. The current study also attempted to access the histological and anatomical material that Clara had brought from Germany, but to no avail. Separated into three parts, the materials could not be accessed due to the reluctance of the universities and faculty members who currently own them. If the material had been able to be accessed, victims from the National Socialist period could have been identified as well.This work reveals in detail Clara’s involvement in unethical practices during the National Socialist era, such as medical experiments on prisoners and the use of unethically supplied bodies of the executed. In addition, the analysis of his academic publications reveals great inconsistencies and distortions to be present and these publications to not be as important as was thought.Max Clara left a strong long-lasting mark on Turkish medicine as an educator and scientist. Upon looking back 55 years after his death, however, he obviously was not the innocent, hard-working scientist he pretended to be. Perhaps Clara had not joined his colleagues in experiments in concentration camps, euthanasia killings, or racial hygiene implementations because he was a histologist. However, he has been revealed to have possessed the same mindset as them through the vitamin C research he had carried out on death row victims. Max Clara stands out as a historical figure who should be scrutinized for his careerist machinations and unethical research which has become more and more evident and concrete with the critical reading of his publications. What happened in Nazi Germany can happen anytime and anywhere, because science and medicine have never been apolitical.

A Nazi Doctor in Istanbul: Max Clara and the Search for Victims of Medical Terror

Fatma

Assoc. Prof. Dr.

Based on the study’s findings, the Tıbbiye (Darülfünun’s Medical School) in Istanbul evidently remained closed for the year in 1915, with students being enlisted for military service, resulting in no graduates during that period. Apart from the mandatory conscripts, no documentation could be found regarding students who voluntarily joined the war effort, nor any evidence contradicting this fact. The absence of school records from the investigated period appears to be the primary reason for this lack of information. Similarly, the lists of those who died in battle sheds insufficient light on the matter.Within the framework of the available information, Tıbbiye students were indeed involved in various fronts and served in different capacities during World War I, with some of them perishing in the battlefield. Therefore, medical students were very likely among the doctors who died during the Gallipoli Campaign. Given that the Ottoman Empire was engaged on multiple fronts during this period alongside the presence of epidemic diseases, the population of Anatolia had dramatically decreased, and many volunteers from Istanbul and nearby provinces had gone to the Gallipoli front. However, the claim of an entire class being lost overnight should be noted to not align with reality. The narrative of the 1915 Medical School martyrs constitutes a specific time frame within a certain context, one focused on May 18- 19, 1915. The narrative has been embedded within this temporal framework and gained its historical reality as a tragedy. Therefore, it is challenging to isolate and define the narrative separately from this context.Narratives of wartime events can evolve into myths within oral cultures over time and become ingrained in collective memory. One well-known example is the story of the 5th Norfolk Battalion that is said to have vanished during an attack on the Anafartalar battlefield in the later years of the Gallipoli Campaign. On August 9, 1915 following the Ottoman&nbsp;forces’ victory in the 1st Battle of Anafartalar under the command of Colonel Mustafa Kemal, General Hamilton was preparing an assault to capture Tekke Tepe. The 163rd Brigade, which included the 4th and 5th Norfolk Battalions, was scheduled to advance toward the hillsides the day before the attack. The area to be assaulted was defended by the 1st Battalion of the Ottoman 36th Regiment and the 3rd Battalion of the 35th Regiment. The Norfolk Battalion was ordered to move on August 12, 1915 and launched an attack toward the foothills of Tekke Tepe in Suvla. However, they suffered heavy casualties under intense machine gun fire while advancing into the forest and bushes.In a statement dated December 11, 1915, General Hamilton dramatically announced, “Among these brave soldiers was a platoon of volunteers from the Royal Sandringham Estate. The battalion plunged into the forest and disappeared; nothing was ever seen or heard from them again, none of them returned.” The inclusion of volunteers from the royal staff drew the special attention of King George V and the press. This example sheds light on the dynamics of oral tradition and how complex historical realities can be reduced to simple, believable, and magnificent myths.The narrative regarding the Tıbbiye students of 1915 is known to have originally been articulated by the 1922 graduates who remembered and had commemorated the students who did not return from the war in their medical school anthem for many years. Although none of the 1922 graduates are alive today, to doubt their sincerity would be unfair. When they expressed mourning for the previous year, they were more likely referring to 1915 rather than 1921, as these 1922 graduates had entered the Medical Faculty in 1916-1917, the year immediately after when students had been dispersed to the war fronts, when the school had been closed, and when no graduations had taken place. Their predecessors who never returned would always remain in their memories as their colleagues of that dreadful year of 1915.In conclusion, while difficulty is had in obtaining definitive information about Tıbbiye students in 1915, the available evidence suggests that students had participated in the war effort and that some of them had died. However, one should also consider how narratives undergo changes over time and transform into myths. Therefore, importance is had in evaluating historical narratives objectively and in investigating their accuracy.

Medical Students Martyred in the 1915 Gallipoli Campaign: A Myth?

Şahap

Uzman Dr.

Fatih

The article delves into the relationship between Emil Kraepelin (1856-1926), a prominent figure in modern psychiatry, and Ottoman-Turkish psychiatry circles during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. It explores Kraepelin’s influence on the development of psychiatric practices and classifications in the Ottoman Empire.The development of psychiatry in modern Turkey traces back to the mid-19th century, during the period of Tanzimat Reforms (1839-1876), which aimed to modernize the Ottoman State and institutions. Luigi Mongeri senior (1815-1882), known as the Pinel of Constantinople, played a significant role in reforming the Süleymaniye Bimarhanesi, the largest mental asylum in the Ottoman Empire. Mongeri abolished the practice of chaining patients, implemented reforms in patient care, and published statistical data and case studies on insanity. He emphasized the importance of treating mental illness within a medical framework and influenced the perception of insanity and mental hospitals in society. Mongeri later transferred the asylum from Süleymaniye to Toptaşı and prepared the first regulation on mental asylums, which came into effect in 1876.The first generation of professionally trained neuropsychiatrists in the Ottoman Empire worked at the Süleymaniye and Toptaşı asylums. These physicians, including Luigi Mongeri, Avramino De Castro, and Avni Mahmud, followed the French school of psychiatry and adopted French terminology and classification in their diagnoses. They frequently referenced French psychiatrists like Philippe Pinel, Jean-Étienne Dominique Esquirol, and Bénédict Morel in their work. In the early 20th century, the classification system developed by Régis gained prominence. Until the end of the 19th century, the limited resources on psychiatry and neurology in Turkey heavily relied on the French school.During the late 19th and early 20th centuries, a Franco-German rivalry emerged in the field of medicine in the Ottoman Empire. Medical school graduates started being sent to Germany, in addition to France, due to the growing interest of the Prussian state and the political response of Wilhelm II to Abdulhamid II’s policies. This period witnessed the establishment of psychiatry clinics at the Gülhane Academic Military Hospital and the military medical school Mekteb-i Tıbbiye-i Şahane, which brought in teachers from Austria and Germany. Raşit Tahsin [Tuğsavul] and his student Mazhar Osman [Uzman] played key roles in introducing Emil Kraepelin, a prominent figure in modern psychiatry, to OttomanTurkish psychiatry. The historical context allowed Kraepelin’s ideas to gain acceptance in the Ottoman Empire.Emil Kraepelin was a German psychiatrist who played a crucial role in shaping the field of psychiatry of the late 19th century. He emphasized research, observation, and experimentation in psychiatry, considering it a branch of medical science. Kraepelin focused on investigating the physical causes of mental illnesses and laid the foundation for the modern classification of mental disorders. His major distinction was between “manic-depressive” illness, characterized by affective elements, and “dementia praecox” (later known as schizophrenia), without affective elements. Kraepelin’s classification of mood disorders and his approach to psychiatric diagnosis had a lasting impact on psychiatric thought and clinical practice.Luigi Mongeri junior established contact with Emil Kraepelin and sent several letters to him from Istanbul, discussing topics such as postpartum madness and seeking guidance on treatment methods. In 1895, Kraepelin visited Istanbul and was guided by Mongeri. Their paths continued to cross, and Kraepelin expressed admiration for Mongeri’s work in improving mental healthcare in the Ottoman Empire. Kraepelin’s influence on OttomanTurkish psychiatry was further strengthened through his seminal work, Psychiatrie: Ein Lehrbuch für Studierende und Ärzte (4 vols., 1909-1915, Psychiatry: A Textbook for Students and Physicians), which was widely translated and read across Europe.Emil Kraepelin’s influence on Ottoman-Turkish psychiatry was significant during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. His emphasis on research, classification, and a scientific approach to psychiatry resonated with some of the emerging psychiatric practitioners in the Ottoman Empire. Pioneers like Mazhar Osman played a crucial role in introducing and integrating Kraepelin’s concepts into the Ottoman-Turkish psychiatric discourse. They recognized the importance of research, classification, and a scientific approach to psychiatric diagnosis. The impact of Kraepelin’s ideas on Ottoman-Turkish psychiatry was reflected in the publications and research conducted during that period. Many psychiatrists began adopting Kraepelin’s diagnostic categories and classification system. His influence can be observed in the works of prominent Ottoman-Turkish psychiatrists such as Raşid Tahsin and Mazhar Osman. However, it is important to acknowledge that various psychiatric approaches coexisted during this period, and the influence of the French school of psychiatry continued. The development of Ottoman-Turkish psychiatry was shaped by a combination of international influences and local factors, ultimately contributing to the evolution of mental healthcare in modern Turkey.To conclude, Emil Kraepelin’s impact on Ottoman-Turkish psychiatry during the late 19th and early 20th centuries was profound. His emphasis on research, classification, and a scientific approach resonated with emerging psychiatric practitioners in the Ottoman Empire. Through the work of pioneers like Mazhar Osman, Kraepelin’s ideas were introduced and integrated into the Ottoman-Turkish psychiatric discourse, influencing diagnoses, classifications, and the overall approach to mental healthcare.

