Özgür

Assoc. Prof.

The last article of the Vasvár peace treaty in 1664 stipulated that two ambassadors of equal rank were to be exchanged between the Ottoman and Austrian Habsburg courts. In 1665, the Hofburg dispatched Walter Leslie to the Sublime Porte in the company of a large entourage. W. Leslie’s mission entailed the submission of a number of imperial and courtly letters to the Ottoman sultan and his officials. The imperial delegation also brought with itself a package of gifts of great value to be offered at the sultan’s court. Although the Habsburg officials deemed this offering as a voluntary exchange of gifts, the Ottomans considered the gift package a form of tribute directly linked with the war that took place between the two sovereigns a year prior. W. Leslie’s embassy included a group of Jesuits who after accompanying the ambassador in his journey to Istanbul wished to carry on towards China via Iran. During their stay in Istanbul, W. Leslie and the Jesuits sought to free the Christian prisoners taken captive in the last military engagements. They resorted to diplomatic means to secure the salvation of their co-religionists kept in the Ottoman imperial arsenal and the Seven Towers. W. Leslie was also tasked with establishing a trade link with the Ottomans that would secure the commercial activities of the imperial subjects in Ottoman domains. His embassy had only limited success in achieving his diplomatic goals.On 30 May 1665, W. Leslie was exchanged with the Ottoman ambassador Kara Mehmed Paşa at Komárom in a grandiose ceremony. The ceremonial setting implied absolute reciprocity between two ambassadors. Before Walter Leslie and Kara Mehmed Paşa were invited to take part in the ceremonial setting, three wooden piles were driven into the ground at equal intervals. W. Leslie and Kara Mehmed Paşa were escorted by retinues of exactly the same number (ten people each) from the outer piles to the meeting pile in the middle. They walked towards each other with calculated steps in close supervision of minor officers rushing back and forth between the envoys to achieve a planned rendezvous in the middle. Both envoys eventually touched the meeting pile at exactly the same time and exchanged words of courtesy and shook hands.&nbsp;In line with early modern diplomatic tradition, the Ottoman government procured the provisions needed by the Leslie embassy as long as they stayed in Ottoman lands. The Ottoman financial administration also allotted extensive sums of cash to the imperial ambassador to secure his additional living costs in the Ottoman Empire. The Ottoman bureaucracy produced&nbsp;several historical accounts to this end which were widely used in the article. The total amount that was spent by the Ottoman government for the Habsburg embassy in 1665-1666 may not be fully established, but the variety of the expenditure items and the lump sums one encounters in the registers strongly suggest that the diplomatic proceedings could amount to a challenging financial burden for the welcoming party.W. Leslie’s embassy witnessed highly elaborate ceremonies in Ottoman lands on different occasions. On the first day of August 1665, the Habsburg delegation entered the city of Adrianople with a well-organized parade. Eleven days later, W. Leslie was granted an audience by the Ottoman sultan Mehmed IV in his palace. That day, the foreign members of the embassy had the opportunity to observe the ceremonial procedure and symbolic language applied by Ottoman officials in the reception of foreign envoys. The sultan’s court was marked with a striking silence that aimed to enhance the already escalated image of the sultan. In 1665, Leslie appeared in the presence of Mehmed IV with a company of seventeen aristocrats who were only allowed to make a reverence from a distance before they were hastily guided out of the audience hall. The ambassador’s secretary and the dragoman stayed with Leslie during the entire ceremony. Leslie was then ushered to Mehmed IV where he was taken down to kiss the hem of the sultan’s garment before he delivered his ceremonial speech.In September, the imperial embassy arrived in Istanbul. Sultan and Fazıl Ahmed Paşa, the grand vizier, were on a trip in the Dardanelles. Until the day Mehmed IV returned to his imperial residence in Istanbul, the Habsburg delegation was entertained by Süleyman Paşa, the vice-governor of the city. W. Leslie and his comrades were in the meantime invited to less official gatherings where they had the liberty to visit the historical sites of Istanbul and the Bosphorus. In mid-October 1665, the Ottoman sultan and the grand vizier entered Istanbul with a spectacular procession. After the arrival of the grand vizier, W. Leslie held a serious of diplomatic talks with Ottoman officials in which he sought to accomplish the diplomatic tasks he had been charged with by his master, Leopold I.&nbsp;W. Leslie had limited success in his attempts. When he left Istanbul in the last days of 1665, the most prominent aristocrats and commanders of the “prisoner train” were still being held in the Seven Towers. In principle, the Ottomans accepted W. Leslie’s offer on free trade along the Ottoman-Habsburg border, but were not willing to bother themselves for a change in the rural administration, hindering a practical commercial partnership. W. Leslie negotiated to secure Habsburg protection over the Catholic community under the Ottoman rule and in one particular instance sought for permission to rebuild a ruined church. Both demands were openly rejected by the grand vizier. Fazıl Ahmed Paşa also avoided a political discussion at the Porte on the redrawing of the borderline around the newly captured fortress of Érsekújvár (Nové Zámky) and delegated the matter, contrary to W. Leslie’s demand, to a planned commission under the authority of the governor-general of Buda. The imperial&nbsp;ambassador was not very influential in defending Habsburg interests in Transylvania as well. Fazıl Ahmed Paşa was by no means inclined to reduce the yearly tribute the Transylvanian prince had to pay to the Ottoman treasury, which had been increased by his father Köprülü Mehmed Paşa to a considerable amount seven years prior. On the other hand, the Habsburg ambassador was truly pleased with the courtly means with which he was received both by the sultan and other Ottoman dignitaries, a view which was shared by his companions.&nbsp;

Habsburg Elçisi Walter Leslie’nin Osmanlı Ziyareti: Bir Tarihsel Anlatı İnşası (1665-1666)

Ömer

Assist. Prof.

Çerkes Mehmed, one of the Mameluke beys of Cairo, rose to power in Ottoman Egypt in the 1720s after securing his leadership in the Qasimid household. He ruled the Ottoman province de facto, as Claude Lamaire, the French consul in Cairo, wrote in his dispatches. When he attempted to force the Sublime Porte to recognize his right to govern Egypt in corporation with the other beys, like the beys in Tripoli, Tunis, and the dey in Algiers did, he was declared a rebel against the Ottoman Sultan and got sentenced to death in October 1725. To execute the orders of the Sublime Porte, on February 9, 1726, the Governor of Egypt, el-Hac Ali Pasha, commissioned Zülfikar Bey, the leader of the Fiqaris, who failed to kill Çerkes Mehmed and his companions. Afterwards, Çerkes Mehmed fled Cairo, taking refuge first in Tripoli, then in Algiers, where he mobilized local governments and French diplomacy to obtain an imperial pardon for his life and permission to return to Egypt. The Sublime Porte rejected petitions regarding Çerkes Mehmed, insisting that he and his companions be captured alive or dead and sent to Istanbul.However, the Council of Algiers not only ignored the imperial decree, but also decided to make Çerkes Mehmed Bey’s pardon a condition of peace negotiations with the Habsburgs. Thereafter, he became a matter for Ottoman-Habsburg diplomacy, which is why his name often appears in the dispatches of Joßeph von Dirling, the Habsburg resident in Istanbul. He wrote to the Aulic War Council in Vienna about this condition, first on November 26, then on December 16, 1726. Although Dirling never asked for it, the Sublime Porte pardoned Çerkes Mehmed Bey in the last days of 1726, and a treaty, negotiated by the Kapudan Pasha and Dirling, was signed on March 8, 1727.Thence, Çerkes Mehmed was able to save his own life. However, this proved to be too little for him. Encouraged by the Council of Algiers and Mehmed Effendi, the ambassador extra ordinaire of Tripoli to Charles VI, who already asked for Habsburg mediation on behalf of Çerkes Mehmed in August 1726, he sailed aboard of a French merchant ship to Trieste, the Habsburg port in the Adriatic Sea. Immediately after his arrival in Trieste, he sent letters written in Italian to Prince Eugen, president of the Aulic War Council, on October 4, 1727, to Rechcron, the counsellor, and to Leopold von Talman, the chief dragoman, to announce his arrival. He also revealed in these letters his intention to ask Charles VI for protection.&nbsp;The Aulic War Council, however, ordered the commander of Trieste to not allow Çerkes Mehmed Bey to travel to Vienna. Meanwhile, Leopold von Talman sent a letter dated October 25, 1727 to Çerkes Mehmed, explaining the decision of the Aulic War Council to him, that he should write his motive for visiting the Habsburg court. As can be deduced from this letter, the Habsburgs attempted to avoid a misunderstanding between Vienna and Istanbul, which would have been very likely if the Ottoman consul general Kazgancızâde Ömer Aga had found out about him and informed the Sublime Porte.Ömer Aga, indeed, discovered Çerkes Mehmed’s arrival in Trieste, as he received his letters by chance. During his quarantine in Trieste, Çerkes Mehmed wrote again to Prince Eugen, Rechcron, and Talman on October 12, 1727, without waiting for a reply to his first letters. These were delivered to the Ottoman consul general on October 27. He opened them without hesitation, although it was obvious that the letters were not addressed to him. As a matter of course, he informed the Sublime Porte of Çerkes Mehmed’s arrival via his dispatch from November 2, 1727. From this point on, the presence of Çerkes Mehmed in the Habsburg Empire became a problem in Ottoman-Habsburg relations.In reality, while Çerkes Mehmed only asked for protection in his letters, his true intention was to be read in the letters of the Bey of Tripoli, Karamanlı Ahmed Pasha. Ahmed Pasha asked Charles VI on behalf of Çerkes Mehmed to mediate between him and the Sublime Porte again, as the Emperor had done it before, and save his life. This time, Ahmed Pasha wrote in his letter that the Emperor must help Çerkes Mehmed obtain his full pardon, including permission to return to Egypt. In his letter to the Prince Eugen, Ahmed Pasha, promised 30,000 gold in the name of Çerkes Mehmed if the Prince helped him in his cause. Notwithstanding the fact that it was not the Habsburg mediation that had previously helped Çerkes Mehmed and saved his life, the Habsburgs had no interest in intervening in Ottoman politics. Since it was no longer a secret that Çerkes Mehmed sought refuge with the Habsburgs, Prince Eugene advised the Emperor that it would be contrary to the Treaty of Passarowitz to grant him Habsburg protection, as he was a rebel against the Ottoman Sultan.The decision of Charles VI was announced to him personally by Leopold von Talman in Trieste on November 15. The Emperor would not grant asylum to a rebel because he was loyal to peace with the Ottomans. It was stated that Çerkes Mehmed should therefore leave Habsburg soil as soon as possible. Joßeph von Dirling would ask for pardon for him, and the answer of the Sublime Porte would be sent to him. A few days later, Charles VI gave him permission to stay in Görz, a small city in the north of Trieste, until the Sublime Porte came to a decision about him. In fact, the Aulic War Council ordered Dirling to protest Ömer Aga’s behaviour and mobilize the Sublime Porte to force Algiers to ratify the treaty. Regarding Çerkes Mehmed, he was only supposed to do a favor by delivering his letters to his friends in Istanbul.&nbsp;&nbsp;The decision was correct because the Sublime Porte had no intention of allowing Çerkes Mehmed to enter Cairo. His agents were executed on November 18. The next day, the Reis Effendi told Dirling that it was Çerkes Mehmed who had caused the Algerian Council to refuse to ratify the treaty. Under these circumstances, Dirling met with the Grand Vizier Damad Ibrahim Pasha and informed him of the decision that had been previously made in Vienna about Çerkes Mehmed.Without having a clue about the diplomacy around him, Çerkes Mehmed again took a chance and secretly left Görz for Vienna. He arrived in the Habsburg capital on March 27, 1728. His journey was the last straw for the Habsburgs. The Aulic War Council expelled him by threatening him to him hand over to Ömer Aga back to Trieste, where he would be kept in the fortress as a prison. He sent letters to the Emperor and Prince Eugene expressing his disappointment, desperately asking for some money and permission to reach Livorno by land rather than by sea, fearing his enemies.&nbsp;Eventually, the Aulic War Council let him travel to Livorno on June 5, 1728, first by sea to Manfredonia, then by land to Naples. On June 27, 1728, he arrived in Naples, where he changed his mind, and journeyed to Tripoli via Malta. On August 28, 1728, his ship harbored, whereby he immediately visited Ahmed Pasha, the Bey of Tripoli. Hearing about his arrival on Ottoman soil, the Porte sent another firman to Tripoli on May 10, 1779, after which Çerkes Mehmed was labeled a traitor of both his religion and state. Long before the Haseki Aga arrived in the city with the imperial decree, Çerkes Mehmed had left Tripoli to determine his own future through his own actions.He determined that the situation in Cairo was suitable for his return. Even though the Qasimids lost all power in Egypt, the Porte and its governor in Egypt were anxious about Züllfikar Bey and his policies, so Çerkes Mehmed thought he might find some supporters. Indeed, while the Arabs supported him militarily, Zülfikar defeated Çerkes Mehmed, forcing him to escape again. Leopold von Talman, then the Habsburg resident in Istanbul, wrote to Vienna on March 22, 1730 that Çerkes Mehmed would wait for the next favorable moment to appear. The next time he wrote about him in his dispatch was on June 8, 1730. He informed the Aulic War Council about Çerkes Mehmed’s death, as well as the death of his opponent Zülfikar, which made the Grand Vizier indescribably happy.&nbsp;Hence, while Çerkes Mehmed’s life and story came to an end, one problem in the Ottoman-Habsbug relations was resolved. However, after a while, when the Ottoman Sultan, the Grand Vizier, and other dignitaries of the ruling circle lost their life due to the Patrona Halil Rebellion, promises regarding the treaty with the Algiers became unclaimed.&nbsp;

Kahire’den Viyana’ya Firar: Çerkes Mehmed Bey’in  Habsburg İmparatorluğu’nda İltica Arayışı

Süleyman

Prof.

Muhammed

There are millions of documents that have been passed down from the Ottoman Empire to the present day. An important aspect of thiss documentation is the waqf accounting records that have characterized the Ottoman civilization. In these records, the following important information about the waqf, whose accounting is made, is included; its name, founder, location, trustee, purpose, year of accounting, sources of income and total income, items of expense and total expense (mesârif and vezâîf), ands means of operating its money (if it were a cash waqf, this was the ribh rate it used; if it were a real estate waqf, its rental methods). In addition, the following was also included in the accounting records: if there were a budget surplus of the waqf, how this surplus was used; if there were a budget deficit, how this deficit was compensated; the reasons for the change in the trustee; to whom the funds of the waqf were given as loans; and to whom and for how much the real estate properties were rented. Therefore, it is possible to say that accounting records are of great importance in examining the financial structures of waqfs. Therefore, in this study, all income and expenses of the waqf have been analyzed by transferring the data to detailed tables, based on 45 annual accounting books for the period 1161 to 1225 Hijri, determined from the Üsküdar sharia registry books of the Çengelköy Fountains Cash Waqf in Üsküdar.As a result of the analysis, it was determined that while mostly adding the waqf’s surpluses to the operating cash capital, the trustees invested in both real estate and the market boat. Finally, the cash capital of the waqf, which was 1,367 kuruş in 1161, increased to 8,061 kuruş in 1225, with the waqf also owning four caravansaries, one grapery, one bachelor’s room, one boathouse, and one market boat. As its name suggests, the waqf, which was initially established as a cash waqf and earned income only from the operation of the donated money, bought real estate with its surplus income and earned rental income from these sites, as well as built a boathouse and bought a market boat, earning income from the operation of this boat. When observing the Üsküdar cash waqfs of the 18th century, an exceptional situationis revealed: a waqf’s money was often neither operated by a method other than muamele-i şer’iyye and istighlāl contracts nor directed to this type of investment to generate income. From this point of view, all the income and expenses of the Çengelköy Fountains Cash Waqf from 1161 to the end of 1225 have been revealed in detail, and answers were sought to the following questions: What could have been the reason for the waqf established as a cash waqf to invest in a boathouse and boat? What was the ratio between the expenses made by the waqf for the boathouse and the boat business and the income from this business? If we compare this ratio with the cash capital and rental income rates, what will be the result? Did the waqf enter this business to generate income or to provide service?&nbsp;When the accounting records were examined, it was discoered that the waqf’s total income was 3,601,967 akçe over 45 years, while its total expenses were 3,100,512 akçe over that period. It can be seen that the waqf had been given a total budget surplus of 501,455 akçe over the examined period. The cash capital operation accounted for 73.33% of the income, with boat operations making up 21.01%, real estate rentals totaling 1.03%, and miscellaneous income coming to 4.6%. The fountains and waterways made up 37.48% of the expenses, with the market boat and boathouse making up 27.49%, duty payments equaling 14.39%, and other expenses coming to 11.98%. In the expense section of the forms, 8.67% was recorded under uncollectible murabaha. According to this, it can be seen that the waqf, which earned an annual average of 11% while operating cash capital, earned an average of 3% from its capital invested in real estate. Although it had earned income close to this rate in its last years from investment in the boat business, it is difficult to say that it generated profit in its first few years. As a result, the average income from the boat corresponds to 1%. As such, a logical question is raiseed as to why thw waqf continued to this business venutre, despite the low return of the boat business, as well as the many additional burdens for the trustee, such as maintenance, repair, and follow-up work. As a result of the study, it was concluded that the waqf entered this business for service rather than to generate income, that is, at the request of the people. In addition to this, considering the relatively low income from the investment made in the boat business, an attempt has been made by this study to provide some answers as to why the trustees of the waqf preferred such methods as muamele-i şer’iyye or istighlāl while operating waqf funds and did not resort to other alternative methods in addition to these, especially consideringed that the waqf in question was a cash waqf.&nbsp;

