Ergül

The Sere Şippe mound is located in the Temelli quarter of Dargeçit District in Turkey’s Mardin Province. The settlement is around 570 m above sea level and situated between two separate stream beds to the west of the Tigris River. These streams converge approximately 650 m east of the settlement and merge into the Tigris River. A mountain range reaches a height of 1200 m in the north and east. Today, several hilly areas are found between narrow valleys that are opened up by seasonal stream beds between the Tigris River and the mountain range. The Sere Şippe mound is situated atop one of these flat hilly areas.The settlement was reported by the workers from the Boncuklu Tarla excavation, whose research had been carried out within the scope of the Ilısu Dam and HES project. The Boncuklu Tarla excavation team conducted a short-term survey in 2019 to establish the dimensions and chronology of the Sere Şippe mound. They were granted permission by Mehmet Deniz, the director of the Mardin Museum, due to the increasing concerns stemming from the rise of the dam water level. The survey team found sherds, chipped stones, ground stone and bone tools, and ornaments dating to the Neolithic period. Several Lower Palaeolithic chipped stone tools were also found around the natural flint stone layers near the settlement.The chipped stone tools, sherds, and other finds collected at the Sere Şippe mound suggest that the settlement had been inhabited during the Pre-Pottery Neolithic and beginning of the Pottery Neolithic Eras. The Pre-Proto and Proto Hassuna sherds indicate the mound to have been occupied at the beginning of the Pottery Neolithic. In addition, the presence of microlithic tools and grooved stone objects demonstrate that the Sere Şippe mound may have been inhabited during the Pre-Pottery Neolithic. The sherds collected at the Sere Şippe mound have characteristics similar to those found at the Yarim Tepe I, Tell Sotto, Umm Dabaghiyah, Tell Hazna II, Tell Seker el-Ahmar, Sumaki Höyük, Salat Camii Yanı, Tell Kashkahok II, and Kendale Hecale excavations.This situation suggests that the Sere Şippe mound contains Late Pre-Potter Neolithic (PPNB) and Early Pottery Neolithic layers, as were found at the Sumaki mound and Tell Seker Ahmar settlements. However, a painted pottery fragment from the Sere Şippe mound exhibits similar characteristics to the Early Halaf examples. The presence of sherds from the early and late phases of the Pottery Neolithic allows us to conclude that Sere Şippe mound had been inhabited for a long period. Sere Şippe mound’s chipped stone assemblages consist of Pre-Pottery Neolithic and Pottery Neolithic tools. Obsidian blades dominate the chipped stone assemblage. Although large obsidian blades are more common, microlithic tools are particularly important.The preliminary studies on the Sere Şippe mound surface assemblage reveal the site to be able to be dated back to the Late Pre-Pottery Neolithic and Pottery Neolithic Eras, especially the early phases of the latter. The relative dating of the Sere Şippe mound suggests a chronological continuity between the two settlements rather than overlap. However, during&nbsp;&nbsp;the excavations and surveys carried out in the same region, some settlements such as Kavı̇le Saruhan and Kulahke Benabahlu Pottery were found to contain Neolithic finds. Field surveys on the Harabe, Kavi̇le Saruhan, and Kulahke Benabahlu settlements revealed Proto-Hassuna sherds, while Hassuna-Samarra and Halaf sherds are among the finds from the Havuz Mevkii excavations. In conclusion, the Sere Şippe mound is a site located on the west bank of the Tigris River and right next to the Ilısu Dam and has been under threat from agricultural activities and erosional effects caused by the new climatic and geographical conditions created by the dam. Therefore, we believe that the settlement should be investigated in more detail in the near future.&nbsp;

Preliminary Observations on the Sere Şippe Mound in the Upper  Tigris Valley (Dargeçit/Mardin/Turkey)

Şemsettin

Şafak

Eylem

Earliest Occupation at Aşağı Pınar: Layer 7

Yalçın

Acemhöyük is a large ancient city located on the alluvial fan of the Karasu River near the southern tip of Tuz Gölü. Long-term excavation projects have been carried out at the site for many decades and revealed wide spans of different periods. The site is located at the crossroads between Syro-Cilicia, Central Anatolia, and Western Anatolia, and its complex history reflects its changing relations associated with cultural and political developments. Archaeological investigations carried out at the site have indicated the presence of a citadel mound and a lower town. The lower town is mostly covered now by the modern village of Yeşilova. Archeological soundings carried out at different locations suggest that the lower town surrounded the citadel mound during the Assyrian Trade Colonies period (2000-1700 BC) and covered a much larger area than the mound itself. The citadel covers approximately 30 hectares and rises 20 m above the surrounding Aksaray Plain. The mound was extensively excavated by Nimet Özgüç and Aliye Öztan between 1962 and 2019.The excavations shed new light not only on the Assyrian Trade Colonies period, but also provides evidence for earlier periods. The architectural sequence of the Early Bronze Age settlement was recovered at the southern slope of the mound. According to the current state of research, the mound has several Early Bronze Age layers (Levels XII-IV), corresponding to a period spanning from the Early Bronze Age II (2700-2450 BC) to the end of Early Bronze Age III (2450-2000 BC) during Anatolia’s 3rd millennium BC chronology.The archaeological work conducted at the southern slope of Acemhöyük yielded a large number of objects deeply connected to the regional and interregional developments characterizing the Anatolian cultures of the 3rd millennium BC. The appearance of Trojan plates, tankards, wheel-made vessels, and Syrian bottles in Level XI should be considered a strong indication of the interregional relations of the settlement.Syrian bottle as a term usually refers to a specific type of small bottles that were widespread throughout Syria, Anatolia, and Mesopotamia during the second half of the 3rd millennium BC. Accordingly, these were considered one of the distinctive archaeological objects reflecting cultural and commercial relations alongside the chronological issues of this period. Their typology, chronology, and distribution have been discussed by many researchers. Syrian bottles appear mainly in funerary contexts. They have also been found less frequently in domestic and public contexts. Their shapes can be roughly divided into two forms: one is a long alabastron shape and the other is a globular shape. Syrian bottles are suggested as having been used as containers for aromatic fluids or oils.Some of the Early Bronze Age sites located in Central and Western Anatolia have yielded Syrian bottles. Although the number of sites is very limited, the bottles revealed at these sites&nbsp;display significant diversity in terms of typology, chronology, and production materials. The Syrian bottles recovered at Central and Western Anatolian sites include local derivatives and actual imports. Their chronologies coincide roughly with the Syrian and Mesopotamian counterparts. Silver and gold bottles recovered at Eskiyapar and Troy indicate that these bottles were also considered to be items of prestige.In some of the recent contributions, the bottles were divided into two classes according to their base shapes. While the bottles with pointed or rounded bases are defined as proper Syrian bottles, contemporary flasks with a flat or ring base are not included in this phenomenon. Proper Syrian bottles are defined as transregional types spread over a wide area. Contrarily, flat- or ring-based flasks are interpreted as local bottle types with limited geographical distribution.&nbsp;The Acemhöyük bottle discussed in this article was recovered from Level XI. The morphological, technical, and typological characteristics of the bottle are inconsistent with the local pottery repertoire. Therefore, this vessel could be considered to have been imported. Based on the morphological characteristics, it might be related to the flat- and ring-based flasks found in Northwestern Syria and its immediate vicinity. If one were to follow the methodology from the above-mentioned studies, the Acemhöyük bottle would not be able to be classified as a proper Syrian bottle. The bottle found at Acemhöyük has been dated to the beginning of the Early Bronze Age III (2450-2300 BC) according to stratigraphical observations, typological comparisons, and radiocarbon dates and is a significant archaeological object that defines the cultural and commercial relations of the site.&nbsp;

A Syrian Bottle from Acemhöyük

Harun

Kemalettin

This study presents the recently identified site of Solhan Kalesi [Solhan Fortress] in the Solhan Plain and evaluates the sites that have been documented in surveys around the Solhan district in relation to the Urartian Kingdom. Ongoing surveys since 2019 in this under-investigated region have covered the Solhan Plain, the mountainous region to the north, and Murat River Valley. In addition to Solhan Fortress, other Iron Age fortresses at Azat and Hazarşah in the northern Solhan Plain, İşaret Fortress in the mountainous region southeast, and Deriktepe and Sükyan in southern Murat River Valley have also been identified.The Solhan District of Bingöl Province lies on a relatively small (950 ha) plateau in the mountainous landscape of Eastern Anatolia. Located 800 m northeast of the Yenibaşak village junction off the Bingöl-Muş highway around 6 km west of Solhan district center, Solhan Kalesi is situated on an oval-shaped hill 75 m above the plain at the southern tip of a northeast-southwest mountain range. In addition to the architectural remains of fortifications and building foundations, many ceramic sherds, slag, and obsidian fragments have been found inside the fortress and outside on the slopes.The foundations of the fortification walls visible on the hilltop can be traced along the natural contours of the hill. Walls are three meters wide, built with the dry-stacked technique, and even preserved up to three-courses in certain sections. Fortifications are reinforced by bastions at regular intervals. South of the area where the natural bedrock is exposed nearby the fortified peak, the foundations of a rectangular (23x33 m) building consisting of at least five rooms accessed through a long hallway have been documented. Inside the fortress are three adjacent structures abutting the southeastern section of the fortification wall. The northernmost room has a rectangular plan (8.20x3.60 m), the adjacent room has a square layout (4.50x4.50 m), and the eastern wall of the southernmost room (3.20x2.50 m) abuts the fortification wall.Two oval structures consisting of a single course of stones are found inside the fortress in an area close to the southeastern fortifications. Each one measures 2.10x1.50 m and was built with roughly dressed stones. These irregularly built, 60-cm wide walls are reminiscent of cistern entrances.Except for two examples, ceramics from the site are made of a reddish-brown fabric with fine sand inclusions, self-slipped, medium- or well-fired, and in general wheel-made. Rim sherds indicate the presence of bowls, plates, and jars with and without handles. Sherds have also been found that are decorated with linear incisions. For example, a jar sherd decorated with a 4-cm wide band bearing an incised fishbone pattern between two horizontal lines and a handle sherd decorated with incised vertical grooves were found inside the fortress.&nbsp;In addition to ceramic sherds, surface finds include obsidian fragments, terracotta spindle whorls, and iron slag. Various-sized spindle whorls and slag indicate the presence of workshops.The floorplan of Solhan Kalesi does not resemble the royal cities and provincial centers of the Urartian Kingdom. The fortifications are built directly on roughly dressed bedrock without the use of rock-cut terraces, and they encircle an ovoid area abiding by the topography and reinforced by equidistant bastions. No architectural remains inside the fortress show the characteristic traits of buildings known from Urartian royal centers. In fact, a wide enough area that could accommodate such structures does not exist at the site, nor have indicators been found to suggest the presence of a lower town. Therefore, this article may explore the possibility that Solhan Fortress might have been an Urartian tribal center.Urartian tribal centers had spread across a wider landscape beyond the territory dominated by the Urartian Kingdom. The characteristic traits of Urartian tribal centers involve works of rock-carving and masonry such as rock-cut tombs, roughly dressed cyclopic walls, and rock signs.The geographical location of Solhan Fortress outside the political territory of the Urartian royal centers makes it a good candidate for having been a tribal center. However, the characteristic rock-carved features known from Urartian tribal centers are not present at the site, and the fortifications were built with roughly dressed medium- and small-sized stones rather than cyclopic stones. The most outstanding feature of the fortifications is the regularly placed bastions. Fortresses possessing bastions with a similar layout are known from the southern Lake Urmia Basin in Northwestern Iran. No glazed/painted ceramics from the Medieval Period have been found at Solhan Fortress. Incised ceramics from the site date to the Iron Age, A corroborated by the presence of iron slag. However, the architectural features noted above indicate that the fortress is distinct from Urartian settlements. The layout of the fortifications demonstrates that the site had been built as a pre-planned construction project and could not have been a temporary or seasonal settlement like the Urartian tribal centers. In the absence of clear chronological markers, the construction date of the fortress may date to any period between the Middle Iron Age and the Medieval Period. A more acute chronological assessment of Solhan Fortress will only be possible through on-site excavations and continued surveys in the region.&nbsp;