Kraepelin in Ottoman-Turkish Psychiatry

Emre

Ottoman citizens started earning PhDs in chemistry in 1876. Eight doctoral theses had been completed in various countries up to 1918, such as Joseph Zanni, Mehmed Arif [Beylikçi], Mustafa Azmi [Sümen], Osman Nuri [Somer], and Avni Refik [Bekman] who received their doctorate degrees in Germany; Halil Edhem [Eldem] and Kyriakos Leonidas Syngros who received theirs in Switzerland; and Gabriel Statiropoulos who received his in the United States of America. All had first graduated from the Bachelor’s program in chemistry before earning their doctorate in the field. Chronologically, Kyriakos Leonidas Syngros (1869-1955) was the fourth person to earn a doctorate degree in chemistry in Ottoman Türkiye. He was born in Istanbul in 1869 to a family originally from Chios. After completing his primary and secondary education in Istanbul, he enrolled in 1888 in the Eidgenössischen Polytechnikum [Federal Polytechnic School, Zurich], from which he graduated as an engineer in chemistry. He received his PhD from the University of Zurich in 1892 by defending his dissertation under the supervision of Prof. Dr. Heinrich Jacob Goldschmidt. His thesis was on the complex compounds hydroxylamine makes with various metals, which was a new research topic at that time. The working method involved precipitating the metal complex by first adding hydroxylamine hydrochloride to the metal chloride solution and then to the sodium carbonate solution. Thus, hydroxylamine complexes for zinc, cadmium, and iron metals were obtained. However, hydroxylamine complexes for nickel and manganese could not be obtained, nor were reproducible results obtained in the experiments with cobalt. During his studies abroad, Leonidas K. Syngros was supported financially by his uncle, Andreas Kyriakos Syngros (1830-1899), who had been a banker in Istanbul and later on in Greece.When Kyriakos Syngros returned to Istanbul, he started working in the chemical analysis laboratory of Pierre Apéry (1852-1918). In 1896, he was appointed as Chemist to His Majesty the Sultan, also referred to as Chemist to the Imperial Palace, by Sultan Abdul Hamid II and then established his own private chemical analysis laboratory. Here he partnered with Oseb Celâlyan (1870-1936), a chemistry teacher at the Civil Medical School. At the beginning of 1907, a campaign was launched to shut down Syngros’ laboratory because it was unlicensed, and the campaign continued until he finally obtained a license. Correspondence among ministries had started after a notification on the matter, and although this seemed to cover all chemical analysis laboratories in Istanbul, it soon focused on Syngros’ laboratory. Due to no legal regulation on the opening of chemical analysis laboratories being in existence, the correspondence among the various ministries yielded no results after a year, and in 1908, he was dismissed from his position at the Palace.Kyriakos Syngros was among the founders of the Arslan Ottoman Joint Stock Company, which had been established in 1910 to produce cement and water lime. The Eskihisar Cement and Water Lime Factory started operating in 1911 and later went bankrupt due to a lack of capital. Following this, the Arslan and Eskihisar Unified Cement and Water Lime Factories Joint Stock Company was established in 1920. From 1910 to 1922, Syngros was a member of the board of directors of these companies. He also ran a pharmaceutical warehouse in Tepebaşı (Beyoğlu, İstanbul), a second business alongside a partner in the early 1900s.Kyriakos Syngros left Türkiye and settled in Athens in 1922, probably due to his support of Greece in the Turkish War of Independence during the Armistice period. Upon leaving Türkiye, he left his private laboratory to his partner, Oseb Celâlyan, who would operate it until his death. In Greece, Kyriakos Syngros started working at the Greek Chemical Products and Fertilizer Industry Joint Stock Company, which was commonly known as Lipasmata and located in the Drapestona region of Piraeus. Among the founders of this factory were his classmate Nikola Kanellopoulos from the Eidgenössischen Polytechnikum in Zürich and other engineers whod graduated from the same school. He later became the manager of the factory and held this post until 1930. He pioneered the founding of the Association of Greek Chemists, became its vice-president in the first elections in 1925, and was re-elected to the same post in the elections a year later. Syngros worked as a chemist in various public and private institutions after 1930. He retired in 1945 and died in Athens on October 23, 1955. This article aims to present his biography with a particular focus on his doctoral thesis and activities as a chemist.

Chemist to His Majesty the Sultan: Engineer Chemist Dr. Phil. Kyriakos Leonidas Syngros (1869-1955)

Panagiotis

The Foucault Pendulum of the Phanar Greek Orthodox College in Istanbul: The First in Istanbul?