Çengelköy Çeşmeleri Para Vakfı ve Kayık İşletmesi

Türkan

Sicill-i Umumi Defterine Göre Çankırı İnas Mektebi

Yusuf

Murat

This study deals with the lexical difficulties encountered in the translation of historiographical texts dealing with certain periods of Turkish history. For this purpose, the article first explains the concept of input as a subject of translation studies and provides information about the types of discourse, including historical discourse. Next, the article attempts to determine the general characteristics of historical discourse as a type of input and then examines the relevant studies on historical discourse or on the translation of historical discourse. This paper additionally emphasizes the definition of the act of translation in terms of translation studies and summarizes the theoretical approaches regarding the position of the translator as subject between input and output. Lastly, the paper lists the problems that a translator as subject may encounter by analyzing the corpus based on French historian Fabrice Monnier’s work titled 1916 en Mésopotamie and seeks an answer to the question of whether historical discourse can be characterized as technical discourse. The last section of the study presents suggestions for how to solve the problems.Translation as a process starts with the reception of input for translation purposes. The input can be any written or spoken discourse. Although discourses can be classified in various ways in the linguistics literature, one common classification is the one based on the components of famous communication schema. According to this classification, an individual can produce discourses focusing on the referential, narrative, vocative, relation, metadiscourse, and literary functions of language. Historical discourse is a type of discourse in which the producer describes, narrates, or explains such things as events, people, or places as a type of discourse in which the referential function is predominant. On the other hand, historical discourse can also be characterized as narrative due to how an author’s preferences reflect their subjective evaluations from time to time. In addition, the fact that the producer of historical discourse makes stylistic choices specific to artistic discourses such as poetry or short stories regarding a message in order to make the discourse interesting may cause historical discourse to not be considered a discourse bearing scientific quality. Therefore, this study accepts that any discourse can be classified as historical discourse if it is about what happened in the past and if its aim is to convey this event within the framework of the principles and rules of the discipline called history.As the central agent of the translation process, the translator stands between input and output. According to the most common view, a translator tries to produce an output that is supposed to be equivalent to the input. By doing so, three possible situations may arise depending on their preferences: The translator either remains close to the source text, close to the target text, or tries to remain neutral. In translation history, these translator preferences have been characterized as free, dependent, adequate, and acceptable translation. In addition, translators and translation scholars are categorized respectively as remaining closer to sourcetext norms and closer to target-text norms based on their preferences in this regard.In the literature on translation studies, many studies have been done on the translation of historical discourse, some of which have been conducted by translation scholars and some by historians. When analyzing these studies, they are seen to mention the problems that arise when the translator adheres to the source text completely or when the translator remains far away from the source text. In other words, the tension between the poles of remaining or not remaining close to the source text causes the translator to be confronted with many problems. One of these problems is when the translator is forced to be a part of an ideology based on the lexical choices they make. Another problem is that the meanings and connotations of words change over time. Yet another problem is the misrepresentation of information due to the translator’s preferences and continuation of this situation by subsequent translators.This study uses the document analysis approach, a qualitative research method, to analyze the French historian Fabrice Monnier’s work entitled 1916 en Mésopotamie as a possible input. The lexical level was adopted as the unit of analysis, and answers were sought to the questions of which lexical problems can be encountered in the translation of any text characterized as historical discourse and accordingly and whether historical discourse can be considered as a technical discourse. As a result of the analysis, 345 lexical units that may cause translation problems were identified; 208 (60%) of these items belong to the field of military service. This is not surprising, as the book is about a war that played a decisive role in the course of history. The second group involves geographical terms and has 45 items (13%). Geographical terms are followed by managerial terms, of which there are 23 (7%), followed by 18 (5%) religious terms, 17 (5%) transportation terms, and 11 sociological (3%) terms that were identified. Eight terms (2%) were found to be related to the field of politics, as well as four terms (1%) related to culture, four (1%) to medicine, two to law, two to construction, and one term each to textiles, general names, and proper names, these last three being categorized under the title of “other”.As a result of the analysis of these units, four main findings were obtained. The first of these findings concerns terms that are out of use and have changed in terms of semantic content as a result of time-related changes and transformations at the social level. The second finding is related to things such as military units, administrative units, food, and beverages that are unique to specific societies (e.g., Turkish, French, British, Indian) and mentioned in the text do not overlap in terms of scope, quality, or quantity. The third finding concerns names of places and ethnic communities and has two dimensions: The first dimension is the lack of reliable, up-to-date, and comprehensive sources regarding the names of places, while the second dimension involves how the same names of places are used in very different ways in the literature with regard to non-dictionary sources. The fourth finding concerns word choices in which the translator is forced into an ideological, religious, cultural, and/or political stance due to author preferences.The findings and the data in the literature suggest that the lexical problems which may be encountered during the translation of historical discourse are mostly related to concepts that have gone out of use over time, that have changed, that have changed semantically, or that force the translator to adopt an ideological and/or cultural stance. Depending on whether the translator prioritizes the source text, the author, the reader, or the target text, the translator will attempt to produce texts with different qualities while also taking into consideration the expectations of experts. The main variable that determines the translator’s preferences within this network of expectations is undoubtedly the characteristics specific to the general readership.The data of the study reveals the historical discourse to have technical discourse features at the lexical level. As a matter of fact, terms specific to very different fields such as military, geography, sociology, transportation, and administration are encountered in the text. Moreover, a diachronic examination is necessary for finding the equivalents of these terms during a certain period of history. Therefore, a type of input exists that can only be translated with the help of experts and the resources experts produce.Although the discourse of history clearly has the characteristics of technical discourse, every aspect of the approach adopted in its translation is not the same as those in technical discourses. This is because what is important in the translation of technical discourses is not the style but the content (i.e., information load) of the discourse. As a matter of fact, technical discourses are a type of discourse in which words generally carry a single meaning and subjectivity is not observed. On the other hand, because historical discourses are also narrative, style also becomes important. In addition, due to the different values and connotations historical events have for different nations, an author positions themself according to the text and according to the societies and events mentioned in the text through the author’s choice of words. Because this positioning has ideological, religious, cultural, and political implications, the translator produces a target text in line with the expectations and needs of the new target audience with an approach that can be called translation for a specific period. When considered under these conditions, the main concerns for a translator are seen to firstly be to not hide the truth from the reader; secondly to not be a carrier and perpetuator of the author’s ideological, cultural, and political prejudices or mistakes; and thirdly and finally to not ignore professional ethics. Another important result of the research is that no reliable data source exists for the names of places and ethnicities that the translators of historical discourse have access to today.&nbsp;

Tarih Söylemi Çevirisini İlgilendiren Sözlüksel Sorunlara  İlişkin Bir Durum İncelemesi

Selim

Kuvvet-i İslam: Rifa‘at Ali Abou-El-Haj’ın (1933-2022)  Ardından

Arzu

Prof. Dr.

Mevlüt

After World War I, the Turkish nation’s war of independence under the leadership of Mustafa Kemal Pasha was a universal movement against the invaders in Anatolia. This war was followed with interest in many parts of the world for various reasons. It was a rebellion against the order the Allies wanted to establish, and thus the course and outcome of the war concerned other nations as well as Türkiye.&nbsp;One of the countries that closely followed the National Struggle Movement was Italy, and because Italy occupied a large area in Anatolia, the war was also fought against the Italians. This in itself is enough to show the relevance the issue has to Italy. The Italian news and evaluations about the Anatolian movement took two forms: the reports sent to Rome by Italian soldiers and civil servants in Anatolia and the news in the Italian press. This struggle has a special place in the history of the world and should be examined through foreign sources as well as Turkish sources to revealed all its aspects. This article will examine the first news about the National Struggle Movement and its leader, Mustafa Kemal Pasha, that occurred in Italian archives and newspapers.Italy had entered World War I with high hopes and was treated as if it had been practically defeated at the Peace Conference held in Paris after the war. At least that’s how the Italians felt and thought. Once Italy had entered the war, England, Russia, and France signed the secret London Treaty on April 26, 1915. Article 9 of this treaty promised Italy a large region in Anatolia. After the war ended, England claimed the treaty to have been invalid, after which Italians established good relations with the Turks regarding settling in Anatolia. At the same time, Italians had occupied places in Anatolia such as Antalya, Konya, Muğla, Kuşadası, Marmaris, Söke, and Kuşadası.On May 15, 1919, the Turks started a war of independence under the leadership of Mustafa Kemal Pasha against the Greeks who occupied Izmir. However, this war was fought not only against the Greeks but also against the Italians, who followed this war closely in Anatolia. Italians felt the need to follow the developments in Anatolia from two perspectives. The first directly concerned how the struggle against the Greeks, their biggest rivals in Anatolia, would progress and whether it would be successful or not. The second forced the Italians to follow the War of Independence closely, as the the Turkish-Greek conflict was taking&nbsp;place right next to the areas they themselves occupied. The Kuvayımilliye [National Forces] fighting against the Greeks used the Italian occupation zone, and the Italians preferred to remain silent about this.According to the Italians, the development that had forced the Turks to wage a war of independence was the Greek occupation of Izmir. According to official documents, “The occupation of Izmir has activated the Turks’ sense of defense of their homeland.” Again, according to this document, “The Turks’ war is a reaction to Greece’s occupation of Izmir.” L’Epoca newspaper stated, “The Turkish rebellion movement” started a few days after the occupation of Izmir. Of course, the “rebellion” mentioned here was not an armed rebellion. However, it did point out the outrage caused by the unjust and bloody occupation of Izmir in the Turkish public.According to Italian military authorities, the Turkish war against the Greeks started immediately after the occupation of Izmir. General Giuseppe Battistoni, Commander of the Eastern Mediterranean Expeditionary Forces in Rhodes, recorded important information in the telegram he sent to the Commander-in-Chief on May 24, 1919: “According to rumors, the Turks are forming gangs in Milas, Muğla, and Aydın to defend their homeland against the Greek occupation.” This is the first document this study encountered in the Italian archives about National Forces, although the name is not directly mentioned. The Italian Representative of the Inter-Allied Police Control, Colonel Balduino Caprini, wrote in his telegram sent to the Commander-in-Chief on June 16, 1919 that the Muslims’ responses to the occupation of Izmir were increasing daily and that they had agreed to form national organizations to defend their country. Toward the end of June, Italians were seen to have gone beyond naming the Turkish troops resisting the Greeks in Anatolia as “bande” [gangs] and to have begun using expressions closer to the Turkish terminology. As a matter of fact, the date of the first document in which the expression “Kuvayımilliye” appears in the Italian archives is dated June 22, 1919. Chief of Staff of the Naval Command, Augusto Capon, gave information about the events in Bergama and Menemen in the letter he sent to the Prime Ministry, the Ministries of Foreign Affairs and War, and the Commander-in-Chief, dated June 22, 1919. After stating “The Turks swore on the Qur’an that they would not allow the invasion of the Greeks,” he also shared remarkable information about the Kuvayımilliye. He explained that preparations were made for a resistance organization called “Forza Nazionale Turca [Turkish National Forces] by Turkish officers along the Salihli, Alaşehir, Uşak, Afyonkarahisar, Akhisar, Soma, and Balıkesir front. According to the Italian documents, “The primary purpose of the National Forces troops that had emerged due to the Greek oppression of the civilian population is to liberate the regions occupied by Greece.”Italian newspapers had also referred to the Turks fighting against the Greeks as Turkish gangs. The first newspaper to write about this was La Tribuna on June 3, 1919. In the news&nbsp;article “Turks Against Greeks in Aydın Province,” the newspaper referred to National Forces as “bande turche” [Turkish gangs] and reported that they had attacked the railway bridge in Aydın. In late June and early July 1919, Italian newspapers are seen to have talked about the Turks starting a war against the Greek occupations in Anatolia. The article written in Istanbul on June 26 about the situation in Izmir stated that a war had started against the Greeks occupying a wide region from Ayvalık to Aydın, and the Turkish “difesa nazionale” [national defense] units had started a war against the Greeks. Official military documents and newspapers also provided various information about the number of these Turkish forces. The number given in June 1919 was 25,000, while the figure given in July 1920 was approximately 100,000. However, according to Turkish sources, these numbers are exaggerated. The information provided by the Italian press and some of the archive documents about the Turkish forces fighting against the Greeks is incorrect.The only name mentioned in official documents and in the press regarding the commander of the Turkish troops fighting against the Greeks was Mustafa Kemal Pasha. The date of the document that mentions Mustafa Kemal Pasha for the first time is June 1, 1919. General Pietro Badoglio, Deputy Chief of General Staff of Italy, gave information about Mustafa Kemal Pasha in the telegram he sent from Abano to the Italian delegation at the Peace Conference on June 1, 1919. The first news article encountered about Mustafa Kemal Pasha in the Italian press appeared in the Corriere della Sera newspaper on August 10, 1919. His name was mistakenly written as “Kamil” and that Mustafa Kemal Pasha had rebelled against the government.Italians wanted to communicate with the movement that had started under the leadership of Mustafa Kemal Pasha in Anatolia. The first relationship was established in Sivas in November 1919. Lieutenant Luigi Villari, representing Italy in Sivas, met with Mustafa Kemal Pasha. In general, Italians sympathized with and supported the War of Independence, but they also knew the war opposed them. In 1921, they started to evacuate the places they had occupied.

The First News About the National Struggle and Mustafa Kemal Pasha in Italian Sources

Ramazan

Assoc. Prof. Dr.

Prince Sabahattin, the son of Seniha Sultan, who was the sister of Sultan Abdulhamid II, is known as one of the leading figures of the Young Turks opposition. Together with his father Mahmud Celaleddin Pasha and his brother Prince Lütfullah, he went to Europe in 1899 and joined the opposition against Abdulhamid II. Although he was attached to the dynasty on his mother’s side, Sabahattin, who preferred to use “Prince,” the title of the heirs of the dynasty claiming the throne in Europe, became one of the leaders of the opposition in Europe. However, his relations with the other important element of the opposition, the Committee of Union and Progress, were gradually disintegrating. In particular, the Prince’s advocacy of foreign intervention against the Ottoman State and the view of administrative autonomy meant dissolving the Ottoman State for the Committee.The re-declaration of the Constitutional Monarchy in 1908 could not end the disintegration within the opposition. On the contrary, the new political conjuncture led to a fierce political struggle between the two groups. There was a political competition in the constitutional system as to which group’s political and social views would dominate. The Unionists continued to carry their old criticisms and concerns about Prince Sabahattin. The fact that the Committee of Union and Progress became more active in the political arena led Prince Sabahattin and his group into fierce opposition against the Committee of Union and Progress, just as they did against Abdülhamit II. Indeed, during the Second Constitutional Monarchy, Prince Sabahattin had to leave the Ottoman State twice and flee abroad. The Prince and his supporters were always suspects in the March 31 Revolt, the coup attempt against the Union and Progress in 1913, and the murder of Grand Vizier Mahmut Şevket Pasha in the same year. The Prince fled abroad during the investigations of the coup attempt, and he was sentenced to death in absentia for the assassination of Mahmut Şevket Pasha. Consequently, Prince Sabahattin lived in Switzerland for about six years, from 1913 until he returned home at the end of 1919 after the signing of the Armistice of Mudros. During this period, he continued his opposition from abroad and expressed his criticisms of the Committee of Union and Progress in his writings.The Ottoman State’s defeat in the First World War and the signing of the Armistice of Mudros were considered by Prince Sabahattin and his supporters to be a vindication of their ideas. They had opposed the Committee of Union and Progress from the beginning of the Second Constitutional Era. It was the Unionists who were responsible for the entry of the State into the war and the subsequent defeat. They thought that this situation alone justified the views of Prince Sabahattin. There was also sympathy for Prince Sabahattin in the political arena. However, this sympathy stemmed not from the vindication of the Prince’s views, but from his pro-British policy. Sultan Vahdettin saw a political discourse that did not conflict with Britain as a way of establishing close relations with Britain after the armistice. Prince Sabahattin, who was known for his pro-British political line, could have contributed to the establishment of the desired closeness with Britain if he held a State office in this period. For this reason, Sultan Vahdettin sent word to Prince Sabahattin through his close friends, immediately after the armistice, to return to Istanbul. The Prince was expected to become Grand Vizier or represent Turkey at the Paris Peace Conference. He even convened a congress in Switzerland with his supporters at the invitation of the Sultan and presented a memorandum containing Turkey’s rights and demands to the peace conference. However, in March 1919, when Damat Ferit Pasha was appointed as the Grand Vizier, the Prince gave up on returning to Turkey. Sultan Vahdettin wanted to implement his policy of closeness with Britain not with Prince Sabahattin, but with another pro-British statesman, Damat Ferit Pasha. Prince Sabahattin was against Damat Ferit Pasha as well. There had been ongoing political and personal animosities between the two. For this reason, Prince Sabahattin returned to the country only after Damat Ferit gave up the Grand Viziership in September 1919.&nbsp;He came to Istanbul in December 1919. On his return to the country, the National Struggle movement was institutionalized and entered into a political struggle with the Istanbul Government. The supporters of the Prince held to a historical narrative stating that he supported the National Struggle since his arrival. It is stated that as soon as the Prince arrived in Istanbul, he made statements in favor of the National Struggle, saw the military struggle as justified, and always took the side of Mustafa Kemal Pasha. The entry of this narrative into the literature was especially marked in the works of Ahmed Bedevi Kuran and Nezahet Nurettin Ege, who were close to Prince Sabahattin.However, Prince Sabahattin did not have a political stance in support of the National Struggle after he arrived in Istanbul. Although he did not openly take an oppositional stance, he did not have an attitude or activity that we can describe as pro-National Struggle either. Indeed, he had a “happy medium” attitude, trying to be close to both the Istanbul Government and Sultan Vahdettin and the Representative Committee. He was expecting to be brought to the Grand Viziership, and to realize this expectation, he aimed to meet his own political goal by keeping in touch with both parties, but the developing political and military events did not enable the Prince to fulfill his expectations. During the official occupation of Istanbul on March 16, 1920, Prince Sabahattin took a harsh stance against the National Struggle. He repeated the classic oppositional discourse, which saw the military movements in Anatolia as responsible for the occupation, and thought that he would be appointed as the Grand Vizier due to his pro-British political stance and that the Anatolian movement would become ineffective. However, the opening of the Grand National Assembly in Ankara and the continuation of the military successes of the National Struggle once again revealed the Prince’s lack of foresight. In this process, the Prince, who tried to get closer to Ankara again,&nbsp;congratulated Mustafa Kemal Pasha with various telegrams and sent messages praising the National Struggle, but he could not achieve any rapprochement with Ankara. After the proclamation of the Republic, he was expelled from Turkey once again during the exile of the dynasty in 1924 and lived in Switzerland again until he died in 1948.The works of Prince Sabahattin’s supporters are generally memoirs, written after the proclamation of the Republic, and they see the exile of the Prince with the dynasty as wrong. In their works, they emphasize insistently that Prince Sabahattin was a supporter of the National Struggle, and indeed, they try to seek evidence for the unfairness of the exile decision. In this study, the relations of the Prince with Mustafa Kemal Pasha and the National Struggle movement will be examined, along with the claims of his supporters. Archival documents and the press of the period provide enough data to enable us to understand the political attitudes and activities of Prince Sabahattin in this period.

Propaganda on Türkiye’s Recent History: Was Prince Sabahattin a Supporter of the Turkish National Struggle

Melek

With the founding of the Turkish Republic, the Turkish state strove to follow an independent economic policy based on Mustafa Kemal’s belief that “full political independence cannot be achieved without economic independence”. During this early stage of laying the institutional foundations, one of the main instruments of the new “national economic policy” that the Turkish decision-makers aimed to cement was a new monetary policy. They believed that strong policymaking could only be possible with a stable monetary policy. Moreover, banknotes are one of the main indicators of independence; therefore, the new state needed to have its own national money. When the Turkish Republic was founded, however, it had neither its own paper money nor coins. In 1924, the first Republican coins were minted but because the economic situation was not suitable for printing new banknotes Ottoman banknotes remained in use for some time. While other steps were being taken for economic independence the printing of new banknotes came onto the agenda of the new Republic. After waiting so long for independence, the printing of new banknotes was expected to be perfect and without any problems. The all-purpose motto of Atatürk, stressed in almost every issue, the goal of catching up with the modern civilization level was leading on the issue of paper money, too. Therefore, the new banknotes had to be printed using the modern techniques to prevent counterfeit banknotes and the symbols and pictures to be used on the banknotes should be selected according to the founding principles and ideology of the newly established Turkish state. The banknote Law No. 701 was promulgated on December 30, 1925. According to this 153.748.563 liras worth of banknotes (corresponding to the Ottoman banknotes in circulation) was to be issued and when the new banknotes went into circulation they would replace Ottoman banknotes. Based on the same law, a Banknote Commission (Evrak-ı Nakdiye Komisyonu) was to be established under a director who would be assigned from the Ministry of Finance to execute the operations concerning the new banknotes. To this end, the preparations began under Mustafa Abdülhalik (Renda) Bey who chaired the new commission including the representatives from the banks in Turkey to supervise the process. The Banknote Commission first met on February 27, 1926 and after intense work and discussions they determined the technical and design issues about the new banknotes. On this note, they first tried to decide upon the units to be printed and 1, 5, 10, 50, 100, 500, and 1000 liras were set to be new units for the banknotes. The illustrations on the banknotes would be drawn by Ali Sami Bey who also illustrated the first postage stamps of the Republic of Turkey. The illustrations included the portrait of Mustafa Kemal Paşa (Atatürk), the building of the Turkish National Assembly, the greyhound, the city of Ankara, the plowing peasants and some other pictures which symbolized the new state ideology. Also, the Commission decided that the banknotes were to be printed in London with the most advanced and reliable “taydus” method in England and a contract was signed with the Thomas de la Rue Company in London.In the following stage, the first samples of the new banknotes arrived at the Banknote Commission on September 20, 1926. As the first samples began to arrive in Turkey, a delegation was sent to London to monitor the printing process, as stated in the by-law and the contract. The delegation comprised the Head of the Accounting Council Fuad Bey and Director of the Clerks Cemal Bey from the Ministry of Finance; Gümüşhane Parliament Member Cemal Hüsnü Bey representing the Ziraat Bank and Monsieur Peşi representing the Ottoman Bank from the Banknote Commission, and the head of the delegation was Fuad Bey. Later, two more people (the Secretary of the Banknote Commission Adil Bey and the Principal Clerk of the Prime Ministry Necmeddin Sahir Bey representing the Cabinet) were included in the delegation because of the heavy workload. While samples of the banknotes were coming and going between London and Istanbul beginning in September 1926, some corrections were demanded by the Turkish Government and the Banknote Commission protested to the Company on the pretext that the banknotes were not printed as they wished. This situation led to the printing process being extended and the Commission felt uneasy. As of March 1927, the crisis ensued between the two parties. The Thomas de la Rue Company sent Mr. Rapkin to Istanbul to negotiate with the Commission members. The negotiations led to a peaceful resolution by agreeing that the Company should continue the printing process.&nbsp;After the samples were accepted at the Commission the directive was given to the Company to restart printing the banknotes. Once the procedures for the samples had been completed, the new banknotes began to be sent to Turkey. Previously, the parties had agreed on how the banknotes were to be sent to Turkey, where they would be kept, and what procedures should be applied afterwards. According to this agreement, the new banknotes would be shipped to Istanbul in different cargoes in standard and safe sealed chests as they were being printed and the banknotes would be deposited and protected in the Ottoman Bank. The banknotes were to be sent to Istanbul after being checked by the Turkish delegation in London. The Turkish Government decided that the counting process of the new banknotes was to start on September 1, 1927. A special office (Evrak-ı Nakdiye Tasnif ve Mübadele Dairesi) in the building of the General Debts Organization (Duyun-ı Umumiye) was reserved for the counting and exchange operations of the new banknotes. The operation was to be supervised by one of the directors of the Ottoman Bank, Monsieur Amon. After the counting process was completed in November 1927, the exchange process of the new banknotes with the old Ottoman banknotes was to begin. According to Law No. 701, the Ottoman banknotes could remain in circulation for six months following the beginning of the circulation of the new banknotes. However, as the exchange process could not be completed in the desired amount of time, a three month extension was granted. Thus, after a long and thorough preparation process the printing stage was completed and the first banknotes of the new Republic went into circulation on December 5, 1927.In the following days, there occurred two important developments took place in Turkey concerning money. The first event revolved around Ali Sami Bey who made the illustrations for the banknotes. He was put on trial because of a newspaper article he wrote concerning the possible counterfeit attempts after the banknotes went into circulation. Not surprisingly, as the new banknotes went into circulation, counterfeit Ottoman banknotes were disseminated in the money market to make quick profits in exchanging them for the new banknotes. This development confirmed both Ali Sami Bey’s concerns and the sensitivity of the Turkish Government. Without a doubt, these sensitive issues were followed carefully by the Turkish press which shared the news with their readers. One of the leading daily newspapers of Turkey, Cumhuriyet covered every aspect of the printing process of the Republic’s first banknotes and published the details of this critical issue for the Turkish nation. The newspaper also informed its readers almost every day about the new banknotes from when the decision to print new banknotes was made. This study aims to investigate how the story of the printing of the first banknotes of the Turkish Republic was reflected on the pages of the daily Cumhuriyet and shed light on the monetary policies of the early Republican period.

