Ahmet

Assoc. Prof. Dr.

The eucharistic congress emerged in line with the understanding of church management of Pope Leo XIII, who followed a transparent policy in church administration and attached importance to unity among Christians. Pope Leo XIII, who improved his relations with the Ottoman Empire and restructured the Catholic missions in many parts of the world, had a separate policy regarding Eastern Christians, and in this sense, the eucharistic congress in Jerusalem is remarkable. The 8th International Eucharistic Congress held in Jerusalem in 1893 was significantly different from previous congresses in that it was the first to be held outside Europe and that it took place in the lands where Christianity was born.As soon as the eucharistic congress in Jerusalem was announced, it created an important agenda in European public opinion. The Ottoman ambassadors abroad sent news about the congress to Istanbul regularly. The general concern of the Ottoman statesmen regarding the congress was how the Orthodox Church might react to such a congress and whether this could turn into a security problem. According to the opinion of some of the Ottoman ambassadors abroad, the efforts to organize the congress were more on the part of France than the Papacy, and this motivation stemmed from the ambitions of the French Government and priests of French origin about Jerusalem.Although, at first, some Ottoman statesmen objected to the organization of the eucharistic congress in Jerusalem, the problems that might arise if such a meeting were later banned entirely by them were discussed. It would have been possible to spread Propaganda that the Ottoman Empire did not act tolerantly about freedom of religion and sects. The prevention of such a congress, which was said to have a purely spiritual side and to fulfill a religious duty, would have perhaps led to misperceptions. Therefore, permission to host the congress was considered appropriate for the benefit of the state, and local officials in Jerusalem were instructed to take the necessary measures.From the newspaper columns in Europe at the time, it is evident that the congress aroused great excitement in the capitals of Catholic-dominated countries. Catholic sects of French origin and bishops of French origin in the Vatican were the ones who mobilized Catholic public opinion. However, the media’s direction of public opinion in Rome and Paris gave rise to a feeling as if a Crusade was taking place against the East, which increased Ottoman anxiety. This kind of concern occurred not only in the Ottoman Empire but also among the followers of the Eastern Church, whose trust in the Roman Church decreased after the Crusades. Aware of the situation, Papal officials stated that such false and exaggerated news would lead to canceling the congress in Jerusalem and provoke people living in the East.The Armenian Catholic Patriarch Azarian was also an active person in the eucharistic congress. Patriarch Azarian, who went to Rome in February 1893 to celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of Pope Leo’s bishopric and to present the sultan’s gift to the pope, also met with the Ottoman ambassador. On the congress issue, the Ottoman ambassador conveyed the Ottomans’ concerns to him. However, Azarian’s version of events was different. Although he said that the eucharistic congress was canceled by the Papacy at the beginning of 1893, he later gave up on this discourse. Patriarch Azarian stated that after meeting with the pope in the Vatican, Cardinal Langénieux was to pay a visit to Jerusalem, but bishops from different countries would also go to Jerusalem. Azarian’s statement that bishops from different countries would go to Jerusalem was aimed at alleviating public concern. Because the origin of the clergy who took the lead in the congress was generally French, the concern that France’s interests were protected existed both in the Ottoman Empire and in different European countries.Although Azarian took an active role in the process of the congress, he was not allowed to attend the congress in Jerusalem. The words he uttered in Rome disturbed the Ottomans. One of the reasons for the problem was that Azarian informed the pope that the Armenians were persecuted in the Ottoman Empire and asked for his help. Another was Azarian’s request for permission from the pope to attend the spiritual congress in Jerusalem without the knowledge of the Ottoman Government. For reasons such as this, he was not allowed to go to Jerusalem and was, instead, instructed to return to Istanbul.While the congress was handled by the Ottoman bureaucrats in Europe with a focus on profit and loss and security, the European public was depicted in value-laden terms where the sacred was embraced in their lives with enthusiasm. According to the newspapers close to the Papacy, at the congress in Jerusalem, besides the glorification of Jesus Christ, the muchdesired church unity