Iron Age and Later Periods in an Isolated Region: The  Bingöl-Solhan Fortress

Melih

Yavuz

Amulets of different materials have been used from the earliest periods of human history up to the present in a wide variety of different cultural milieux. Stones of many different types were used for a variety purposes in Egypt and Mesopotamia, but semi-precious ring stones are associated especially with the technical innovations in the late Classical Hellenistic Greek and Roman Empires. From there, their use was continued directly into the early Christian and Byzantine periods and subsequently into the Islamic societies of the Near East to the present day.The most general value of semi-precious stones when fitted into rings was as seals and/ or personal jewellery. Based on the Greek lithic tradition that was largely taken over from Babylonia and Egypt, such stones were clearly believed to have both protective and healing effects that could be enhanced by engraving specific designs on them. The 13 ring stones discussed in this article will be studied in this context. Two of the ring stones were found during the work conducted by the Ankara Juliopolis Necropolis Excavation, nine are currently in the possession of the Ankara Museum of Anatolian Civilizations, while the last two are in the Erimtan Archaeology and Art Museum, also in Ankara. All depict the goddess Isis either in one of her classic stances or fused with the goddess Tyche/Fortuna or some minor variation of her (e.g., an Isis-Athena-Nike combination is found in the Erimtan Museum). One of these latter examples is engraved with the name of the owner, Asklêpiodos, a very common theophoric name calqued from Asclepius, the god of medicine. Two items were found in Juliopolis, while the other 11 were acquired by purchase. All were able to be dated between the 1st-3rd centuries ce. Although their provenance is not known precisely, they do at least attest to the popularity of the motif in Anatolia.As the sister/wife of Osiris and mother of Horus, Isis played an increasingly important role in Pharaonic Egyptian religion as lord of the mystery of life and birth. Starting in the New Kingdom, she was depicted wearing a headdress consisting of the cow-horns of the fertility goddess Hathor on either side of the sun-disk, all set on a crown of rearing uraeus serpents. In Pharaonic Egypt, she had already been equated with a whole range of other deities, primarily Ma’at as the principle of divine order and Heka as the cosmic principle of magic. The intense Greek interest in late-period Egypt began in the late Archaic period, and this interest stimulated the production of numerous descriptions and “factual” histories of the country during the Greek Classical period, the best known being Book 2 of Herodotus’ The Histories. With Alexander the Great’s conquest of Egypt in 332 bce and the advent of the Macedonian dynasty of the Ptolemies, worship of Isis spread widely throughout the Eastern Mediterranean, especially in the areas controlled or dominated by the Ptolemies such as Greece and parts of what is now the west coast of Turkey. With the invention of the syncretistic god Serapis, Isis came to form part of the sacred family of husband, mother, and child (Horus, then called Harpokrates).&nbsp;Just as Isis had been identified with many other deities in the later Pharaonic and Persian periods in Egypt, she was also equated in the Hellenistic period with many other goddesses in the Greek pantheon such as Demeter, Hera, Selene, Aphrodite, and Tyche. At the same time, a set of standard depictions of the goddess was established and remained largely unchanged thereafter. In the later Hellenistic period, however, evidence of the cult diminished markedly, only to revive at the end of the 1st century ce and again in the Roman imperial period in particular, when the cult spread rapidly into the Western Mediterranean.In contrast with the case of Serapis, no full catalogue exists yet regarding Isis-types on gems, and thus no consensus exists yet regarding classification of the types that appear in this medium. However, a reasonably good selection is found from V. Tran tam Tinh (1990) in his article ‘Isis’ for the Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae, which has been adopted here. Based on his estimates, Isis-Tyche (Fortuna) types are the most common among the compound types. The goddess is standardly represented wearing a modius, long chiton and himation, and holding a steering-oar and cornucopiae (horn of fertility). She may also hold an ear of grain and a poppy-seed signifying prosperity or a sistrum signifying her sacred cultic rattle. Sometimes a flaming altar is shown beside her to indicate cultic worship. Tran tam Tinh further divides this general scheme into three categories: a) Isis shown with an Isis knot on her breast, b) Isis without such a knot, and c) Isis wearing a modius, lotus crown, and cow horns with an Apis bull or flaming altar beside her, holding the rudder in her right hand and cow’s head or falcon in the left.In some previous publications, these types have on occasion been improperly identified as representations of Tyche rather than Isis-Tyche. This study sets out to correct this error and to discuss the possible reasons for the use of Isis-Tyche/Isis-Fortuna types on finger rings. Moreover and together with the many other cultural items, these types attest to the lively communication between the wider Greco-Roman world and Anatolia during the Roman Empire. Given the limited interest in Roman-period ring stones in Turkey, the study lastly aims to fill this gap and help extend awareness of these small but interesting artefacts.&nbsp;

A Group of Gems with Isis-Tyche Depictions from Ankara

Mevlüt

Assist. Prof.

The ancient city of Hadrianopolis in Paphlagonia includes the locality known as “Viranşehir” today, located approximately 3 km west of the District center of Eskipazar in the Province of Karabük near the villages of Budaklar, Büyükyaylalar, Çaylı, and Beytarla, scattered on the surrounding land. In ancient times, the city was within the borders of the Paphlagonia Region, bordered by Halys (Kızılırmak) and the Pontos region in the east, Parthenio (Bartınsu) or Billaios (Filyos brook) and Bithynia in the west, and the Gangra (Çankırı) and Galatia regions in the south. The surface surveys and excavations performed at Hadrianopolis in Paphlagonia and the surrounding regions have unearthed a rich tomb repertoire consisting of a kistvaen “cist tomb,” chamber tomb, pediment tomb, and a rockcut tomb.Apart from these tomb types unearthed in the excavation season of 2021, the recovery of a plain limestone ostothec child sarcophagus lid, in the form of a gable roof, with the lateral and upper acroters forming the profile, and the dimensions of 84 x 68 cm, has revealed a new tomb type for the city and a new burial form at the same time.The newly discovered sarcophagus with its lid consists of a plain sarcophagus formed by four limestone blocks measuring 1.15 x 0.12 m on the long side, serving as a stone board. The inner surfaces of the sarcophagus exhibit fine workmanship contrasting with the rough workmanship of the two outer blocks having the dimensions of 38 x 10 cm. When reassembled, the tomb with the stone boards set around the lid appears to be in the form of a minor sarcophagus partially closed with this lid. The absence of any counterparts of the bracket slots seen on the center of the short side of the lid on the fine boards indicates that the lid belongs to another tomb, thus indicating that the lid had two phases of use.Workers assessed the dimensions and the initial state of the lid when it was originally unearthed, in other words, those of its second phase of use. In this context, the fact that a great number of child‒infant tombs have been discovered alongside adult tombs in the excavations conducted thus far in the second or third century CE southern necropolis of the city indicates that special tombs were available for the children in Hadrianopolis. This understanding constitutes the starting point for this paper.However, the authors recognize that the upper part of the rock-carved child‒infant tombs in the southern necropolis illustrate a plain structure covered with slates and therefore are rather incompatible with the tomb we have unearthed. Because the façade of the lid is in the form of a triangular pediment and the acroters engraved on the sides in the form of the pediment for this phase the authors contend that the find could have served as a pediment tomb in its second phase of use. The resemblance to the pediment tombs encountered in both Hadraianoupolis and southwestern Paphlagonia Region in terms of the façade design of the lid supports this conclusion. The authors have researched whether pediment tombs of the region included special tombs for children based on the resemblance between the two tomb groups. As a result of this research, the authors discovered a board decorated with figures measuring 1.30 x 0.57 m with only one visible façade, on the wall of a house in the village of Çavuş. G. Koch reviewed the board and concluded that the board was the sarcophagus part of a cist tomb because of the child figure engraved on it.However, it has been further shown that the current block is a board having 19 cm thick, therefore disproving Koch’s suggestion. When the form of the board and the figure featuring on it are evaluated concurrently, in the context of prior studies and excavations, the board clearly belongs to a pediment used in tombs classified as Southern Paphlagonia Region Pediment Tombs. Thus, the authors acknowledge that the pediment tombs in the region were specifically made for children. In the context of this evaluation, the authors suggest that the discovered tomb was for infants with pediment type for inhumation burial for the second phase of use.As for the initial phase of use of the tomb, analogous tombs have been reviewed in the past; however, no published sample could be identified. Subsequent to this study, ostothecs were identified in Pompeiopolis and Amastris within the Paphlagonia Region. The resemblance between the lid of the ostothec graced with festoon identified in Amastris and the lid of the one in Hadrianopolis in terms of its identical material, workmanship, and dimensions is obvious. Thus, our lid is unveiled as an ostothec lid. Identifying the artifact as an ostothec also permitted for the first time a highly substantial identification of the cremation burial tradition in Hadrianopolis. The authors acknowledge that not only the ostothecs but also terra-cotta urns that can easily be destroyed have been used here for the cremation burials. Since the necropolises in Hadrianopolis have experienced intense destruction, the authors cannot judge whether runs were used within the burial tradition apart from the ostothec unearthed. Nonetheless, it has been acknowledged for the first time that such burials could be located at the city.The authors have addressed preference for this cremation burial tradition. The presence of fine examples, dating to 2nd Century CE, unearthed in Amasrist and Pompeipolis that the authors are certain of are the ostothecs which has revealed the cremation burial tradition even if to a lesser extent. Even though it is challenging and difficult to deliver a definitive judgment in this regard, a tomb of two families indicated on the epigraph was found on the two samples from Amastris. However, no script could be found on the epigraph denoting the occupation or the status of the individuals within the tombs. Therefore, it is feasible to assume that the tomb owners were members of the common public. The figures on the ostothec unearthed in Kaypı Tumulus in Pompeipolis suggest that the tomb belonged to a soldier. Excellent workmanship on the ostothec as well as on the tumulus on the tomb comprising the monument indicate that the tomb owner was a high-ranking civic officer in the society. In this context, the authors acknowledge that the cremation burial was preferred in the Paphlagonia Region by both the general public and the high-ranking soldiers. It is feasible to assert within this scope that cremation could have been preferred by everyone without requiring any particular social status.Consequently, although it is quite difficult to make a definitive judgment in this regard, initial data has been acquired indicating that the cremation burial tradition that has previously been known only in Amastrist and Pompeiopolis could be performed in Hadrianopolis as well. Considering that scientific excavations in the city have only been conducted within the last ten years, the authors expect that such tombs will be encountered again in the future.&nbsp;

A New Tomb from Hadrianopolis in Paphlagonia

Onur

Res. Assist.

Friendship and Rivalry: Local Relations and Cultural  Environment in Constantinople and Nicomedia in the  Light of Libanius' Orations and Letters

Vildan

Thirteen Years in Istanbul (1937-1949). German Assyriologist  Fritz Rudolf Kraus and His Correspondences in Turkish Exile  (Ed. Jan Schmidt)

Mustafa

Prof.

Profesör Dr. Hasan Malay  15. 05. 1948 – 23. 02. 2022  Anadolu Eskiçağ Tarihine  Adanmış Bir Hayat

Dr. İsmail Kaygusuz  5 Nisan 1944, Onar köyü / Arapgir / Malatya 3 Şubat 2022 İstanbul

Aytaç

Burhan Varkıvanç  Profesör’ü Anlayarak Anmak

Alexandru Avram (1956-2021)

Burcu

Prof. Marc Waelkens Anısına

Umut

Erman

Çiğdemtepe Mound is located approximately 15 km northwest of Bayburt within the boundaries of Çiğdemtepe Village in the central district (Figures 1&amp;2). The mound is positioned at the western end of the plateau and extends in an east-west direction, at the eastern end of the village from which it got its name. The mound lies to the south of Mam Su. Access to the mound is provided by the stabilized road going east through the village.The locality of Çiğdemtepe Mound has prevented the mound from being adversely affected by agricultural activities. However, due to its remote and off-the-road location, it has been exposed to extensive illegal excavations. On the northwest, northeast, and south slopes of the mound, treasure hunter pits had been spotted prior to the excavations (Sagona, 2004, p. 121). Furthermore, illicit digging pits have been found in the form of rings formed at regular intervals from the top to the fringes of the mound (Figures 2&amp;3). Sagona carried out important studies that revealed the archaeological potential of the Bayburt region and identified Çiğdemtepe Mound in 1990 (Sagona, 1992, p. 398; 2004, p. 121, Figs. 13/1, 14/1, p. 321). Based on the section in the treasure hunter pits on the northeastern slope of the mound, he mentioned an Early Bronze Age settlement, mainly pertaining to the Iron Age. In addition, starting from the church located approximately 300 meters south of the mound, he claims medieval deposits to also be present in the mound (Sagona, 2004, p. 121). Rescue excavations were carried out for a short time in 2018 under the presidency of the Bayburt Museum Directorate and conducted in the vaulted tunnel remnant located on the northeast slope of the mound. In these superficial and more protective surveys, mostly Middle and Early Bronze Age ceramic fragments were unearthed in the interior of the vaulted architectural remains. On the other hand, a few Iron Age pottery pieces were found, in addition to many amorphous and profiled ceramic pieces being spotted at different points of the mound.The Çiğdemtepe Mound excavations of 2019 occurred in the northern half of the mound (Figure 4). During the excavations, a three-phase cultural layer belonging to the Middle Ages was found. The first sub-phase was identified at an elevation of 1,615.69 meters above sea level and consists of Floor 1 artifacts covering a narrow area. The floor remnant that appears in the southern section of the grid square comprises a blocking pavement made up of smallsized rubble stones and compacted soil. The other lower phase of the Middle Ages was found at an elevation of 1,615.01 meters above sea level. Floor 2, covering a large area, and Wall 1, which consists of a single row of stones, are clues to the existence of a top sheltering material of a possible structure whose timber posthole is connected to Floor 2 (Figures 5&amp;6).This pit probably served as a posthole for the timber that carried the ceiling of the structure. Another cultural layer was found at an elevation of 1614.52 meters above sea level. The Layer IC architecture, consisting of a wide and long mudbrick wall base and stone foundation, has been heavily disturbed (Figure 7). In addition, burnt wooden beams crossing each other perpendicularly were found on the Floor 3 structure, which consists of mudbrick blocks. Considering their fallen positions reveals these wooden pieces to be the likely roof elements of the architectural structure of Layer IC. The other grid squares excavated in the northern half of the mound are D-6 and D-5. As a result of the studies carried out in grid square D-6, a staircase structure made of large limestones was identified (Figures 8&amp;9). Mortar mixed with lime was determined to have been used as the binding material on the stair steps and at the points where they overlapped. The staircase structure, which was built based on Wall 3 and a remnant of layer IC, is bounded by two wing walls from the east and west directions. Both wall structures have a small amount of mortar mixed with lime, with largely mud mortar having been used as the binding material.The remains of Floor 4, covering an area of approximately 2-meter square, were unearthed at the end of Wall 3 (Figure 9). Floor 4 was heavily destroyed and must have been connected to the apsidal structure. A circular wall at an elevation of 1,613.62 meters connected with Wall 5 and an apsidal structure bounded by Wall 6 have also been identified (Figure 10). The inner surface of the semi-circular western wall of the site with an apsidal plan is observed to have had large, small, and partially rubble masonry stones of non-standard sizes with mud mortar used as the binding material. In addition to the mud mortar, mortar mixed with lime was observed at some points of the walls of the structure. A layer consisting of mud mortar lumps was added to the outer surface of the bottom of the wall in a technique similar to the pisé technique. A 1.20-meter-wide door opening is found in the middle of Wall 5, which is the western wing wall of the eastern wall of the apsidal and staircase structure. To the south&nbsp;and north of the doorway are two limestone blocks that had been used for jamb purposes, extending vertically toward the deep elevation. The door opening is observed to have been covered with a large stone block. Obstruction of this original door opening that had provided the entrance to the apsidal building structure is located at the same elevation as the Floor 4 structure of Floor 5, which this study has identified as a late period floor, indicating it to have been used there in later periods.Architectural elements dating to the Middle Ages, floors (Figure 11) unearthed, and numerous fragments of ceramics with underglaze paint decorations have been found during the excavations carried out at Çiğdemtepe Mound, as well as pieces of glass bracelets. The glass bracelets and pottery fragments that have been uncovered point to a period between the 10th and 13th centuries AD. Apart from this, early period ceramic pieces, andiron pieces, obsidian fragments, and stone objects designed for grinding purposes make up the finds from the surface layer. From this point of view, a strong medieval structure is understood to have existed in the northern half of Çiğdemtepe Mound, with the early deposits having been heavily destroyed while this deposit was being created. Meanwhile, Layer IC is assumed from the architectural remains to have been destroyed as a result of a fire. According to the artifacts and findings obtained during the studies, at least three lower phases of the Middle Ages are present in the northern half of the mound.Excavations in the southern half of the mound were carried out in 2020 and mainly implemented in the form of sectional arrangements and stratigraphy determination studies on the Great Trench (Büyük Yarma; Figure 11). During the studies, monumental architectural remains and floors associated with these remains were unearthed (Figures 12-14). On Floor No. 1 (Figure 15) found in this section, Kura-Araxes ceramics and black-topped ceramics were found together. Pieces of burnt wood were observed on this floor. Analysis of a sample taken from these fragments indicates a date between 3096-2913 BC. On Floor No. 2 (Figure 16), Kura-Araxes ceramics and black-topped ceramic pieces were found intertwined. The analysis result of the carbonized wood residue taken from Floor No. 2 gives a date range between 3132-3009 BC. However, the results from a sample taken from the monumental architecture and the weak architectural remains unearthed to the east of the floors yielded a date around the 14th century AD. Radiocarbon readings have demonstrated the presence of a two-phase Early Bronze Age layer and a Medieval layer in the southern half of the mound. In addition, ceramic fragments from the floors support and confirm the radiocarbon readings.Aside from the Kura-Araxes ceramics from the Early Bronze Age I deposits, many amorphous and profiled sherds of EBA II-III and pieces with Iron Age features have been unveiled in the northern half and surface layer of the mound. These ceramics were not included in this study as they are not contextual finds. However, the relative chronology has been accepted as a criterion in our proposal.&nbsp;