Experiment and experimentation are doubtlessly essential components of scientific research and science teaching. The cooperation between artisans and natural philosophers in Europe in the 17th century went on to produce various kinds of scientific instruments that paved the way for scientific discoveries and inventions. Experimentation made its way into classrooms over time, and the production of didactic scientific instruments increased accordingly. In the 19th century, many European high schools and universities were endowed with physics cabinets, the instruments of which are presently regarded as part of the scientific heritage.As an introduction to the subject matter, this paper will first take a glance at the optical experiments described by the 16th-century scholar Taqi al-Din and at Ottoman ambassadors’ encounters with scientific demonstrations in Paris and Vienna in the 18th century. This paper will also examine the meaning and use of the term tecrübe, which is used for experimentation and testing. The paper will then focus on the emergence of experimentation in the Ottoman educational institutions that were created in Istanbul in the 19th century and on the familiarity Istanbul residents had with experiments through public conferences.Little is known about experimentation in Ottoman institutions (i.e., at the imperial palace and educational military institutions) prior to the 19th century. However, the 16th-century ottoman scholar Taqi al-Din, the founder of the Istanbul observatory, placed special emphasis on experimentation by describing about 50 experiments in optics in his Kitabu Nûr [Book of Light]. He was a follower of al-Haytham’s (11th c.) experimental studies on optics. Ottoman diplomats of the 18th century working in Paris and Vienna found the opportunity to witness experiments and demonstrations in European cabinets and observatories and expressed their astonishment in their embassy reports. Among these diplomats were Yirmisekiz Mehmed Chelebi, Mehmed Said Efendi, and Mustafa Hatti Efendi.Ottoman students probably first encountered the notion of ‘proof by experiment (bi’ttecrübe ispat) in the 19th century through textbooks translated from French. Among the translators were Yahya Naci Efendi, a professor of the Imperial School of Engineering (Mühendishane-i Berri-i Hümayun). The two treatises on mechanics and electricity he penned in 1809 and 1812 respectively are fully based on experiments. Ishak Efendi, a professor at the same school, treated several physics experiments in one chapter of his four-volume science encyclopedia of 1832-34. Despite the emphasis given to experimentation, no evidence is found that they had conducted experiments in the classroom.The Imperial School of Medicine (Mekteb-i Tıbbiye-yi Şahane) had been reformed by Viennese physicians in 1838 and had a splendid physics cabinet (hikmethane) according to travelers who visited the school in 1848. The instruments of the cabinet were often used by Derviş Pasha, who was in charge of teaching physics and chemistry during the 1842-43 school year. A graduate of the Engineering School of Istanbul, Derviş Pasha also studied for a few years at École des Mines in Paris. He captured the attention of authorities both for his successful experimental teaching and for the experiments his students performed at the graduation ceremonies in the presence of Sultan Abdulmejid (r. 1839-1861). As Turkish had become the teaching language of the school, the physics teacher Antranik Gırcıkyan translated Adolphe Ganot’s Traité élementaire de physique expérimentale et appliquée into Turkish in 1876. This translation indicates that experimentation was still on the educational agenda.The Military School (Mekteb-i Harbiye) had an electrostatic machine in 1835 when Sultan Abdulmejid visited the school. Derviş Paşa and the two French experts who were charged with reforming the school’s curriculum in 1845 had presumably called attention to the need for scientific instruments for teaching purposes. In fact, archival documents and the witness accounts of travelers who visited the school in 1846, as well as a photograph taken in the late 19th century, confirm the presence of a rich cabinet of scientific instruments (Âlât-ı fenniye salonu). Experiments on physics and chemistry were conducted at the graduation ceremonies, as was the case in the medical school.A good number of scientific instruments were purchased from France in 1858 for the teacher’s training school (Darülmuallimin) in Istanbul and were kept in a college (Darülmaarif) where students could examine them under the supervision of their teachers. A few years later, these instruments were transferred to the House of Sciences (Darülfünun), where they were used in 1863 by Derviş Pasha during public courses and conferences on physics and chemistry. A large public gathering attended these courses and considered the experiments as strange and odd doings (umur-i garibe). On this occasion, Derviş Pasha compiled a book on experimental physics in Turkish in 1864, the first of its kind published in Türkiye. Darülfünun was moved to the Nuri Pasha Mansion in 1864, which was devastated a&nbsp;year later by a fire that wiped out all the instruments. Although a list of scientific instruments had been made by Hoca Tahsin, the director of Darülfünun when it reopened in 1870, and the purchase was sanctioned by the sultan, these instruments did not find their way to Istanbul.Lycée impérial de Galata-Sérai (Mekteb-i Sultani) was a high school created in 1867 under Ottoman-French cooperation and received 34 boxes of teaching materials, including scientific instruments. Science courses were given by French teachers during the first three years when the school operated under French administration. They presumably conducted experiments with the instruments purchased from Paris.The scarcity of the lists of received instruments kept in the Ottoman Archives and the nonconservation of instruments render making a full assessment difficult. The present article is introductory in nature, and future research on instruments ordered for Ottoman secondary schools (idadis) in Istanbul and Anatolia as well as on the collections kept in non-Muslim schools in the Empire will surely provide a greater picture.&nbsp;

“Confirmed by Experiment”: Notes on Physics Instruments and Experimentation in 19th-Century Istanbul (1809-1876)

Kenan

Assist. Prof. Dr.

This paper aims to analyze Ahmed Cevdet Pasha’s (d. 1895) review of Ahmed Midhat Efendi’s (d. 1912) unpublished work titled Tarih-i Ulûm. A draft of this review is preserved in the Ottoman Archives in Istanbul. The review deserves attention for several reasons. First, it brings together contributions Cevdet Pasha and Ahmed Midhat made to the history of science. While Ahmed Midhat is known to have written a history of the sciences through his correspondence with Fatma Aliye Hanım (d.1936), Cevdet Pasha’s daughter, the review contains specific references to the introductory section Cevdet Pasha was sent, thus providing further information about Midhat Efendi’s work. Secondly, the review contains Cevdet Pasha’s brief account of the history of science and his warnings on historiography that are still relevant. Cevdet Pasha’s brief mention of the rise and decline of sciences in Islamic history and their growth in Europe indicates that he continued to hold to a similar account he had provided in his translation of the sixth chapter of Ibn Khaldun’s (d.1406) Muqaddimah, which contain the translator’s original additions.Cevdet Pasha criticized Midhat’s Tarih-i Ulûm (1) for not being inclusive enough, (2) for misusing concepts, (3) for not making use of some important sources, and (4) for improperly using the Turkish language. As for the first, Cevdet Pasha pointed out how Ahmed Midhat’s history of late Ottoman science was not comprehensive as it lacked mention of some important figures who had played a role in the transmission and development of modern science in the Ottoman domain, including İsmail Gelenbevî (d. 1791), Hüseyin Rıfkı Tamânî (d. 1817), Şânîzâde Mehmed Atâullah (d. 1826), and Hüseyin Tamânî’s son Emin Pasha (d. 1851), as well as Hoca İshak Efendi (d. 1836) whom Ahmed Midhat had noted. Cevdet spends most of the review on the second critique, pointing out some problematic uses of concepts such as ‘ilm [science/knowledge], fann [discipline], ma‘ârif [knowledge of particulars], san‘at [crafts], and sinâ‘at [arts]. Cevdet vehemently rejected a division of sciences into religious&nbsp;and worldly sciences, pointing out that he had never heard of such a division and that it was inconsistent due to religious sciences including worldly matters and worldly sciences such as metaphysics including religious matters such as discussions on the existence of the Necessary Existent and matters of the afterlife. Also, a noteworthy analysis of the concept of ‘ilm is that this concept terminologically refers to the sciences, while ordinarily signifying knowledge in general. Thus, Cevdet warned Midhat, as well as the reader, against confusing these two meanings of ‘ilm, which has commonly occurred to refer to science in modern times when interpreting religious texts that contain the word ‘ilm in reference to knowledge. Cevdet’s analysis of the words san‘at and sinâ‘at also showed again how the modern period uses the first meaning in place of the second, which has since become a well-established misuse in Turkish. Nevertheless, Cevdet painstakingly pointed out that san‘at refers to occupations, while sinâ‘at refers to crafts that require knowledge.Although Cevdet’s notes on the third critique on significant sources for history or science and on the fourth critique on the proper use of Turkish and Turkification of scientific terminology take up less room in his review, both are items that he had dwelled on in his previous work on the history of the sciences. On two occasions, Cevdet’s review emphasizes al-Filāḥa l-Nabaṭiyya, as a crucial source for the history of ancient sciences, particularly regarding the 19th-century obsession with the origins of science. In this regard, Cevdet believed India to be the cradle of civilization, while giving precedence to Babylon over Egypt regarding the development of civilization. As for the proper use of language, Cevdet praised Turkish for its fine features and suggested inventing scientific terms by benefitting from Arabic lexicons while also hinting at reforming Ottoman Turkish script for better dictation.All in all, Cevdet’s review of Midhat’s ultimately unpublished work titled Tarih-i Ulûm shows that book reviews have contained substantial narratives on the history of the sciences. This is not the only review in which Cevdet provided an account of the sciences. As noted in the paper, several of Cevdet’s laudatory reviews (takrîz) actually include narratives on the history of the sciences. As a result, these reviews all show that Cevdet had made use of such occasions to propagate his narrative on the development of sciences. Hence, I argue that these book reviews should be included in the Turkish literature on the history of science and mined for their succinct accounts of developments.