would be achieved. Thus, the Eastern Churches, which were disconnected from each other, would be able to come together again illuminated by the light of the Roman Catholic Church. Under the leadership of Langénieux, representatives of all languages and peoples would come together. Catholic East and West would embrace and glorify Jesus Christ as members of a family with the same feelings, despite their differences in traditions, rites, and languages. The eucharistic congress would not only be content with reviving religious belief but would also increase the functionality of the eucharistic practices.When Cardinal Langénieux’s departure to Jerusalem was deemed appropriate, a matter of protocol arose. Since no clergy at the Cardinal level had visited Jerusalem for centuries, it was not known at first what kind of protocol should be put in place. State ceremonies were held for patriarchs in the Ottoman Empire; however, since the place of the Cardinal in the protocol could not be predicted exactly, negotiations were held by the relevant official units about how to organize a welcoming ceremony. The French ambassador was also informed about the issue and his advice was taken. As a result, since the cardinals were in a higher position than the patriarchs and were considered to be “church princes,” it was deemed appropriate to make an arrangement accordingly. Consequently, the required official ceremony was held for the Cardinal.The congress, which took place in 8 sessions between May 13 and 21, 1893 under the supervision of Cardinal Langénieux, was held in the Convent of the Saint Savior of the Franciscans. The participation of a total of thirty bishops, including Eastern Catholic (Uniat) and Latin bishops, as well as the Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem Luigi Piavi, was an important achievement for the Roman Catholic Church. However, the differences of opinion among the Latino groups in Jerusalem became even more concrete in this congress. While the Latin Patriarchate of Jerusalem and the Franciscans were distant from religious patronage of France, the White Fathers and the Assumptionists had a more positive view.Another issue of separation that emerged at the congress was the approach of different Latin Catholic groups to Eastern Catholics. While some of them perceived Catholicization as Latinization and advocated full devotion to the Roman Church in the liturgy, others thought that Eastern Christians could preserve their church traditions even if they were Catholics. The White Fathers and the Assumptionists were Catholic sects that were conscious of the fine line between Latinization and Catholicization. In this context, while France gave more support to the White Fathers and Assumptionists, it made great efforts to remove the Propaganda Fide Administration in Jerusalem.Inspired by the eucharistic congress in Jerusalem, it is an important development that the Eastern and Western churches came together again in Rome a year later to discuss common problems. Pope Leo XIII published the Praeclara Gratulationis document as a result of the eucharistic congress in Jerusalem and summoned the Eastern Catholic Patriarchs to Rome. As a result, a meeting was held in Rome in November of the following year and important decisions were taken with the papal document titled Orientalium Dignitas.At the end of the congress, which lasted more than a week, it was apparent that the Ottoman Empire did not have any of the security problems that it had been worried about. In addition to the state’s taking the necessary precautions, the suggestions of the Papacy to avoid behaviors that would provoke other Christian sects were also effective in this. After leaving Jerusalem, Cardinal Langénieux conveyed his thanks to the Ottoman Empire through the French embassy for the interest shown to him. Since the congress was held without any problems and the necessary measures that were taken in this direction would also please Pope Leo XIII, after the congress, he sent a third class medal to the Governor of Jerusalem, İbrahim Hakkı Pasha.In this study, Jerusalem-based reconciliation efforts of the Roman Catholic Church with the Eastern Catholics called Uniat are included. The attitudes of Ottoman statesmen regarding whether or not the congress should be held in Jerusalem, which was located in the Ottoman lands in that period, and the perceptions of the Western public about the eucharistic congress are discussed in detail. The views of the Catholic sects of French origin and the Latin missions in Jerusalem on the traditions of the Eastern Christians were examined in depth in the context of Jerusalem. In the study, which was handled in light of documents from the Prime Ministry Ottoman Archive and foreign newspapers of the period, the processes of the eucharistic congress and the risks faced by the Roman Catholic Church after the meetings and the gains it achieved were discussed comparatively.