Story of The Printing of The First Banknotes of the Turkish Republic Accordıng to The Daily Cumhuriye

Cezmi

It is a common acceptance of native and foreign historians that the reforms which were applicable in the first fifteen years of the Republic that was founded in the first quarter of the 20th century, nationalized the state and put on the way of modernizing the society.We can say that the discomfort caused by the aforementioned revolutions in the conservative part of society manifested itself when it had the opportunity starting from 1925. The conservatives have demonstrated their will and power by changing the government party in the first free election of the multiparty era supporting the parties declaring their loyalty to the traditional values.The republic declared by Mustafa Kemal Pasha with the help of a staged government crisis exposed a great reaction rooted in the platonic loyalty of a closed entourage and press toward the sultan-caliph. The establishment of the first opposition party and the subsequent emergence of an uprising that disguised its ethnic overtures behind religious demands supported the idea of the need for radical change in Turkey. In order not to return to the old system rapid and radical changing efforts were evaluated as necessary. Emerging the need for radical changings bothered traditional society. In order to explain the necessity of changings, the government benefited from the Turkish Hearths (Türk Ocakları) first and later on the people houses.The Institutions of History and Language were mobilized to prove the contributions of the Turkish nation towards human beings and its civilization in the 1930s. These institutions were accepted as the main tools for erasing pacifist thoughts of people about being unable to succeed or about need the tutelage of a big state. They taught the people that in order to became stronger and independent working hard and be united will be enough. Coherently, the aims of history books prepared by the Turkish Historical Society demonstrate that one of the first civilizations was created by Turks in Asia and then was carried out to the West by immigration from various ways. Today it is commonly accepted that these institutions and their publications contributed to the emerging modern scientific tradition in Turkey. But all these do not extinguish the fact that the State used the science of language and history to support her policy.The period after Ataturk’s death is full of samples of radicalized religious and cultural practices under the shadow of the Second World War and proved that the hope that the bureaucratic cadre derived from the Ottoman Empire, could serve the Republic and ideal of national sovereignty was a mistake. The Soviet menace that was imposed after the Second World War, directed Turkey toward the Western alliance, on the other hand, bringing the multi-party system accompanied that was the main aim of Atatürk’s era.During the 1950-1960 period, while the expectations of the conservative part of society were largely met, issues such as the Law on Crimes Committed Against Ataturk, the use of religion in politics, and the deconstruction of parties were realized together. The visibility of the founding leader Atatürk in the elements symbolizing the state, such as the presence of his picture on coins and government offices, has been made permanent in this period.At the end of the ten-year multi-party system, the politicians divided the society into two camps that accused each other continuously. Politicians’ failure to solve the separation and conflict of society in terms of religion and ethnicity which is an indirect effect of the problems in foreign policy has been accepted as the reason for the coups. When the discussion such as religious/laic, reactionist/progressivist, and rightist/leftist turned into armed attack the legal basis of the coup was becoming ready.The years between 1939 and 1980 were called the humanism period. With the idea that humanist thought is the origin of Western civilization, its classics have been translated into Turkish. In this period, in order to be Westernized and modern, Greek and Roman history and Anatolian civilizations were taught rather than Turkish history.The nationalist approach pioneered by İbrahim Kafesoğlu, the great scholar of Turkish cultural history, became influential in textbooks and universities after 1978. The 1990s provided the opportunity to bring a document-based explanation to history by strengthening the expert staff of the Ottoman Archives. In parallel with the opening of Turkish Republic History departments in universities, one of the most basic materials the documents for objective historiography came into service.Studies on the history of the Republic were previously devoted to Ataturk and his principles and the national struggle. As time goes by, studies are getting closer to the present day in parallel with more and recent documents being made available to researchers.

On the Centennial Anniversary of the Turkish Republic: Notes on the History and Historiography of the Republic

Recep

Armenians have taken on great propaganda activities since the 1920s to prove that they have been subjected to a genocide. They have written many books, published many articles in scientific journals, and continue to do so. On the contrary, the number of studies made in Türkiye about this subject is very low. According to Hikmet Özdemir the number of the studies was just under 600 at the end of 2007. As a result, libraries have many more materials written by Armenians or from the Armenian perspective.&nbsp;&nbsp;Studies made in Türkiye against Armenian claims have a long history going back to the years these claims were made. In response to the Armenian claims, the Ottoman State issued some publications based on documents and statistics about the incidents that had occurred between Turks and Armenians during World War I and translated them into foreign languages. This trend continued during both the Armistice and War of Independence periods. Although the years between the Lausanne Peace Treaty and the 1970s can be seen as an era of relief, especially during the Atatürk and İnönü periods, Türkiye remained oversensitive about these claims accusing Turks of genocide.&nbsp;During the 1950s and 1960s publications against Türkiye grew significantly in the United States and Europe. Turkish officials, thinking the Armenian question to no longer be an issue, attached no importance to these developments. Between 1973-1984, the Republic of Türkiye realized the situation once Armenian terrorists targeted Turkish diplomats with assassination attempts. The motive of the terrorists was to take revenge for the incidents that had supposedly occurred during World War I and to attract the attention of the world to the Armenian claims.&nbsp;After the coup on 12 September 1980, Türkiye started to give more importance to the Armenian claims. Many scientific studies about World War I and the Armenian claims thus began to appear to so as to reveal the truth countering the Armenian accusations. Symposiums, conferences, and workshops were organized. Turkish universities also opened a new perspective to the subject by allowing students to write their postgraduate dissertations&nbsp;about matters involving the Armenian question.&nbsp;Avrasya İncelemeleri Merkezi (AVİM) [The Eurasia Investigation Center] was the most consistent and hardworking institution against the Armenian claims in Türkiye between 2008-2022. AVİM published books and reports to point out the nonsense of the Armenian accusations based on documents and genuine studies. The conferences and workshops AVİM organized became places where international researchers could share their studies regarding the Armenian question. At the same time, AVİM published and continues to publish two journals: Ermeni Araştırmaları [Armenian Research] and Review of Armenian Studies. These two journals are the only ones in Türkiye to adress the Armenian question.&nbsp;Between 2008-2022, Turkish universities organized symposiums and conferences about the Armenian question and published the submitted papers as books. The Turkish Historical Society and Atatürk Research Center in particular directly supported these initiatives. The organized symposiums, conferences, and workshops peaked in 2015, with the number of activities dropping significantly after 2015.&nbsp;The greatest contribution to studies against Armenian question in Türkiye have come from postgraduate dissertations. Studies from Turkish-Armenian Relationship Research Centers in Erzurum Atatürk University and Sakarya University should be mentioned in this regard. These postgraduate dissertations cover very different aspects of the Armenian question.&nbsp;&nbsp;Official publications have also occurred during this period. The Directorate of State Archives published two new books between 2008-2010, as well as the book Tehcire Giden Yol[ The Road to Deportation] has been published in 2016. In 2022, the book Ermeni Sevk ve İskanının Yasal Dayanakları (1876-1935) [The Legal Basis of the Armenian Deportation and Resettlement] was published by the same institution.&nbsp;The reason for the low number of publications about the Armenian question by the Directorate of State Archives may have been due to the normalization process between Armenia and Türkiye that began in 2008.The Turkish Historical Society’s activeness in organizing symposiums and conferences and in publishing books about the Armenian question between 2008-2022 is important to note. Even though their “Armenian question desk” was closed and academic staff had been dismissed in 2008, a new initiative began in 2013. With the purpose of preparing for the centenary of the 1915 incidents, scholars from different universities formed a new Armenian question desk. Professor İbrahim Ethem Atnur, Professor Musa Şaşmaz, Professor Taha Niyazi Karaca, Professor Mustafa Çolak and Assoc. Prof. Recep Karacakaya worked for nearly a year on the Armenian question.&nbsp;A positive development in Türkiye’s position toward the Armenian question is the attitude of the Directorate of Communications. The Directorate has become very active in recent years over the Armenian question. They should put more weight on this subject and become the institution that plans the activities that need to be done.Türkiye’s policy changes regarding the Armenian question between 2008-2022 directly affected the number of studies on the subject. Since 2002 Türkiye has changed its position on the Armenian question with the idea that normalizing the Armenian diaspora and Armenian relations could solve the problem. Türkiye’s attempts at normalizing remained unanswered and also negatively affected relations between Türkiye and Azerbaijan.&nbsp;Despite all the attemps by Türkiye at normalization, the centenary of the 1915 incidents was used by the Armenian Diaspora and Armenia to defame Türkiye and Turks. The difference between the perspectives of the both sides is so great that there is little to no hope exists that reconciliation could happen in the short term.&nbsp;

Studies Conducted in Türkiye Against Armenian Claims

Mehmet

The Ottoman society mainly comprised two segments, the rulers and the people (askerî and reâyâ). Among the ruling class consisting of ilmiye, seyfiye, and kalemiye, the ilmiye held a prestigious position with important privileges, had a particularly strong organization in the state structure, and was at the highest level in the official protocol.The Ottoman ilmiye class embodied a group of professionals of Muslim and mostly Turkish origin who, after receiving education at the classical Islamic educational institution (medrese) and graduating with a certificate (icâzet) come to hold various important positions in law, education, the main religious services, and central bureaucracy in the Ottoman state according to their fields of expertise. On the whole, the members of the ilmiye successfully managed to maintain their traditions and safeguard their power and privileges. During the history of this institution, four phases can be identified, each with distinct characteristics: establishment, maturity, disorder, and self-criticism and reorganization.As the intellectuals of their time, the members of the ilmiye had always attracted attention, and much was expected of them; different evaluations and criticisms were made about the Ilmiye class as early as the sixteenth century. These criticisms can be viewed as prototypes and first examples of the evaluations made about the ilmiye class today.It should be noted that the most intensive research on the subject of ilmiye is in the form of master’s and doctoral theses, some of which are highly successful studies. Symposiums, seminars, and workshops in the field of ilmiye have been organized, and articles published, since the last quarter of the twentieth century. In Turkey, history, turcology, sociology departments, and faculties of theology publish journals in accordance with academic criteria. Among these, especially in the journals of the faculties of theology, articles on Ottoman ulema biographies, madrasa curricula, courses taught in madrasas and Arabic textbooks, as well as commentaries written on classical Arabic books are published.In the three Encyclopedias of Islam -particularly in the Encyclopedia of Islam (DİA)- hundreds of biographies of Ottoman scholars, organizations, and institutions related to ilmiye; courses and textbooks taught in madrasas; famous works written by Ottoman scholars; and well-known fatwa books have been written by academics in separate articles and are available online.Research has been conducted at various levels both in Turkey and abroad on the organization of the ilmiye, namely the sheikhulislamate, kazaskerate, nakibüleşrafship, qadiship, and madrasa. Some Ottoman sheikhulislams have been the subject of symposiums or independent studies. Among these are also prosopographical studies. Sheikhulislam Seyyid Feyzullah Efendi of Erzurum and Sheikhulislam Musa Kazım Efendi of Tortum can be mentioned as examples.Fatwa, a highly important institution of Islamic law, has produced solutions for society and the state throughout Islamic history. In the Ottoman period, theses and articles were written explaining, with examples, that fatwa produced healthy solutions in the settlement of religious, social, administrative, political, and military issues.The madrasa, which is the basic institution of the Islamic education system, showed substantial developments in the Ottoman period with its physical conditions, architectural style, program, and the mentality it represents. It became an educational institution that corresponds to high school and university education after the sıbyan school and that is attended only by Muslims due to its Islamic identity.Since the Second Constitutional Monarchy period, valuable efforts have been made to reform the Ottoman madrasas and reorganize them with a curriculum program that would meet the needs of the age. Intellectuals of the period wrote important articles and reports in journals and made suggestions. With their help, regulations and new curricula for madrasas were prepared.Comparative studies on the Ottoman madrasa system and its organization, administration, education, curricula, teachers, and students are particularly important. These comparisons can be made among the madrasas in the vast Ottoman geography, with the madrasas of other contemporary Muslim states, or with the educational institutions of European states with which the Ottoman Empire had intensive political, military, and economic relations.An important feature of the Ottoman Empire in the field of madrasa education is that it maintained its rich education by preserving regional and traditional differences. Although it implemented its own system in Anatolia and the Balkans, it did not change the long-standing education system in major Arab cities. Their traditions continued as they preserved their education within the framework of their own foundations and the rules stipulated by their endowments. The Ottoman Empire contributed by inspecting them in case of complaints and assisting them in case of requests. The fact that these issues have not yet been studied is a lacuna in the research.Many studies on the Ottoman ulema have been conducted and works written by local and foreign historians at various levels, and the reasons for this intense interest are important. In the sources, the ulema are mentioned among the founding elements of the state, and they are considered an important authority for legitimacy with their religious and especially legal identity. Such sources emphasize their relations with various groups and the roles they played in political, military, and diplomatic events. Analyzing the religious, legal, literary, and historical works written by the ulama and investigating their contributions to religion and science will open new horizons for future studies.It should be noted that Turkey has rich archival and library resources for ilmiye research. Within this richness of resources, many studies in the form of theses, articles, and books have been conducted in the last 50 years. However, some important topics in the field of ilmiye still need to be studied, and in this context, certain shortcomings and challenges should be mentioned. The lack of a methodology in the studies should be especially noted, along with difficulties and deficiencies in language and concepts and in assimilating and evaluating sources. As a matter of fact, the fact that the textbooks on tafsir, hadith, fiqh, and kalam, which are taught as basic disciplines in madrasas, and the commentaries written on them are in Arabic and written with a rich terminology makes it particularly difficult for researchers to study them. In this kind of research, knowledge of the language as well as mastery of the field of study is critical and necessary. Another issue that should be mentioned as a deficiency is that the studies have generally focused on the center and neglected the Ottoman provinces in the studies of the ilmiye.Finally, as in other scientific fields, experienced academics will obtain more efficient and healthier results in the field of ilmiye with their planning, by identifying the missing areas in their meetings and determining which subjects should be prioritized and what kind of order to follow. The fact that the interest in the field of ilmiye is increasing day by day is a particularly positive sign for future achievements.

An Evaluation on İlmiye Studies in the 100th Anniversary of the Republic

Hacer

Ottoman ambassadors played a significant role in the politics and diplomacy of the Ottoman Empire with other states. In this context, Ottoman diplomacy is structurally divided into two separate periods by the pivotal year of 1793, when permanent embassies were established as part of the radical changes realized in the field of diplomacy under the reign of Selim III (1789–1807). After 1793, the diplomatic representations, which were temporarily established as envoys extraordinary to foreign states in case of necessity in the previous period, were shaped as resident envoys/ambassadors and consulates with a gradually expanding diplomatic network. Envoys extraordinary also existed within this structure when necessary after 1793.In this framework, the article aims to categorize and analyse studies on Ottoman ambassadors and embassies throughout the Republican period, considering the stated structural context of the Ottoman Empire. It seeks to answer questions such as: What sorts of studies have been conducted on ambassadors and embassies within the context of Ottoman diplomacy and foreign policy over a hundred-year period? What role do they play in Ottoman diplomacy, and to what extent do these studies contribute to our understanding and interpretation of Ottoman history and politics? What are the gaps, and which subjects are still awaiting further study? At this point, the article presents an overview of the studies on Ottoman ambassadors and embassies, highlighting the fact that considerable work has been undertaken on this subject during the Republican period; however, there are still numerous topics waiting to be researched. The article provides a comprehensive list of studies on Ottoman ambassadors and embassies for those interested in this field and analyses some examples.In fact, studies on Ottoman ambassadors and embassies began to be conducted in the Ottoman Empire at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century. The activities of the Tarih-i Osmanî Encümeni and some articles published in its journal (TOEM) can be cited as examples. Similarly, printed editions of numerous ambassadorial accounts were published both in Türkiye and abroad throughout the Ottoman era. The publication of the Foreign Ministry Salnames (Official Yearbooks of the Ottoman Empire) is one of the main studies on Ottoman ambassadors and embassies during the Ottoman period. The text, which was just recently republished in Latin script, contains important information concerning the late Ottoman foreign service and ambassadors. It is also worth mentioning the works of Salih Münir Pasha, who served as an ambassador in the late Ottoman period, on diplomacy, including ambassadors and his memoirs.When we look at the overall picture of research and studies on Ottoman ambassadors and embassies, it becomes evident that they have been included in secondary sources on&nbsp;Ottoman diplomacy, foreign policy, and political history, sometimes partially and sometimes more comprehensively, but not always directly. For a deeper understanding and analysis of Ottoman diplomacy, foreign policy, and political history, it is essential to closely investigate the details of Ottoman ambassadors and embassies. In particular, embassy reports and historical records from the countries to which the ambassadors were posted provide insights into the Ottoman Empire’s relations with other states. In the Republican period, studies on Ottoman diplomacy, and within this scope, studies on Ottoman ambassadors and embassies, have continued to increase over time. Especially since the second half of the 20th century, there have been more studies and publications in this field.&nbsp;Studies indicate that Ottoman ambassadorial accounts from their missions are the sources that attract the most attention, both domestically and internationally. The fact that they contain valuable information on the political, military, commercial, diplomatic, and cultural contacts of the Ottomans with the outside world has brought them to the forefront. The vast majority of these accounts, which were generated by embassies dispatched to European countries, helped the Ottoman Empire comprehend Europe better. The most well-known of these works in this context is Report of Embassy (sefaretname) to France by Yirmisekiz Chelebi Mehmed Efendi. Similarly, the ambassadorial accounts of Ibrahim Pasha (Vienna, 1719), Dürri Ahmed Efendi (Iran, 1721), Ahmed Resmî Efendi (Vienna, 1757–1758 and Berlin, 1764–1765), Ahmed Vasıf Efendi (1788 Spain, 1788), and Seyyid Mehmed Vahid Efendi (Paris, 1806) are the main ones that garnered interest in Türkiye and Europe in the 19th and 20th centuries. Likewise, it can be noted that among the most popular subjects in the studies are biographies of diplomats and statesmen who held the position of ambassador.Ottoman envoys produced more comprehensive and meticulously detailed embassy reports, especially in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, thereby augmenting the available source material for this period. On the other hand, Ottoman ambassadors and embassies before the 19th century have predominated in the publications so far. While the first resident ambassadors after 1793, when the Ottoman permanent embassies were established, have been examined and are the subject of a limited number of studies, significant lacunae persist regarding resident ambassadors and embassies in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.It is possible to assert that the studies in this field, which are provided with an overall evaluation and a general list in this paper, have proliferated substantially. Nevertheless, a considerable number of ambassadors and embassies remain awaiting exploration by scholars. In this regard, it is expected that additional information regarding Ottoman ambassadors will be forthcoming in the future, and the discovery of numerous ambassadorial accounts is likewise plausible. Such developments have the potential to expand the study of Ottoman diplomacy and political history, enabling the emergence of new findings.It is essential to utilize the archives and libraries of the countries visited by the ambassadors, and it goes without saying that proficiency in the relevant languages is equally crucial. The available literature indicates that in the last three or four decades during the Republican era, researchers have been trained, and studies have been initiated in this domain. However, it must be acknowledged that, as of yet, Türkiye lacks researchers who possess comprehensive training encompassing every nation with which the Ottoman Empire established diplomatic relations. Therefore, it becomes imperative to expand the scope of studies beyond relations with European countries, which constitute the vast majority of the research. This can only be accomplished by directing young historians toward the spheres of Ottoman diplomacy, ambassadors, and embassies, equipping them for field research, and providing them with the necessary training opportunities.