Doğunun Batıya Açılan Kapısında, Kültürlerin  Kaynaşma Noktası: Çiğdemtepe Höyük Kazısı Işığında  Kuzeydoğu Anadolu Prehistoryasına Yeni Bir Bakış

Gülnur

Aylin

The Bayraklı Mound of Smyrna (Ancient İzmir) is located in the Bayraklı District of Turkey’s İzmir Province. The first systematic excavations were conducted by J. Cook and E. Akurgal between 1948-1951. Afterwards, E. Akurgal directed the excavations between 1966- 1992 and M. Akurgal between 1993-2013. Most recently, the area has been excavated since 2014 under the direction of C. Tanrıver from Ege University.Although Bayraklı Mound has been excavated since 1948, the layers dating to the Bronze Age settlement are less known. The only excavation from the Early Bronze Age layer was carried out in “Trench E” in 1949, the findings of which E. Akurgal later published as a short report. According to this report, the earliest settlement of Bayraklı was dated to 3000 BC based on architectural remains and pottery finds. The new period of excavations has been conducted in the area of the western trenches in order to understand the Early Bronze Age layers in a wider framework. Layer I has been dated to the transition period from the Early to the Middle Bronze Age and is represented by rectangular structures with stone foundations. The pottery obtained from this layer have presented different wares and forms related to the period and are also known to come from Bronze Age layers of other sites in the West Anatolia Region. A group of anthropomorphic vessel sherds in the pottery collection constitute the main theme of this article.A total of six anthropomorphic vessel sherds were found in Layer I and dated to the transition period from the Early to the Middle Bronze Age. As is well known, anthropomorphic vessels can be divided into two main categories based on whether their decorations bear only a human face or a human body and face. The best examples with a human face and body together are known to have come from Troy, Limantepe, and Seyitömer. Because no complete vessel has yet been found, whether the Bayraklı Mound samples are decorated with a human body that includes the chest and arms or not remains unclear. The sherds that have been found are solely decorated with stylized human faces, including the eyes and nose. The eyes were made as circular reliefs, while the noise had been made as a vertical line relief before the firing of the vessels. The two main ware groups are observed as brown slipped wares and red slipped wares. The clay inclusions consist of sand, small pebble, mica, and lime. The burnishing has been observed to be of a low quality, with most sherds generally being unburnished. Similar anthropomorphic vessels are known to have come from settlements in the West Anatolia Region such as Troy, Aphrodisias, Karataş-Semayük, Seyitömer, Kumtepe, Bakla Tepe, Limantepe, Kocabaş Tepe, Çeşme-Bağlararası, Laodikeia/Asopos Tepesi, and Beycesultan (see map).The stratigraphic results from the settlements in West Anatolia indicate anthropomorphic vessels to have been especially common during the end of the Early Bronze Age to the Middle Bronze Age. They continued to be used during the Late Bronze Age, but with a sharp decrease. According to the analysis of the anthropomorphic vessels found in West Anatolia, some chronological differences can be suggested based on vessel form and design. Anthropomorphic vessels with stylized human faces dating to the Early Bronze Age generally consist of small- and/or medium-sized vessels, as seen in Troy and Kumtepe. However, the size of the anthropomorphic vessels dating to the Middle Bronze Age at Limantepe and Çeşme-Bağlararası are larger than the Early Bronze Age ones. When taking the size of the vessel into consideration, the anthropomorphic vessel fragments from Bayraklı Mound reflect both Early and Middle Bronze Age traditions.The stylized human face decorations on vessels from the Early and Middle Bronze Ages also differ from each other. The Early Bronze Age figures from Troy and Kumtepe were made more round, while the Middle Bronze Age ones are more detailed.The meanings in the anthropomorphic vessel traditions in Anatolia, which date back to the Neolithic period, are explained as a reflection of the belief system related to female symbolism and fertility. Similar perceptions would likely have continued during the Bronze Ages as well. Although the meanings of anthropomorphic vessels are not yet known with certainty, this tradition clearly survived in Anatolia from the Neolithic to the end of the Bronze Ages. The Bayraklı Mound sherds reflect the continuation of the same tradition and/ or belief system during the Early and Middle Bronze Ages.&nbsp;

İzmir-Bayraklı Höyüğü’nde Bulunan Antropomorfik Kap Parçaları ve Batı Anadolu Tunç Çağ Arkeolojisindeki Yeri

Rabia

Erzurum is one of the largest cities in the East Anatolia Region and has strategic importance due to its position on the transition roads, which have enabled the establishment of political, cultural, and commercial relations to the north, south, east, and west. The Erzurum region has been inhabited continuously since the Paleolithic Age and is an important center where the interactions of many cultures with one another can be detected. Despite all this importance, the Northeast Anatolian Region in which Erzurum is located has been less explored archaeologically than other parts of East Anatolia. Despite the little amount of research, many early period settlements are known to have been identified during surveys. One of these is the Çiğdemli Mound located within the borders of Erzurum province and where a short-term rescue excavation had been carried out. Today, a settlement is still found in Çiğdemli District on the southern section of the mound. Based on the short-term rescue excavations and ceramic materials that were found there, an uninterrupted settlement can be said to have occurred at the mound up to the end of the Iron Age as a result of the pottery found from the earliest Kura-Araxes Culture.The Çiğdemli Mound is located on the west of Erzurum city and to the north of Çiğdemli neighborhood (formerly Tikkir) of the Aziziye District. The mound is located on a natural hill parallel to the Arkaçayılar creek passing along its base and overlooks the Daphan Plain and natural roads. The mound is also approximately 200 meters wide in the north-south direction and approximately 15 meters in height above the plain. The immediate surroundings of the mound are covered with agricultural fields. Arkaçayırlar Stream, which passes through its base and irrigates the land, connects to Karasu, one of the branches of the Euphrates, near Tebrizcik Neighborhood in the south. Karasu is an important branch of the Euphrates that forms from the merger of the Dumlu brook, which takes its source from the Dumlu mountains, with the Pulur Stream, whose headwaters come from the Palandöken mountains in the center of Aziziye.As with most of the other mounds in Erzurum, the Çiğdemli Mound has been heavily damaged due to land acquisition and illegal excavations by the villagers. Due to the two Seljuk plates and vessels belonging to the Kura-Araxes Culture unearthed by the villagers, the decision was made to conduct a rescue excavation in order to prevent further destruction on the mound. With the permission of the Ministry of Culture and Tourism’s General Directorate of Cultural Heritage and Museums in 1997 under the chairmanship of the Erzurum Museum Directorate and the scientific consultancy of Prof. Dr. Mehmet Karaosmanoğlu, a retired faculty member from Atatürk University’s Archeology Department, a short-lived rescue excavation was carried out from September 7-25, 1997 for various reasons. The excavation also bore the distinction of being the first excavation of the department in Erzurum since the Archeology Department’s establishment at Atatürk University in 1973. In addition to the&nbsp;excavations, determinations were made about the archaeological history of the mound during the surveys conducted in the region under the leadership of Prof. Dr. Alpaslan Ceylan in 2000 and Prof. Dr. Mehmet Karaosmanoğlu in 2001.Among the ceramic material collected from the Çiğdemli Mound during the Erzurum Plain survey of 2001, materials from the Iron Age were determined to constitute the mostdense group after the Kura-Araxes Culture’s ceramics. A total of 53 profiled materials belonging to the three stages of the Iron Age (i.e., early, middle and late) were identified. Among the Iron Age materials, Early Iron Age materials were determined to constitute the densest group, with 28 samples from this phase, 12 ceramic samples from the Middle Iron Age, and 13 ceramic samples from the Late Iron Age. This study has evaluated the profiled fragments from among the Çiğdemli Mound’s Iron Age ceramic materials and formed ware groups according to their outer surface treatments.The Iron Age pottery found at Çiğdemli Mound, a plain settlement strategically located on intersecting road routes, is large enough in size to shed light on the Iron Ages of the Northeast Anatolia Region. In order to better understand the archaeological stratification at the Çiğdemli Mound and identify the cultural traces it contains, more extensive research will be required there.&nbsp;

Erzurum-Çiğdemli Höyük’te (Kuzeydoğu Anadolu  Bölgesi) Tespit Edilen Demir Çağ Seramik Malzemesinin Değerlendirilmesi

Esra

Aşağı Anzaf ve Yukarı Anzaf Kaleleri Örnekleri Işığında Erken  Urartu Kralları Išpuini ve Minua'nın Krali Mimari Arayışları

Okan

Apart from being as old as human history, burials are one of the most innate instincts that render humaneness to humanity and have manifested themself in quite different ways throughout the progression of human history. Any archaeological culture has had quite a persistent and conservative perspective regarding the form and/or forms of burial despite the existence of an attractive diversity in terms of burials throughout history worldwide. When compared to burial methods, the same archaeological culture might more easily accept a change regarding fundamental issues such as subsistence economy or raw material supplies. On account of this, changes in the forms of burials observed in a certain geography or settlement may indicate a new belief or a new ideology in the archaeological culture or occupation of such lands by another archaeological culture.The concept of burial referred to as kurgan is controversial not only in terms of its origin, but also in terms of when it was first used. The question still exists as to whether kurgans were a form of burial that had a precedent or was a self-styled new development. Some researchers have established a connection between dolmen-type megalithic burial structures and kurgans. Due to the available archaeological data, kurgans are known to exist in the geographic region between the Northern Black and Caspian Seas with earliest examples apart from controversial ones dating back to the early third millennium BC. The kurgan-type burial structure was first introduced into archaeological discussions in the first half of the 20th century – and mentioned with increasing frequency until the end of the century. Archaeological cultures that host kurgan tradition have been used in the explanation of origin of today’s Indo-European language group, and this has sometimes led to inappropriate generalizations such as ‘‘each ancient nomadic horseman culture having its own kurgan tradition’’. Current dates have been obtained using precise dating methods, and, mistakes were understood to have occured based on these dates with regard to the ordering of cultural layers once kurgans were excavated that were shown to contain multiple burials from different time periods and settlements with multiple cultural layers. As a result, what has been revised archaeologically has helped put the historical process of kurgans and nomadic horseman cultures on healthier grounds and corrected some mistakes regarding the order of cultural-technological processes. For instance, the finds found in Dereivka which had been excavated by Soviet archaeologists, and thought to prove the presence of horseback riding, were first dated to the fourth millennium BC, however, radiocarbon dating results have shown the finds to belong to the first millennium BC.As in contemporary times, large-scale irregularities were experienced regarding the climate and precipitation regime of the Eurasian steppes in the past. These irregularities had seriously affected the subsistence economies of the ancient Eurasian societies. As a consequence, either the subsistence economy would have changed fundamentally or the geography would have been abandoned outright. Thus, new geographies were settled in, and the societies of these geographies became acquainted with kurgan-type burial structures through these migrations. Central Europe in the west, the Balkans in the southwest, Anatolia in the south and the Near East have been among the geographies the migration movements reached. In addition to the migration movements of the pioneering kurgan tradition societies and the northern communities that subsequently accepted this burial method, ancient Greek colonial activities targeting the Northern Black Sea because of different social and economic reasons during the first millennium BC, also played a role in the spread of kurgan-type burial structures.Ancient Greek colonists provided fascinating products, especially pottery and the items made from metal, to the nomadic local (barbarian) communities of the Black Sea in return for the raw materials needed for their subsistence economy. These relations are believed to have started in parallel with the permission of the barbarian leader and continued through temporary agreements. After a while, these commercial relations resulted in intercultural interactions.Olbia was a settlement supposedly founded by ancient Greek colonists in the 7th century BC. The settlement later expanded its cultural and administrative sphere of influence by expanding itself to the northwest of Crimea. As a result, the geographical unit known as Great Olbia emerged. It had been included into the influence of Athens’ political zone influence by the 5th century BC. Unlike in Chersonesos which is located in the southwest, kurgantype burial structures are encountered in and near ancient Greek colonial settlements in the northwest of the Crimean Peninsula. Researchers have spent many years these kurgan-type burial structures and what they mean based on intercultural interactions. When evaluating kurgan-type burial structures in the colonial settlements and on the periphery of these settlements along with underground burial techniques, burial gifts, and other burial types, one can assume that a complex burial culture had existed in Crimea, one with a fascinating diversity.The burial gifts that have been found are not enough to discern the ethnic background and/or culture of the buried. Scythian arrowheads expanding toward the Near East and the surrounding regions have lost the ethnic-cultural identifiers they once possessed due to their quality. Likewise, because of its charm, ancient Greek pottery became a status symbol in the region and was met with approval by the barbarian societies. Nevertheless, underground burial techniques and burial shapes may help in identifying the individuals buried there. For instance, scientific consensus has reached the conclusion that no cenotaph has been found present amongst the burial types accepted as Scythian. Such precise assessments should be supported by other data. The point to pay attention to here is that, precise definitions can be made archaeologically regarding two different ethno-cultural identies while distinguishing the material cultural objects that belong to these two identities. In this regard, decisions can be made with the help of geography and chronology regarding which Scythian society and/ or societies had established relations with the ancient Greek colonies in the Northern Black Sea region and had actually formed.The relationship Athens had maintaned with the Northern Black Sea region is one of the subjects upon which focus should be placed. Undoubtedly, the relationships and the interactions between these two geographies must have left traces in both geographies due to the nature of these relationships and interactions. With the end of the kurgan tradition that had been unique to Attica at the beginning of the Archaic Period, a ‘‘new’’ kurgan-type burial structure emerged in Athens in the second half of the 6th century BC. The question of who were buried in these kurgans may actually hold answers regarding how the idea of the kurgan had progressed between the two geographies in the context of predecessor and successor.The visual network -and/or visual uniformity- presented by the steppe geography must have led the societies living there to maintain relationships with each other based on the right of sovereignty while using different methods. The horizon in this geography presents a flat and/or nearly flat view, and this geography kurgans may have been used to identify the borders. The height determined by a kurgan involves protrusions that are placed in such a way that they can be seen on the horizon from miles away. The visual range and network provided by the heights of kurgans may have identified an area of dominance rather than a linear line on adjacent plains. While the multiple burials from different time periods as unearthed in some kurgans may reflect power changes in a region, the material value as well as the symbolic meaning preserved by the kurgan may have manifested the formation of a semi-settled class that would have guarded these kurgans.&nbsp;