1893’te Kudüs’te Yapılan Evharistik Kongrenin Roma Katolik Kilisesi ile Doğu Katolik Kiliseleri Açısından Önemi

Banu

Elif

Disability, which is seen to have different definitions due to its many forms and the debates on its determination, refers to an impairment that prevents the fulfillment of the roles that should be performed depending on age, gender, and social and cultural factors for various reasons that occur before, during or after birth.The relationship between religious education and disability can be considered in two ways. First, religious education is evaluated as an element that supports individuals with disabilities and their families in the context of religious coping. The second dimension of the relationship between disability and religious education is the acquisition of basic religious knowledge by individuals with disabilities to fulfill their religious obligations, especially their worship.Formal religious education for people with disabilities can take place in special education schools in addition to ensuring the educational and social integration of students with disabilities with students without disabilities, in inclusive classrooms where they are educated and trained together, starting from the fourth grade of primary school to high school. It takes place in the curriculum (with courses on Religious Culture and Moral Knowledge, the Qur’an, the Life of the Prophet Muhammad, and Basic Religious Knowledge) until the students’ graduation. Informal religious education is given in mosques and educational institutions belonging to various non-governmental organizations, besides the Qur’an courses run within the Presidency of Religious Affairs.The Directorate of Religious Affairs (Diyanet) is one of the leading institutions providing informal religious education in Turkey. Education for people with disabilities is given by the Presidency of Religious Affairs within the scope of a general curriculum that takes into account the various groups within the framework of the Need-Focused Qur’an Courses Curriculum.3 In the program in question, there are fields such as akaid, catechism, tafsir, hadith, and siyer. Since there is no Quran course curriculum for visually impaired individuals, it can be said that Need-Based Quran Lessons Curriculum is based on these courses. However, there is also the Special Education Program of the Qur’an Courses for the Hearing Impaired. The program consists of two main courses, namely the Qur’an and Religious Studies. The Qur’an course is planned as a course to read the Qur’an, to memorize some surahs and to learn about its history. The Religious Studies course includes the subjects of faith, worship, sirah, and morality.The research was structured with a phenomenological design. An interview technique consisting of semistructured questions was used to obtain the data. The sample included students selected by snowball sampling within the scope of the purposive sampling method among students attending Qur’an courses in two districts of Üsküdar, Bahçelievler, Küçükçekmece, and Bağcılar. Between September and December 2022, 30 people, 15 hearing-impaired and 15 visually-impaired individuals (5 men and 10 women in each group), participated in the face-to-face interviews.In the study, one-third of the participants stated that they had not received religious education before the Qur’an course, and it was determined that the family was the primary source of religious education for those participants who stated that they had received religious education. It is possible to state that schools and institutions have taken second place. It is noteworthy at this point that visually-impaired individuals have more opportunities to receive religious education than hearing-impaired individuals. The main reason for this could be that communicating with a hearing-impaired individual requires more equipment than with visually-impaired individuals.The coping status of the participants with a disability varies depending primarily on whether the disability is congenital or not. Accordingly, it has been observed that individuals who are disabled from birth or a very young age do not experience the problem of accepting their disability because they do not have a different experience. However, if there are communication problems with their family and the environment, or if the attitudes of their family and the environment toward the disability are not constructive and supportive, individuals with disabilities from birth or a young age may question their disability.It is possible to say that religion and family are among the important sources of support in the process of coping with disability, and some participants stated