Studies on Ottoman Ambassadors and Embassies in the Republican Era

Ebru

The empire commonly referred to as the Byzantine these days existed between 330- 1453 CE in the regions of the Balkans, Anatolia, Syria, Palestine, and Egypt following the administrative division of the Roman Empire in 395. The Byzantines did not use this term for themselves during the entire existence of the empire. They referred to themselves as Romans (Romaioi) and to their state as the Roman Empire (Imperium Romanorum). The term Byzantine was first used in the 16th century to describe this state, and this term became more popular after the 19th century.Although the empire had been divided into Eastern and Western parts after the death of Emperor Theodosius I in 395 CE, the idea of unifying the empire was not abandoned, and this division was considered a quasi-partition. After the Germanic tribes sacked the Western half in 476 CE, all power became concentrated in the hands of the Eastern Roman Emperor. However, the legal situation changed when Charlemagne, the King of the Franks, was crowned as the Holy Roman Emperor by the Pope in Rome in 800 CE. Byzantine emperors continued to claim the title of the universal empire and the sole heir of Rome until the fall of the empire. While the term Greek was used politically after 800 CE, the Byzantine rulers always felt uncomfortable being referred to in this way and never gave up their claim that the title of Holy Roman Emperor belonged exclusively to them.Byzantium was portrayed by the Western world during the Age of Enlightenment as Eastern, scheming, and oppressive; however, certain political powers in subsequent centuries began to present themselves as the rightful heirs of Byzantium’s legacy to legitimize their policies. Therefore, Byzantine history was generally associated with Greek or Russian history, especially in the early years of the Republic of Türkiye. Until the 1980s, the history of the Byzantine Empire was taught under the name of the Medieval Greek Empire. In reality, Byzantium had created its own identity and civilization during this long period. With its&nbsp;capital in Istanbul, its official religion being Orthodox Christianity, and its language shifting from Latin to Greek starting in the 7th century, this civilization continued the tradition of the Roman state while also interacting with the local cultures in the regions it ruled in the East. Furthermore, addressing the political and cultural presence of the Eastern Roman (i.e., Byzantine Empire) becomes inevitable when addressing the history of the Middle Ages in Europe and the Middle East. Therefore, Byzantine history also holds a significant place in Turkish and Islamic history. Throughout the Middle Ages, Byzantium was in constant contact with the Turks regarding political, military, cultural, and commercial aspects, and Turks were a recurring theme in Byzantine sources. Byzantium struggled with Turks for centuries, and they also played an important role in the ethnic mosaic of the empire. The Byzantine Empire forms one of the important components of the cultural heritage of modern Türkiye. The delay in starting research in this field in Türkiye, as well as the lack of progress in this area for many years, marks a significant deficiency when considering the importance the inherited Byzantine heritage has for the Republic of Türkiye. Both the prejudices and the difficulties of conducting academic work in this field caused Byzantine history studies to remain in the background in Türkiye for many years.The Byzantine studies Ottoman intellectuals had initiated in the second half of the 19th century were limited in number and lacked a specific discipline. When arriving at the One-Party period, although no separate courses were found on Byzantine history in the curriculum of the Istanbul Darülfünun Faculty of Literature before 1933, courses on Byzantine history had been included in Medieval history courses. The first scientific study in Türkiye based on modern scientific methods in the field of Byzantine studies was conducted by M. Fuad Köprülü, a professor at Darülfünun and a statesman. The tradition of addressing the Byzantine Empire within the framework of Medieval history courses continued for the first 20 years of the Republic. Istanbul University’s Department of History began offering courses on Byzantine history independently in 1943. During World War II, British Byzantinist Steven Runciman came to Türkiye and taught courses on Byzantine history and art at Istanbul University Faculty of Literature from 1943 to 1945. Afterward, the German-born Prof. Philippe Schweinfurth, who’d taken refuge in Switzerland from Berlin during World War II, joined the faculty as a Professor of Byzantine Art History at the invitation of Istanbul University. After Schweinfurth, his assistant Semavi Eyice took over, and courses on Byzantine history at the Department of History were eventually transferred to Fikret Işıltan, a student of Mükrimin Halil Yinanç. In the mid-20th century, significant developments occurred in Byzantine history research in Türkiye, and the first international conference on this topic was held there under the auspices of Istanbul University between September 15-21, 1955. While Byzantine history studies continued mainly in the Department of Medieval History, various other departments at Istanbul University also contributed to Byzantine history studies based on various perspectives. Many years had to pass for the&nbsp;Byzantine history studies that had started in Türkiye in the late 19th century to become systematic, and Istanbul University played a pioneering role in this field. Until the 1990s, these studies in Türkiye were conducted only at Istanbul and Ankara Universities. While Byzantine history research predominantly continued in the Department of Medieval History, Byzantine art history studies had been institutionalized at Istanbul University and became a separate department. Nevertheless, research on Byzantine history and culture in Türkiye has recently gained momentum, especially over the last 20-30 years. This article focuses on the role and importance Istanbul University has had in the development of Byzantine history studies in Türkiye from 1923 to 2023.

Istanbul University’s Role and Significance Regarding Byzantine History Studies in Türkiye During the First 100 Years of the Republic (1923-2023)

Aydın

As one of the longest-running struggles in human history, the Crusades have taken on a wide range of meaning. As a matter of fact, this meaning can be expressed in different ways even today, as it manifests itself in the reactions against the Muslim Andalusia, against the Levant in the East, and against the preogress of the Ottoman Empire in the Balkans and Europe. As a result of the studies started in the 18th. century, intense activity occurred with hundreds of works on this subject found in the world. Full and partial translations of sources related to the history of expeditions were made. As a result of activities that took place in scientific circles, especially in France. These sources in France can be considered to have come from the Franks, an important ethnic element of the history of the Crusades.&nbsp;However, the situation is slightly different in Turkiye. Given the leading role Turks have played in every phase of the Crusades. In fact, Turkiye’s geography is located on the transit route of the Crusades, and Türkiye’s has political, sociocultural and historical ties with the Middle East (Levant) region, which hosted the rival Muslim and Christian sides during the campaigns for 200 years. However, the dating of studies directly or indirectly related to the Crusades can only be dated back to the second half of the 20th. century in Türkiye.&nbsp;Prof. Dr. Isın Demirkent (1962) carried out the first independent study on the Crusades, with her doctoral dissertation, and these studies have gradually developed over time. As a result, a very comprehensive range of works has been created in Türkiye. In addition to the studies cProf. Dr. Demirkent’s students such as Prof. Dr. Ebru Altan and by myself later conducted other academicians from different universities in Türkiye have also written works on various subjects about the history of the Crusades. These have continued to expand with independent studies, master’s theses and doctoral dissertions, and translations from different languages. Moreover attention needs to be drawn language problem that manifests itself in studies on the history of the Crusades.&nbsp;&nbsp;One of the most important articles on the Crusades is Isın Demirkent’s “1101 Yılı Haçlı Seferleri (The Crusade Campaigns of 1101” published in the book Memorial to Prof. Dr. Fikret Isıltan on his 80th Birthday (İstanbul University 1995. pp.17-56) The campaigns of 1101 were carried out by three seperate armies moving in successsion; and was one of the&nbsp;most important moves of the Europeans in terms of occupying in the Levant and Anatolian geography, At the same time, it was also one of the most serious disappointments and was Therefore not mentioned much in sources from the period apart from Albert of Aix. More importantly, even modern Western researchers have not shown interest in these expeditions, despite how they directly affected the fate of the Crusades. So little interest has been shown that, J.L. Cate’s article “The Crusade of 1101”, in Volume I of A History of the Crusades (Setton 1969, pp. 343-367), under no other tangible study on is found on this subject in Europe. However, the victories the Turkish Seljuk Sultan Kılıc Arslan I, won in Anatolia against these three separate armies of hundreds of thousands in a month showed how the Crusader movement was unable to succeded from the very beginning and reinforcing the gains of the Manzikert Victory and emphasizing Anatolia was a Turkish homeland. Prof. Dr. Işın Demirkent also made Turk academia understand the importance of the success that had been achieved with her article. A project has been newly initiated to identify the battlefields of Crusade Campaigns of the 1101 Merzifon and Konya Eregli with support of Konya Metropolitan Municipality, İstanbul University, Mimar Sinan Fine Arts University and the other institutions and academicians including Prof. Dr. Ebru Altan and myself. Prof. Dr. Işın Demirkent has written many valuable works related to the history of the Crusades, and the last sections of the study will present these and their imprints they have made.&nbsp;I should emphasize here once again that although difficulties do occur in learning the source languages as some are dead languages not it use today, learninh them is necessary in terms of mastering the field of the Crusades and arriving at accurate information. Having young acedemicians prioritize language in their studies is especially essential fort he history of these expeditions. Otherwise studies quite obviously will be unable escape a vicious circle. This article, marks an attempt to evaluate the status of the activities related to the Crusades in Türkiye and how they started and developed, as well as the deficiencies related to the field. Additionally, the last section of this article provides a bibliography of the works some academicians have written works on this subject.&nbsp;

The Crusades in Turkish Historical Writing

Muharrem

The Seljuks established their first state in the Khorasan region in 1040 and subsequently formed various political entities, including the Seljuk Emirate of Kerman (1048), the Great Seljuk Empire of Turkey (1078), the Seljuk Emirate of Syria (1079), and the Seljuk Sultanate of Iraq (1119). In addition, the Seljuk dynasty played a role, directly or indirectly, in the establishment of small and large emirates, states, and atabegliks in regions such as Syria, Iraq, Azerbaijan, and Anatolia. From the middle of the tenth century to the late fourteenth century, the Seljuks played a prominent role in Turkish history. They managed to extend their success in the political sphere to various aspects of society, including organization (administrative, military, economic, and social), trade, literature, art, architecture, and social and religious life.The history of the Seljuks started to become known gradually in academic circles and public awareness through the efforts of various scholars shortly after the establishment of the Republic of Turkey. The initial examples of Seljuk historiography during the Republican era were produced by Prof. Dr. M. Fuad Köprülü and Prof. Dr. M. Halil Yinanç. These historians were followed by esteemed scholars including Prof. Dr. Osman Turan, Prof. Dr. M. Altay Köymen, Prof. Dr. İbrahim Kafesoğlu, and Prof. Dr. Faruk Sümer, who all made significant contributions to the field of Seljuk studies. The aforementioned historians have made remarkable and influential contributions to the field of Seljuk history both in Turkey and worldwide. Their research and authored works have advanced the study of Seljuk history significantly. The generation following these scholars, including Prof. Dr. Ali Sevim and Prof. Dr. Erdoğan Merçil, continued their endeavors in Seljuk history with unwavering dedication. While the former focused predominantly on the publication and translation of historical sources, the latter explored the most original aspects of Seljuk history effectively, thereby setting an example for future generations. In the footsteps of these historians, Prof. Dr. Abdülkerim Özaydın has also produced highly valuable works, contributing in filling the numerous gaps in the field.Seljuk history in Turkey has only witnessed significant interest and engagement from the general public, particularly among young individuals, over the past 20 years. This crucial development has led to the proliferation of works in Seljuk history, translation of sources, creation of documentaries, increase in excavation and project activities, along with that the expansion of exhibitions, museums, scientific meetings, seminars, panels, and conferences. During this period, some of the most productive historians have included scholars such as Prof. Dr. Muharrem Kesik, Prof. Dr. Cihan Piyadeoğlu, and Prof. Dr. Erkan Göksu, who have contributed significantly to the field through their research and writings.Moreover, a common issue in Seljuk symposiums organized in Turkey is the lack of adherence to scientific standards. Inviting experts and scholars who have dedicated&nbsp;themselves to the field to participate in these symposiums is essential not only to maintain scientific integrity but also to uphold ethical principles and ensure that those who have contributed to the field are respected. Another significant concern is the nonpublication or delayed publication of symposium proceedings, which has been observed in many cases.Archaeological excavations in the field of the Seljuks are of great importance for Turkish history, as they not only lead to the discovery of new information and documents but also serve to validate the records found in written sources. In recent times, some successful excavation projects have brought us considerable satisfaction. Examples include the Kayseri Seljuk Palace, Gavele Castle (Konya), İznik, Ani (Kars), the Kubâdâbâd Seljuk Palace, Hasankeyf, Diyarbakır Artukid Castle, Ahlat Castle and Cemetery, and Divriği Castle. These excavations stand as excellent examples of this progress and achievement.&nbsp;In recent times, it is unfortunate to note that the portrayal of Seljuk history and culture has not been well presented in television series centered on the Seljuks. This has led to a distorted understanding of Seljuk history in the minds of the public. Regrettably, the Seljuk culture has been portrayed erroneously due to the involvement of individuals who lack expertise in these productions. Inaccuracies in the representation of history can too readily stem from inadequate understanding and knowledge.Another significant concern is the projects that have been developed and transformed into media content regarding Seljuk history. A considerable portion of these projects has been assigned to individuals who are not direct experts in the field. This situation can too easily contribute to projects not meeting their intended objectives and misrepresenting historical facts.

Studies on Seljuk History on the 100th Anniversary of Republic of Turkey

History shows us that any state with ambitions to establish global dominance attached importance to maritime activities. Maritime activities, which contribute to the economic structure of a state and are undeniably important in defense, have been part of every era and will continue to be so in the future. Indeed, ships once sought out new routes, and these routes led to further discoveries. Thus, a comprehensive perception of the world as a whole geography became possible due to maritime activities.Engaging with maritime history involves examining the interaction of humans with the seas and the activities taking place on them. This field of study focuses on understanding the overseas voyages conducted by humanity and the various interactions with the world’s main seaways. After all, maritime topics encompass a multitude of subjects: Political struggles over water geographies, naval battles, naval organization and crew, shipyards, weaponry and equipment, ship design and construction, types of vessels, explorations in overseas regions, maritime trade, coastal settlements, lighthouses, the social history of passengers and communities related to the sea, and cartography are all areas of study under the umbrella of maritime history.The Mediterranean Sea is connected to the Atlantic Ocean, with the continents of Europe to the north, Africa to the south, and Asia to the east, separated from the Atlantic Ocean by Gibraltar, from the Sea of Marmara by the Dardanelles, and from the Red Sea by the Suez Canal. The Aegean Sea connects to the Mediterranean Sea between the Balkan and Anatolian peninsulas and is known as the Sea of Islands. The Red Sea is an extension of the Indian Ocean located between the Arabian Peninsula and Africa. The Caspian Sea is the largest inland water basin, also described as the world’s largest lake. Finally, the Black Sea extends from the Balkan and Anatolian peninsulas to the Caucasus and also witnessed political, military, and commercial activities.Among them, the Mediterranean Sea stands out as the primary maritime region where Turkic and Islamic states asserted their influence and engaged in various commercial activities. This body of water, with an area exceeding 2.5 million square kilometers, is the largest inland sea in the world, and no other sea can extend as widely between land masses. On that note, this study focuses on the maritime activities during the medieval Mediterranean era, particularly after the emergence of Islam, in the period of the Rashīdūn Caliphate and subsequently, when Muslim states were established in the Near East, al-Maghrib, and the Iberian Peninsula.When the Muslim Arabs successively conquered the coastal cities of the Mediterranean, they progressed step by step in the field of navigation by taking advantage of and imitating&nbsp;the naval officers in the places they conquered. In this way, they improved the Byzantine navy and its strength in the Mediterranean significantly. By using the best shipyards, shipbuilding materials, and non-Muslims with naval knowledge in the lands they conquered, Muslim rulers quickly created a successful naval force. However, the success of the Muslims in the early period was more than the achievements of a well-grounded institutional structure; it was the result of the Muslim conquerors’ desire to preserve the lands they subjugated on the one hand and to wage djihād with the Islamic faith on the other. Indeed, Muslim states in the abovementioned areas established and expanded a vast trade network in parts of Asia, Africa, and Europe. Especially between the eighth and thirteenth centuries, maritime trade connected many territories from the Mediterranean to the Indian Ocean. Islamic geography and navigation sciences also developed considerably during this period.The following can be said regarding the commencement and evolution of Turkic maritime activity. It is an established historical fact that the Turks, who engaged in animal husbandry and accepted nomadism as a way of life, stayed away from the seas for centuries. The Turks, who lived their lives on the banks of rivers and lakes in the steppes, only encountered the seas in the post-Islamic era. It should not be forgotten that this was a relatively new experience in the long history of the Turkish nation. Therefore, seafaring may have been the last qualification of the Turks in the arena of nations. The Turks felt the necessity to engage in marine operations as soon as they began to settle in Anatolian territories bordered by the seas on three sides, and thus, the process of developing Turkish seafaring began. The first known admiral of the Turks of Asia Minor was Çaka (Chaka/Tzachas) Beg. His activities on the seas are covered more extensively in works that were published in Türkiye. The naval activities of the Saldjūķs of Rūm (Türkiye) are studied more thoroughly in Türkiye than the nautical operations of other Muslim states during the Middle Ages. With the loss of ‛Akkā in 1291, the political end of Crusader control in the Near East in the late thirteenth century resulted in a resurgence of Muslim influence in the eastern Mediterranean and the Aegean. Throughout the fourteenth century, Europeans sent new Crusader fleets to Anatolian and Egyptian coasts in the Aegean and Mediterranean waters. In such a period, the Anatolian principalities acted according to the geographical conditions of their regions, and the principalities located by the sea were particularly closely involved in maritime activities and built fleets. Given the possibility of being attacked not just from land but also from the sea, these principalities worked hard to build a strong navy.Therefore, there is an evident need for well-equipped and diligent young researchers to conduct scientific studies in almost every field of maritime studies, including the raw materials used in shipbuilding, shipyards, ship types, equipment used in naval battles, ports, tactics used in warfare, trade on the seas, routes in water geography, fleet ceremonies, and dominance in islands. This situation will be more clearly understood when we look at&nbsp;the number of states or emirates established in the Near East, the al-Maghrib, the Iberian Peninsula, and the Mediterranean basin, and engaged in maritime activities.Finally, in the framework of those that could be identified, the books, theses, articles, and translated works concerning the maritime history of Turkish and Islamic states related to the Middle Ages that appeared within the borders of Türkiye from October 29, 1923, when the Republic was proclaimed, to 2023 are listed in this study.