Kurgan Tipi Gömüt Yapısı, Yeni Öneriler ve Kültürlerarası Etkileşimdeki Olası Rolü: Kuzey  Karadeniz (Büyük Olbia) Örneği

Oğuz

Türkçede Herodotos: Herodotos Araştırmaları Üzerine Bir Ön  Çalışma

The Küçük Menderes (Little Meander) Valley takes its name from the Küçük Menderes River that originates in the Kiraz district of İzmir and extends to the Aegean Sea along the Pamucak coast of İzmir’s Selçuk district. The river was called Κaystros in ancient Greece. Similar to other river valleys in Western Anatolia (e.g., Büyük Menderes, Gediz, and Bakırçay, respectively Maiandros, Hermos, and Kaikos in ancient Greece), the Küçük Menderes Valley is a highly productive region in terms of agriculture. . The valley extends east to west, has road networks stretching out to the Aegean Sea in addition to an agriculturally fertile plain, and contributes significantly to the economy of the settlements there. These advantages were vital for ancient societies and enabled the region to begin being settled in early times. Archaeological data has shown the road networks that passing through the valley to have been controlled by defensive structures since at least the Late Bronze Age, with fortresses and towers having been built at strategic locations. Efforts at keeping the region under control can be traced back to the Laskaris Period.This study deals with some of the new findings obtained during the surveys carried out in the mountainous regions of Tire, a city in the Küçük Menderes Valley cities of which very little information exists. The study focused in particular on the immediate surroundings of the rural settlement of Bonitai, located in the territory of Ephesos and located around the Küçükkale and Büyükkale neighbourhoods of Tire. Extensive archaeological data from the Hellenistic Period to Late Antiquity were found during the surveys carried out on the 863 m high Mount Kartal located near this settlement. Among the finds was the newly documented Hellenist castle situated on the mountaintop. This castle had served the same purpose as the contemporary Hellenistic defence structures in the region, which was to monitor the roads heading for the city of Ephesos that passed through the region. The wide vantage point angled toward the Küçük Menderes Valley from the north and toward Aydın from the south gives the impression that it had been an important fortification. The walls have pseudo-isodomic and bossage characteristics. The Küçükkale and Büyükkale Hellenistic defense structures located on the borders of the rural settlement of Bonitai and the contemporary tower under Keçi Castle ensured control of the area alongside with Boğaziçi Mevki.Many rural settlements are found along the highway, which passes through the Küçük Menderes Valley and provides inter-regional transportation. With this advantage, Bonitai and its surroundings probably first transported their agricultural products to Ephesos then to further distances via the port there. The rocky hill upon which the castle on Mount Kartal is located also has an open-air sanctuary. Although the surface finds helpful in dating have been limited so far, they are considered to be contemporary with the castle when considering the example from Panayır Mountain.The study introduces two churches that were identified for the first time through surveys. Two Late Antiquity churches dating back to the 5th or 6th century CE were identified, one along the northern and another along the southern slopes of Kartal Mountain. The first church was located in Tire’s Küçükkale village and has the name Küçükkale Church. The second is located in Germencik’s Dampınar village and was named Dampınar Church. The Küçükkale Church has been relatively well preserved. However, the Dampınar Church has been severely damaged due to agricultural activity. Church construction and reconstruction indicate that rural settlements in the Küçük Menderes Valley experienced a dynamic social rise in Late Antiquity, and based on many epigraphic materials, the same was true during the Roman Empire. The strong agricultural economy of the valley provided advantages to the settlements and the countryside.&nbsp;

Tire ve Kartal Dağı’ndaki Yeni Tespitler

Atakan

Assoc. Prof.

Ahmet

This paper aims to study the materials used in Kurul Fortress’ architecture as well as the texture of the settlement, its architectural specifications, and structural functions as revealed during the 10 seasons of excavations that took place from 2010 to 2019. Kurul Fortress is described as a phrourion [Gr. fortress] and shows similar characteristics to that of the other settlements located in the region, which had all been built at high points to allow for such things as observing the immediate environment, effective defense, and control of the strategic surroundings. Kurul Fortress was settled during the Hellenistic period, particularly during the reign of Mithridates VI Eupator (120-63 BC) and is significant as an example of a settlement from the Kingdom of Pontos and its implementation of architectural preferences reflecting the settlement’s daily needs and cultic practices.The excavation of Kurul Fortress has been one of the longest running expeditions in the Black Sea region. It is a hilltop settlement located on a tall andesite peak stretching out in the southwest-northeast direction. The fortress is built on a narrow long ridge and ranges from 20 to 45 meters wide and 250 meters long. Adjacent structures were found to have been built on the eastern and western slopes. The structures located on both slopes are accessible from a corridor located between them. This settlement model is understood to have been required in order to benefit the most from the topography, with much effort being observable due to the rock in the area have been cut out to provide larger rooms.Dozens of structures were unearthed during the 10 years of excavations, and the fortress has three main sectors: the Inner Fortress, the North Terrace, and the Administrative Buildings Area. In addition to the buildings that had been obtained by cutting out the main rock such as the Altar Rock, cistern, and stepped tunnel, the Inner Fortress also has 18 structures located on both the east and west slopes. Moreover, this sector is the highest point of the settlement with an elevation of 571 meters. More fruitful outcomes were obtained from the North Terrace compared to the Inner Fortress in terms of both small findings and architecture. Similar to the Inner Fortress, 18 structures located on both the east and west slopes were found at the North Terrace. Excavations of the Administrative Buildings Area have been carried out since 2019, and this sector consists of a complex comprised of adjacent structures for defense, cultic, and daily needs, as well as a large courtyard. The architecture is remarkable for being characterized by in-situ mudbrick walls. The excavations in this sector are still ongoing.Two types of stone were used in the architecture of Kurul Fortress. While andesite stones were used in most of the structures, sandstone in particular was used for the gates; both of these are local stones. Earthen materials were often preferred due to being cheap and easily accessible. The use of mudbrick blocks in the structures is notable in spite of the rainy and humid climate conditions. Thousands of mudbrick blocks were revealed in-situ along the stone base of the walls. Roof tiles are another earthen material that was used, and these had two types: stroter [Corinthian] and calypter [Laconian]. Almost all the structures in Kurul Fortress have a roof. As the last earthen material, plaster walls can be found in the important buildings of Kurul Fortress. Three-layered plasters in certain places indicate an ongoing renovation process to have occurred. Metal materials can often be encountered that connect stone or wooden elements together. Thousands of iron nails in particular were used to fasten wooden roof structures together. The metal fasteners in the stones can only be found in the rectangular blocks at the gates. Metal dowels fixed these blocks horizontally, while metal clamps fixed them vertically. No existing wooden structures remain preserved in Kurul Fortress; however, some examples of carbonized wood have been found in the soil inside the structures.Excavations unearthed 38 structures at Kurul Fortress between 2010-2019. This study has investigated the purposes for which these structures had been built and determined the functions for most of the structures. The structures were found to have been used for domestic, storage, defense, and cultic purposes. The structures that had been evaluated for domestic purposes reflect the need the people of Kurul Fortress had for everyday activities. More of these structures were found compared to the other types. Two buildings unearthed from 2010-2019 had been used solely for storage purposes and had many pithoi placed in a specific order. The towers are the structures that functioned as defense. Many combat instruments were found in or around the six towers, whose layout presents a specific architectural plan. The cultic buildings in Kurul Fortress are very important in terms of how the architecture mirrored the religion of the people of Kurul Fortress.The absence of later cultural layers (e.g., Roman, Byzantine, or Ottoman) in Kurul Fortress after Mithridates VI Eupator’s reign allowed the architectural remains to survive relatively well-preserved. This study has assessed the architecture of Kurul Fortress and contributed significant information about the Kingdom of Pontos. Importance is had in understanding the accepted architectural textures and architectural preferences that occurred in the Black Sea region during the late Hellenistic period.&nbsp;

Kurul Kalesi’nde Mekânsal Organizasyon, Mimari  Malzeme ve Yapı Fonksiyonları Üzerine Bir  Değerlendirme

Merve

Rifat

Eski Yunan’da Diyalektik Bir İnşa Olarak Thesauros  Mimarisi: Siphnoslular Thesaurosu Üzerinden Kavramsal Bir  Değerlendirme

Hatice

Hemispherical bowls known as Megarian Bowls due to being first found in Megara are one of the main forms of Hellenistic pottery art. Bowls that were produced from molds without handles or feet gain importance due to having relief decorations on their outer surfaces. This type of bowl was widely used in daily life as a drinking container. The bowl labeled No. 1 in the catalog has an S-shaped neck and a swollen body. The decorative motifs on the bowl show Eros walking on acanthus, between vine leaves, charioteer groups, hippocampi, deer, dogs, pigs, and loutrophoroi. Because Ephesus was dominant in Ionia regarding the production of ceramics during the Hellenistic period, Pergamon turned its attention to the north, with Sardeis, Kyme, and Daskyleion being influenced by Pergamon art. Many Pergamon motifs are seen in the Sardeis excavations. The Great Altar excavations of Pergamon found bowls with swollen walls similar to this study’s bowl catalogued as No. 1. In Kyme, bowls with elegant S-profile rims were only found among the Pergamon imports. Zhuravlev states that the rims of the Pergamon bowls is in an “S” shape copied from the Pergamon metal bowls. The S-shaped rim and swollen body of Bowl No. 1 are in the form of Pergamon bowls. This feature can also be seen in the bowl fragments unearthed at sites in Black Sea cities. The influence from Pergamon bowls is also seen to have spread to the interior of the Black Sea region. Schurgaia emphasizes the close relations between the workshops in the Black Sea region and Pergamon. The Black Sea cities copied the wares purchased from Pergamon using molds. Pergamon wares generally spread over the northern Pontus region, with the main center of transit trade being Panticapaeum. Pergamon Bowl No. 45.16.1 in the Metropolitan Museum of Art shows a walking Eros figure and has been dated to the middle of the 2nd century BC. According to the sample compared in this study, the proposal can be made that Pergamon Bowl No. 1 dates between the second half of the 2nd century BC to the end of the 1st century BC.The figure of a walking dog as a decoration on Bowl No. 2 is repeated seven times consecutively. The bowl has a shorter and broader form compared to Bowl No. 1 and is a sigillata from the late Hellenistic to early Roman period. The wall is slightly thicker at the bottom, with border decorations appearing on the middle of the bowl or in the form of a line. Bowl No. 2 is buff-pink in color, hard-fired, and fine, with these features more resembling Antakya productions. Kraus who has been searching in Mainz Römisch Germanisches Zentralmuseum, published two Eastern Sigillata A and noted that the bowls, which were similar in light-red coloring, in forms and dating, were probably Syrian made. Kraus dated&nbsp;the bowls he compared to the Antakya samples to the second half of the 1st century BC. Kramer, who has been researching Gindaros, states that both the mold-made bowls and the Eastern Sigillata A finds are very similar to the samples of Antakya, the largest ceramic production center in Syria during the Hellenistic Period. This study compared Bowl No. 2 to examples from Tel Anafa, Oboda, Tel Arqa, and Gindaros, and this bowl can be dated to the second half of the 1st century BC.The skyphos catalogued as No. 3 in the catalog has a lower section in the form of a broad bowl that had been made from a bowl mold. The decoration of the bowl consists of a long petal motif with a convex upper section rising straight up between the flowering branches. Sardeis bowls that are decorated with long petals and have this feature have been dated to 165-145 BC. Thus, Skyphos No. 3 likely belonged to sometime between the second half of the 2nd century BC to the end of the 1st century BC.&nbsp;