that the Qur’an courses they received also provided support for them.In terms of coping with disability, it was understood that a significant number of the participants evaluated their disability as a motivating factor for self-improvement and thought that their situation was effective in developing empathy and sensitivity. However, it is seen that the supportive effect of the family and the environment plays an important role in the establishment of this perception and motivation.It has been determined that the participants in the research felt the need for religious education within the framework of the disability process and situation. It is seen that the need in question is felt in terms of making sense of life and disability within the framework&nbsp;&nbsp;of the belief in God and destiny, finding spiritual support, and fulfilling worship and religious obligations by improving their knowledge about religion. This situation shows that the meaning of the relationship between disability and religious education and the dimensions of religious practices should be taken into account as a whole when preparing programs for people with disabilities. When we look at the fields of knowledge needed in religious education, it is seen that the desire and need to learn to read the Qur’an is in the first place, followed by the history of the prophets, especially in the context of worship, and the need for information in various fields related to catechism and religion.According to this study, it is understood that the first information the participants found about the Qur’an for disabled people was generally obtained through friends and acquaintances, and on this occasion, they were informed about the courses. It is seen that promotional elements such as brochures are mostly accessed by the participants in formal education institutions, and a limited number of participants are aware of social media platforms.It has been determined that the participants do not have communication and approach problems with the educators in the context of the institution employees, and the educators have an empathetic, helpful, and supportive attitude. This finding can be evaluated as a positive result in terms of the efficiency of in-service training. However, although there is no general opinion, some warnings from the participants that educators should not treat themselves as mentally disabled are important for educators to pay attention to their approach. As far as communication within the institution is concerned, the relationships of students with each other can be a problem, another point that requires attention and consideration in terms of environmental effects.It has been determined that the number of participants who think that the education they receive from the Qur’an courses is most helpful in terms of teaching reading the Qur’an is quite high. In addition, some participants stated that it helps to get information in the different fields related to religion. The evaluations that the said training helps the participants not only in terms of their knowledge but also in terms of socialization and self-confidence suggest that it is important and necessary to support the inclusion of activities in the Qur’an courses for disabled individuals’ participation in life. It is seen within the scope of current research and different studies that one of the most important expectations of people with disabilities is that they are not excluded from life because of their disabilities that they see and show that there are things they can achieve despite their disabilities.In learning the Qur’an, memorization and belief principles stand out among the subjects that the participants had difficulty with in the process of religious education. In&nbsp;addition, different problems that the participants had during the education process, such as not being able to socialize, lack of resources and materials, and not being able to repeat the subject of the course, were also mentioned.It is seen that the main demand that stands out among the practices and expectations that the participants want to be developed and supported in the courses is to eliminate the material deficiencies. To meet this need, the publication of translations of the Qur’an, catechisms, and publications of the Diyanet, written or voiced in the Braille alphabet, especially by visually-impaired participants is recommended. It is also expected that audio course books will be created and recorder support will be provided. Participants want course materials and catechisms to be written in a way they can understand. The dissemination of the courses was also expressed as a common demand of the hearingimpaired participants.