Studies on Medieval Turkish and Islamic Naval History in Türkiye on the 100th Anniversary of The Turkish Republic

Ahmet

The history of the Turks over a wide area extending from Korea to Central Europe and the Balkans comes to mind when mentioning pre-Islamic Turkish history before they converted to Islam. The beginning of Turkish history has some problems, just like the history of every nation on earth. Historical material is known to decrease as one goes deeper into the past due to a lack of sources. When looking at ancient times from a chronological perspective, conducting research that can yield definitive results becomes difficult due to the scarcity of sources. This difficult situation specific to the region has been reflected in historiography as an obstacle to the researcher of pre-Islamic Turkish history. Runic inscriptions can be found everywhere over a wide area, extending from Manchuria to Hungary. Unfortunately, written sources remain insufficient at shedding light on the inner world of the steppes. The harsh geographical conditions of the steppes always force the communities that live on them to struggle for survival. While the inhabitants of Central Asia had struggled with all kinds of difficulties to survive, living a rich life was possible in neighboring China with products obtained from fertile lands in temperate climates. Due to the harshness of the climate and the difficulties of the region, the ancient Turks produced little written material. Despite this, they had numerous inscriptions and areas decorated with extremely interesting rock paintings. However, they still could not satisfactorily reflect their inner world and history in these sources. When they went to areas where life was easier (e.g., China, Transoxiana, East Turkestan, Iran, the Middle East, Anatolia, and the Balkans), they started to write more and produce many products, just like their neighbors.As is known, the second half of the 19th century was a period when the world intensified its exploration efforts in Central Asia. During this period when colonialism was at its peak, Western researchers raced in their attempts to solve the mysteries of Central Asia. Although these studies served colonialism, the research results that revealed the deep old aspects of Turkish culture have brought what is known about Turkish history to different points. Therefore, while the developing Turkology was experiencing its golden age, historical&nbsp;studies were bearing fruit one at a time. In general, valuable works were written about every period of Central Asian history.Although Turkish historical research in the West is known to date back to the time of the Crusades, Eastern Studies (Orientalism) gained momentum once colonialism, which had started as a result of geographical discoveries, and its colonialist policies ruled the world. In parallel with this, many books began to be published, especially in Western Europe, as a result of the efforts to learn about Africa and Asia, the information brought by travelers, and the translations of documents in the sources. One who went to East Asia and was introduced to Chinese sources had achieved their aim to learn about this country.In the first years of the proclamation of the Republic of Türkiye, interest occurred in research on the old periods of Turkish history and efforts were made to establish it on solid foundations with the institutions that had been opened. The first of these was the Turkic Studies Institute, established within Istanbul University on November 12, 1924, followed by the Turkish Historical Society that was established in Ankara in 1931. With the subsequent university reform, academic studies became more widespread with the opening of Istanbul University’s Faculty of Letters and History Department and Ankara University’s Faculty of Language, History, and Geography and its History Departments. The Department of General Turkish History under the History Department of Ankara University and the Department of General Turkish and Asian History under the History Department of Istanbul University were established to study the History of Turks living outside of Türkiye as well as the history of ancient Turks. With the opening of other universities in later periods, the number of studies increased and became widespread.The Asian Huns appeared as the first model political organization of the Asian steppes and their rule has been recorded with legendary records starting from 2255 BC. They continued to rule until the mid-5th century CE. Between 318 BC-439 CE, evidence is found for the existence of states bearing the name Hun (also Khan). Almost all written sources about the Asian Huns are in Chinese. The Asian Hun Empire, which is seen to have gained an institutional character during the particular time of Mo-tu (also Modu/Bagatur/Bahadır; 209- 174 BC), forms the basis of Central Asian and Turkish history in every aspect. Hun history and Chinese history should be emphasized here as being chronologically parallel. Therefore, by following the history of one side, a person will learn the history of the other.Gök Turk’s political rule involved the institutional continuation of the Huns in every aspect and manifested itself between 552-745 CE. However, according to Chinese texts, these Turks were around for about 400 years between 542-941 CE. They had established their independent khanate in 552 CE. In 582 CE, they split into two: East and West. While the Western Turks maintained their existence until 659 CE, the Eastern Turks lost their&nbsp;independence in 630 CE. In 682 CE, they emerged as the second Gök Turk Khaganate and continued their political rule until 745 CE. With the discovery of inscriptions erected and written during the second Khaganate dynasty in particular, the opportunity to learn about the inner world of the Turks had arisen. In a sense, the history of ancient Turks began being understood through Turkish. By comparing Chinese and Turkish sources, a model has been obtained through which one can learn the entire history of the Turkic World. Therefore, Gök Turks (also Kök Turks/Turkish Khaganate) have a special place in the general structure of Turkish history.The Great Uyghur Khaganate was another khanate the Turks established in the steppe geography, centered in Mongolia (also called the Otukan region). This state was a continuation of the Gök Turk Khaganate in every aspect and managed to survive for nearly a century. It left deep traces in history. In ancient times, they were also representatives of steppe culture. Although some khans and rulers had adopted the Manichean religion for a while, they continued their lives in the steppe lifestyle until their final moments. Uyghurs, who lived as a tribe for centuries, acted together with other Turkish tribes, the Basmil and Karluks after the Gök Turks had collapsed in the mid-8th century. They had the opportunity to definitively put an end to Gök Turk rule, gain their independence, and form their state.This khanate was destroyed by the Kyrgyz after having been maintained for about a century with their capital in Orkhan, an aimag of Mongolia. As a result, the Uyghurs also split into two groups, one going to the Kansu-Ordos region in Northwest China and the other going to the Jimsar region in Xinjiang. Over the following centuries, both groups changed their lifestyle in the region they lived and switched to a settled culture. When the influences of Manichaeism, Buddhism, and Islam were added to this, a different aspect of the ancient Turks had the opportunity to emerge. Therefore, the settled lifestyle they lived allowed them to create unique works of art, unlike other communities of Turkish origin that have survived to this day. As a result, the Uyghurs gained a special place for themselves because they formed a very different aspect of Turkish history in terms of artistic and material cultural products compared to the steppe culture. The cities and similar architectural ruins they created are remarkable, especially in the regions of Mongolia and Siberia.

Historical Development of Hun, Gok Turk, and Uyghur Studies

Hayrunnisa

Historiography has been shaped based on societal interests, their access to information and how it is used, both in the modern and pre-modern periods. Societies record the information they have acquired, starting from those close to them (adjacent to their living spaces) and those far away, and benefit from this information in various ways. Realizing these historical expansions, contractions, and new formations will facilitate understanding the scope of the concepts encountered in the literature, such as the Turkish World, Turkestan, Central Asia, Asia-i Vusta, and Central Asia. The framework Togan1 and Bregel2 have drawn in relatively modern periods for this field seems compatible. While accepting this framework, this study has chosen to use the term Central and West Asia by taking into account the narrative of primary historical sources.The idea of a holistic Turkish history, including pre-Islamic periods, started with the discovery of the Orkhon Monuments and Turkology studies in the West. World history began to be taught in modern schools apart from Islamic history. Ahmet Zeki Velidi Togan’s lecture under the title of General Turkish History at the Istanbul Darülfünun Literature Branch marked an important turning point. However, systematic research has ta place with the formation of higher education in the European style and universitization. In this process, Istanbul University and Ankara University became pioneers for other institutions in Türkiye in the field of history and practically every other subject, as well as the institutions that nourished them with the scientists they had trained. The history of the areas within the scope of concepts such as the Turkish World, Turkestan, Central Asia, Middle Asia, and Asia-i Vusta are generally studied in history departments in Türkiye under the umbrella of General Turkish History, and based on the chronology, it is sometimes studied in the 13th-16th centuries in medieval history programs.This research evaluates studies conducted over four generation during republican period regarding the history of Central and Western Asia between the 13th-16th centuries. The first generation of these studies can be said to be the founding generation (e.g., Zeki Velidi Togan, Akdes Nimet Kurat, İsmail Hakkı Uzunçarşılı, and Mükrimin Halil Yınanç). This generation had historians who’d experienced two world wars, some of whom were never able to see their homeland again. Despite all the difficulties they faced, they wrote works using solid methods and very good primary sources. They played a founding role through their experience of modernization. The second generation they raised (e.g., Faruk Sümer, Mustafa Kafalı, İsmail Aka, Gülçin Çandarlıoğlu, İsenbike Togan, and Abdülkadir Yuvalı) studied&nbsp;the outlines the first generation had put forward in depth based on primary sources. When paying attention to the biographies of the second generation, they are seen to have developed strong ties with international academicians and to have considered their working conditions and experiences abroad. However, this second generation largely experienced the migrations in Türkiye going from villages to large cities in order to study. After receiving an education, they also had to work in newly established universities in other cities. This study believes that the events in the social and political life of Türkiye (e.g., war, crises, revolutions) had affected academic life just as it had in every other field and had been reflected in academic performance. Despite their difficulties, the second generation of historians monitored the developments in the world, worked in new fields, and produced texts based on primary sources. This study evaluates those who received undergraduate education in the 1980s as the third generation and considers those after the 2000s as the fourth generation of historians. Each generation was mentioned above to have been affected by the conditions of its own period. Those who started their undergraduate education in the 1980s received education in a more disciplined environment and did not suffer from unrest and life safety concerns such as boycotts, protests, and forced termination of classes. This situation was positive for the students and the teachers. Still, the transition from the certificate system to the class system, the crowded classes, the increased number of exams, and the excessive workload during those times and their effects on professors’ academic studies are issues not frequently emphasized. The 1980s were when the Cold War ended, the 1990s when the Soviet Union collapsed, and the 2000s when digital opportunities developed and became widespread in Türkiye. These are reflected in historical research as thematic diversification. The increase in people learning Russian after the dissolution of the Soviet Union can be said to have provided a revival in Central Asian studies. Again, access to literature, the development and widespread use of technology, and the increase in travel opportunities have affected the increase in the number of researchers based on the developments in the world. An increase has also occurred in the number of academic publications, and outlets have emerged where academicians can publish their research outside of universities. In all these developments, digitalization of archives and manuscript libraries can be said to have had positive effects. The development of archive librarianship services and increased access to materials have positively affected research. In this way, studies have been able to be carried out on various issues related to the Caucasus, the Black Sea and its surroundings, Iran, and Central Asia.Dynastic histories, ruler monographs, tribal histories, and military and administrative organizations have been the main subjects to be studied. In addition to these, studies on such subjects as trade, economic life, and city history, and text publications and translations into Turkish have also been studied as thesis topics. Under the influence of historical trends in the world, issues such as legitimacy, gender, religious/Sufistic communities, and administrative structure have additionally been studied recently. Within the Middle Ages, Seljuk-focused studies can be said to have shifted toward such dynasties as the Mongolian, Ilkhanid, Timurid, Safavid, and Uzbek. Among the researchers who carry out these studies and in addition to the researchers from Turkish Republics, students from Mongolia who’ve received their postgraduate education in Türkiye are important. Turkish students can be said to more easily be able to go to the geographies where they study history and to establish contact with the scientific world there compared to the first and second generations of historians.Despite the expanded opportunities, situations such as ethical violations, superficiality in copyrighted works, and sometimes repetitive publications can be detected. This study is of the opinion that writing qualified copyrighted works is possible with a broader scientific knowledge beyond just the field of expertise. Writing qualified copyrighted works in the field of history is only possible with historians’ knowledge, the sophistication of their mental world, their mastery of materials, and their ability to personally evaluate primary sources. The up-to-date and dynamic functioning of the YÖKTEZ system and the ease with which publications can be accessed have also increased transparency in academic studies.As a result, and on the centenary of the founding of the Republic of Türkiye, studies on the field of Central and Western Asia within Turkish historiography as a whole can be said to have developed considerably under the influence of world trends and the opportunities and approaches in Türkiye. This can be determined through the prepared doctoral dissertations, written books, and published articles.

In Memory of the Centennial Anniversary of the Republic of Türkiye, Research on “General Turkish History”: Studies from the Republican Period on 13th through 16th Century Borders, Persons, and Themes in Central and West Asia

Muallâ

The Republic of Türkiye has placed significant importance on research, education, and training regarding Turkish history since its establishment and provided the opportunity for much scientific research and numerous studies in this field. These studies and research are in fact known to have had their origins during the Ottoman Empire. After the proclamation of the Second Constitutional Period (II. Meşrutiyet), the Turkish nationalist movement and the ideology of nationalism were given prominence, leading to the establishment of the Târîh-i Osmânî Encümeni [Council of Ottoman History] on November 27, 1909 for scientific research. Furthermore, the journal Târîh-i Osmânî Encümeni Mecmuası [Magazine of the Council of Ottoman History] (TOEM) was published under its auspices. The establishment of the Türk Ocakları [Turkish Hearths] in 1912 facilitated various studies related to ancient Turkish history. The Turkish Hearths published the journal Türk Yurdu [Turk Country], within which notable figures such as Ahmet Ağaoğlu, Hamdullah Suphi, Mehmed Fuad Köprülü, Yusuf Akçura, and Ziya Gökalp authored articles.After the proclamation of the Republic of Türkiye, the Council of Ottoman History was renamed Türk Tarih Encümeni [Council of Turkish History]. The name of the journal was also changed to Türk Tarih Encümeni Dergisi [Journal of the Council of Turkish History] (TTEM). From the inception of the Republic until the present, the core of the approach to researching and teaching Turkish history has been formed by the Turkish history thesis, which was initially highly influential and later only partially so. Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, the founder of the Republic of Türkiye, took significant steps based on the conviction that the Turkish people should be knowledgeable about their history and culture. In 1931, he founded the Türk Tarihi Tetkik Cemiyeti [Society for Turkish Historical Research]. Additionally, the Turkish Studies Institute was established in 1924 under Istanbul University’s Faculty of Literature, followed by the establishment of General Turkish History Chairs in both Istanbul and Ankara.In contemporary times, the scope of the General Turkish History Department’s research has been primarily approached through geography. While various opinions exist about the homeland, the widely accepted view is that Turks are form Inner Asia (Turkestan/Central Asia). The nomadic culture experienced on the steppes and the subsequent forced migrations compelled Turkish history to unfold in two main geographical regions, thus necessitating research on these areas. When looked at from a geographical standpoint, the pre-Islamic Turkish history was consequently experienced in two areas: Inner Asia (i.e., Turkestan) and Eastern Europe.Furthermore, the approach to researching and teaching Turkish history within its own trajectory gave rise to investigating religion as another avenue. As a result, a distinction was made between the pre- and post-Islamic periods largely based on Islam, which is widely embraced by the majority of Turks. Today, research and education are still conducted through these two main geographical regions and the pre- and post-acceptance of Islam. In conclusion, research in the context of general Turkish history is conducted through two main categories: Pre-Islamic Turkish History in Inner Asia/Turkestan (Central Asia) and Post-Islamic Turkish History in Turkestan.&nbsp;Eastern European Turkish History (EETH) began being studied through three geographical regions: 1) Turkish history north of the Black Sea, 2) Eastern European history, and 3) Turkish history in the Balkans. In the Turkestan region, the migrations that started both in ancient and later periods formed a route from the Aral Sea, traversing the north of the Caspian Sea and the northern shores of the Black Sea.These original works also featured contributions from scholars who later played a role in the development of EETH in Türkiye. During the early years of the Republic, many scholars who’d contributed to constructing the ideological framework of the Turkish identity and delving into the ancient history of the Turks (i.e., the field of general Turkish history) were Turkologists of Turkish origin who’d fled the destructive practices of the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union and sought refuge in Türkiye. Notable figures include Ahmet Ağaoğlu from Baku, Yusuf Akçura from Crimea, Ahmed Zeki Velidî Togan from Bashkirdistan. Togan’s (1932) Ancient History of the Bulgarian Turks and the writings of Tatar Turk Prof. Dr. Sadri Maksudî Arsal, including the 1934 work Scythians, Saka, Asian Huns, Yuechis, European Huns, and Central Asian Turkish States, are among the pioneering works in this field. Subsequent works were authored by Hüseyin Namık Orkun, who carried out independent research on the Huns, Avars, Pechenegs, and Kuman/Kipchak tribes. His works include Avars, Pechenegs, Kipchaks (1932), which is a draft of The Main Outlines of Turkish History and was later published as a separate book in 1946, Attila and His Sons (1933), and Pechenegs (1933), marking the first substantial studies on these tribes within EETH. Subsequently, research continued to be conducted in the form of both books and articles on these khaganates and tribes.The first independent study in Türkiye regarding the field of EETH and comprehensively addressing EETH in a single work is A. N. Kurat’s (1972) posthumous work Turkish Tribes and States in the Northern Black Sea Region in the 4th-18th Centuries. Another significant work that followed was Eastern Europe Turkish History (2013), by O. Karatay and S. Acar. Lastly is the work Turks in the North of the Black Sea and the Balkans from a Political and Socio-Economic Perspective (4th-10th Centuries), prepared as Öner Tolan’s doctoral thesis and later published as a book in 2023.

On the Centennial of the Republic: Turkish Studies on Eastern European Turkish History in Türkiye

Dinçer

This work delves into the history of Kuzey Turkestan’s Turkish base, which holds a significant place in Turkish history following the establishment of the Republic of Türkiye. It evaluates the scope of academic research conducted by Turkish historians concerning states and sub-ethnic categories. While Turkish-Tatar states that emerged in the first half of the 15th century with the disintegration of Altın Orda State have been explored by foreign scholars as part of Russian history, today, the regions of Siberia, Deşt-i Kıpçak, and İdil-Ural constitute Northern Turkestan - ancient Turkish land pre-dating Russian dominance. This region encompasses the territories of Kazakhstan, the Russian Federation and Ukraine, making it an integral part of Turkish history. Despite the continuous waves of immigration during Russian rule, the enduring Turkish presence in this geography remains a clear indicator of its historic significance.&nbsp;During the early years of the Republic, particularly during the foundation of the Soviet Union in Russia, Turkish intellectuals who emigrated from Russia made valuable contributions to the first academic studies aimed at enlightening the history of Northern Turkestan’s Turkic base in the post-Altın Orda State period. Notable historians, including In the academic studies regarding the Kazan Khanate, Crimean Khanate, Kasım Khanate, A. Zeki Velidi Togan, Abdullah Battal-Taymas, Akdes Nimet Kurat and Reşid Rahmeti Arat have played a prominent role in academic studies related to the Astrakhan Khanate, Sibir Khanate and Nogay Orda - collectively referred to as Turkish-Tatar States. A significant of their prominence is their command of the Russian language. Therefore, except few Russian-speaking historians, little progress was made in the literature regarding the histories of Turkish populations in the İdilUral region and beyond, except the Crimean Khanate, until the collapse of the Soviet Union’s collapse in 1991.&nbsp;&nbsp;Nevertheless, some important works have been written that shed light on the history of Turkish-Tatar khaganates. One notable example is “Turkish People and States in the North of Black Sea in IV-XVIII. Centuries” written by Akdes Nimet Kurat, which provides comprehensive coverage of the Crimean Khaganate and the Kazan Khaganate. After a significant interval, another work that prominence is a doctoral thesis by Serkan Acar about the history of the Kazan Khaganate, titled “Political Relations of the Kazan Khaganate-Moscow Knez (1437-1552)”, published by the Turkish Historical Society. The same scholar authored a master’s thesis titled “The Kasım Khaganate (1445-1681)”, which remains the only publication related to the history of Kâsım Khaganate during the Republican era. Similarly, works on the history of Nogay Orda during the Republica era are accepted by historians as one of the state foundations emerging after the Altın Orda’s disintegration, but have not been sufficient. Notably, “Nogays”, penned by our historian Mehmet Alpargu, holds particular importance in this context.The Astrakhan Khaganate, in contrast to other Turkish-Tatar states, remains a subject that has not received significant scholarly attention in Turkey. Notably, this state has attracted the attention of Turkish historians like Halil İnalcık and Akdes Nimet Kurat, largely due to the Ottoman Empire’s Astrakhan campaign and the Channel Project. While numerous academic works have delved into the history of Astrakhan Khaganate, they are primarily found in the form of articles, book chapters, and encyclopedia articles. Reşid Rahmeti Arat, Fatih Ünal, Serkan Acar and Dinçer Koç are prominent Turkish historians who have contributed to this field.Regarding the Başkurt Turks, who constitute the most populous Turkish people in the region of İdil-Ural after the Kazan Tatars, the only comprehensive work belongs to A. Zeki Velidî Togan, himself a Başkurt Turk. Similarly, there has been limited academic research on the history of Çuvaş Turks, with only one publication on this topic. The work, authored by Durmuş Arık, bears the title of “Christianised Turks: Çuvaşs”.During the Republic era in Türkiye, academic explorations of the Sibir Khaganate and the aftermath of Siberian Turks remained limited until the 2010s. Nevertheless, the most notable academic work titled “The History of Siberia – from the Beginning to 1917’’ was published in 2020 by İlyas Topsakal. This work offers a comprehensive examination of the history of Siberia, spanning from ancient times to the early 20th century. Additionally, an academic council comprising Fatih Ünal, Murat Özkan, Mesut Karakulak, Zafer Sever and Harun Arslantürk played a significant role by translating the chronicles of the Sibir Khaganate (3 volumes) from old Russian to Turkish.&nbsp;The Crimean Khaganate stands out for its long-lasting presence, largely due to its protection under the Ottoman Empire from its early era after emerging following the disintegration of Altın Orda state in the 15th century. As a result, the Crimean Khaganate is the most studied Turkish-Tatar state in Türkiye. The earliest academic works on this subject, dating back to the Republic era, were authored by scholars such as Hamdi Giray, Cafer Kırımer, Hasan Ortekin, Fevzi Kurdoğlu, Halil İnalcık and Akdes Nimet Kurat. Historians like Ahmed Süha Arslangiray, Muzaffer Ürekli and Özalp Gökbilgin have also made significant contributions, covering the foundation of the Crimean Khaganate, Ottoman patronage, and its early history.Despite academic works being produced throughout the Republic era to shed light on the histories of Turkish-Tatar states and their people, these efforts have not matched the level of research conducted in countries like Russia and the USA. This discrepancy becomes even more apparent in the context of the Republic era history studies concerning the Northern Turkestan’s Turkish base, which came under Russian rule starting in the middle of the 16th century and continued until the first quarter of the 20th century. Notably, the book written by the late Nadir Devlet in the 1980s, “History of National Struggle of Turks in Russia (1905- 1917)’’ drew attention considerably.Following the dissolution of the Soviet Union and with support in the form of statesponsored scholarships, Turkish historians began visiting Russia, learning the language, and conducting research. Notable research studies started to emerge regarding the history of Northern Turkestan’s Turkish base in the post-Altın Orda State. Turkish historians like İsmail Türkoğlu, İlyas Topsakal, İlyas Kemaloğlu and Serkan Acar have primarily focused on the İdil-Ural region. These historians have made valuable contributions, especially through their studies of community affairs leaders of Kazan Tatars on the cusp of the 19th and 20th centuries and their significance in the national struggles of Turks in Russia from 1905 to1917. In Türkiye, the history of Crimean Tatars in the post-Khaganate period has been evaluated in the context of immigration and activities of İsmail Gaspıralı.In recent years, there has been a noticeable increase in interest and research into the history of Northern Turkestan’s Turkish base within Turkish academia. Nevertheless, there remains a need for more academic research on certain topics, such as the Kasım Khanate, Astrakhan Khanate, Baskurts, Çuvaşs, and Nogay Orda, to reach the desired level and quantity of scholarship. The growing interest in the history of Siberia is a promising development.