Eskişehir Eti Arkeoloji Müzesi Kalıp Yapımı Kaseler ve  Kalıplı Skyphos

Emine

The aim of the present study is to introduce the non-blown glass vessels of the Late Hellenistic-Early Roman Imperial Period which were found during excavations carried out in Metropolis between 1989 and 2021. Besides this, the present study aims to address the transportation of these glass vases to the city as well as their place in daily life. Sixty-nine examples, which were better preserved than the others, were examined within the scope of this study. The abundance of findings allowed a chronological and typological distinction to be made among themselves. Such forms typical of the Late Hellenistic – Early Roman Imperial Period and produced in sagging method that were found in the excavations include: a finned bowl fragment, a mosaic bowl fragment, core-formed bottle fragments, and a millefiori bowl fragment, as well as “Grooved Bowls,”, “Ribbed Bowls,”, “LinearCut Bowls,” and “Undecorated Bowls.” In addition, although the blowing technique in glassmaking was developed and widespread at that time, the glass dishes produced via the casting technique, which was used in the 1st and 2nd centuries AD, were also evaluated in detail in our study.&nbsp;During the excavations carried out in Metropolis, various glass vessels dating to the Hellenistic and Early Roman Imperial Periods have been encountered in almost every sector that has been excavated, such as the acropolis, the theater, the stoa, the perystill house, the Lower Bath-Palaestra, and the balneum. While some of these are luxury glass vessels, most of them reflect the typical bowls of the period. The city’s close relations with Ephesos, one of the important centers of the period, and the existence of a port facility on the Kaystros (Küçük Menderes) River in the Hellenistic Period, which was operated by the people of Metropolis, should have facilitated the transportation of imported products arriving at the port of Ephesos to Metropolis, as well as helped the products produced in the city to be marketed abroad. This situation explains that the glasses, which are considered among the imported glass vessels and examined in detail, have been extensively recovered from all areas of the city. The abundance of glasses also shows that glass products had an important place in the daily life of the city during the Late Hellenistic-Early Roman Imperial Period.The earliest glass vessels found in Metropolis include: a finned bowl fragment, three core-formed bottle fragments, a mosaic bowl fragment, a millefiori bowl fragment, and a group of contemporary vases, including grooved bowls typical of the period dating to the 2nd and 1st centuries BC. Among these, the finned bowl fragment and the striped mosaic bowl fragment are very important in terms of adding new samples to the limited number of known examples in Anatolia. In addition, the grooved bowls, which are accepted as typical forms of the Late Hellenistic Period, offer a wide selection with their cylindrical body-flat bottom and conical body with grooved outside examples, in addition to their well-known conical and hemispherical forms.The group of findings containing the most concentrated glass vessels in Metropolis consists of ribbed bowls and linear cut bowls, which were used in the mid-1st century BC to the mid-1st century AD, as well as rarer forms of undecorated bowls and a millefiori bowl fragment. The intense presence of ribbed and linear cut bowls also helps to detect typological differences between the samples. It is understood that the circulation and usage of the undecorated glass bowls, made via the sagging technique and encountered in this period, is more limited. Three fragments, belonging to the opaque white dish of the Early Roman Imperial Period, and the colorless glass dishes of the Early-Middle Roman Imperial Period, which have a very limited number of similar ones published in Anatolia, were found in Metropolis. These types of dishes are considered to be the latest examples in the Roman world of vessels produced using the casting technique.&nbsp;

Metropolis (Ionia) Kazılarından Hellenistik-Erken Roma  İmparatorluk Dönemi Cam Buluntuları (1989-2021)

Leyla

The institution of sacred slavery in Antiquity is an interesting subject with a long scholarly history of much debate. Despite numerous important and seminal published works on sacred slaves, studies still continue to find answers to some questions. In this article, answers were sought to several questions regarding the sacred slavery problem within the general framework of providing a contribution to the subject. How was the status of sacred slave was obtained? Was there a legal aspect of sacred slavery? How were individuals declared sacred slaves? Did this status provide any privileges to the individual? Did sacred slaves take part only in cult activities or did they have other responsibilities as well? Did the status of sacred slaves cover the entire Mediterranean World, which was especially under Greek influence, or did it vary from one land to another? Did the job description of a sacred slave vary with the features of a deity? Based on the terms hierodoulos and hetaira, which are used to mean sacred slave, answers to these and similar questions have been sought to the extent permitted by ancient literary works, epigraphic and papyrological sources, and modern research.Within the scope of these questions, it is understood that the models of the status of hierodoulos in Antiquity differs in Egypt than the ones in Anatolia and Greece. While in Ancient Egypt, this status was obtained by the individual’s own will to enter the service of a god, in Ancient Anatolia and Greece, such a status appeared when one was emancipated under the authority of a deity. Although there are no traces of a legal regulation regarding protection of this status, the freedoms of the sacred slaves were somewhat guaranteed by the authorities by establishing a divine connection, as can be seen in the inscription of Antiochus I and epigraphic evidence from Egypt. On the other hand, considering being condemned to a life of servitude at a temple or a sanctuary as a sacred slave in Ancient Greece and Anatolia as a way of freedom is too much of an optimistic perspective. Thinking this instead as something between freedom and slavery seems to be a more acceptable approach.Descendants of individuals who were freed by being devoted to a deity in Ancient Greece and Anatolia continued to live in the system they were raised in and were accustomed to, perhaps because of a contract their ancestors made or voluntarily. Hence, as Strabo states, thousands of sacred slaves worked in the vast lands of Greece and Anatolia, such as Comana, Men, Corinth and Eryx. Glancing at the task descriptions of these sacred slaves, it is seen that they not only took part in cultic rituals, but were put to work in agricultural affairs at the temple fields and even did construction and maintenance work when necessary.&nbsp;It is understood that, contrary to their counterparts in Ancient Anatolia and Greece, individuals apparently served the deities with the title hierodoulos in Egypt voluntarily, whenever the need arose, while continuing their normal daily lives. Egyptian hierodouloi, who are thought to have been free persons and had citizenship, since they are mentioned in papyri written in Ancient Greek from 3rd Century BCE to Roman Period with their surnames, served local deities and took care of sacred animals in the temples. Although sources from the Hellenistic Period do not provide much information about the way these people devoted themselves, the assumption of sacred slaves in Egypt dedicating themselves to gods and goddesses with their own personal initiative as a way of worship is a strong possibility.Hetairai must have appeared in the Greek World as a unique institution of sacred prostitution with the importing of some cults and rituals from the Ancient Near East to the West, first via trade connections and later interactions in the aftermath of military campaigns, as two goddesses where sacred prostitutes are devoted to appear to be Aphrodite and Ma, which are of Eastern origin. Temple slaves devoted to the goddesses Corinth and Comana, either by their own volition or on behalf of someone else, are mentioned in ancient sources, as they served by selling their bodies. Aphrodite being the Goddess of Love in the Ancient Greek World and Ma’s promotion being of a similar aspect, at least in Comana, is very important to show the cultic link between the deities and sacred prostitutes. Indeed, there is no information regarding sacred prostitutes devoted to deities without aspects of love or sexual association. This condition leads to the interpretation that the female sacred slaves in the temples of Aphrodite and Ma may have been associated with unreal phenomena, as well as prostitution in connection with the cult.&nbsp;

Eskiçağ’da Tapınak Köleleri: Hierodouloi / Hetairai

Hasan

Zeliha

Karacahisar Castle is located within the boundaries of Eskişehir’s Odunpazarı District. The first scientific studies in the castle were initiated as surface surveys in 1999 with the initiatives of Prof. Halil İnalcık. Excavations were carried out under the direction of Prof. Ebru Parman between 2002 and 2005 and Prof. Erol Altınsapan between 2011 and 2018. Excavations were continued in 2019 under the scientific coordination of Assist. Prof. Hasan Yılmazyaşar, and under the direction of the Eskişehir Archeology Museum, and have been continuing under the direction of Assist. Prof. Hasan Yılmazyaşar since 2020. During the archaeological excavations carried out in Karacahisar Castle between 2011 and 2014 and 2019 and 2021, seven Byzantine coins, four Lesbos Lordships, one Wallachian Principality coin, and two Nürnberg coins were found. Moreover, three of the Byzantine coins were found in the Sarnıç, three in Trench “Z,” and one in Trench “V.” Two of the four coins belonging to the Lesbos Lordship were found in the Sarnıç and the other two in the “Z” Trench. The Wallachian Principality coin, which is represented with a single coin in the castle, was also found in the excavations in the Cistern. One of the Nürnberg coins was found on the surface and the other was found during excavations in Trench “V.”The Byzantine coins, which were found in the excavation, provide crucial data since there is no information about the castle in the sources. The names of the emperors and the mint marks on the two Byzantine coins cannot be read. However, the coins can be dated to the Early Byzantine period by reference of the unit markings on the reverse side. One half follis (K) and one pentanummium (Є) are the earliest coins found in the excavations to date. The Nicomedia minted Focas (602-610) coin is the earliest dateable coin found in the castle. In addition, one coin belonging to Mikhael II (820 – 829), Konstantinos VII (913- 959), and Constantinos X (1059-1067) was found during the excavations. The Anonymous G (1065/1070) coin is the latest dated Byzantine coin found in the castle and represents the Middle Byzantine period settlement in the castle. Karacahisar Castle, which was in a fundamental position in terms of defense during the Byzantine period, was located in the impact area of the historical events that Dorylaion was exposed to. Dorylaion is where the army was situated because it sat on the transit route of some expeditions, according to Byzantine sources. Due to its strategic location, it was influenced by Persian and Arab raids until the 12th century, and then played an important role in the Byzantine struggle for their dominance with the Seljuks and the Ottomans.&nbsp;Four of the bronze coins found in Karacahisar Castle are dated to the era of Francesco Gattilusio II (1384-1403/1404). The coins belonging to Francesco Gattilusio II should be evaluated in the context of the use, protection and settlement of the castle during the reign of Yildirim Bayezid, whose many coins were found in Karacahisar. The finding of the Francesco coins in the Karacahisar Castle excavations can be explained by commercial activities, as well as by means of ransom and tribute. Thus, the coins may have been circulated in the Early Ottoman economy. One of the European coins found in the excavations of Karacahisar Castle is the silver ducat belonging to the Wallachian prince Mircea I (1386-1394 / 1397-1418). The Mirčea I coin, which is represented with a single example in the Karacahisar Castle excavations, was found in the same code as the coins of Murad I, Yıldırım Bayezid, and Çelebi Mehmed. It is known that the coins of Mircea I were found together with the coins of Murad I and Yıldırım Bayezid in many contemporary treasures found in the Balkans. Although it is not possible to detect precisely why the Mircea I coin was found in the castle, numerous hoards of Wallachian coins found in the Balkans and on the northern Black Sea coast reveal that Wallachian coins were already in circulation in the Bulgarian market. In this context, the Ottoman domination over Bulgaria, which started during the reign of Murad I and continued during the reign of Yıldırım Bayezid, becomes meaningful.One of the two brass Nürnberg tokens found in the excavations of Karacahisar Castle is the production of Hans Schultes III (1608-1612), while the other comes from the Hans Krauwinckel II (1586-1635) workshop. Tokens, whose function changed with the spread of written accounts in the second half of the 16th century, were used as chips in card games and as souvenirs at weddings and festivals are very common in archaeological sites. It must have been found in Karacahisar Castle at the end of the 16th century and the beginning of the 17th century, due to its temporary disappearance.&nbsp;

Tarihsel Bağlamda Karacahisar Kalesi’nde Bulunan  Bizans ve Avrupa Sikkeleri

Ömer

This article evaluates the remains of the castle and structures that were discovered during the excavation the Tekirdağ Museum conducted in 2021 in the Karakaya locality near the TekirdağOsmanlı Village. The castle is located 12 km northwest of the ancient city of Raidestos on the Via Egnatia. The castle was built on a high hill overlooking at an approximate distance of 4 km both the roads connecting Raidestos to the inland settlements of Druzipara/Büyükkarşıran and Chariupolis/Hayrabolu. The castle has a castrum-type trapezoidal rectangular floorplan. The reason for this likely being that it had been built in consideration of the shape of the hill on which it is located. The walls enclose an area of about 2.75 acres. The northern wall of the castle runs about 87 meters, the southern wall about 88 meters, the eastern wall about 72 meters, and the western wall about 75 meters. Saying anything about the height of the walls would be difficult because only 3-4 rows of stones have survived to the present day. The walls are 160 cm thick and were built using a rubble stone masonry technique with white mortar. Local stones of various ramdomly cut sizes were used on the walls. The exterior of the walls was covered with more smoothly cut stones to hide the appearance of the rubble stones inside the wall, thus the attempt was made to obtain a smoother, more beautiful exterior appearance. The stones closer to the ground were cut larger, thus creating a more solid foundation for the fortifications. In addition, the northern wall of the castle is seen to have been supported by buttresses measuring 120 x 50 cm from the inside, thus increasing its resistance to strong winds coming from the in an attempt to prevent its collapse.The excavations unearthed two towers, one with a square layout on the eastern fortification wall of the castle and another circular layout on the southeast corner. The southeast corner tower of the castle has circular layout with a 9-meter diameter. Due to being located on the less steep side of the hill, the southeast corner tower was built to withstand attacks. The outer walls of the square tower in the middle of the east wall measures 820x830x965 cm, with both towers having a wall thickness of 170 cm. In order to determine the borders of the castle, a sounding excavation was carried out in the southwest corner. As a result of the excavation, the walls were determined to have been set on one large-sized rock without any tower. Likewise, no tower was found in the northeast corner of the castle. Whether or not a tower existed in the northwest corner is unknown as no excavations were carried out there.&nbsp;The earliest archeological finds in the castle date back to the 4th century AD, while the latest finds include a few pottery fragments dating from the 12th-13th century AD. Apart from the limited number of ceramic pieces, all other finds were dated to the 5th-7th centuries AD. The castle architectural features, archaeological finds and building activities as well as other castles in the region and historical events of the 5th-7th century AD indicate that the castle may have been built during the reign of Emperor Justinian I (527-565 AD). However, future archaeological excavations will be needed in order to be able to state this with certainly.Not just the castle walls but also the remains of multiple structures connected to the walls were seen inside and outside the castle during the excavations. Excavations were carried out only in Area 1 in the northeast corner of the castle, with the walls from these building remains being traceable from the surface. The excavations show the building to have had an area of approximately 40 m2 with walls 90 cm thick that had been made using the mortarless rubble masonry technique. Conical loom weights, a square loom weight, a square metal weight, a bronze sewing needle and spindle whorls were found in the northeast corner of the building. Fragments from two pithoi, oil lamps from the 5th-7th centuries AD, and fragments from incised vessels of various shapes belonging to the 5th -6th century AD were found in the southwest corner of the building. Based on these finds, the building is understood to have been a weaving workshop. According to the dating of the lamp and ceramic pieces, the weaving workshop was used in the 5th-7th centuries AD, after which it was abandoned along with the castle for some reason.&nbsp;