Admonitions for Writing History of Science in the Islamic and Ottoman Period: Cevdet Pasha’s Critique of Ahmed Midhat’s Tarih-i Ulûm

Mustakim

Esra

This article aims to study the concept of new in the medical literature between 1650- 1750. The study’s main resources are books written by physicians and non-physicians who worked in medical application and preparation of pharmaceuticals. Although studies have been made on this topic, their main focus was on the definition of new as a term in medicine and drug treatment. In other words, these studies highlighted the meaning of the concept of new in iatrochemistry without taking into consideration other uses of this term in other domains. Indeed, new had multiple interpretations as a term in various disciplines during the period under study. In this context, new as a term can be classified in three layers. However, one should note that these layers are not severe classifications and occasionally overlap. The present article will examine the concept of the new in geography, in the works of contemporary and later scholars (muta’akhkhirūn), and in terms of the medical paradigm and literature (e.g., perspectives, diseases, plants, units of measurement, practices, pharmaceutical equipment, physician’s offices). The article will also examine new in the literature such as changes that occurred with regard to book titles, the order of encyclopedic works (tertīb-i jadīd), and translations (tarjamat), as well as regarding juridical (fiqh) issues that have emerged since the founders of Islamic schools of thought (madhhab).The new world refers to the American continent as well as the new in a geographical sense. The new world was discussed in medical writings in terms of plants that had been imported from the continent and employed in medicine. The phrases that correlate to new (muta’akhkhir) as a term in a chronological sense were typically employed in respect to people or scholars who lived after the so-called old (mute’addim) period. The geographical and historical contexts are not irrelevant to what was considered new in terms of the medical paradigm and literature. This was due to the fact that, beginning in the 16th century, new diseases, new plants, new pharmaceutical ingredients, novel approaches and instruments for producing medications, new therapies, and fresh perspectives had entered the medical literature. This study specifically explores whether the so-called new concepts found in Ottoman medicine were incorporated into and justified within the pre-existing medical paradigm or if they contributed to the search for a new paradigm. The study’s hypothesis is that what had been deemed new in 17th-century Ottoman medicine led to a shift in the paradigm’s content by incorporating it within and modifying old medicine. To investigate how Paracelsian medicinal texts had been incorporated into Ottoman medicine through translations by Ibn Sallūm would be feasible from this perspective. Recent research has revealed that the passages that attacked humoral pathology and those of Paracelsus’ medicine that dealt with astrology and occult science had not been extant in the original text and were only integrated during the translation process. Ibn Sallūm was instrumental in these translations and said that Paracelsus had plundered from ancient chemistry and philosophy rather than creating the&nbsp;new chemical medicine. As a result, the idea of Paracelsianism is seen as a slippery term in the secondary literature. In conclusion, Paracelsus only had an impact on Ottoman medicine in terms of the usage of chemical drugs, which were then modified and utilized in humoral pathology. The theory of humoral pathology additionally offered a basis for new ailments and new plants that weren’t mentioned in the old texts. For instance, humoral pathology was employed to convey the pathophysiology of diseases and the characteristics of plants. The article’s subsequent sections cover what was regarded as new and what was influenced by it with regard to fiqh discussions, the dissemination of new knowledge in medical clinics, and novel methods of writing. The article also addresses the new pharmacological equipment and measurement units. This research has led to the suggestion that, rather than being a brandnew paradigm, this concept of new medicine in the Ottoman Empire was often confined to modern information being added to traditional medical knowledge. More specifically, the terms adm and jadd in the 17th and 18th centuries were used exclusively to denote antique medicine (an older framework) in which new materials had been assimilated.

How New is New Medicine (Tıbb-ı Cedîd)? Debates on Novelty in Ottoman Medicine and the Nature of the New (1650-1750)

Eyüp

Pharmacies were first established in Samsun in the 1880s by non-Muslim Ottoman pharmacists. Samsun’s first Turkish pharmacist, Ali Rahmi Taşan, didn’t open the pharmacy called Osmanlı Şifa Eczanesi until 1908. Following the proclamation of the Constitutional Monarchy, a pharmaceutical society was established in 1910 in Samsun, which had 20 pharmacies. It was called Osmanlı Eczacılar İttihad Cemiyeti [Society for the Union of Ottoman Pharmacists]. The society decided that pharmacies would be closed on Sundays and would implement shift work.In the later years of the Turkish War of Independence (1919-1923), more precisely on October 5, 1922, pharmacists in Samsun leagued together once again to establish the Anadolu Türk Eczacı Birliği [Turkish Pharmacists Union of Anatolia]. The Turkish War of Independence, which had started in 1919, should have encouraged its establishment. The founding President of the Union was Lieutenant Colonel Eyüp Sabri Bülgin, Chief Pharmacist of the Third Army Corps in Sivas. Its Secretary General was pharmacist Emin Refik Bey. Having Anatolia and Turkish embedded in the name of the union was done to support the initiatives that had been undertaken toward becoming a nation-state. Emphasis was placed on having the association involve all Turkish pharmacists in Anatolia. Any pharmacist with a diploma could become a member without discrimination, regardless of if one was a freelance, public, or warehouse pharmacist. The union also had a representative in Istanbul.Soon after the union’s founding, Fridays were declared a holiday, and shift work was introduced. Requests were made to the Ministry of Health and Social Welfare on issues concerning all the pharmacists in Anatolia. The union aimed to increase pharmacists’ professional knowledge in light of scientific developments and to develop the rules members of the profession were to follow. In order to serve this purpose, a publication was launched in May 1923 titled Genç Eczacı (Young Pharmacists). At least four issues of this monthly were published. The publisher and director of the periodical was Emin Refik Bey, the founding Secretary General of the Union. The headquarters of the monthly was Kamer Eczanesi [The&nbsp;Pharmacy of Kamer] and was owned by Ahmet Cevat Akıska, who would later be elected Secretary General.Founded in 1909 in Istanbul, Devlet-i Osmaniye Eczacılar Cemiyeti [Pharmacists’ Society of the Ottoman Empire] had not been shut down during the Balkan Wars or World War I, but was unable to operate. After the Turkish Pharmacists Union of Anatolia was founded in Samsun, the members of the society in Istanbul changed its name in 1922 to Türkiye Eczacıları Cemiyeti [Pharmacists’ Society of Türkiye] in nationalistic solidarity as a result of the expansion of the Turkish War of Independence. The change in name started a legitimacy discussion between the Turkish Pharmacists’ Union of Anatolia and the Pharmacists’ Association of Türkiye. The main issue of the discussion was which association represented all pharmacists in Türkiye. Despite heavy correspondence and bilateral meetings, members were unable to reach a definitive conclusion. As these discussions went on, Turkish pharmacists in Izmir founded an association called Türk Eczacılar Cemiyeti [Society of Turkish Pharmacists] on June 1, 1923. The pharmacists of İzmir may have taken the union founded in Samsun as an example. The society in İzmir fostered ideas similar to the unions that had been established in Samsun and İstanbul.Whether the Turkish Pharmacists’ Union of Anatolia was shut down or not is unknown. According to local newspapers in Samsun, however, the association is known to have been active in 1926, with no information after this date being found. The establishment of Türk Farmakoloğ Birliği [Turkish Union of Pharmacology] was established in 1930 and involved pharmacists from all over the country. It functioned as a professional association for a while, which indicates that the Turkish Pharmacists’ Union of Anatolia had stopped its activities between 1926-1930.The Turkish Pharmacists’ Union of Anatolia was the first pharmacist association founded solely by Turkish pharmacists, as well as the first pharmaceutical association bearing the epithet of Turkish in its name. According to its regulations, the association stipulated that only Turkish pharmacists could become members. Also, all Turkish pharmacists with a diploma in Turkey were welcomed as members.