A Brief Overview of Academic Studies on “The History of North Turkestan Between the 15th And 20th Centuries” in Turkey

Kürşat

Studies on Mongolian history in Türkiye started in the 19th century as a part of Turkish history studies using modern methods. Historical texts prior to this period mainly involved case reports and were sometimes narrative in style. These texts gave very little reference to the Mongols and mentioned them in so far as how they were relevant to the history of the formation of the Turkish presence in Türkiye. On the other hand, the Seljuk and Ottoman sources make mention of the Mongols and Genghis Khan, albeit as a sentence. The history of the Mongols began being researched as interest in the general history of the Turks increased. Since the beginning of the 20th century in particular, the Mongols and Genghis Khan have been mainly considered to be Turks. With the influence of the idea of Turkish nationalism, articles were written informing about Mongolian history. After the establishment of the Turkish Republic, Mongols were also included in historical studies and ideas. Apart from a few, studies that have analyzed Mongolian history removed from ideological concerns that are the product of modern historiography mainly began being seen at the beginning of the 1940s. Currently, a significant accumulation has been achieved in studies on Mongolian history, especially in terms of the Ilkhanid history in Türkiye.Throughout the Ottoman Empire, historical records were kept, and many works on history were written. However, obtaining concise information about the Mongols in these works is very difficult. The understanding of history at that time fell within the framework of classical Islamic history. These texts did not contain much information about the ancient history of Turks or Mongols.Firstly, early modern Turkish historians had equated Turks and Mongols, emphasizing their unity of history and culture. According to these historians, Turks and Mongols are not separate races in terms of ethnography; Genghis Khan was a Turk who united all Turks, and the empire of Genghis was the Turkish-Mongol Empire. Genghis Khan was also mentioned among the founders of Turan in the first years of the Turkish Republic founded in 1923. At that time, great importance was given to the Mongols.A new era can be said to have begun in Mongolian studies in Türkiye in the early 1940s. A period was entered in which research on Mongolian history was being written in more scholarly ways based on main sources, without considering ideological motives and avoiding romantic interpretations. Accordingly, the Mongol Empire, which Genghis Khan founded, was accepted unanimously as the most important turning point in Mongolian history. The Mongols had established a great state based on the nomadic traditions of the Huns, Xianbei, Tuoba (Tabgach), Rouran (Juan-juan), Turks, and Uighurs.&nbsp;Secondly, Genghis Khan and the Mongol Empire were among the first subjects of interest for modern Turkish historiography, which had begun in the 19th century. Early Turkish nationalists and romantic historians regarded the Mongols as one with the Turks and Genghis as a Turkic khan. These views were voiced or contested on various occasions until the 1930s; since the 1940s however, very few researchers were found who persisted in relying on main sources and modern historical methods.Thirdly, many studies have been carried out in China and the world on the Yuan Dynasty the Mongols had established in China. Almost all historical sources from this period are far from the field of view of Turkish historiography. Yuan went down to the southern coasts of China and sent darugas to rule these places. Therefore, the history of the Yuan Dynasty is that of the entire Chinese history of that period, and in order to understand this period, one must also know China’s geography, society, culture, and general history. However, Türkiye has few experts on Chinese history. As such, knowing Chinese was not enough at this time.&nbsp;Fourthly, Mongolian studies in Türkiye were mostly conducted on the Ilkhanate period. This was not only due to the Ilkhanid being a part of Türkiye’s history. At the same time, learning Persian, which is the first main source language required for Ilkhanid studies, also played a role, as well as the fact that Persian historical texts are easy to access compared to languages such as Chinese.Fifthly, the Golden Horde State was established by the Jochid ulus. Transformations occurred through Berke, who ascended to the throne in 1257. He became a Muslim, and Islam became the official religion during the reign of Uzbek Khan. This state became Turkic in time and was literally a Turko-Mongol state. From this point of view, Golden Horde studies have great importance in terms of both Turkish and Mongolian history. Moreover, the relations between the Ottoman Empire and the Golden Horde and any relevant documents are being questioned, with many studies found on this subject.Sixthly, the Chagatai Khanate ruled mainly in the cities of Turkestan. The power of the Khanate was mainly in East Turkestan and Transoxiana, and Chagatai Khan Tarmashirin (1326-1334) accepted Islam. This was very important in terms of urban culture and literature, and a few studies are found on that period.Seventhly, studies are found on the period after the collapse of the Yuan Dynasty in 1368. This dynasty was the direct successor of the Great Mongol Empire, which meant that the legacy of the great Mongol Empire had completely dissolved.The Golden Horde State was founded by Jochi Ulus, who was Turkish and soon became Muslim. The Islamized Ilkhanate State founded by the Hulagu nation in Iran ended in 1353, and the Chagatai nation, which was Turkic and had become Islamized, ended in 1370. After the disintegration of the Yuan, Dynasty the period of small khanates began in the Turkestan area. Relatively small Mongolian khans began to rule. After the Mongol Empire, the most powerful structure established by the Mongols was the Dzungar Khanate. In Türkiye, research has been done on the post-Yuan Mongols, mainly on Mongolian tribes and the Dzungars.Studies providing information on such things as Mongols’ culture, religion, and social life in Türkiye were mainly carried out in connection with the culture, religion, and social life of the Turks. Very few studies are found to have focused directly and exclusively on Mongolian culture, with hardly any cultural studies based on field work found directly on Mongols.Turkish historians have also mentioned Mongols in studies on general Turkish history and in their various research. The history of the Turks is factually intertwined with the Mongols. For the Mongols, meeting Turks was inevitable in terms of both their homeland and national history. Information on Mongolian history seems to have increased alongside the Mongol Empire, Ilkhanate, Golden Horde, and Chagatai and Timur states as the sources get closer to Anatolia.

An Evaluation of Studies on Mongolian History in Türkiye

Altay

As we approach into the 100th anniversary of the Republic of Türkiye in 2023, we also celebrate the 100th anniversary of the new generation of historians of the new republic. Although the roots of this new period of historiography go back to the historical works written during the Ottoman Empire, the historiography of the republican period shows that it was a period in which history was viewed from a different perspective. One of the areas of research where we can clearly see the difference in perspective is the study of Mongol history. Mongol history in the late Ottoman Empire was an area of political polarization among intellectuals. However, today Turkish historians who is specializing in Mongol history approach the Mongol past only as a field of scientific research. For this reason, the number of qualified researches on Mongol history is increasing day by day in Türkiye.Mongol history research in Türkiye developed in several periods. The first of these was the period from the establishment of the republic until the 1970s. In this period, names such as Zeki Velidi Togan, Akdes Nimet Kurat, Ahmet Temir, Bahaeddin Ögel, Abdülkadir İnan and Osman Turan came to the fore. The period from 1970 to the 2000s was a period of transition. In these years, the publications of Akdes Nimet Kurat, Bahaeddin Ögel and Ahmet Temir, who had worked in the previous period up to 1970, contributed to a new generation of researchers. Mustafa Kafalı, Özalp Gökbilgin, Tuncer Gülensoy, Özkan İzgi, Faruk Sümer, Abdülkadir Yuvalı, İlhan Erdem and others contributed to Mongol studies in this period. From 2000, the study of Mongol history in Türkiye entered a very different phase. The main reason for this was that Mongol history was researched by a generation of historians who worked directly on Mongol history and had prepared their doctoral theses on Mongolian history in Türkiye. Because of this, there has been a significant increase in the quality and quantity of studies. At the same time, their diversity also increased. Within the scope of this study, namely the study of the Great Khanate of the Mongols and the Golden Horde, Turkish scholars researching Mongol history have been examining the political history of the Mongols not only from their early history to Genghis Khan and his successors, but also from their history in the Balkans to their campaigns in Japan, and from their relations with the Mamluks to the politics they pursued over various states in the Far East. Studies are also written on issues such as state organization, culture, art and how they are reflected in the&nbsp;present day. Today, historians who are working on Mongol history in Türkiye have become into a crowded community to the extent of organizing a symposium to be attended only by scholars who have written doctoral dissertations in this field.The present study examines thematically the studies written in Türkiye on the Great Khanate of the Mongols and the Golden Horde Khanate from the foundation of the Republic of Türkiye until today. The research of foreign scholars who conducted their graduate studies in Türkiye or wrote while they were at Turkish universities was also included in this review. There has been a significant increase in the number of graduate studies on Mongol history in Türkiye in recent years. It was not possible to evaluate all of them in this review, and perhaps this can be determined as the subject of another study. In this review, among the master’s and doctoral theses, only those that were published as books or articles or that attracted attention in their subjects were included.

The Development of the Mongol History Studies in Türkiye (Genghis Khand and his Successors in the Time of the Mongol Great Khanate and the Golden Horde Khanate

While the term “literature” once denoted “knowledge that teaches manners, gives manners, and makes one with manners along with works containing that knowledge”, literature has distanced itself from moral considerations, both conceptually and terminologically. In the perception of modern and postmodern times, literature no longer bears any obligation to domains like morality and belief, and it lacks the mission or motivation to represent such areas. Across the globe, contemporary literature has proudly asserted its autonomy. It signifies a blending of all techniques, and an increase in the fluidity between forms, in other words, the definition of forms has become vague, and the boundaries between genres have blurred. It has evolved into an art form that enjoys the freedom to express anything in any manner, language, or style. History, like all other themes that literature has employed for centuries according to the thoughts and beliefs of the present era, remains a wellspring of inspiration for literature in various ways.The theme of history is a phenomenon that has been explored and examined in world literature and the entire history of art. Art, which serves as a medium for a nation and its individuals to express themselves within an aesthetic framework, regards history as a vibrant and productive resource, a repository of knowledge and memories that transcends individual memory to encompass the collective memory of humanity. It offers indispensable opportunities for artists to shape and construct historical figures, periods, events, realms, and structures in the manner they envisage.&nbsp;Namık Kemal, one of the most charismatic and influential figures of the initial generation of the Tanzimat, held a profound appreciation for history, aligning with the sentiments of romantic poets and writers in global literature. Through his novels, plays, and historical biographies, Namık Kemal delved into the lives, victories, and struggles of the great Islamic commanders. On the other hand, “Hürriyet Ode” serves as a manifestation of the aspiration to embrace the future while drawing inspiration from the past, crafted within the framework of a romantic understanding of history.Ziya Pasha, another luminary poet from the same period, with his translations titled History of Inquisition and History of Andalusia, with examples from medieval history, endeavored to infuse religious and national consciousness into the Ottoman society, which grappled with a sense of inferiority in the face of Western civilization.In the subsequent generation following this initial one, history did not captivate the same fervor, but Abdülhâk Hâmid emerged as a notable exception. He displayed a keen interest in the history of Andalusia and published works that were widely read in his period, notably the plays belonging to the collapse of the Andalusian Umayyad State. Hâmid’s poems “The&nbsp;Visit to the Grave of Fatih” and “The Visit to the Grave of Selim the First” are the first great examples of the integration of history into poetry.The poets affiliated with Servet-i Fünun, whose primary activities spanned from 1896 to 1901, initially showed little inclination toward history or national life. However, the backdrop of the 1897 Turkish-Greek War during this period fostered a great affinity towards history. Mehmet Emin Bey’s Turkish Poems serve as a representative embodiment of this historical resurgence.It is evident that new historical theses and nationalist ideas gained prominence under the influence of the leaders of the Committee of Union and Progress, who held power during the Second Constitutional Monarchy. In this Pan-Turkist atmosphere, poets and writers such as Ziya Gökalp, Mehmet Emin, Halide Edip, Müfide Ferif Hanım, and Ahmet Hikmet (Müftüoğlu) turned their attention to Central Asian Turkish history. They explored numerous real or imaginary people and events from pre-Islamic Turkish history. However, there was a lack of such motivation in Mehmet Âkif and Yahya Kemal, who were active during these periods. Âkif displayed a keener interest in Islamic history, while Yahya Kemal was developing a theory of real nationalism based on history and land and also a focus on Anatolia, Istanbul, and Rumelia.During the period of the National Struggle (1919-1922), literary works in the form of poetry and novels were created to evoke historical memories and periods that would raise the spirits of the society (The articles of Yakup Kadri collected in his book Ergenekon, which is the title of a Turkish epic, is a typical example of this trend.)The representation of history in the poetry, novel, story, and play of the Republican period diverges within the framework of social, political, and cultural transformations. In the initial phase spanning from 1923 and 1940, literary works were dominated by a reaction to the Ottoman State and its institutions. This period saw a greater focus on pre-Islamic Turkish history, with considerable criticism and irony directed at the social structure and management style of the Ottoman period. In this period, the literature was centered around the National Struggle and Atatürk.Post-1940s, especially after 1950 when the multi-party political life in Turkey began, there was a growing sympathy for Ottoman history. Notable works, such as Kemal Tahir’s novel “The Mother State”, Tarık Buğra’s novel Osmancık, and Mustafa Necati Sepetçioğlu’s novels series are successful works about the Turkification of Anatolia and the establishment processes of the Ottoman Empire. Additionally, critical texts of Kemal Tahir and Tarık Buğra regarding the early Republic’s history (Yol Ayrımı -the Parting of the Ways-, Yağmuru Beklerken -Waiting For the Rain) remain memorable.&nbsp;The Turkish War of Independence continued to serve as an inspiring subject for writers and a popular theme in novels throughout the 1980s and beyond. In the 1970s, discussions on Ottoman history and the War of Independence were sometimes discussed under the influence of ideological conditioning.&nbsp;&nbsp;It is undeniable that, especially after the 1980s and more so after the 2000s when the impact of postmodernism became more evident, history, like all subjects in literature and art, lost some of its solemnity and was often used to add flavor and vibrancy to novels. Authors such as Orhan Pamuk and especially İhsan Oktay Anar, have employed history as a tool to enhance the intrigue and liveliness of their novels.

In The Context of History-Literature Relations The Theme of History In New Turkish Literature (Poetry and Novel)

This section on the 100-year course of historical geography in Turkey has a point that needs to be explained first, because this issue is important for understanding the content of this study. The history of geography and historical geography are often confused with each other. The history of geography is a field of study that briefly investigates, analyzes, and explains the phases and all kinds of processes that a science has gone through. Undoubtedly, every scientific field has and should have a historical background. Otherwise, talking about the development of the discipline is impossible, as the more that exists about the past, the greater that discipline’s strength and existence. Every historical event involves various processes such as ups and downs, strengthening, growth, weakness, and stagnation. A discipline will very likely experience any one or more of these processes. The study of all these processes and the functioning of a discipline describes the history of that discipline. Therefore, the history of geography is an issue that should be evaluated in this respect. However, historical geography is a scientific field that investigates issues such as the geographical features and conditions of a certain place at a certain time or time period in the past, the change of geographical appearance, and the reconstruction of the past. In other words, the methods of the science of geography are used to make a geographical design of the past through the data obtained from past information and documents. The historical geography study conducted by a geographer should essentially have geographical content, as constructing the spatial fiction of the period is required due to the use of historical data. In other words, historical geography involves revealing the geography of the past. In so doing so, making a geographical evaluation using a geographical perspective and a geographical evaluation would be best to the extent of the available information.&nbsp;As in many studies of this kind, this study has its general shortcomings and certain limitations. One should additionally note that certain issues require clarification in terms of the methodology and sources used in the study. As is known, historical geography has been and continues to be studied by different fields of science, each with its own methods and knowledge. Historical geography has been included among the interdisciplinary studies and has not been included in this section with the idea that various studies produced in different fields of science (i.e., historical geography studies conducted by non-geographers) should be evaluated differently. For example, researchers engaged in scientific activities in different&nbsp;fields such as an archaeologist, a historian, or a prehistorian researcher have used historical geography to describe some of their studies. Although historical geography is not used to describe some studies, historical geography may also be able to be characterized in terms of its content. In this case, different opinions can be produced on whether or not these studies should be included in the scope of historical geography. However, the scientific method, nature, language, accumulation, and interests of each field actually involve extremely important differences. For this reason, the historical geography studies produced by members of different disciplines will also have differences, while the data sources used may largely be the same. As explained above, however, the studies will differ due to the differences in evaluation methods and values. This is a very natural situation.Alongside all these explanations, this work endeavors to explain the 100-year adventure of historical geography in Türkiye after explaining two issues related to the sources compiled in the study. According to the issues explained above, the research will cover the 100-year process consists of a total of four 25-year periods starting from 1923; it will take into account the works of researchers, all of whom are geographers or from the geography community.&nbsp;The Historical Geography in Turkey in 25-Year IncrementsWhen evaluating the first 25 years, very few studies can be said to have been carried out in the field of historical geography compared to other fields of geography. Despite this, finding some studies from this period, albeit only a few, is pleasing.To reiterate, a slight increase did occur compared to the previous 25 years. Nevertheless, these works constitute an important basis for future studies.&nbsp;&nbsp;The studies carried out in the third period saw the number of publications increase considerably compared to the first two periods and have a different worth in terms of both quality and quantity. The geographers mentioned in the previous period actively produced works in this period as well. In addition, finding authors who work directly in the field of historical geography, especially with the use of the phrase historical geography, is considered an important development in this regard. When addressing historical geography research up to the 75th year of the Republic of Türkiye, preparations for the next period in the field of historical geography can be observed to have developed in the studies conducted over these 25 years.The fourth and final part of the study on 100 years of between 1999-2023. This period saw more studies published than in all of the first three periods and is considered the time when historical geography became a specialization.The developments in the geography community in this period can be listed as follows:&nbsp;a) The production of master’s theses and especially doctoral dissertations on historical geography. b) The increase in publications on historical geography methodology. c) Serious, albeit partial, adjustments in the content of historical geography courses offered at universities. d) The increase and significant diversification of historical geography studies in Turkey.&nbsp;This study has performed an evaluation of historical geography in Türkiye and its situation over various periods and attempted to explain the past century. That each period has its own characteristics is indisputable, and because the characteristics of a period are reflected in every field, these have also affected science and scientific studies. Thus, evaluating and explaining each period alongside its own dynamics is important.

100 Years of Historical Geography in Turkey

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Vural

It is well known that many Iranian scholars and intellectuals traveled between Ajam and Rum towards the end of the 15th century, in order to secure wealthy and benevolent patrons. The reason for the mobility of scholars, which can be traced back to the reign of Murad the Second (1421-1451), was undoubtedly related to the changes occurred across the Islamic world. Of these changes, the conquest of Istanbul was the most important. Adding “the protector of Islam” to his extant titulatures with this conquest, Sultan Mehmed the Conqueror, proclaimed that he was the only representative of the Islamic world. The second reason was the decline of Timurid Empire after the demise of Shahrukh (d. 1447) who were the reputed patron of science and art like&nbsp;his father towards the second half of the 15th century. By exiling scholars and crafters from newly conquered lands to his capital Samarqand, Timur created a Renaissance era and bequeathed this cultural heritage to his successors. Timurid princes’ fights for the throne perpetuated in Iraq, Fars, Mazandaran, Mawara al-Nahr and Khurasan, and several handovers and plunders of Samarqand and Herat precipitated the exodus of Timurid scholars and craftsmen in order to secure wealthy patrons and safe places, after the demise of Shahrukh. This chaotic atmosphere pervaded in Iran and on the other hand Ottoman sultans’ patronage of science and art made the Ottoman lands a safe and inviting shelter for Iranian scholars and literary men. Based on the claims that they were the only representative of Islam, the Ottomans’ superiority over the Aqquyunlus who presented themselves as Timur’s licit heirs, led this competition to another phase. Reputed with his wealth, benevolence and power, Sultan Mehmed the Conqueror made his capital Istanbul a center of attraction for Iranian scholars and poets.&nbsp;His patronage of science and art had spread across Iran so much so that his palace was replete with Iranian scholars and encomiasts at the very beginning of his reign. Along with scholars and bureaucrats such as Şemseddin Fenârî, Molla Gürânî, Mevlana Şeyh Ebu İshak Tebrizî and Ali Kuşçu, encomiasts and man of letters such as Ma’âlî, Kâşifî, Hamidî, and Kabûlî presented their works to Sultan Mehmed and, made contributions to sultan’s imperial image from the viewpoint of Ajamness. It is also well known that Sultan Mehmed endeavored to take famous Iranian scholars under his patronage and, for this purpose he sends them enticing gifts.&nbsp;Benevolent and wealthy image of Sultan Mehmed the Conqueror and, his capital’s hallmark as a center for a multi-cultural junction, attracted another Ajam known as Riyâzî. He was less known among the Ajams in Sultan’s palace. Neither contemporary chroniclers nor collection of the biographies of poets mention him. Beside his Persian epistle, which he penned on the occasion of Sultan Mehmed’s conquest of Akçahisar and constitutes the subject of the present study, there are at least three copies of his Divan survived to this date. None of these primary sources provide any information concerning his migration from Ajam to Rum and his residence in Istanbul. According to his Divan, his full name was Mawlana Riyâzî-i Samarqandî. This specifies the fact that he was native of Timurids’ cultural center Samarqand. Most probably in order to escape the political chaos and seeking a new patron, he headed towards Istanbul, after the decline of the Timurid Empire in Iran and Mawara al-Nahr. In the patrimonial states of the 16th-century Islamic world, scholars and craftier were more depended on court patronage. Because of that sultans were the only resorts. When the scholars fell from the grace of their patron(s), they set on a journey seeking for welfare and patronage in another sultan’s court.&nbsp;Riyâzî’s venture was not different from the scholars and bureaucrats who lost their patronage and set out to secure a new one in 15th and 16th centuries Islamic world. Although it is not known how and when he managed, he might have come to Istanbul and secured Sultan Mehmed’s patronage prior to 1479. Beyond the Sultan Mehmed’s personal interest to attract many Iranians, this phenomenon should be supported with the role which sultan played himself. Eventually, patronizing Muslim scholars and craftsmen was an indispensable source of legitimacy for the sultan who had claims for superiority in the Islamic world.&nbsp;&nbsp;Although his contemporaries Ma’âlî and Kabûlî gave huge details on their journeys, observations on the palace and how they managed to secure Sultan’s patronage, neither in his Persian epistle presented to Sultan Mehmed nor in his Divan replete with poems of love and separation Riyâzî-i Samarqandî does not provide any information about himself and his personal experiences. In contrast to Ma’âlî, Kabûlî, and Hamidî, he has never presented a panegyric to his patron. The only information about his life in Istanbul was his disease, which he could not recuperate and finally died in 884/1479-80. Though he did not relate his observations on the palace and the Sultan, and how he behaved, accounts of other Ajam’s provide details about the perception of Ajamness in the Ottoman palace, which we can further elaborate on. Furthermore, it is well known that there was a competition of superiority between highly-educated Ajams and their rival Rumîs in Sultan Mehmed’s palace.Riyâzî-i Samarqandî penned his Persian epistle entitled with Risâle-i Tehniyet-i ‘Iyd ve Nevrûz Berây-ı Ebu’l-feth Sultan Mehmed or Tehniyet-i ‘Iyd ve Fethnâme-i Akçahisar in 1479 on the occasion of the conquest of Akçahisar in Albania and presented to the Sultan. The seal of Sultan Mehmed on the folios verifies that the epistle was accepted to the personal library of Sultan. The coincidence of Sultan Mehmed’s conquest of Akçahisar with Nawruz feast was a double occasion for Riyâzî to present himself to the Sultan. Unlike his fellows in this genre, he merely confined his epistle to create an imperial image for the Sultan with titles and titulatures, which he formulated for him. He furthermore explained the reason for giving these titles to the Sultan under each titulatures. It should also be specified that this Persian epistle penned and presented to the Sultan to proclaim Ottoman dynasty’s superiority over the other dynasties such as Aqquyunlu and Mamluk, and to show them how Ottomans were the only protectors of Islam.As a wealthy, powerful, benevolent and just sultan, Mehmed the Conqueror took many Iranian scholars, encomiasts, and craftsmen under his patronage. Thus, he commenced “Eastern Renaissance” which would last in his successor’s reign Bayezid the Second (1481-1512). Thanks to this cultural mobility, those who came from Ajam, penned and presented many epistles and panegyric to the Sultan. It should not be forgotten that Iranian shahnama-writers had major contributions for the creation of the imperial image of Sultan Mehmed, which would be imitated in Bayezid the Second’s reign as well. It can be concluded that like his Iranian contemporaries’ pieces, Riyâzî-i Samarqandî’s Persian epistle was also a contribution to create an imperial image for the Sultan from the viewpoint of an Ajam.