Tekirdağ’da Yeni Keşfedilen Bir Kale; Karakaya Kalesi

Fatih

Elli Yıllık Bir Arkeoloji Öyküsü: Hacılar

Erkan

Hocamız Prof. Dr. Muharrem Taner Tarhan 2.2.1941-17.08.2022

Prof. Dr. Nuşin Asgari 3 Ekim 1931- 18 Kasım 2022

Şahin

Türkiye’de Bizans Çalışmalarının Öncülerinden Prof. Dr. Melek Delilbaşı (1947-2022)

Prof. Dr. Elmar Schwertheim 09.07.1943 – 05.11.2022

Yaşar

Jürgen Borchhardt  25.2.1936 - 26.7.2021

Mehmet Emin Başaranbilek 14.01.1945 - 21.12.2022

Şebnem

Aşkım

Pamphylia ve Arkeoloji ile Dolu bir Yaşam:  Prof. Dr. Haluk Abbasoğlu 1943 - 2019

@JOURNAL_BOX_CURRENT

@JOURNAL_BOX_EARLYVIEW

Karadeniz ve Anadolu Kentlerinde Theos Hypsistos Kültü

@JOURNAL_BOX_FEATURED

Nilgün

Keban Projesi: Ağın Hoşrik Mevki ve Kalecikler Kurtarma Kazılarına Yeni Bir Bakış

@JOURNAL_BOX_MOSTREAD

Anadolu Araştırmaları – Anatolian Research, İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi’nin yayınıdır. 1955 yılında kurulmuştur. Açık erişimli, hakemli ve bölgesel bir dergidir; Anadolu ile birlikte Balkanlar, Doğu Akdeniz ve Orta Doğu gibi Anadolu'ya komşu ve tarihi olarak ilişkili bölgelerde akademisyenleri, okurları ve yazarları hedefler.  

2021 yılından itibaren derginin yayın frekansı yılda bir sayıdan yılda iki sayıya çıkarılmıştır; dergi Haziran ve Aralık aylarında yayınlanmaktadır. Dergiye yayınlanması için gönderilen bilimsel makaleler Türkçe, İngilizce, Almanca, Fransızca ya da İtalyanca olmalıdır.

Anadolu Araştırmaları – Anatolian Research, uluslararası yayın standartlarına uygun yüksek kalitede makaleler yayınlayarak bilimsel bilginin yayılmasına katkıda bulunmayı amaçlamaktadır.  Prehistorik çağlardan, Geç Antik Çağ’a uzanan süreçte Anadolu ve ilişkili bölgeleri inceleyen Eskiçağ Tarihi, Arkeoloji, Sanat Tarihi, Mimarlık Tarihi, Antropoloji, Epigrafi, Nümizmatik, Tarihi Coğrafya ve Arkeometri çalışmalarını kapsar.

Scopus

Emerging Sources Citation Index (ESCI)

EBSCO

ERIH PLUS

TR Dizin

DOAJ

SOBIAD

@METRIC_VOLUMES

@METRIC_ISSUES

@METRIC_ARTICLES

@METRIC_OPENACCESS

Anadolu Araştırmaları

@INFO_TAB_ABOUT

Editor in Chief

Co Editor in Chief

Editorial Assistant

English Language Editor

Editorial Board Member

Advisory Board Member

@INFO_TAB_BOARDS

Anadolu Araştırmaları – Anatolian Research, uluslararası yayın standartlarına uygun yüksek kalitede makaleler yayınlayarak bilimsel bilginin yayılmasına katkıda bulunmayı amaçlamaktadır. Açık erişimli, hakemli ve bölgesel bir dergidir; Anadolu ile birlikte Balkanlar, Doğu Akdeniz ve Orta Doğu gibi Anadolu'ya komşu ve tarihi olarak ilişkili bölgelerde akademisyenleri, okurları ve yazarları hedefler. 2021 yılından itibaren frekansı yılda iki sayıya çıkmıştır, Haziran ve Aralık aylarında yayınlanmaktadır. Dergiye yayınlanması için gönderilen bilimsel makaleler Türkçe, İngilizce, Almanca, Fransızca ya da İtalyanca olmalıdır.Anadolu Araştırmaları – Anatolian Research, Prehistorik çağlardan, Geç Antik Çağ’a uzanan süreçte Anadolu ve ilişkili bölgeleri inceleyen Eskiçağ Tarihi, Arkeoloji, Sanat Tarihi, Mimarlık Tarihi, Antropoloji, Epigrafi, Nümizmatik, Tarihi Coğrafya ve Arkeometri çalışmalarını kapsar.

Amaç ve Kapsam

SCOPUSEmerging Sources Citation Index (ESCI) TÜBİTAK-ULAKBİM TR Dizin DOAJERIH PLUSEBSCO Humanities SourceEBSCO Central &amp; Eastern European Academic SourceSOBİAD

Dizinler

Dergi yayın etiğinde en yüksek standartlara bağlıdır ve <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a> ve <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> tarafından yayınlanan etik yayıncılık ilkelerini benimser; Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing başlığı altında ifade edilen ilkeler için: <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a> Gönderilen makaleler derginin amaç ve kapsamına uygun olmalıdır. Orijinal, yayınlanmamış ve başka bir dergide değerlendirme sürecinde olmayan, her bir yazar tarafından içeriği ve gönderimi onaylanmış yazılar değerlendirmeye kabul edilir. Makale yayınlanmak üzere Dergiye gönderildikten sonra yazarlardan hiçbirinin ismi, tüm yazarların yazılı izni olmadan yazar listesinden silinemez ve yeni bir isim yazar olarak eklenemez ve yazar sırası değiştirilemez.İntihal, duplikasyon, sahte yazarlık/inkar edilen yazarlık, araştrma/veri fabrikasyonu, makale dilimleme, dilimleyerek yayın, telif hakları ihlali ve çıkar çatışmasının gizlenmesi, etik dışı davranışlar olarak kabul edilir. Kabul edilen etik standartlara uygun olmayan tüm makaleler yayından çıkarılır. Buna yayından sonra tespit edilen olası kuraldışı, uygunsuzluklar içeren makaleler de dahildir.İntihal Ön kontrolden geçirilen makaleler, iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal/kendi kendine intihal tespit edilirse yazarlar bilgilendirilir. Editörler, gerekli olması halinde makaleyi değerlendirme ya da üretim sürecinin çeşitli aşamalarında intihal kontrolüne tabi tutabilirler. Yüksek benzerlik oranları, bir makalenin kabul edilmeden önce ve hatta kabul edildikten sonra reddedilmesine neden olabilir. Makalenin türüne bağlı olarak, bunun oranın %15 veya %20'den az olması beklenir.Çift Kör Hakemlikİntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir. Editör, makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakemlikten geçmesini sağlar ve makale biçimsel esaslara uygun ise, gelen yazıyı yurtiçinden ve /veya yurtdışından en az iki hakemin değerlendirmesine sunar, hakemler gerek gördüğü takdirde yazıda istenen değişiklikler yazarlar tarafından yapıldıktan sonra yayınlanmasına onay verir.

Politikalar

Dergi açık erişimlidir ve derginin tüm içeriği okura ya da okurun dahil olduğu kuruma ücretsiz olarak sunulur. Okurlar, ticari amaç haricinde, yayıncı ya da yazardan izin almadan dergi makalelerinin tam metnini okuyabilir, indirebilir, kopyalayabilir, arayabilir ve link sağlayabilir. Bu <a href="https://www.budapestopenaccessinitiative.org/translations/turkish-translation" target="_blank">BOAI</a> açık erişim tanımıyla uyumludur. Derginin açık erişimli makaleleri Creative Commons Atıf-GayrıTicari 4.0 Uluslararası (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.tr" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) olarak lisanslıdır.

Derginin tüm giderleri İstanbul Üniversitesi tarafından karşılanmaktadır. Dergide makale yayını ve makale süreçlerinin yürütülmesi ücrete tabi değildir. Dergiye gönderilen ya da yayın için kabul edilen makaleler için işlemleme ücreti ya da gönderim ücreti alınmaz.

Yazarlar dergide yayınlanan çalışmalarının telif hakkına sahiptirler ve çalışmaları  Creative Commons Atıf-GayrıTicari 4.0 Uluslararası (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.tr" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) olarak lisanslıdır. CC BY-NC 4.0 lisansı, eserin ticari kullanım dışında her boyut ve formatta paylaşılmasına, kopyalanmasına, çoğaltılmasına ve orijinal esere uygun şekilde atıfta bulunmak kaydıyla yeniden düzenleme, dönüştürme ve eserin üzerine inşa etme dâhil adapte edilmesine izin verir.

Editörler, yayınlanan makalede, bulguları, yorumları ve sonuçları etkilemeyen küçük hatalar tespit edilirse düzeltme yayınlamayı düşünebilirler. Editörler, bulguları ve sonuçları geçersiz kılan büyük hatalar / ihlaller söz konusu olduğunda, makaleyi geri çekmeyi düşünmelidir. Yazarlar tarafından araştırma veya yayını kötüye kullanmaya yönelik olasılık söz konusu ise; bulguların güvenilir olmadığına ve yazarların kurumlarının olayı soruşturmadığına dair kanıtlar var veya olası soruşturma haksız veya sonuçsuz görünüyor ise, editörler endişe ifadesi yayınlamayı düşünmelidir. Düzeltme, geri çekme veya endişe ifadesi ile ilgili olarak <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/flowcharts/complete-set-english" target="_blank">COPE</a> ve <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/" target="_blank">ICJME</a> yönergeleri dikkate alınır.

Dergide yayınlanan tüm yazıların korunmasını ve kalıcı olarak erişilebilir olmasını sağlamak için makaleler, ulusal bir arşiv sitesi olarak hizmet veren ve aynı zamanda LOCKSS'in içeriği toplamasına, korumasına ve sunmasına izin veren Dergipark'ta saklanmaktadır.Ek olarak, yazarların kendilerinin makalelerinin son PDF sürümünü Open Archives Initiative (<a href="https://www.openarchives.org/" target="_blank">https://www.openarchives.org/</a>) standartlarına uygun açık elektronik arşivlerde arşivlemeleri önerilir. Yazarlar, yayınladıkları arşiv versiyonundan, İ.Ü. Yayınevinin dergi web sitesinin URL'sine bağlantı sağlamalıdır.

Anadolu Araştırmaları – Anatolian Research, yayın etiğinde en yüksek standartlara bağlıdır ve <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a> ve <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> tarafından yayınlanan etik yayıncılık ilkelerini benimser; Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing başlığı altında ifade edilen ilkeler için: <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a>Gönderilen tüm makaleler orijinal, yayınlanmamış ve başka bir dergide değerlendirme sürecinde olmamalıdır. Her bir makale editörlerden biri ve en az iki hakem tarafından çift kör değerlendirmeden geçirilir. İntihal, duplikasyon, sahte yazarlık/inkar edilen yazarlık, araştrma/veri fabrikasyonu, makale dilimleme, dilimleyerek yayın, telif hakları ihlali ve çıkar çatışmasının gizlenmesi, etik dışı davranışlar olarak kabul edilir.Kabul edilen etik standartlara uygun olmayan tüm makaleler yayından çıkarılır. Buna yayından sonra tespit edilen olası kuraldışı, uygunsuzluklar içeren makaleler de dahildir.