A Pharmacist Association Established in Samsun During the Turkish War of Independence: The Turkish Pharmacists Union of Anatolia (1922)

Elif

Diabetes involves a group of metabolic dysfunctions characterized by high blood sugar levels caused by the body’s inability to produce insulin, insulin resistance, or a combination of both. Nutrition undisputedly has one of the most significant roles in managing diabetes. In planning a nutritional schedule for a diabetic individual, personal factors such as body weight and lifestyle can be effective alongside developments in health technologies. The first scientific findings about medical nutrition therapy regarding diabetes intensified in the early period of the 20th century. However, the literature on dietary recommendations and clinical practices during this time were quite limited. The current study investigates medical nutrition therapy regarding diabetes from a century ago using information obtained from the booklet What Should Diabetics Eat? written in Ottoman Turkish in Istanbul in 1929. The authors were Dr. Mehmet Kâmil, an internist at the Şişli Etfal Hospital, and Dr. Muzaffer, the physician of the Galatasaray High School. The diabetes booklet includes nutritional recommendations about what diabetics should follow. Accordingly, the physicians from this period recommended changes to nutrition in order to treat their patients with diabetes and the accompanying obesity, weakness, and stomach, intestine, liver, and kidney diseases. However, physicians were considered not likely to be able to convey the details of a diet to patients, to have patients note these down or remember it, or to write down a diet in line with the conditions of the period. Dr. Kâmil and Dr. Muzaffer stated that they had written the diabetes booklet to eliminate these challenges.This diabetes booklet briefly presents the main topics in the table of contents. The booklet has seven sections that define diabetes and its types, etiology, physiology, and the conditions requiring diet therapy in an easily understandable way. The items patients are allowed to eat and drink are described in the first five sections. The first section deals with fresh meat, offal, meat preserves, and other nitrogenous foods, as well as fresh fish, fish preserves, fish-derived foods and edible sea creatures, eggs, oils, cheeses, green vegetables, fruits, dried fruits, canned vegetables, spices, pickles, soups, and beverages. The second section&nbsp;addresses essential oils and olive oils, while the third section discusses vegetables and raw fruits with less starch. The fourth section covers foods equivalent to 10 g of wheat bread, and various examples of the amount of food to be consumed in a day. The fifth section deals with some general opinions about offal, fish dishes, meat and vegetables, salads and snacks, personalized treatments, special rules about drinks, how to serve meals, and meal schedules. The sixth section provides some special diets such as the urinalysis diet, a vegetable diet, and an oat diet, as well as some complementary information on foods containing gluten and sugar-free fruits. The seventh chapter finishes with some recommendations for diabetics and a summary of the booklet.In order to evaluate the diabetic medical nutrition therapy the authors recommended, this article compares the contents of the booklet with the scientific literature of the period as well as with current practices. This comparison highlights the changes that have occurred in clinical nutrition therapy regarding diabetes from the 1930s up to the present day. This article also transliterates the full text of the booklet from Ottoman Turkish written with Arabic characters into Turkish with Latin characters. Brief information is also given about the two medical doctors who authored the book.This study is offered to the centennial of the Republic of Türkiye in commemoration of all Republican physicians who, similar to Dr. Mehmet Kâmil Berk and Dr. Muzaffer Şevki Yener, made contributions to medical treatment with great zeal.

A Century-Long Adventure of Nutrition in Diabetes: An Assessment and Transliteration of Dr. Mehmet Kâmil and Dr. Muzaffer’s What Should Diabetics Consume?

Berrin

Recollections of Nahide Bursa (Torolsan), a Student at Istanbul University’s School of Pharmacy During World War II, and her Herbarium Notebook on the Princes Islands

Mustafa

An Exhibition – Educate Through Experience: Experimental Physics at the Lycée Saint-Joseph of Istanbul (April 5th – May 28th, 2023)

Abdüssamet

Global Origins of Modern Science

@JOURNAL_BOX_CURRENT

@JOURNAL_BOX_EARLYVIEW

Training Courses for the Protection from Poisonous Gases and Legal Regulations between the Two World Wars in Turkey

Derya

Training of Ottoman Naval Soldiers to be Employed in Airplanes

@JOURNAL_BOX_FEATURED

Res. Assist.

Nilüfer

Assoc. Prof.

Doctor Ömer Vasfı̇ Aybar and Türk Heki̇mi̇, the Medical Journal He Published in Ankara

Pharmacy Assistants’ Endeavours in Establishing Vocational Associations in Ottoman and Republican Turkey (1912-1949)

@JOURNAL_BOX_MOSTREAD

An official publication of the Department of the History of Science, Faculty of Letters, Istanbul University, Osmanlı Bilimi Araştırmaları (Studies in Ottoman Science) is a peer-reviewed bi-annual international academic journal. Founded in 1995, it is the oldest academic journal in its field in Turkey.

The journal Osmanlı Bilimi Araştırmaları publishes peer-reviewed original research articles (in Turkish, English, French and German), review articles and articles in translation on the history of science technology and medicine. Research notes, addendum, book reviews and reports of scientific meetings in the field are also accepted.

The journal covers research on the history of science, technology and medicine especially dealing with the historical aspects of scientific institutions; the development of scientific disciplines and techniques; the transmission of scientific and technical knowledge among various societies; the translation of scientific and technical books; the science education; biographies of scientists and many other themes of the history of science. History of pharmacy is also included in the scope. Focus is given on the history of scientific activities in Turkey during the Ottoman Empire (14-20th c.) and occasionally during the Turkish Republic (beginning as from 1923). The historical studies dealing with science in former Ottoman territories such as the Middle East and the Balkans, are also welcomed.

ERIH PLUS

DOAJ

Scopus

TR Dizin

EBSCO

SOBIAD

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@METRIC_ARTICLES

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Studies in Ottoman Science

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Editor in Chief

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The journal Studies in Ottoman Science-Osmanlı Bilimi Araştırmaları publishes peer-reviewed original research articles (in Turkish, English, French and German), review articles and articles in translation on the history of science technology and medicine. Research notes, addenda, book reviews and reports of scientific meetings in the field are also accepted. The journal is published in January and July.The journal covers research on the history of science, technology and medicine especially dealing with the historical aspects of scientific institutions; the development of scientific disciplines and techniques; the transmission of scientific and technical knowledge among various societies; the translation of scientific and technical books; the science education; biographies of scientists and many other themes of the history of science. History of pharmacy is also included in the scope. Focus is given on the history of scientific activities in Turkey during the Ottoman Empire (14-20th c.) and occasionally during the Turkish Republic (beginning as from 1923). The historical studies dealing with science in former Ottoman territories such as the Middle East and the Balkans, are also welcomed.

Aim and Scope

<ul><li>SCOPUS</li><li>TÜBİTAK-ULAKBİM TR Index</li><li>DOAJ</li><li>ERIH PLUS</li><li>EBSCO Academic Search Ultimate</li><li>EBSCO Central &amp; Eastern European Academic Source</li><li>SOBİAD</li></ul>

Indexing and Abstracting

The journal is committed to upholding the highest standards of publication ethics and pays regard to Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing published by the <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, the <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, the <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a>, and the <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> on <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a> The subjects covered in the manuscripts submitted to the Journal for publication must be in accordance with the aim and scope of the Journal. Only those manuscripts approved by every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Changing the name of an author (omission, addition or order) in papers submitted to the Journal requires written permission of all declared authors.Plagiarism, duplication, fraud authorship/denied authorship, research/data fabrication, salami slicing/salami publication, breaching of copyrights, prevailing conflict of interest are unethical behaviors. All manuscripts not in accordance with the accepted ethical standards will be removed from the publication. This also contains any possible malpractice discovered after the publication. Plagiarism Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. If plagiarism/self-plagiarism will be found authors will be informed. Editors may resubmit manuscript for similarity check at any peer-review or production stage if required. High similarity scores may lead to rejection of a manuscript before and even after acceptance. Depending on the type of article and the percentage of similarity score taken from each article, the overall similarity score is generally expected to be less than 15 or 20%. Double Blind Peer-Review After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by the editors-in-chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope. The editor provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles and hands over the papers matching the formal rules to at least two national/international referees for evaluation and gives green light for publication upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.

Policies

The journal is an open access journal and all content is freely available without charge to the user or his/her institution. Except for commercial purposes, users are allowed to read, download, copy, print, search, or link to the full texts of the articles in this journal without asking prior permission from the publisher or the author. This is in accordance with the <a href="https://www.budapestopenaccessinitiative.org/read" target="_blank">BOAI</a> definition of open access.The open access articles in the journal are licensed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.en" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) license.

All expenses of the journal are covered by the Istanbul University. Processing and publication are free of charge with the journal. There is no article processing charges or submission fees for any submitted or accepted articles.