THE CONTRUBUTION OF AN IRANIAN LITERARY MAN TO THE IMPERIAL IMAGE OF THE MEHMED THE CONQUEROR: MAWLĀNĀ RIYĀZĪ-I SAMARQANDĪ

Arda

The efforts for founding an Israeli state in Palestine, which gained momentum with the Balfour Declaration issued in the end of World War I, constituted one of the most important problems causing instability in the Middle East during the interwar period. In this process, when Jewish immigration to Palestine increased and Arabs and Jews began to have serious conflicts in the region, Turkey did not get involved in the developments in Palestine. The conflicts became bitterer following World War II when the victorious USA began to back up the efforts for the establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine. The ambitions of Western countries and the Jews for Palestine became the prominent issue for Arab countries after World War II. Arab nationalists gathered around anti-Westernism and the Palestine issue.&nbsp;&nbsp;Unlike its passive position in the interwar period, Turkey began to take more active involvement in the Palestine issue after the war. Turkey’s increasing interest in the issue following 1945 was due to its convergence with Arab nations, rather than religious or nationalist considerations. Turkey was left alone against the Soviet Union by Western nations. With no alternative but to create stronger bonds with the states in the region against the Soviet threat, Turkey approached its Arab neighbours and realized that the Palestine issue was the first item on their agenda. When the Palestine issue was brought to UN, Turkey supported Arab nations due to its sense of solidarity with Arab nations and its concern that a Jewish state to be founded in the area might cause instability. Turkey’s support to Arab nations for the Palestine issue would come to an end with the improvements in Turkey’s relations with Western nations and the outbreak of the First Arab-Israeli War.As a result of its strategic alliance with Western nations against the Soviet Union threat, Turkey felt the need for acting in concert with its allies in the international area. Meanwhile, it became clear to Turkey during the First Arab-Israeli War that military alliance with Israel would be more beneficial than with Arabs. At this stage, the UN decided to set up a Conciliation Commission for resolution of the Palestine issue. Acting uniformly with Western nations in the Conciliation Commission and carrying out missions together with the USA and France, Turkey made it clear that it would no longer take an approach supporting Arab theses in the Palestine issue.The UN Conciliation Commission for Palestine was important in that it was the first multilateral attempt for resolution and Turkey’s first critical alliance with Western nations following World War II. Turkey was included in the conciliation commission with the USA and France due to its support for Arab countries in the conflict, but it did not maintain its support in the works of the commission. Commission membership increased Turkey’s diplomatic contact with Israel, and as a result&nbsp;of these interactions Turkey’s concerns over Israel disappeared and led Turkey to become the first Muslim country to recognize Israel.&nbsp;The Conciliation Commission was set up with great expectations and strong international support. At the time the Commission made serious efforts for resolution of the problem, the disagreement between the two parties was new and so there were suitable grounds for resolution. However, the biggest disadvantage of the Commission was its Western identity which caused lack of trust with Arab nations. France, a member of the Commission that aimed to provide suitable conditions for lasting peace following the First Arab-Israeli War, was known for its colonial past among Arab nations. Turkey’s membership was also met with mistrust due to memories from the Ottoman Empire period and the Hatay issue, which was seen as a conspiracy set against Arab countries by Turkey and Western nations. The USA was the only nation with no colonial past from the point of view of Arab nations. However, the USA’s strong support for the founding of a Jewish state in Palestine following World War II was known by the Arab public. For these reasons, the Commission’s neutrality was questioned by Arab nations.&nbsp;Between the Commission’s most active years of 1949 and 1952, Arab nations were devoid of strong governments that could sign a peace treaty with Israel, as they were struggling with political and military depression caused by the First Arab-Israeli War. Israel, on the other hand, had seen the weaknesses of Arab troops during the War, and aimed to extend and strengthen its boundaries through further conflicts rather than make peace with Arab nations. The works of the Conciliation Commission failed as they were trying to reconcile those with no power for making peace and those with no intention of doing so. After the Paris Conference of 1951, the Commission acknowledged that it would be unable to reach its aim of ensuring a peace accord, and decided to focus on the resolution of the problems of Arab refugees. However, it failed to gain effective results in its smaller targets because the parties of the Arab-Israeli conflict adopted more uncompromising attitudes as the Cold War began to influence the Palestine issue. During the course of the work of the Commission after 1952, the relations between some of the Arab nations that were expected to be made better through the joint efforts of the members, namely Turkey, the USA, and France, became even worse. With Arab nations being supported by the Soviet Union, and Israel by the USA in the international area, the parties of the conflict began to manifest their uncompromising attitudes more comfortably, which put the Conciliation Commission in a situation where it could no longer function.&nbsp;The Conciliation Commission was an unsuccessful experience on the part of Turkey. Turkish foreign policy pursued until the 1960s did more harm than good on&nbsp;the works of the Conciliation Commission. During the 1950s, Turkey formed closer economic and political relationships with Israel, while its relations with important Arab nations such as Egypt and Syria deteriorated. Such direct conflicts between Western and Arab nations as the Suez Crisis did not only worsen the relations between Western and Arab nations in the Conciliation Commission, but also caused Turkey to lose its role of mediator. With Cold War and the Soviet Union becoming more influential over Middle East, Turkey’s policies on Arab nations, especially Egypt and Syria, became stricter. When Turkey and Syria were on the brink of war in 1957, the two nations had no chance of cooperation and resolution under the Conciliation Commission. Egypt and Syria also sharpened their irreconcilable attitudes against Turkey both in terms of regional policies and of international relations with the support they received from the Soviet Union. Because Egypt perceived a Muslim state’s contribution to the resolution of the Palestine issue as interference in the internal affairs of Arab nations at a time when it saw itself as the protector of Arab nations, it did not support Turkey’s efforts for conciliation. The Conciliation Commission for Palestine was imbedded in history as another UN initiative that failed to provide solutions to international relations under the existing structure of the UN.

PALESTINE CONCILIATION COMMISSION AND TURKEY

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Gökhan

Known as the Neo-Babylonian Chronicles, the cuneiform texts were compiled (copied) by Babylonian scribes and mostly concern the historical events of both the recent and distant past. Recorded concisely and chronologically, they detail events starting from the Babylonian king Nabunassar era in 747-734 BC and continue to the period just after the capture of Babylonia by the Persians in 539 BC. In this study, the records concerning the illnesses and disabilities of the Mesopotamian and Elamite kings in these chronicles will be discussed. We will attempt to determine the historical importance of these medical problems of the kings with regards to the medical history of Mesopotamia. Some assessments will be made concerning the relations between these records and the political, religious, and traditional aspects of Babylonian historiography. Additionally, other pieces of information in other chronicles such as Esarhaddon, Weidner, and Chronicle of Early Kings will be referred to when needed. Although numerous Babylonian and Assyrian kings are mentioned concerning political events in the Neo-Babylonian Chronicles, the only king whose illness is mentioned is the Neo-Assyrian king Esarhaddon (681- 669 BC). The king fell ill during one of his campaigns and subsequently died. There is not much detailed information about the king’s illness in the relevant chronicles. Similarly, the chronicles do not mention the illnesses of the Babylonian kings in much detail. While the Neo-Babylonian king Nabunassar (747-734 BC) died after becoming sick in his palace, another Babylonian king Nabonidus (555-539 BC) was also ill but recovered. In brief, it is observed that the medical backgrounds of some of the numerous Babylonian and Assyrian kings are mentioned in the Neo-Babylonian Chronicles and that these references are only superficial. However, it is very clear that the illnesses and disabilities of the Neo-Elamite kings, who reigned during the 1st millennium BC, are mentioned in more detail by the chronicle scribes. What is the reason behind the fact that no detailed information is given about the illnesses of the Assyrian and Babylonian kings, while the health situations and deaths of their contemporary Neo-Elamite kings include more details? There might be more than one answer to this question. One answer might be that the scribes could not find sufficient information in the ancient sources about these issues while compiling the chronicles. In addition, statements indicating that the demise of the kings did not result from an illness and particularly that some of them “died in the palaces” are either proof of&nbsp;the fact that there is not sufficient information about the cause of death of these kings or it is possible that these individuals were accepted as “well-remembered figures” in Babylonian history. However, another answer (and one which is the main focus of the study) should be sought in the relation between the medical knowledge and tradition of Babylonian historiography, in which political and religious ideologies are dominant. It is possible to find pieces of information about the health problems of kings such as Esarhaddon and Nabonidus in other cuneiform sources such as the royal inscriptions and correspondence. However, only in the chronicles is it possible to encounter details about the illnesses of the Elamite kings. The records of the death of two Neo-Elamite kings following a stroke and/or paralysis can be considered as an example of the reflection of a pro-Babylonian attitude towards historiography. It is certain that the scribe or scribes, who mentioned these pieces of information, are eager to leave no stone unturned about information and the details concerning the disabilities or deaths of the Elamite kings. It should be considered that a conscious preference in deciding which pieces of information to be recorded might be related to the world views of the scribes, the relevance of the kings, the form of the illnesses to be mentioned, divine background, and the political/ideological aspects of historiographical tradition. Similarly, this relation is conspicuous in the health problems of the Sargon of Akkad and Isin king Erra-imitti written in the records of the Chronicles of the Early Kings and Weidner as well.It is possible that some of the details concerning the illnesses of the kings might contain fabrications, exaggerations, or personal comments. However, even if these details are supported by information from other cuneiform sources or even if it is medically possible, it doesn’t change the possible views asserted in the study about the intentions behind adding them to the chronicles. Sometimes concise and sometimes relatively longer, the information provided by the chronicle writers about the illnesses of the Assyrian, Babylonian, and Elamite kings, and even about the Isin king Erra-imitti contribute to our knowledge about the medical history of ancient Mesopotamia. Independent from the individuals, since these medical cases (such as stroke, paralysis, fever, insomnia, and respiratory problems) are common in royal correspondence and literary texts and particularly in medical texts, they have no particular privilege. However, these medical details in the chronicles are important with regards to Babylonian historiography. It is observed in the chronicles that only the health problems of the kings are detailed with interest. However, some kings like the Neo-Babylonian King Nabonidus (who recovered after the illness), or kings who died without getting sick, are also discussed. Particularly in the latter case, it was also relevant that some of the scribes did not have knowledge about the causes of deaths of the kings. Additionally, it was recorded that some of the kings (like the Babylonian king Nabunassar) died in the palaces, even without getting sick. The Babylonian scribes were probably informed about the details of the illness of the Neo-Assyrian king Esarhaddon; however, they did not mention it. In fact, Esarhaddon was a Neo-Assyrian king, who was trying to revive the city of Babylonia and return it to its old magnificent days after his father, Sennacherib, wrathfully devastated the city. It can be considered that these kings were not remembered with ill feelings by later generations. However, this interpretation can involve problems, since it is a result of an overall general view about the whole life of the individual. It is also possible that they were punished with illnesses resulting in death by the gods due to their misconduct in any period of their kingdom or in any issue that might annoy (!) the gods.Therefore, all of these examples have great importance since they reflect the dominant understanding concerning the ancient Mesopotamian historiography: a religious belief that the illness is a divine punishment arising from the faults of an individual. The common trait of almost all of the kings, about whom the chronicles give detailed information concerning their illnesses, is that they were all remembered negatively with regards to the history of Babylonia. It is possible that there was an attempt to create a perception that the patron deity of the city of Babylon Marduk (Bel) punished these kings who were in the wrong. Illnesses and deaths related with these situations were remarkable events since they demonstrated the proof of the relation between the crime and the punishment. Thus, the motives behind the intention to abstain from recording the known or fabricated medical causes of deaths of some kings should not be examined, to a large extent, in the epistemological concerns. These motives should be investigated in the relations between historiography and its political, religious, and traditional aspects. For example, mentioning the insomnia problems of Sargon of Akkad doesn’t have a medical or historical importance in itself. This record reaches significance when there is an attempt to establish relations between the current ideologies and compilation of literary narratives, whose “reality is suspicious”, that are dated to the 1st millennium BC. It might also be mentioned that, sometimes while narrating, the role and influence of these relations are behind the inclusion of the themes and contents, which are thought to arouse curiosity and interest, with a high potential of speculation.

IDEOLOGICAL READINGS THROUGH THE MEDICAL RECORDS: ILLNESSES IN THE NEO-BABYLONIAN CHRONICLES AND BABYLONIAN HISTORIOGRAPHY

The Last Penetration of The Crusader Armies into the Seljuḳ Territory of Anatolia: Emperor Friedrich Barbarossa’s Crusade (1089-1190)In the 12th century, Anatolia witnessed the great struggles between the Crusaders and the Turks, and the Crusaders penetrated into Seljuḳ territory for the last time during the Third Crusade (1189–1192). By conquering Jerusalem in 1187, the Egyptian-Syrian ruler, Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn, put an end to the Crusaders’ domination in Jerusalem, which lasted 88 years. It was at this point that German Emperor Friedrich Barbarossa, who had accompanied his uncle Conrad III, King of Germany during the Second Crusade, once again agreed to participate in the Crusade—this time as a 70-year-old ruler. He formed an immense army with the goal of capturing Jerusalem from Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn. While the English and French kings traveled by sea to the Holy Land with their forces, Friedrich tried to reach the East through Anatolia. This paper discusses the march of the German Crusaders under the command of Friedrich Barbarossa in Anatolia, and the Seljuk-Crusader relations in this period.&nbsp;Emperor Friedrich, who started to prepare for the expedition after accepting the cross, sent ambassadors to Hungarian King Bela III, Byzantine Emperor Isaakios Angelos II, and Seljuk Sultan Ḳilidj Arslan II to ask for permission to pass through their countries. In response, Emperor Isaakios said that the Crusaders would be allowed to enter the territory of the empire if they promised not to take any action against the Byzantine State. When this stipulation was accepted by Friedrich, the Byzantine emperor agreed to provide guidance and suitable markets to the Crusaders during the transition from Anatolia. After that, Emperor Isaakios took the necessary measures in accordance with the agreement reached; however, Barbarossa’s contact with the enemies of Byzantine Serbs and Seljuks increased Isaakios’s concerns. Faced with such danger, Isaakios found it appropriate to contact Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn for the interest of his country. According to Ibn al-Asir, when Isaakios learned of the German emperor’s movement, he sent an envoy to Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn and promised that he would prevent Friedrich from passing through the Byzantine land.After the year-long preparations, Friedrich finally moved from Regensburg to the East in May 1189. His enormously large and well- organized army seemed almost invincible. Barbarossa passed Hungary, where he was welcomed by King Bela, and by crossing the Danube near Belgrade, he entered the Byzantine territory in 1189. The Crusader army was said to have 50,000 horsemen and 100,000 infantrymen. Meanwhile, the Serbs and Bulgarians’ attempt to form an alliance with the German emperor destressed the Byzantines.Because of the events in the Balkans, the relations between the two sides became so bad that Friedrich even contemplated attacking Istanbul. Eventually, Friedrich, who intended to arrive in Palestine after spending the winter months in Adrianople, went to Gallipoli in March 1190, and by crossing through the Dardanelles into Anatolia, he entered the path that Alexander the Great had followed about 15 centuries prior. After crossing the Granikos Stream and the Angelokomites River, the Crusaders followed a Byzantine military road between Miletopolis and today’s Balikesir (Akhyraous), and they moved southward through Balikesir-Ala Shehir before heading toward Seljuḳ territory after the Byzantine border town of Laodiceia (Denizli). The German emperor thought that he would easily pass from Anatolia, in accordance with the old friendship and the agreements between Ḳilidj Arslan II and him. In the last two years, he sent ambassadors to the sultan several times, and he stated that his intention was to go to Jerusalem. When the German army was in Adrianople, Sultan Ḳilidj Arslan and his son Malik Shah’s envoys had gone to Friedrich and promised to help him. Meanwhile, the Anatolian Seljuk State had lost its political unity. Sultan Ḳilidj Arslan did not actually have power. The feuds for the throne had begun among the Maliks soon after he allocated the country between his 11 sons in 1187. Because of these circumstances, the Turks were not in a position to openly fight against this enormous army, but they also did not want to let them pass through Anatolia. As a result, they followed the German Crusader army and harassed them. In the meantime, the Turkmens, who acted on their own at the borders, also pursued the Crusaders along the road from Denizli. The Turkmens initially retreated to the mountains and grazed large herds of animals (around 5,000) along the Germans’ way and therefore condemned the horses of the Crusaders to starvation. Then they suddenly attacked the Crusaders, who were devastated by fatigue and starvation. As&nbsp;a result of these attacks in the mountains and passages in the Uluborlu region, the Germans suffered great losses. While the attacks of the Turkmens continued along the way, the Germans were forced to carry out a series of fierce battles (from April 28 to May 18). The Turks also continued their activities around the Crusader camp at nights, shouting and shooting arrows until the morning, causing the Germans sleepless and troubled nights. In the meantime, under the rain of arrows that pierced the tents, the Crusaders were sometimes killed while they were asleep. For this reason, most of the Crusaders were unable to remove their armor at night for weeks. This situation created an exasperating impact on them. Also, the water resources along the way of the Crusader army were rendered unusable, all kinds of foodstuffs were destroyed, cities were evacuated, and the people hid in the forests and mountains.As a result of the war tactics applied by the Turks, the German army, which was miserable because of both the lack of food and water and the constant Turkish attacks, suffered heavy losses. They set Aḳshehir on fire and marched toward Iconium (Konya). After a fierce battle, Emperor Friedrich finally managed to enter Iconium by force on May 18th. However, after leaving Iconium, Friedrich drowned while crossing the Saleph River (Silifke /Salūḳiya). As a result of this, the German army disbanded (June 10, 1190), and only a small part of the army, led by his son Friedrich VI of Swabia, reached Acre.