Etik

Anadolu Araştırmaları – Anatolian Research araştırma etiğinde en yüksek standartları gözetir ve aşağıda tanımlanan uluslararası araştırma etiği ilkelerini benimser. Makalelerin etik kurallara uygunluğu yazarların sorumluluğundadır.<ul><li>Araştırmanın tasarlanması, tasarımın gözden geçirilmesi ve araştırmanın yürütülmesinde, bütünlük, kalite ve şeffaflık ilkeleri sağlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma ekibi ve katılımcılar, araştırmanın amacı, yöntemleri ve öngörülen olası kullanımları; araştırmaya katılımın gerektirdikleri ve varsa riskleri hakkında tam olarak bilgilendirilmelidir.</li><li>Araştırma katılımcılarının sağladığı bilgilerin gizliliği ve yanıt verenlerin gizliliği sağlanmalıdır. Araştırma katılımcıların özerkliğini ve saygınlığını koruyacak şekilde tasarlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma katılımcıları gönüllü olarak araştırmada yer almalı, herhangi bir zorlama altında olmamalıdırlar.</li><li>Katılımcıların zarar görmesinden kaçınılmalıdır. Araştırma, katılımcıları riske sokmayacak şekilde planlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma bağımsızlığıyla ilgili açık ve net olunmalı; çıkar çatışması varsa belirtilmelidir.</li><li>Deneysel çalışmalarda, araştırmaya katılmaya karar veren katılımcıların yazılı bilgilendirilmiş onayı alınmalıdır. Çocukların ve vesayet altındakilerin veya tasdiklenmiş akıl hastalığı bulunanların yasal vasisinin onayı alınmalıdır.</li><li>Çalışma herhangi bir kurum ya da kuruluşta gerçekleştirilecekse bu kurum ya da kuruluştan çalışma yapılacağına dair onay alınmalıdır.</li><li>İnsan öğesi bulunan çalışmalarda, “yöntem” bölümünde katılımcılardan “bilgilendirilmiş onam” alındığının ve çalışmanın yapıldığı kurumdan etik kurul onayı alındığı belirtilmesi gerekir.</li></ul>

Makalelerin bilimsel ve etik kurallara uygunluğu yazarların sorumluluğundadır. Yazar makalenin orijinal olduğu, daha önce başka bir yerde yayınlanmadığı ve başka bir yerde, başka bir dilde yayınlanmak üzere değerlendirmede olmadığı konusunda teminat sağlamalıdır. Uygulamadaki telif kanunları ve anlaşmaları gözetilmelidir. Telife bağlı materyaller (örneğin tablolar, şekiller veya büyük alıntılar) gerekli izin ve teşekkürle kullanılmalıdır. Başka yazarların, katkıda bulunanların çalışmaları ya da yararlanılan kaynaklar uygun biçimde kullanılmalı ve referanslarda belirtilmelidir.Gönderilen makalede tüm yazarların akademik ve bilimsel olarak doğrudan katkısı olmalıdır, bu bağlamda “yazar” yayınlanan bir araştırmanın kavramsallaştırılmasına ve dizaynına, verilerin elde edilmesine, analizine ya da yorumlanmasına belirgin katkı yapan, yazının yazılması ya da bunun içerik açısından eleştirel biçimde gözden geçirilmesinde görev yapan birisi olarak görülür. Yazar olabilmenin diğer koşulları ise, makaledeki çalışmayı planlamak veya icra etmek ve / veya revize etmektir. Fon sağlanması, veri toplanması ya da araştırma grubunun genel süpervizyonu tek başına yazarlık hakkı kazandırmaz. Yazar olarak gösterilen tüm bireyler sayılan tüm ölçütleri karşılamalıdır ve yukarıdaki ölçütleri karşılayan her birey yazar olarak gösterilebilir. Yazarların isim sıralaması ortak verilen bir karar olmalıdır. Tüm yazarlar yazar sıralamasını <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/EDE9D7AD769E4EABA46CC17F276BEC06" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formunda</a> imzalı olarak belirtmek zorundadırlar.Yazarlık için yeterli ölçütleri karşılamayan ancak çalışmaya katkısı olan tüm bireyler “teşekkür / bilgiler” kısmında sıralanmalıdır. Bunlara örnek olarak ise sadece teknik destek sağlayan, yazıma yardımcı olan ya da sadece genel bir destek sağlayan, finansal ve materyal desteği sunan kişiler verilebilir.Bütün yazarlar, araştırmanın sonuçlarını ya da bilimsel değerlendirmeyi etkileyebilme potansiyeli olan finansal ilişkiler, çıkar çatışması ve çıkar rekabetini beyan etmelidirler. Bir yazar kendi yayınlanmış yazısında belirgin bir hata ya da yanlışlık tespit ederse, bu yanlışlıklara ilişkin düzeltme ya da geri çekme için editör ile hemen temasa geçme ve işbirliği yapma sorumluluğunu taşır.

Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirir. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar. Gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalacağını garanti eder. Baş editör içerik ve yayının toplam kalitesinden sorumludur. Gereğinde hata sayfası yayınlamalı ya da düzeltme yapmalıdır.Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemlerin araştırmayla ilgili, yazarlarla ve/veya araştırmanın finansal destekçileriyle çıkar çatışmaları olmamalıdır. Değerlendirmelerinin sonucunda tarafsız bir yargıya varmalıdırlar. Gönderilmiş yazılara ilişkin tüm bilginin gizli tutulmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar. Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir. Bazı durumlarda editörün kararıyla, ilgili hakemlerin makaleye ait yorumları aynı makaleyi yorumlayan diğer hakemlere gönderilerek hakemlerin bu süreçte aydınlatılması sağlanabilir.

Daha önce yayınlanmamış ya da yayınlanmak üzere başka bir dergide halen değerlendirmede olmayan ve her bir yazar tarafından onaylanan makaleler değerlendirilmek üzere kabul edilir. Gönderilen ve ön kontrolü geçen makaleler iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir.Seçilen makaleler en az iki ulusal/uluslararası hakeme çift taraflı kör hakemlik ile değerlendirmeye gönderilir; yayın kararı, hakemlerin talepleri doğrultusunda yazarların gerçekleştirdiği düzenlemelerin ve hakem sürecinin sonrasında baş editör tarafından verilir.

Hakemlik Hakkında

Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirirler. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar. Gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalacağını garanti eder. Baş editör içerik ve yayının toplam kalitesinden sorumludur. Gereğinde hata sayfası yayınlamalı ya da düzeltme yapmalıdır. Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemler, araştırma, yazarlar ve/veya araştırmaya fon sağlayanlarla çıkar çatışması içinde olmamalıdır. Hakemler değerlendirmelerinin sonucunda tarafsız bir yargıya varmalıdırlar. Gönderilmiş yazılara ilişkin tüm bilginin gizli tutulmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar. Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir. Bazı durumlarda editörün kararıyla, ilgili hakemlerin makaleye ait yorumları aynı makaleyi yorumlayan diğer hakemlere gönderilerek hakemlerin bu süreçte aydınlatılması sağlanabilir.

Daha önce yayınlanmamış ya da yayınlanmak üzere başka bir dergide halen değerlendirmede olmayan ve her bir yazar tarafından onaylanan makaleler değerlendirilmek üzere kabul edilir. Gönderilen ve ön kontrolü geçen makaleler iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir. Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirir. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar.Seçilen makaleler en az iki ulusal/uluslararası hakeme değerlendirmeye gönderilir; yayın kararı, hakemlerin talepleri doğrultusunda yazarların gerçekleştirdiği düzenlemelerin ve hakem sürecinin sonrasında baş editör tarafından verilir.Hakemlerin değerlendirmeleri objektif olmalıdır. Hakem süreci sırasında hakemlerin aşağıdaki hususları dikkate alarak değerlendirmelerini yapmaları beklenir.-Makale yeni ve önemli bir bilgi içeriyor mu?-Öz, makalenin içeriğini net ve düzgün bir şekilde tanımlıyor mu?-Yöntem bütünlüklü ve anlaşılır şekilde tanımlanmış mı?-Yapılan yorum ve varılan sonuçlar bulgularla kanıtlanıyor mu?-Alandaki diğer çalışmalara yeterli referans verilmiş mi?-Dil kalitesi yeterli mi?Hakemler, gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar. Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir.

DilDergide Türkçe, İngilizce, Almanca, Fransızca ve İtalyanca makaleler yayınlanır. Gönderilen makalelerde makale dilinde öz, İngilizce öz ve İngilizce geniş özet olmalıdır. Ancak makale İngilizce ise, İngilizce geniş özet istenmez. Yazıların Hazırlanması ve Yazım KurallarıAksi belirtilmedikçe gönderilen yazılarla ilgili tüm yazışmalar ilk yazarla yapılacaktır. Makale gönderimi online olarak <a href="https://dergipark.org.tr/en/pub/iuanadolu" target="_blank">https://dergipark.org.tr/en/pub/iuanadolu</a> sayfasından erişilen <a href="http://dergipark.gov.tr/login" target="_blank">http://dergipark.gov.tr/login</a> üzerinden yapılmalıdır.  Gönderilen yazılar, makale türünü belirten ve makaleyle ilgili detayları içeren (bkz: Son Kontrol Listesi) <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/A5B76DBB476749A5A28A0D6A799C61E6" target="_blank">Kapak Sayfası</a>; yazının elektronik formunu içeren Microsoft Word 2003 ve üzerindeki versiyonları ile yazılmış elektronik dosya ve tüm yazarların imzaladığı <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/EDE9D7AD769E4EABA46CC17F276BEC06" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a> eklenerek gönderilmelidir.<ol><li>Yazılar Makale Şablonu kullanılarak hazırlanmalıdır. Makale ana metninde, çift taraflı kör hakemlik süreci gereği, yazarın / yazarların kimlik bilgileri yer almamalıdır.</li><li>Yayınlanmak üzere gönderilen makale ile birlikte yazar bilgilerini içeren <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/A5B76DBB476749A5A28A0D6A799C61E6" target="_blank">Kapak Sayfası</a> gönderilmelidir. Kapak Sayfasında, makalenin başlığı, yazar veya yazarların bağlı bulundukları kurum ve unvanları, kendilerine ulaşılabilecek adresler, cep, iş ve faks numaraları, ORCID ve e-posta adresleri yer almalıdır (bkz. Son Kontrol Listesi).</li><li>Giriş bölümünden önce 120-200 kelimelik çalışmanın kapsamını, amacını, ulaşılan sonuçları ve kullanılan yöntemi kaydeden makale dilinde öz ve İngilizce öz ile 600-800 kelimelik İngilizce geniş özet yer almalıdır. Makale İngilizce ise İngilizce geniş özet istenmez. Özlerin altında çalışmanın içeriğini temsil eden, 5’er adet anahtar kelime yer almalıdır.</li><li>Çalışmaların başlıca şu unsurları içermesi gerekmektedir: Makale dilinde başlık, öz ve anahtar kelimeler; İngilizce başlık, öz ve anahtar kelimeler; geniş özet, ana metin bölümleri, kaynaklar, tablolar ve şekiller.</li><li>Referanslar derginin benimsediği American Psychological Association (APA) 6 stiline uygun olarak hazırlanmalıdır.</li><li>Kurallar dâhilinde dergimize yayınlanmak üzere gönderilen çalışmaların her türlü sorumluluğu yazar/yazarlarına aittir.</li></ol>

Yazım Kuralları

Araştırma Makaleleri: Orijinal araştırma makaleleri derginin kapsamına uygun konularda önemli, özgün bilimsel sonuçlar sunan araştırmaları raporlayan yazılardır. Orijinal araştırma makaleleri, Öz, Anahtar Kelimeler, İngilizce Geniş Özet, Giriş, Yöntem, Bulgular, Tartışma, Sonuçlar, Kaynaklar bölümlerinden ve Tablo, Grafik ve Şekillerden oluşur.Öz: Makale dilinde başlık ve İngilizce başlık öz’lerin üzerinde yer almalıdır. Araştırma yazılarında Türkçe ve İngilizce özler 120-200 kelime arasında olmalı ve çalışmanın amacı, yöntemi, ana bulguları ve sonuçlarını ifade etmelidir. Ayrıca Türkçe, Almanca, Fransızca ya da İtalyanca makaleler için özlerden sonra 600-800 kelimelik İngilizce geniş özet de yer almalıdır.Giriş: Giriş bölümünde konunun önemi, tarihçe ve bugüne kadar yapılmış çalışmalar, hipotez ve çalışmanın amacından söz edilmelidir. Hem ana hem de ikincil amaçlar açıkça belirtilmelidir. Sadece gerçekten ilişkili kaynaklar gösterilmeli ve çalışmaya ait veri ya da sonuçlardan söz edilmemelidir. Giriş bölümünün sonunda çalışmanın amacı, araştırma soruları veya hipotezler yazılmalıdır.Yöntem: Yöntem bölümünde, veri kaynakları, çalışmaya katılanlar, ölçekler, görüşme/değerlendirmeler ve temel ölçümler, yapılan işlemler ve istatistiksel yöntemler yer almalıdır. Yöntem bölümü, sadece çalışmanın planı ya da protokolü yazılırken bilinen bilgileri içermelidir; çalışma sırasında elde edilen tüm bilgiler bulgular kısmında verilmelidir.Bulgular: Ana bulgular istatistiksel verilerle desteklenmiş olarak eksiksiz verilmeli ve bu bulgular uygun tablo, grafik ve şekillerle görsel olarak da belirtilmelidir. Bulgular yazıda, tablolarda ve şekillerde mantıklı bir sırayla önce en önemli sonuçlar olacak şekilde verilmelidir. Tablo ve şekillerdeki tüm veriyi yazıda vermemeli, sadece önemli noktaları vurgulanmalıdır.Tartışma: Tartışma bölümünde o çalışmadan elde edilen veriler, kurulan hipotez doğrultusunda hipotezi destekleyen ve desteklemeyen bulgular ve sonuçlar irdelenmeli ve bu bulgu ve sonuçlar literatürde bulunan benzeri çalışmalarla kıyaslanmalı, farklılıklar varsa açıklanmalıdır. Çalışmanın yeni ve önemli yanları ve bunlardan çıkan sonuçları vurgulanmalıdır. Giriş ya da sonuçlar kısmında verilen bilgi ve veriler tekrarlanmamalıdır.Sonuçlar: Çalışmadan elde edilen sonuçlar belirtilmelidir. Sonuçlar, çalışmanın amaçları ile bağlantılı olmalıdır, ancak veriler tarafından yeterince desteklenmeyen niteliksiz ifadeler ve sonuçlardan kaçınılmalıdır. Yeni hipotezler gerektiğinde belirtilmeli, ancak açıkça tanımlanmalıdır.Şekil, Resim, Tablo ve Grafikler: Metin içinde kullanılan fotoğraf, plân, harita vb. materyallerin “.jpg / .tiff” uzantılı kayıtları gönderilecek dokümanlara eklenmelidir. Bu tür belgelerin baskı tekniğine uygun çözünürlükte (en az 300 piksel) ve sayfa alanını aşmayacak büyüklükte olmasına dikkat edilmelidir. Fotoğraf ve levhaların 10 sayfayı aşmamasına dikkat edilmeli ve metin içinde parantezle atıfta bulunulan resim, harita veya diğer ekler makalenin sonuna eklenmelidir.<ul></ul>Derleme: Yazının konusunda birikimi olan ve bu birikimleri uluslararası literatüre yayın ve atıf sayısı olarak yansımış uzmanlar tarafından hazırlanmış yazılar değerlendirmeye alınır. Yazarları dergi tarafından da davet edilebilir. Derleme yazısı, başlık, öz, anahtar kelimeler, İngilizce geniş özet (Türkçe, Almanca, Fransızca ve İtalyanca makaleler için), ana metin bölümleri ve kaynaklardan oluşmalıdır.