İşitme ve Görme Engellilere Yönelik Yaygın Din Eğitimi Hizmetlerine Katılanların Problem ve Beklentileri (İstanbul Örneği)

Fatih

Descartes expressed his inability to doubt himself at the end of a process in which he had doubted everything sensible by saying, “I think therefore I am.” He then questioned what he is and deduced himself to be something that thinks, namely a soul, mind or intellect. However, Kant reconstructed Descartes’ reasoning, which deduced himself to be a spiritual substance from the statement “I think” as follows: Things that are used as subjects in judgment are substances, I am also a subject in a judgment, therefore I am a substance. Kant characterized this reasoning as a paralogism (i.e., logically false inference) and used a similar version in the second edition of his work. Accordingly, the version in the first edition is called version A, and the version in the second edition is called version B. By defining substance as a category in his version A, Kant accepted that inference validly proves the conclusion “I am a substance” as the logical subject of judgment but he stipulated that it should not be deduced from this inference that “I” (i.e., the soul) am a being that remains the same under all changes, or that I am even immortal. For Kant, the conclusion that the “soul is a substance” is accordingly valid unless it is understood as an immortal being. For this reason, some commentators have argued that Kant found this inference valid, while others focus on presenting it as a logically wrong inference. Those who argue the inference to be valid here accept Kant’s definition of substance as a category. Contrary to them, those who focus on logical fallacy think that acknowledging “I” to be a substance will also lead to the conclusion of “I am an immortal being.” This situation does not come from the definition of substance made by Kant; on the contrary, it fits the Aristotelian definition of substance, because substance, as defined by Aristotle, refers to things that exist by themselves. Reading the inference according to this definition of substance leads to the conclusion that I am a substance and therefore immortal. However, Kant argued the concept of substance has no intuitive content for drawing this conclusion. In other words, no intuition is found for the soul as a substance. If one is to understand this inference according to the Aristotelian definition of substance, then this is the reason why Kant presented this inference as a logically false one. In version B of the inference, Kant replaced the expression “I think” with the expression “That which thinks,” and claimed the inference to contain an error in the form of reasoning: namely the error of using the middle term to have a double meaning in the premises. However, Kant’s inference does not show the middle term to be used with a double meaning. According to him, this inference deduces that the thinking thing is also a substance from the substantiality of the intuition objects which are the subjects because the thinking thing is the subject. Accordingly, Kant seems to invalidate the inference of the substantiality of the soul because it has no intuition. However, this is not a logical fallacy; therefore, it is more correct for Kant’s objection to be epistemological rather than logical. This is because Kant accepts the major premise as knowledge due to it having intuition while accepting the minor premise as only thought due to it possessing no intuition according to his theory of knowledge. Accordingly, the inference is not invalid, but its conclusion can be considered devoid of knowledge value according to Kant’s epistemology. In this regard, Kant’s acceptance of version A as valid according to his own definition while invalidating version B shows that he had used the concept of substance according to the Aristotelian definition here.But is the inference that Kant himself constructed and considered logically wrong to be Descartes’ argument? Kant claims “I” is a substance to be deduced in the conclusion based on the substantiveness of the intuitional objects used as subjects in the judgment and the pronoun “I” being used as the subject in the judgment. On the other hand, Descartes had concluded “I think, therefore I am” due to his inability to doubt himself while doubting everything sensible. When he later questioned what he is, he noticed that only thinking is inseparable from himself (i.e., undoubtable). Accordingly, Descartes deduced himself to be a thinking thing, namely a soul, intellect, or mind. Here, Descartes’ statement that he is a thinking thing, namely spirit, intellect, or mind, aims to express his own existence as something insensible, because even when he doubts everything sensible, his inability to doubt himself reveals his own existence to be something insensible. The truth is that what is doubtful cannot be the same as what is indubitable. If that were the case, Descartes would also need to doubt himself when he doubts everything sensible. Accordingly, Descartes’ argument can be shown as follows: Sensible things (intuitional objects) are doubtful; my existence is not doubtful, so my existence is not sensible (intuitional object); therefore, I am a soul, mind, or intellect. As can be seen in this way, Descartes’ conclusion “I am a soul,” or in other words a substance, does not rely on the substantiality of intuitive things as Kant’s inference does. On the contrary, Descartes expresses it as a spiritual substance in order to distinguish it from intuitional objects. Therefore, Kant’s paralogism of substantiality is not Descartes’ argument.However, Kant’s critique expresses the result that “I am a substance” (i.e., the soul) is not knowable. Kant does not want to regard the substantiality of the soul as knowledge due to the absence of the intuitive content that he requires in order to know anything. This is because, for Kant, “I think” is consciousness and not intuition. But why does Kant want to see this result as unknowable? This is apparently because Kant mainly wanted to prevent materialism from attributing “what thinks” to matter. However, this agnostic attitude does not seem strong enough to prevent materialism at all, because this agnosticism means that the consciousness of “I think” can also be produced by a nonthinking substance or may arise all by itself out of nothing. In this case, how a nonthinking substance causes the consciousness of “I think” or how the consciousness of “I think” arises by itself out of nothing is unexplainable because absence is not the cause of anything. Therefore, consequences for the human mind demand ontologically equivalent causes. Accordingly, the consciousness of “I think” is expected to be produced by a thinking substance. Likewise, Kant accepts the equality of quantities in the changes of matter or the equality of action and reaction in motion, as a synthetic a priori knowledge&nbsp;that is not empirical and necessary. In this context and also for Kant, one can say that the cause of thought is a thinking substance (i.e., the soul) can be known as a necessary knowledge that is not based on experience.