THE LAST PENETRATION OF THE CRUSADER ARMIES INTO THE SELJUḲ TERRITORY OF ANATOLIA: EMPEROR FRIEDRICH BARBAROSSA’S CRUSADE (1089-1190)

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Turkish Journal of History (Turk J Hist) is an international, scientific, open access periodical published in accordance with independent, unbiased, and double-blinded peer-review principles. This is a scholarly, international, peer-reviewed and open-access journal published three times a year in February, June and October.

The publication languages of the journal are Turkish and English. Turkish Journal of History (Turk J Hist) aims to contribute to the literature by publishing manuscripts at the highest scientific level on all fields of history. The journal publishes original articles and translations.

Turkish Journal of History (Turk J Hist) aims to contribute to the literature by publishing manuscripts at the highest scientific level on all fields of history.

Turkish Journal of History (Turk J Hist) publishes research articles and translations on national, regional and world history. The journal also includes book reviews and critiques.

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Turkish Journal of History

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Turkish Journal of History (Turk J Hist) aims to contribute to the literature by publishing manuscripts at the highest scientific level on all fields of history. Turkish Journal of History (Turk J Hist) publishes research articles and translations on national, regional and world history. The journal also includes book reviews and critiques.

Aim and Scope

SCOPUSWeb of Science Emerging Sources Citation Index (ESCI)TÜBİTAK ULAKBİM TR Index EBSCO Historical AbstractsEBSCO Historical Abstracts with Full TextDOAJERIH PLUSSOBİAD

Indexing and Abstracting

The journal is committed to upholding the highest standards of publication ethics and pays regard to Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing published by the <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, the <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, the <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a>, and the <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> on <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a> The subjects covered in the manuscripts submitted to the Journal for publication must be in accordance with the aim and scope of the Journal. Only those manuscripts approved by every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Changing the name of an author (omission, addition or order) in papers submitted to the Journal requires written permission of all declared authors.Plagiarism, duplication, fraud authorship/denied authorship, research/data fabrication, salami slicing/salami publication, breaching of copyrights, prevailing conflict of interest are unethical behaviors. All manuscripts not in accordance with the accepted ethical standards will be removed from the publication. This also contains any possible malpractice discovered after the publication. Plagiarism Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. If plagiarism/self-plagiarism will be found authors will be informed. Editors may resubmit manuscript for similarity check at any peer-review or production stage if required. High similarity scores may lead to rejection of a manuscript before and even after acceptance. Depending on the type of article and the percentage of similarity score taken from each article, the overall similarity score is generally expected to be less than 15 or 20%. Double Blind Peer-Review After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by the editors-in-chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope. The editor provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles and hands over the papers matching the formal rules to at least two national/international referees for evaluation and gives green light for publication upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.*The journal does not include the works of authors who do not belong to any university in the academic field and students who continue their graduate education.*Two years following the publication of an author's first article in the journal, that author's second piece is published.

Policies

The journal is an open access journal and all content is freely available without charge to the user or his/her institution. Except for commercial purposes, users are allowed to read, download, copy, print, search, or link to the full texts of the articles in this journal without asking prior permission from the publisher or the author. This is in accordance with the <a href="https://www.budapestopenaccessinitiative.org/read" target="_blank">BOAI</a> definition of open access.The open access articles in the journal are licensed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.en" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) license.

All expenses of the journal are covered by the Istanbul University. Processing and publication are free of charge with the journal. There is no article processing charges or submission fees for any submitted or accepted articles.

Authors publishing with the journal retain the copyright to their work licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/" target="_blank">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/</a> ) and grant the Publisher non-exclusive commercial right to publish the work. CC BY-NC 4.0 license permits unrestricted, non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

Editor should consider publishing correction if minor errors that do not effect the results, interpretations and conclusions of the published paper are detected. Editor should consider retraction if major errors and/or misconduction that invalidate results and conclusions are detected.Editor should consider issuing an expression of concern if there is evidence of research or publication misconduct by the authors; there is evidence that the findings are not reliable and institutions of the authors do not investigate the case or the possible investigation seems to be unfair or nonconclusive. The guidelines of <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/flowcharts/complete-set-english" target="_blank">COPE</a> and <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/" target="_blank">ICJME</a> are taken into consideration regarding correction, retractions or expression of concern.

To guarantee that all papers published in the journal are maintained and permanently accessible, articles are stored in Dergipark which serves as a  national archival web site and at the same time permits LOCKSS to  collect, preserve, and serve the content.Additionally, authors are encouraged to self-archive the final PDF version of their articles in open electronic archives with  that conform to standards of Open Archives Initiative (<a href="https://www.openarchives.org/" target="_blank">https://www.openarchives.org/</a>). Authors should provide a link from the deposited version to the URL of IUPress journal website.

Turkish Journal of History is committed to upholding the highest standards of publication ethics and pays regard to Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing published by the <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, the <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, the <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a>, and the <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> on <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-bestpractice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-bestpractice-scholarly-publishing</a>All submissions must be original, unpublished (including as full text in conference proceedings), and not under the review of any other publication synchronously. Each manuscript is reviewed by one of the editors and at least two referees under double-blind peer review process. Plagiarism, duplication, fraud authorship/denied authorship, research/data fabrication, salami slicing/salami publication, breaching of copyrights, prevailing conflict of interest are unnethical behaviors. All manuscripts not in accordance with the accepted ethical standards will be removed from the publication. This also contains any possible malpractice discovered after the publication. In accordance with the code of conduct we will report any cases of suspected plagiarism or duplicate publishing.

Ethics

Turkish Journal of History adheres to the highest standards in research ethics and follows the principles of international research ethics as defined below. The authors are responsible for the compliance of the manuscripts with the ethical rules.<li>Principles of integrity, quality and ransparency should be sustained in designing the research, reviewing the design and conducting the research.</li><li>The research team and participants should be fully informed about the aim, methods, possible uses and requirements of the research and risks of participation in research.</li><li>The confidentiality of the information provided by the research participants and the confidentiality of the respondents should be ensured. The research should be designed to protect the autonomy and dignity of the participants.</li><li>Research participants should participate in the research voluntarily, not under any coercion.</li><li>Any possible harm to participants must be avoided. The research should be planned in such a way that the participants are not at risk.</li><li>The independence of research must be clear; and any conflict of interest or must be disclosed.</li><li>In experimental studies with human subjects, written informed consent of the participants who decide to participate in the research must be obtained. In the case of children and those under wardship or with confirmed insanity, legal custodian’s assent must be obtained.</li><li>If the study is to be carried out in any institution or organization, approval must be obtained from this institution or organization.</li><li>In studies with human subject, it must be noted in the method’s section of the manuscript that the informed consent of the participants and ethics committee approval from the institution where the study has been conducted have been obtained.</li>

It is authors’ responsibility to ensure that the article is in accordance with scientific and ethical standards and rules. And authors must ensure that submitted work is original. They must certify that the manuscript has not previously been published elsewhere or is not currently being considered for publication elsewhere, in any language. Applicable copyright laws and conventions must be followed. Copyright material (e.g. tables, figures or extensive quotations) must be reproduced only with appropriate permission and acknowledgement. Any work or words of other authors, contributors, or sources must be appropriately credited and referenced. All the authors of a submitted manuscript must have direct scientific and academic contribution to the manuscript. The author(s) of the original research articles is defined as a person who is significantly involved in “conceptualization and design of the study”, “collecting the data”, “analyzing the data”, “writing the manuscript”, “reviewing the manuscript with a critical perspective” and “planning/ conducting the study of the manuscript and/or revising it”. Fund raising, data collection or supervision of the research group are not sufficient roles to be accepted as an author. The author(s) must meet all these criteria described above. The order of names in the author list of an article must be a co-decision and it must be indicated in the <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/23902FFD8AED477FACB35089D3B27DD8" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form.</a> The individuals who do not meet the authorship criteria but contributed to the study must take place in the acknowledgement section. Individuals providing technical support, assisting writing, providing a general support, providing material or financial support are examples to be indicated in acknowledgement section. All authors must disclose all issues concerning financial relationship, conflict of interest, and competing interest that may potentially influence the results of the research or scientific judgment. When an author discovers a significant error or inaccuracy in his/her own published paper, it is the author’s obligation to promptly cooperate with the Editor-in-Chief to provide retractions or corrections of mistakes.

Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, sexual orientation, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors. He/She provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles for publication and ensures that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential before publishing.Editor-in-Chief is responsible for the contents and overall quality of the publication. He/She must publish errata pages or make corrections when needed.Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers. Only he has the full authority to assign a reviewer and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal.Reviewers must have no conflict of interest with respect to the research, the authors and/or the research funders. Their judgments must be objective.Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees must be ensured. In particular situations, the editor may share the review of one reviewer with other reviewers to clarify a particular point.

Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by editor-in-chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope.The editor hands over the papers matching the formal rules to at least two national/international referees for double-blind peer review evaluation and gives green light for publication upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.

Peer Review

Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, sexual orientation, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors. He/She provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles for publication and ensures that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential before publishing. Editor-in-Chief is responsible for the contents and overall quality of the publication. He/She must publish errata pages or make corrections when needed. Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers. Only he has the full authority to assign a reviewer and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal. Reviewers must have no conflict of interest with respect to the research, the authors and/or the research funders. Their judgments must be objective. Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side. A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process. The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees must be ensured. In particular situations, the editor may share the review of one reviewer with other reviewers to clarify a particular point.

Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by Editor-in-Chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope. Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors and ensures a fair double-blind peer review of the selected manuscripts.The selected manuscripts are sent to at least two national/international referees for evaluation and publication decision is given by Editor-in-Chief upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal.Reviewers’ judgments must be objective. Reviewers’ comments on the following aspects are expected while conducting the review.- Does the manuscript contain new and significant information?- Does the abstract clearly and accurately describe the content of the manuscript?- Is the problem significant and concisely stated?- Are the methods described comprehensively?- Are the interpretations and consclusions justified by the results?- Is adequate references made to other Works in the field?- Is the language acceptable?Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees is important.

Language Articles in Turkish and English are published. Submitted manuscript must include an abstract both in the article language and in English.Manuscript Organization and Submission Manuscripts can only be submitted through the journal’s DergiPark submission system, available at <a href="https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/iutarih" target="_blank">https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/iutarih</a> manuscripts submitted via any other medium will not be evaluated. Manuscripts submitted to the journal will first go through a technical evaluation process where the editorial office staff will ensure that the manuscript has been prepared and submitted in accordance with the journal’s guidelines. Submissions that do not conform to the journal’s guidelines will be returned to the submitting author with technical correction requests. All manuscripts submitted to the Turkish Journal of History must be written in Times New Roman font style in 10 font size using MS Word or MS Word compatible program, and must be in A4 size. Authors are required to submit the following: • <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/23902FFD8AED477FACB35089D3B27DD8" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a> • <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/2042B071CBF64926AE8330D517106754" target="_blank">Title Page</a> A separate title page should be submitted with all submissions and this page should include: • The full title of the manuscript as well as a short title (running head) of no more than 50 characters, • Name(s), affiliations, and highest academic degree(s) and ORCID ID(s) of the author(s),• Grant information and detailed information on the other sources of support, • Name, address, telephone (including the mobile phone number) and fax numbers, and email address of the corresponding author, • Acknowledgment of the individuals who contributed to the preparation of the manuscript but who do not fulfill the authorship criteria. Abstract: Research articles should contain an 80-100 words abstract in Turkish and English. The abstract should be prepared without any subheadings. Keywords: Each submission must be accompanied by a minimum of three to a maximum of six keywords for subject indexing at the end of the abstract. The keywords should be listed in full without abbreviations. Manuscript Types Research Articles: This is the most important type of article since it provides new information based on original research. The main text of original articles should be structured in accordance with the context of the article. Translations: This type of manuscript should be submitted with a file that contains the original text with its full bibliographic information. A formal consent letter from the author of the original text is also required.Tables Tables should be included in the main document, presented after the reference list, and they should be numbered consecutively in the order they are referred to within the main text. A descriptive title must be placed above the tables. Abbreviations used in the tables should be defined below the tables by footnotes (even if they are defined within the main text). Tables should be created using the “insert table” command of the word processing software and they should be arranged clearly to provide easy reading. Data presented in the tables should not be a repetition of the data presented within the main text but should be supporting the main text. Figures and Figure Legends Figures, graphics, and photographs should be submitted as separate files (in TIFF or JPEG format) through the submission system. The files should not be embedded in a Word document or the main document. When there are figure subunits, the subunits should not be merged to form a single image. Each subunit should be submitted separately through the submission system. Images should not be labeled (a, b, c, etc.) to indicate figure subunits. Thick and thin arrows, arrowheads, stars, asterisks, and similar marks can be used on the images to support figure legends. Like the rest of the submission, the figures too should be blind. Any information within the images that may indicate an individual or institution should be blinded. The minimum resolution of each submitted figure should be 300 DPI. To prevent delays in the evaluation process, all submitted figures should be clear in resolution and large in size (minimum dimensions: 100 × 100 mm). Figure legends should be listed at the end of the main document. All acronyms and abbreviations used in the manuscript should be defined at first use, both in the abstract and in the main text. The abbreviation should be provided in parentheses following the definition. All references, tables, and figures should be referred to within the main text, and they should be numbered consecutively in the order they are referred to within the main text. Limitations, drawbacks, and the shortcomings of original articles should be mentioned in the Discussion section before the conclusion paragraph. Revisions When submitting a revised version of a paper, changes made according to the reviewers’ comments should be highlighted in the revised document. Revised manuscripts must be submitted within 30 days from the date of the decision letter. If the revised version of the manuscript is not submitted within the allocated time, the revision option may be canceled. If the submitting author(s) believe that additional time is required, they should request this extension before the initial 30-day period is over. Accepted manuscripts are copy-edited for grammar, punctuation, and format. Once the publication process of a manuscript is completed, it is published online on the journal’s webpage as an ahead-of- print publication before it is included in its scheduled issue. A PDF proof of the accepted manuscript is sent to the corresponding author and their publication approval is requested within 2 days of their receipt of the proof.

Author Guidelines

While citing publications, preference should be given to the latest, most up-to-date publications. Authors are responsible for the accuracy of references. References should be prepared according the detailed information and examples provided below. In-text references should be stated in superscripts and numbered starting from 1 as footnotes. Footnotes should be written in Times New Roman style, type size 9 with one space. All footnotes should be end with a full stop. While stating references in footnotes, the title of books and journals should be in italic whereas the title of articles should be plain text font in quotation marks. In the footnotes, the author name and source must be given exactly in the first place, then only the author’s surname and abbreviation ibid should be written. When citing different publications of the same author, last name of the author and the abbreviated title of the book or the article should be provided after the first citation of the second work. In books with multiple authors, all authors must be written in the first citation and only the surnames of the authors should be given in the following citations of the same book. While citing an article, book section or an encyclopedia item, start and end pages should be provided.Examples: Books with a Single Author: Mübahat S. Kütükoğlu, Menteşe Sancağı 1830 (Nüfus ve Toplum Yapısı), TTK Yay., Ankara 2010, p. 115.For following citations: Kütükoğlu, ibid., p. 123 or Kütükoğlu, p. 123. Different publications of the same author: Arzu Terzi, Hazine-i Hassa Nezareti, TTK Yay., Ankara 2000, p. 98 (Terzi, Hazine-i Hassa). If the same book will be cited again, the abbreviated title of it should be provided in the parenthesis as shown in the example. To indicate the volume of the book, only the volume should be written in Roman numerals. Hoca Sa‘deddin Efendi, Tâcü’t-tevârîh, I, İstanbul 1279, 25. Tayyâr-zâde Atâ, Osmanlı Saray Tarihi Târîh-i Enderûn, haz. Mehmet Arslan, Kitabevi, III, İstanbul 2010, 138. Book Translations: Philippe du Fresne-Canaye, Fresne-Canaye Seyahatnamesi 1573, tran. Teoman Tunçdoğan, İstanbul 2009, p. 51.Encyclopedia items: Feridun M. Emecen, “Başmukataa Kalemi”, DİA, V, 135. Books with multiple authors: Robert Anhegger-Halil İnalcık, Kānūnnāme-i Sultānī Ber Mūceb-i ‛Örf-i ‛Osmānī, II. Mehmed ve II. Bayezid Devirlerine Ait Yasaknāme ve Kānūnnāmeler, TTK Yay., Ankara 2000, p. 25. For following citations of the same book: Anhegger-İnalcık, ibid, p. 36. Editor(s) or compiler(s) as authors: Osmanlı Uygarlığı, eds. Halil İnalcık-Günsel Renda, Kültür Bakanlığı Yay., I-II, Ankara 2009. Book section: Terzi, Arzu, “II. Abdülhamid’in Emlakı ve Irak Petrolleri”, Sultan II. Abdülhamid ve Dönemi, ed. Coşkun Yılmaz, İstanbul 2014, s. 181-188. Journal Article: Mübahat S. Kütükoğlu, “Osmanlıdan Günümüze Yer Adları”, Belleten, LXXVI/275 (2012), p.149. Bekir Kütükoğlu, “Ahmed Cevdet Paşa, Ma‘rûzât”, Güney-Doğu Avrupa Araştırmaları Dergisi, issue 10-11, İstanbul 1983, p. 251. Mücteba İlgürel, “Şer‘iyye Sicillerinin Toplu Kataloğuna Doğru”, Tarih Dergisi, issue 28-29 (1975), p. 164. Journal article with multiple authors: Kayhan Orbay-Hatice Oruç, “Sultan II. Murad’ın Edirne Câmi‘-i Şerîf ve Dârü’l-hadîs Vakfı (1592- 1607)”, Tarih Dergisi, issue 56 (2012/2), İstanbul 2013, p. 10. For the following citations of the same book: Orbay-Oruç, ibid, p. 15. Journal Translations: Géza Dávid, “XVI. Yüzyılda Osmanlı-Habsburg Mücadelesinin Bir Kaynağı Olarak Mühimme Defterleri”, tran. Özgür Kolçak, Tarih Dergisi, issue 53 (2011/1), İstanbul 2012, pp. 295-349. Articles of the authors with the same surname: Mübahat S. Kütükoğlu, “Osmanlıdan Günümüze Yer Adları”, Belleten, LXXVI/275 (2012), 149. Bekir Kütükoğlu, “Ahmed Cevdet Paşa, Ma‘rûzât”, Güney-Doğu Avrupa Araştırmaları Dergisi, issue 10-11, İstanbul 1983, p. 251. For the following citations of the same authors: M. S. Kütükoğlu, ibid, p. 160 or B. Kütükoğlu, ibid, p. 250. Thesis: Sinem Serin, Yıldız Çini/Porselen Fabrikası, İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Tarih Anabilim Dalı Osmanlı Müesseseleri ve Medeniyeti Tarihi Bilim Dalı, Unpublished Master Thesis, İstanbul 2009, p. 146.Archive Documents: In the footnotes; the name of the archive, the title of the classification, file and the document number should be stated respectively. Abbreviated classifications of the archives may be written in the footnote, however the full title of the classification should be given in the bibliography. • BOA, Maliyeden Müdevver Defterler (MAD), nr. 9146, s. 200. • BOA, Mühimme Defteri, nr. 120, s. 103, h. 250.Bibliography All sources that are cited in the footnotes should be stated in alphabetically by the surnames of the authors under Bibliography heading. Mübahat S. Kütükoğlu, Menteşe Sancağı 1830 (Nüfus ve Toplum Yapısı), TTK Yay., Ankara 2010. Hoca Sa‘deddin Efendi, Tâcü’t-tevârîh, I-II, İstanbul 1279-80. Translated texts: Fresne-Canaye, Philippe du, Fresne-Canaye Seyahatnamesi 1573, tran. Teoman Tunçdoğan, İstanbul 2009. *The edition number of the book should be indicated as superscript. Terzi, Arzu, Sultan Abdülhamid’in Mirası, Petrol ve Arazi, Timaş Yayınları, İstanbul 20142. Thesis: Sinem Serin, Yıldız Çini/Porselen Fabrikası, İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Tarih Anabilim Dalı Osmanlı Müesseseleri ve Medeniyeti Tarihi Bilim Dalı, Unpublished Master Thesis, İstanbul 2009, p. 146. Archive Documents: Archive classifications that are stated in footnotes should be written in full in bibliography, abbreviations should be stated in parenthesis. When references are used from different archives, these archives should be classified. Since the document numbers of the archives are stated in the footnotes, only the document classifications should be stated in bibliography section. • Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi (BOA) • Cevdet Bahriye Evrakı (C.BH.) • Şura-yı Devlet (ŞD.) • Deniz Tarihi Arşivi (DTA) • Bahriye Nezareti (BN.)

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Issue Type	Regular
Editor(s)	Arzu Terzi
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Turkish Journal of History

ISSUE 79, 2023

Habsburg Elçisi Walter Leslie’nin Osmanlı Ziyareti: Bir Tarihsel Anlatı İnşası (1665-1666)

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