Authors publishing with the journal retain the copyright to their work licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/" target="_blank">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/</a> ) and grant the Publisher non-exclusive commercial right to publish the work. CC BY-NC 4.0 license permits unrestricted, non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

Editor should consider publishing correction if minor errors that do not effect the results, interpretations and conclusions of the published paper are detected. Editor should consider retraction if major errors and/or misconduction that invalidate results and conclusions are detected.Editor should consider issuing an expression of concern if there is evidence of research or publication misconduct by the authors; there is evidence that the findings are not reliable and institutions of the authors do not investigate the case or the possible investigation seems to be unfair or nonconclusive. The guidelines of <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/flowcharts/complete-set-english" target="_blank">COPE</a> and <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/" target="_blank">ICJME</a> are taken into consideration regarding correction, retractions or expression of concern.

To guarantee that all papers published in the journal are maintained and permanently accessible, articles are stored in Dergipark which serves as a  national archival web site and at the same time permits LOCKSS to  collect, preserve, and serve the content.Additionally, authors are encouraged to self-archive the final PDF version of their articles in open electronic archives with  that conform to standards of Open Archives Initiative (<a href="https://www.openarchives.org/" target="_blank">https://www.openarchives.org/</a>). Authors should provide a link from the deposited version to the URL of IUPress journal website.

Studies in Ottoman Science-Osmanlı Bilimi Araştırmaları is committed to upholding the highest standards of publication ethics and pays regard to Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing published by the <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, the <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, the <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a>, and the <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> on <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a>All submissions must be original, unpublished (including full text in conference proceedings), and not under the review of any other publication synchronously. Authors must ensure that submitted work is original. They must certify that the manuscript has not previously been published elsewhere or is not currently being considered for publication elsewhere, in any language. Applicable copyright laws and conventions must be followed. Copyright material (e.g. tables, figures or extensive quotations) must be reproduced only with appropriate permission and acknowledgement. Any work or words of other authors, contributors, or sources must be appropriately credited and referenced.Each manuscript is reviewed by one of the editors and at least two referees under double-blind peer review process. Plagiarism, duplication, fraud authorship/denied authorship, research/data fabrication, salami slicing/salami publication, breaching of copyrights, prevailing conflict of interest are unnethical behaviors.All manuscripts not in accordance with the accepted ethical standards will be removed from the publication. This also contains any possible malpractice discovered after the publication. In accordance with the code of conduct the editor will report any cases of suspected plagiarism or duplicate publishing.

Ethics

Studies in Ottoman Science-Osmanlı Bilimi Araştırmaları adheres to the highest standards in research ethics and follows the principles of international research ethics as defined below. The authors are responsible for the compliance of the manuscripts with the ethical rules.- Principles of integrity, quality and transparency should be sustained in designing the research, reviewing the design and conducting the research.- The research team and participants should be fully informed about the aim, methods, possible uses and requirements of the research and risks of participation in research.- The confidentiality of the information provided by the research participants and the confidentiality of the respondents should be ensured. The research should be designed to protect the autonomy and dignity of the participants.- Research participants should participate in the research voluntarily, not under any coercion.- Any possible harm to participants must be avoided. The research should be planned in such a way that the participants are not at risk.- The independence of research must be clear; and any conflict of interest or must be disclosed.- In experimental studies with human subjects, written informed consent of the participants who decide to participate in the research must be obtained. In the case of children and those under wardship or with confirmed insanity, legal custodian’s assent must be obtained.- If the study is to be carried out in any institution or organization, approval must be obtained from this institution or organization.- In studies with human subject, it must be noted in the method’s section of the manuscript that the informed consent of the participants and ethics committee approval from the institution where the study has been conducted have been obtained.

It is authors’ responsibility to ensure that the article is in accordance with scientific and ethical standards and rules. Authors must ensure that submitted work is original. They must certify that the manuscript has not previously been published elsewhere or is not currently being considered for publication elsewhere, in any language. Applicable copyright laws and conventions must be followed. Copyright material (e.g. tables, figures or extensive quotations) must be reproduced only with appropriate permission and acknowledgement. Any work or words of other authors, contributors, or sources must be appropriately credited and referenced.All the authors of a submitted manuscript must have direct scientific and academic contribution to the manuscript. The author(s) of the original research articles is defined as a person who is significantly involved in “conceptualization and design of the study”, “collecting the data”, “analyzing the data”, “writing the manuscript”, “reviewing the manuscript with a critical perspective” and “planning/conducting the study of the manuscript and/or revising it”. Fund raising, data collection or supervision of the research are not sufficient for being accepted as an author. The author(s) must meet all these criteria described above. The order of names in the author list of an article must be a co-decision and it must be indicated in the <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/CD6036D23EAB4EA3BD0F169E2C40EFC2" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a>. The individuals who do not meet the authorship criteria but contributed to the study must take place in the acknowledgement section. Individuals providing technical support, assisting writing, providing a general support, providing material or financial support are examples to be indicated in acknowledgement section.All authors must disclose all issues concerning financial relationship, conflict of interest, and competing interest that may potentially influence the results of the research or scientific judgment.When an author discovers a significant error or inaccuracy in his/her own published paper, it is the author’s obligation to promptly cooperate with the Editor-in-Chief to provide retractions or corrections of mistakes.

Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, sexual orientation, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors. He/She provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles for publication and ensures that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential before publishing.Editor-in-Chief is responsible for the contents and overall quality of the publication. He/She must publish errata pages or make corrections when needed.Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers. Only he has the full authority to assign a reviewer and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal.Reviewers must have no conflict of interest with respect to the research, the authors and/or the research funders. Their judgments must be objective.Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees must be ensured. In particular situations, the editor may share the review of one reviewer with other reviewers to clarify a particular point.

Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by editor-in-chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope.The editor hands over the papers matching the formal rules to at least two national/international referees for double-blind peer review evaluation and gives green light for publication upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.

Peer Review

Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors. He/She provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles for publication and ensures that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential before publishing.Editor-in-Chief is responsible for the contents and overall quality of the publication. He/She must publish errata pages or make corrections when needed.Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers. Only he has the full authority to assign a reviewer and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the journal.Reviewers must have no conflict of interest with respect to the research, the authors and/or the research funders. Their judgments must be objective.Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees must be ensured. In particular situations, the editor may share the review of one reviewer with other reviewers to clarify a particular point.

Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by Editor-in-Chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope. Editor-inChief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors and ensures a fair double-blind peer review of the selected manuscripts.The selected manuscripts are sent to at least two national/international referees for evaluation and publication decision is given by Editor-in-Chief upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the journal.Reviewers’ judgments must be objective. Reviewers’ comments on the following aspects are expected while conducting the review.- Does the manuscript contain new and significant information?- Does the abstract clearly and accurately describe the content of the manuscript?- Is the problem significant and concisely stated? - Are the methods described comprehensively? - Are the interpretations and consclusions justified by the results?- Is adequate references made to other Works in the field?- Is the language acceptable?Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees is important.