Kant Descartes’a Karşı: Tözsellik Mantıksal Yanlış Çıkarımı

Berat

Studying manuscript collections may serve as a window into the richness of a given culture and tradition; Ottoman culture is not an exception. Manuscripts may also demonstrate the prosperity of this specific culture’s scholarly production and consumption. Over the last two decades, Ottoman book culture has been a trending academic topicin Turkish academia. This scholarly inquiry delves into the history of books, libraries, bibliographies, and some specific collections, along with the prominent figures associated with these collections. The classification of sciences may be used as a novel method for studying the aforementioned areas. This article aimed to conduct a comparative analysis of the Fāżil Aḥmad Pasha Library, established in the seventeenth century, juxtaposed against two previously established libraries: the Maḥmūd Pasha Library and the Ḥabeshī Meḥmed Agha Library established in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, respectively. Thus, this article aims to compare the three most significant libraries of their times through the lens of the classification of sciences. This comparative study further aims to reveal the texts that were read and written by the Ottomans and the change in the academic landscape over time. By employing the classification of sciences as a comparative tool, I hope to propose a new method for studying Ottoman manuscript collections.The first collection1 under examination was built by the Grand Vizier Maḥmūd Pasha (d. 874/1474) during the era of Meḥmed II (r. 1451–1481). Maḥmūd Pasha was one of the most active statesmen of his age, particularly well-known participating in conquering Istanbul and rebuilding the city. Because of his charity work during this campaign, he earned the title of Maḥmūd Pasha the saint (veli). His library was established in877/1472–73. Maḥmūd Pasha endowed the library with 195 manuscripts, although their names remained undocumented. However, it is stated that these manuscripts are related to 11 different sciences. I was able to identify 185 of these manuscripts according to their fields of study: Exegesis (35), hadith (57), jurisprudence (58), taṣawwuf (4), rational theology (6), philosophy (2), logic (2), astronomy (2), grammar (5), syntax (3) and dictionary (6), (probably) morphology (5). As demonstrated by the number of manuscripts, jurisprudence, hadith, and exegesis were the three most represented sciencesin the Maḥmūd Pasha Library. This can be attributed to the library’s role as a madrasa collection designed to meet the needs of madrasa students.The second collection was built by Ḥabeshī Meḥmed Agha (d. 999/1591), who marked the commencement of the so-called “age of chief eunuchs” (darüssaade ağaları dönemi) from 982/1574 to 1151/1757. In 982/1574, during the reign of Murād III (r. 1574–1595). Agha was appointed the chief eunuch and gradually became the most influential personsecond only to the sulṭān himself. He built the Ḥabeshī Meḥmed Agha Library in 1584 and donated 105 manuscripts. In an article, Berat Açıl classified the manuscripts endowed by Agha according to the classification of sciences. According to Açıl, the collection contains the following manuscripts: exegesis (14), hadith (9), ethics (2), jurisprudence (46), sirah (1), biography (2), taṣawwuf (6), eloquence (6), dictionary (13), and philosophy, rational theology, and logic (6). Accounting for almost half of all the manuscripts, jurisprudence holds the largest representation; exegesis and dictionary follow. As discussed later, over the course of a century, the three most represented sciences have been changed and replaced by other sciences. Hadith, which was the fourth most represented science, could never find a place among the top three as it was gradually replaced by dictionary over time.The Fāżil Aḥmad Pasha Library, the main subject of this article, was established by Fāżil Aḥmad Pasha (d. 1087/1676) who was a member of the famous Köprülü family. Many academics commonly regard his reign as grand vizier (1661–76) as a period oftransformation or renewal (tecdīd). Pasha knew the importance of both Eastern and Western knowledge, and he appointed politicians who had graduated from both regions to high-ranking positions. The