Referans Stili ve FormatıLitera: Dil, Edebiyat ve Kültür Araştırmaları Dergisi-Journal of Language, Literature and Culture Studies, metin içi alıntılama ve kaynak gösterme için APA (American Psychological Association) kaynak sitilinin 6. edisyonunu benimser. APA 6.Edisyon hakkında bilgi için:-    American Psychological Association. (2010). Publication manual of the American PsychologicalAssociation (6th ed.). Washington, DC: APA.-    <a href="http://www.apastyle.org/" target="_blank">http://www.apastyle.org/</a>Kaynakların doğruluğundan yazar(lar) sorumludur. Tüm kaynaklar metinde belirtilmelidir. Kaynaklar aşağıdaki örneklerdeki gibi gösterilmelidir.Metin İçinde Kaynak GöstermeKaynaklar metinde parantez içinde yazarların soyadı ve yayın tarihi yazılarak belirtilmelidir.Birden fazla kaynak gösterilecekse kaynaklar arasında (;) işareti kullanılmalıdır. Kaynaklar alfabetik olarak sıralanmalıdır.Örnekler:Birden fazla kaynak;(Esin ve ark., 2002; Karasar 1995)Tek yazarlı kaynak;(Akyolcu, 2007)İki yazarlı kaynak;(Sayıner ve Demirci 2007, s. 72)Üç, dört ve beş yazarlı kaynak;Metin içinde ilk kullanımda: (Ailen, Ciambrune ve Welch 2000, s. 12–13) Metin içinde tekrarlayan kullanımlarda: (Ailen ve ark., 2000)Altı ve daha çok yazarlı kaynak;(Çavdar ve ark., 2003)Kaynaklar Bölümünde Kaynak GöstermeKullanılan tüm kaynaklar metnin sonunda ayrı bir bölüm halinde yazar soyadlarına göre alfabetik olarak numaralandırılmadan verilmelidir.Kaynak yazımı ile ilgili örnekler aşağıda verilmiştir.Kitapa) Türkçe KitapKarasar, N. (1995). Araştırmalarda rapor hazırlama (8.bs). Ankara: 3A Eğitim Danışmanlık Ltd.b) Türkçeye Çevrilmiş KitapMucchielli, A. (1991). Zihniyetler (A. Kotil, Çev.). İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları.c) Editörlü KitapÖren, T., Üney, T. ve Çölkesen, R. (Ed.). (2006). Türkiye bilişim ansiklopedisi. İstanbul: Papatya Yayıncılık.d) Çok Yazarlı Türkçe KitapTonta, Y., Bitirim, Y. ve Sever, H. (2002). Türkçe arama motorlarında performans değerlendirme. Ankara: Total Bilişim.e) İngilizce KitapKamien R., &amp; Kamien A. (2014). Music: An appreciation. New York, NY: McGraw-Hill Education.f) İngilizce Kitap İçerisinde BölümBassett, C. (2006). Cultural studies and new media. In G. Hall &amp; C. Birchall (Eds.), New cultural studies: Adventures in theory (pp. 220–237). Edinburgh, UK: Edinburgh University Press.g) Türkçe Kitap İçerisinde BölümErkmen, T. (2012). Örgüt kültürü: Fonksiyonları, öğeleri, işletme yönetimi ve liderlikteki önemi. M. Zencirkıran (Ed.), Örgüt sosyolojisi kitabı içinde (s. 233–263). Bursa: Dora Basım Yayın.h) Yayımcının ve Yazarın Kurum Olduğu YayınTürk Standartları Enstitüsü. (1974). Adlandırma ilkeleri. Ankara: Yazar.Makalea) Türkçe MakaleMutlu, B. ve Savaşer, S. (2007). Çocuğu ameliyat sonrası yoğun bakımda olan ebeveynlerde stres nedenleri ve azaltma girişimleri. İstanbul Üniversitesi Florence Nightingale Hemşirelik Dergisi, 15(60), 179–182.b) İngilizce Makalede Cillia, R., Reisigl, M., &amp; Wodak, R. (1999). The discursive construction of national identity. Discourse and Society, 10(2), 149–173. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957926599010002002c) Yediden Fazla Yazarlı MakaleLal, H., Cunningham, A. L., Godeaux, O., Chlibek, R., Diez-Domingo, J., Hwang, S.-J. ... Heineman, T. C. (2015). Efficacy of an adjuvanted herpes zoster subunit vaccine in older adults. New England Journal of Medicine, 372, 2087–2096. http://dx.doi.org/10.1056/NEJMoa1501184d) DOI’si Olmayan Online Edinilmiş MakaleAl, U. ve Doğan, G. (2012). Hacettepe Üniversitesi Bilgi ve Belge Yönetimi Bölümü tezlerinin atıf analizi. Türk Kütüphaneciliği, 26, 349–369. Erişim adresi: http://www.tk.org.tr/e) DOI’si Olan MakaleTurner, S. J. (2010). Website statistics 2.0: Using Google Analytics to measure library website effectiveness. Technical Services Quarterly, 27, 261–278. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07317131003765910f) Advance Online Olarak Yayımlanmış MakaleSmith, J. A. (2010). Citing advance online publication: A review. Journal of Psychology. Advance online publication. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/a45d7867g) Popüler Dergi MakalesiSemercioğlu, C. (2015, Haziran). Sıradanlığın rayihası. Sabit Fikir, 52, 38–39.Tez, Sunum, Bildiria) Türkçe TezlerSarı, E. (2008). Kültür kimlik ve politika: Mardin’de kültürlerarasılık. (Doktora Tezi). Ankara Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, Ankara.b)Ticari Veritabanında Yer Alan Yüksek Lisans Ya da Doktora TeziVan Brunt, D. (1997). Networked consumer health information systems (Doctoral dissertation). Available from ProQuest Dissertations and Theses. (UMI No. 9943436)c) Kurumsal Veritabanında Yer Alan İngilizce Yüksek Lisans/Doktora TeziYaylalı-Yıldız, B. (2014). University campuses as places of potential publicness: Exploring the politicals, social and cultural practices in Ege University (Doctoral dissertation). Retrieved from Retrieved from: http://library.iyte.edu.tr/tr/hizli-erisim/iyte-tez-portalid) Web’de Yer Alan İngilizce Yüksek Lisans/Doktora TeziTonta, Y. A. (1992). An analysis of search failures in online library catalogs (Doctoral dissertation, University of California, Berkeley). Retrieved from http://yunus.hacettepe.edu.tr/~tonta/yayinlar/phd/ickapak.htmle) Dissertations Abstracts International’da Yer Alan Yüksek Lisans/Doktora TeziAppelbaum, L. G. (2005). Three studies of human information processing: Texture amplifica&#173;tion, motion representation, and figure-ground segregation. Dissertation Abstracts International: Section B. Sciences and Engineering, 65(10), 5428.f) Sempozyum KatkısıKrinsky-McHale, S. J., Zigman, W. B. &amp; Silverman, W (2012, August). Are neuropsychiatric symptoms markers of prodromal Alzheimer’s disease in adults with Down syndrome? In W. B. Zigman (Chair), Predictors of mild cognitive impairment, dementia, and mortality in adults with Down syndrome. Symposium conducted at American Psychological Association meeting, Orlando, FL.g) Online Olarak Erişilen Konferans Bildiri ÖzetiÇınar, M., Doğan, D. ve Seferoğlu, S. S. (2015, Şubat). Eğitimde dijital araçlar: Google sınıf uygulaması üzerine bir değerlendirme [Öz]. Akademik Bilişim Konferansında sunulan bildiri, Anadolu Üniversitesi, Eskişehir. Erişim adresi: http://ab2015.anadolu.edu.tr /index.php?menu=5&amp;submenu=27h) Düzenli Olarak Online Yayımlanan BildirilerHerculano-Houzel, S., Collins, C. E., Wong, P., Kaas, J. H., &amp; Lent, R. (2008). The basic nonuniformity of the cerebral cortex. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 105, 12593–12598. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.0805417105i) Kitap Şeklinde Yayımlanan BildirilerSchneider, R. (2013). Research data literacy. S. Kurbanoğlu ve ark. (Ed.), Communications in Computer and Information Science: Vol. 397. Worldwide Communalities and Challenges in Information Literacy Research and Practice içinde (s. 134–140) . Cham, İsviçre: Springer.http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-03919-0j) Kongre BildirisiÇepni, S., Bacanak A. ve Özsevgeç T. (2001, Haziran). Fen bilgisi öğretmen adaylarının fen branşlarına karşı tutumları ile fen branşlarındaki başarılarının ilişkisi. X. Ulusal Eğitim Bilimleri Kongresi’nde sunulan bildiri, Abant İzzet Baysal Üniversitesi, BoluDiğer Kaynaklara) Gazete YazısıToker, Ç. (2015, 26 Haziran). ‘Unutma’ notları. Cumhuriyet, s. 13.b) Online Gazete YazısıTamer, M. (2015, 26 Haziran). E-ticaret hamle yapmak için tüketiciyi bekliyor. Milliyet. Erişim adresi: http://www.milliyetc) Web Page/Blog PostBordwell, D. (2013, June 18). David Koepp: Making the world movie-sized [Web log post]. Retrieved from http://www.davidbordwell.net/blog/page/27/d) Online Ansiklopedi/SözlükBilgi mimarisi. (2014, 20 Aralık). Vikipedi içinde. Erişim adresi: http://tr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bilgi_mimarisiMarcoux, A. (2008). Business ethics. In E. N. Zalta (Ed.), The Stanford encyclopedia of philosophy. Retrieved from http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/ethics-business/e) PodcastRadyo ODTÜ (Yapımcı). (2015, 13 Nisan). Modern sabahlar [Podcast]. Erişim adresi: http://www.radyoodtu.com.tr/f) Bir Televizyon Dizisinden Tek Bir BölümShore, D. (Senarist), Jackson, M. (Senarist) ve Bookstaver, S. (Yönetmen). (2012). Runaways [Televizyon dizisi bölümü]. D. Shore (Baş yapımcı), House M.D. içinde. New York, NY: Fox Broadcasting.g) Müzik KaydıSay, F. (2009). Galata Kulesi. İstanbul senfonisi [CD] içinde. İstanbul: Ak Müzik.Yukarıda sıralanan koşulları yerine getirmemiş çalışma kabul edilmez, eksiklerinin tamamlanması için yazara iade edilir. Yayın Komisyonu tarafından kabul edilen yazılar basıma kabul sırasına göre yayınlanır. Baskı tashihleri yazarlar tarafından yapılır.

<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/EDE9D7AD769E4EABA46CC17F276BEC06" target="_blank" style="background-color: transparent;">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/694E6CEE1783415196B9E07B54490722" target="_blank" style="background-color: transparent;">Kapak sayfası</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/064F98B2F0BA4FE292400AA5885B02AE" target="_blank">Yazar Formu</a>

Aşağıdaki listede eksik olmadığından emin olun:<ul><li>Makalenin türünün belirtilmiş olduğu</li><li>Başka bir dergiye gönderilmemiş olduğu</li><li>Sponsor veya ticari bir firma ile ilişkisi varsa, bunun belirtildiği</li><li>İngilizce yönünden kontrolünün yapıldığı</li><li>Referansların derginin benimsediği APA 6 edisyonuna uygun olarak düzenlendiği</li><li>Yazarlara Bilgide detaylı olarak anlatılan dergi politikalarının gözden geçirildiği</li></ul>● <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/EDE9D7AD769E4EABA46CC17F276BEC06" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a>● Daha önce basılmış materyal (yazı-resim-tablo) kullanılmış ise izin belgesi● <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/694E6CEE1783415196B9E07B54490722" target="_blank">Kapak sayfası</a><ul><li>Makalenin kategorisi</li><li>Makale dilinde ve İngilizce başlık</li><li>Yazarların ismi soyadı, unvanları ve bağlı oldukları kurumlar (üniversite ve fakülte bilgisinden sonra şehir ve ülke bilgisi), e-posta adresleri</li><li>Sorumlu yazarın e-posta adresi, açık yazışma adresi, iş telefonu, GSM, faks nosu</li><li>Tüm yazarların ORCID’leri</li><li>Finansal destek (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Çıkar çatışması (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Teşekkür (varsa belirtiniz)</li></ul>● Makale ana metni<ul><li>Önemli: Ana metinde yazarın / yazarların kimlik bilgilerinin yer almamış olması gerekir.</li><li>Makale dilinde ve İngilizce başlık</li><li>Öz: 120-200 kelime</li><li>Anahtar Kelimeler: 5 adet makale dilinde ve 5 adet İngilizce</li><li>İngilizce geniş özet: 600-800 kelime (İngilizce olmayan makaleler için)</li><li>Makale ana metin bölümleri</li><li>Kaynaklar</li><li>Tablolar-Resimler, Şekiller (başlık, tanım ve alt yazılarıyla)</li></ul>

Sayı Türü	Regular
Editör(ler)	Mustafa Hamdi Sayar
Kapak (PDF)
Ön Sayfalar (PDF)

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