All correspondence will be sent to the first-named author unless otherwise specified. Manuscpript is to be submitted online via <a href="https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/iuoba" target="_blank">http://dergipark.gov.tr/login</a> that can be accessed at <a href="https://iupress.istanbul.edu.tr/en/journal/oba/home" target="_blank">https://iupress.istanbul.edu.tr/en/journal/oba/home</a> It must be accompanied by a <a href="http://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/FileHandler2.ashx?f=title-page-oba_637057788458910257.docx" target="_blank">title page</a> specifying the article category (i.e. research article, review etc.) and including information about the manuscript (see the Submission Checklist). Manuscripts should be prepared in Microsoft Word 2003 and upper versions. In addition, <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/CD6036D23EAB4EA3BD0F169E2C40EFC2" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a> that has to be signed by all authors must be submitted.1. The journal publishes manuscrits in Turkish, English, German or French. Preferably, the manuscript should not exceed 10,000 words (not including notes) and 120 notes.2. Manuscript should be written in MS Word format, double-spaced and in 11 point Times New Roman font. We kindly ask you not to send a pdf file. The title should be written with capital letters (12 point, bold), sub-headings in lower case letters (11 point, bold).3. For research articles; reviews, research notes and translations in English, an abstract of 150- 200 words (excluding keywords) in English is to be added to the first page of the article; optionally an abstract of 150-200 words (excluding keywords) in Turkish can be added as well. For non-English articles; an abstract of 150-200 words in the language of the article, an abstract of 150-200 words in English, and an extended abstract of 600-800-words in English should also be included. Maximum 10 keywords will be provided underneath both of the abstracts. Each keyword can include more than one word. No abstract and bibliography are needed for research notes, addendum, book &amp; scientific meeting reviews, and letters to the editor. While uploading addendum, book review and letter to the editor files on the DergiPark system, please enter the first paragraph of the article in the abstract section.4. Appendixes, with related bibliographical references,are placed after the main text, and before the bibliography. Their references should be included in the bibliography.5. Centuries and dates should be written in full: fifteenth century, 29 October 1923. For dates please use BCE and CE in English texts, AEC and EC in French texts, and MÖ and MS in Turkish texts.6. Short quotations should be given between double quotes within the paragraph. Long quotations (10 points) should have double indentation on the left (only), without quotes.7. Figures and images should include captions with related bibliographical references.Bibliographical references mentioned in the captions should be included in the bibliographyTheir captions should be incorporated within the text, and not be collected at the end of the manuscript. Also, they should be separately uploaded to DergiPark system. Captions of images and figures should be numbered separately. Captions should be in 9 points.8. Notes and bibliography must be in line with journal’s reference style based on Chicago Manual of Style (16th edition).9. Notes (8 point) should be given at the bottom of every page, signalled by superscript numbers in the main text. Reference numbers should follow the punctuation marks (.35 ,23).10. Submitted manuscripts and abstracts should be conformed with the grammar and orthography of the language (Turkish, English, German and French) in which they were written. English and French language editing will not be provided by the editor. Non-English and non-French speaking authors are kindly invited to consult language editing services before sending their manuscript and abstract.11. A <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/BAC922C39A0E4D9C9E6DB74FB429657E" target="_blank">title page</a> including author information must be submitted together with the manuscript. The title page is to include fully descriptive title of the manuscript and, affiliation, title, e-mail address, postal address, phone, fax number of the author(s) and ORCIDs of all authors (see The Submission Checklist).

Author Guidelines

Studies in Ottoman Science - Osmanlı Bilimi Araştırmaları has adopted the “notes and bibliography” documentation system preferred by many in the humanities, including those in literature, history, and the arts. This style presents bibliographic information in notes and, a bibliography. Authors who would send proposals to the journal are kindly invited to follow the examples given below when writing the footnotes and compiling the bibliography. These examples are borrowed from the Chicago Manual of Style (http://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide/citation-guide-1.html). A few more examples have also been added. Further information and numerous examples about the “notes and bibliography” system are available at the 14th and 15th chapters of the Chicago Manual of Style (16th edition).A bibliography is needed at the end of research (original) articles, review articles and articles in translation. It should include all sources given in footnotes, captions and appendixes. The bibliography can include separate sections such as archival, manuscript, secondary, and/or electronic sources. Secondary sources are listed after the author’s name. When referring to archival material and manuscripts please note the name of the library and the collection, number and date of the document used if available.Authors who do not have surnames (i.e. Salih Zeki), should be listed according to their first names: Salih Zeki should enter the bibliography under the letter S. Authors with surnames are listed after their surnames (i.e. Adıvar, A. Adnan).Examples:fn (first note), sn (subsequent/short notes), bib (bibliography).Book, one authorfn Zadie Smith, Swing Time (New York: Penguin Press, 2016), 315–16.sn Smith, Swing Time, 320.bib Smith, Zadie. Swing Time. New York: Penguin Press, 2016.Book, two authorsfn Brian Grazer and Charles Fishman, A Curious Mind: The Secret to a Bigger Life (New York: Simon &amp; Schuster, 2015), 12.sn Grazer and Fishman, Curious Mind, 37.bib Grazer, Brian, and Charles Fishman. A Curious Mind: The Secret to a Bigger Life. New York: Simon &amp; Schuster, 2015.Chapter or other part of an edited bookIn a note, cite specific pages. In the bibliography, include the page range for the chapter or part.fn Henry David Thoreau, “Walking,” in The Making of the American Essay, ed. John D’Agata (Minneapolis: Graywolf Press, 2016), 177–78.Sn Thoreau, “Walking,” 182.bib Thoreau, Henry David. “Walking.” In The Making of the American Essay, edited by John D’Agata, 167–95. Minneapolis: Graywolf Press, 2016.In some cases, you may want to cite the collection as a whole instead.fn John D’Agata, ed., The Making of the American Essay (Minneapolis: Graywolf Press, 2016), 177- 78.sn D’Agata, American Essay, 182.bib D’Agata, John, ed. The Making of the American Essay. Minneapolis: Graywolf Press, 2016.Translated bookfn Jhumpa Lahiri, In Other Words, trans. Ann Goldstein (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2016), 146.sn Lahiri, In Other Words, 184.bib Lahiri, Jhumpa. In Other Words. Translated by Ann Goldstein. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2016.E-bookFor books consulted online, include a URL or the name of the database. For other types of e-books, name the format. If no fixed page numbers are available, cite a section title or a chapter or other number in the notes, if any (or simply omit).fn Jane Austen, Pride and Prejudice (New York: Penguin Classics, 2007), chap. 3, Kindle.sn Austen, Pride and Prejudice, chap. 14.bib Austen, Jane. Pride and Prejudice. New York: Penguin Classics, 2007. Kindle.fn Brooke Borel, The Chicago Guide to Fact-Checking (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2016), 92, ProQuest Ebrary.sn Borel, Fact-Checking, 104–5.bib Borel, Brooke. The Chicago Guide to Fact-Checking. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2016. ProQuest Ebrary.fn Philip B. Kurland and Ralph Lerner, eds., The Founders’ Constitution (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987), chap. 10, doc. 19, http://press-pubs.uchicago.edu/founders/.sn Kurland and Lerner, Founders’ Constitution, chap. 4, doc. 29.bib Kurland, Philip B., and Ralph Lerner, eds. The Founders’ Constitution. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987. http://press-pubs.uchicago.edu/founders/.fn Herman Melville, Moby-Dick; or, The Whale (New York: Harper &amp; Brothers, 1851), 627, http://mel.hofstra.edu/moby-dick-the-whale-proofs.html.sn Melville, Moby-Dick, 722–23.bib Melville, Herman. Moby-Dick; or, The Whale. New York: Harper &amp; Brothers, 1851. http://mel.hofstra.edu/moby-dick-the-whale-proofs.html.Journal articleIn a note, cite specific page numbers. In the bibliography, include the page range for the whole article. For articles consulted online, include a URL or the name of the database. Many journal articles list a DOI (Digital Object Identifier). A DOI forms a permanent URL that beginshttps://doi.org/. This URL is preferable to the URL that appears in your browser’s address bar.fn Shao-Hsun Keng, Chun-Hung Lin, and Peter F. Orazem, “Expanding College Access in Taiwan, 1978–2014: Effects on Graduate Quality and Income Inequality,” Journal of Human Capital 11, no. 1 (Spring 2017): 9–10, https://doi.org/10.1086/690235.sn Keng, Lin, and Orazem, “Expanding College Access,” 23.bib Keng, Shao-Hsun, Chun-Hung Lin, and Peter F. Orazem. “Expanding College Access in Taiwan, 1978–2014: Effects on Graduate Quality and Income Inequality.” Journal of Human Capital 11, no. 1 (Spring 2017): 1–34. https://doi.org/10.1086/690235.fn Peter LaSalle, “Conundrum: A Story about Reading,” New England Review 38, no. 1 (2017): 95, Project MUSE.sn LaSalle, “Conundrum,” 101.bib LaSalle, Peter. “Conundrum: A Story about Reading.” New England Review 38, no. 1 (2017): 95–109. Project MUSE.fn Susan Satterfield, “Livy and the Pax Deum,” Classical Philology 111, no. 2 (April 2016): 170.sn Satterfield, “Livy,” 172–73.bib Satterfield, Susan. “Livy and the Pax Deum.” Classical Philology 111, no. 2 (April 2016): 165–76.fn Rachel A. Bay et al., “Predicting Responses to Contemporary Environmental Change Using Evolutionary Response Architectures.” American Naturalist 189, no. 5 (May 2017): 465,https://doi.org/10.1086/691233.sn Bay et al., “Predicting Responses,” 466.bib Bay, Rachael A., Noah Rose, Rowan Barrett, Louis Bernatchez, Cameron K. Ghalambor, Jesse R. Lasky, Rachel B. Brem, Stephen R. Palumbi, and Peter Ralph. “Predicting Responses to Contemporary Environmental Change Using Evolutionary Response Architectures,” American Naturalist 189, no. 5 (May 2017): 463–73. <a href="https://doi.org/10.1086/691233" target="_blank">https://doi.org/10.1086/691233</a>.News or magazine articleArticles from newspapers or news sites, magazines, blogs, and the like are cited similarly. Page numbers, if any, can be cited in a note but are omitted from a bibliography entry. If you consulted the article online, include a URL or the name of the database.fn Farhad Manjoo, “Snap Makes a Bet on the Cultural Supremacy of the Camera,” New York Times, March 8, 2017, https://www.nytimes.com/2017/03/08/technology/snap-makes-a-bet-on-the-cultural-supremacy-of-the-camera.html.sn Manjoo, “Snap.”bib Manjoo, Farhad. “Snap Makes a Bet on the Cultural Supremacy of the Camera.” New York Times, March 8, 2017. https://www.nytimes.com/2017/03/08/technology/snap-makes-a-bet-on-the-cultural-supremacy-of-the-camera.html.fn Rebecca Mead, “The Prophet of Dystopia,” New Yorker, April 17, 2017, 43.sn Mead, “Dystopia,” 47bib Mead, Rebecca. “The Prophet of Dystopia.” New Yorker, April 17, 2017.fn Tanya Pai, “The Squishy, Sugary History of Peeps,” Vox, April 11, 2017, http://www.vox.com/culture/2017/4/11/15209084/peeps-easter.sn Pai, “History of Peeps.”bib Pai, Tanya. “The Squishy, Sugary History of Peeps.” Vox, April 11, 2017. http://www.vox.com/culture/2017/4/11/15209084/peeps-easter.fn Rob Pegoraro, “Apple’s iPhone Is Sleek, Smart and Simple,” Washington Post, July 5, 2007, LexisNexis Academicsn Pegoraro, “Apple’s iPhone.”bib Pegoraro, Rob. “Apple’s iPhone Is Sleek, Smart and Simple.” Washington Post, July 5, 2007. LexisNexis Academic.Readers’ comments are cited in the text or in a note but omitted from a bibliography.Eduardo B (Los Angeles), March 9, 2017, comment on Manjoo, “Snap.”Book reviewfnMichiko Kakutani, “Friendship Takes a Path That Diverges,” review of Swing Time, by Zadie Smith, New York Times, November 7, 2016.sn Kakutani, “Friendship.”bib Kakutani, Michiko. “Friendship Takes a Path That Diverges.” Review of Swing Time, by Zadie Smith. New York Times, November 7, 2016.Encyclopaedia entryfn Mogens Herman Hansen, “Athenian Democracy,” The Oxford Classical Dictionary, 3rd ed. (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 1996).sn Hansen, “Athenian Democracy.”Bib Hansen, Mogens Herman. “Athenian Democracy.” The Oxford Classical Dictionary, 3rd ed. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 1996.Interviewfn Kory Stamper, “From ‘F-Bomb’ to ‘Photobomb,’ How the Dictionary Keeps Up with English,” interview by Terry Gross, Fresh Air, NPR, April 19, 2017, audio, 35:25, http://www.npr.org/2017/04/19/524618639/from-f-bomb-to-photobomb-how-the-dictionary-keeps-up-with-english.snStamper, interview.bib Stamper, Kory. “From ‘F-Bomb’ to ‘Photobomb,’ How the Dictionary Keeps Up with English.” Interview by Terry Gross. Fresh Air, NPR, April 19, 2017. Audio, 35:25. http://www.npr.org/2017/04/19/524618639/from-f-bomb-to-photobomb-how-the-dictionary-keeps-up-with-english.Thesis or dissertationfn Cynthia Lillian Rutz, “King Lear and Its Folktale Analogues” (PhD diss., University of Chicago, 2013), 99–100.sn Rutz, “King Lear,” 158.bib Rutz, Cynthia Lillian. “King Lear and Its Folktale Analogues.” PhD diss., University of Chicago, 2013.Paper presented at a meeting of a conferencefn Rachel Adelman, “ ‘Such Stuff as Dreams Are Made On’: God’s Footstool in the Aramaic Targumim and Midrashic Tradition” (paper presented at the annual meeting for the Society of Biblical Literature, New Orleans, Louisiana, November 21–24, 2009).sn Adelman, “Such Stuff as Dreams.”bib Adelman, Rachel. “ ‘Such Stuff as Dreams Are Made On’: God’s Footstool in the Aramaic Targumim and Midrashic Tradition.” Paper presented at the annual meeting for the Society of Biblical Literature, New Orleans, Louisiana, November 21–24, 2009.Manuscriptsfn Feyzi, Muhadarat-ı Feyzi, Istanbul, Istanbul University Rare Books and Manuscripts Library, MS T6833, 48a.sn Feyzi, Muhadarat-ı Feyzi, MS T6833, 51b.bib Feyzi, Muhadarat-ı Feyzi, Istanbul, Istanbul University Rare Books and Manuscripts Library, MS T6833, 1a-70b.fn Salih b. Nasrullah, Ghayat al-itqan fi tabdir badan al-insan,Istanbul, Süleymaniye Library, MS Ayasofya 3682, 26a.sn Salih b. Nasrullah, Ghayat al-itqan, MS Ayasofya 3682, 23b.bib Salih b. Nasrullah, Ghayat al-itqan fi tabdir badan al-insan,Istanbul,Süleymaniye Library, MS Ayasofya 3682, 1a-311a. Copied on 10 Rabi I 1135 (19 December 1722).Archival documentsfn Ottoman Archives of the Turkish Prime Ministry (Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi, BOA), Cevdet Askeriye (C.AS.) 71/3352, 9 Şevval 1211 (7 Nisan 1797).sn BOA, C.AS. 71/3352.bib Ottoman Archives of the Turkish Prime Ministry (Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi, BOA). Cevdet Askeriye (C. AS) 71/3352, 9 Şevval 1211 (7 Nisan 1920).fn Topkapı Palace Museum Archives(Topkapı Sarayı Müzesi Arşivi, TSMA), E. 3202-2=597-2-7.sn TSMA, E. 3202-2=597-2-7.bibTopkapı Palace Museum Archives(Topkapı Sarayı Müzesi Arşivi, TSMA). E. 3202-2=597-2-7.Website contentfnKatie Bouman, “How to Take a Picture of a Black Hole,” filmed November 2016 at TEDxBeaconStreet, Brookline, MA, video, 12:51, https://www.ted.com/talks/katie_bouman_what_does_a_black_hole_look_like.sn Bouman, “Black Hole.”bib Bouman, Katie. “How to Take a Picture of a Black Hole.” Filmed November 2016 at TEDxBeaconStreet, Brookline, MA. Video, 12:51. https://www.ted.com/talks/katie_bouman_what_does_a_black_hole_look_like.fn “Privacy Policy,” Privacy &amp; Terms, Google, last modified April 17, 2017, https://www.google.com/policies/privacy/.sn Google, “Privacy Policy.”bib Google. “Privacy Policy.” Privacy &amp; Terms. Last modified April 17, 2017. https://www.google.com/policies/privacy/.fn “About Yale: Yale Facts,” Yale University, accessed May 1, 2017, https://www.yale.edu/about-yale/yale-facts.sn “Yale Facts.”bib Yale University. “About Yale: Yale Facts.” Accessed May 1, 2017. https://www.yale.edu/about-yale/yale-facts.Personal communicationPersonal communications, including email and text messages and direct messages sent through social media, are usually cited in the text or in a note only; they are rarely included in a bibliography.fn sn Sam Gomez, Facebook message to author, August 1, 2017.

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Issue Type	Regular
Editor(s)	Ayşe Feza Günergun

Issue Type	Regular
Editor(s)	Ayşe Feza Günergun

Studies in Ottoman Science

VOLUME 24, ISSUE 2, 2023

VOLUME 24, ISSUE 1, 2023

METRICS