Fāżil Aḥmad Pasha Collection is just one of three collections within the Köprülü Library. I used the collection’s endowment deed (vaḳfiyye) to determine the number of manuscripts and classify them according to the classification of sciences. The collection contains 1,397 manuscripts according to its vaḳfiyye: exegesis (155), recitation (16), hadith (218), jurisprudence (202), dictionary (49), rational theology (76), taṣawwuf (109), history and sirah (136), clear expression (maʿanī) (49), syntax (55), philosophy and logic (59), mathematical sciences (29), medicine (34), and literature (adab) (210). The three most represented sciences in this collection are hadith, jurisprudence, and literature. However, the number of manuscripts in exegesis and history and sirah is relatively comparable to the first three. Although hadith was not among the top three in the Ḥabeshī Meḥmed Agha Collection, it takes the lead in the Fāżil Aḥmad Pasha Collection. Another noteworthy difference is that literature, represented poorly in the first two collections, is one of the most represented sciences in the Fāżil Aḥmad Pasha Collection.This study also compares sciences that represented more than 10% of the collection they belong to. In the Maḥmūd Pasha Collection, exegesis, hadith, and jurisprudence were represented with 19%, 31%, and 31%, respectively. The Ḥabeshī Meḥmed Agha Collection featured exegesis, jurisprudence, and grammar-syntax-dictionary with 13%, 44%, and 12%, respectively. In the Fāżil Aḥmad Pasha Collection, a different distribution pattern is observed. Exegesis, hadith, jurisprudence, sirah-biography-history, rational theology-philosophy-logic, and literature were represented with these ratios: 11%, 16%, 14%, 10%, 10%, and 15%, respectively. Compared with the first two collections, it can safely be argued that the distribution of sciences in the Fāżil Aḥmad Pasha Collection is far more homogenous. In the Ḥabeshī Meḥmed Agha Collection, jurisprudence comprises 44% of the total manuscripts. Given that these three collections were built to be madrasa libraries, and the madrasa curriculum has various sciences, a more homogenous distribution according to the classification of sciences is crucial.There are some differences among the three collections in terms of the sciences they contain. For example, there were no manuscripts related to mathematical sciences in the Ḥabeshī Meḥmed Agha Collection and no sirah-related manuscripts in the Maḥmūd Pasha Collection. Manuscripts regarding recitation, medicine, and literature were exclusively found in the Fāżil Aḥmad Pasha Collection.To conclude, Fāżil Aḥmad Pasha seems to have taken a more conscious approach to building his library, resulting in a more homogenous collection. This aligns with his educational objectives and purposes.

Fazıl Ahmed Paşa Koleksiyonu ve İlimler Tasnifi: Karşılaştırmalı Bir Değerlendirme

Abdurrahman

Prof. Dr.

This study examines the reactions of society to emerging risks during the era categorized as late, advanced, or high modernity, according to Ulrich Beck and Anthony Giddens. These reactions against the risks caused by modernity in Turkey have turned into new social movements characterized by certain organizational structures. It is seen that some of these movements emphasize religious discourse and their supporters adopt a mystical lifestyle. Among these movements are alternative medicine and the new age phenomenon, both of which gained traction in the latter part of the 20th century. Diverging from conventional social movements, these contemporary movements adopt alternative ways of life as a reaction to the potential risks associated with a modern way of life. This study focuses on the Aidin Salih School, an alternative medicine movement that has steadily expanded its influence. The study aims to examine the motivational sources of individuals aligned with this school and to closely analyze the social dynamics underlying their adopted way of life.The introduction section of this study provides a concise overview of how sociology approaches social movements. The study is built on the theoretical frameworks of Ulrich Beck’s “Risk Society” and Anthony Giddens’s notion of the “Juggernaut” (crushing machine) of modernity. In addition, the concepts of “Return of the Actor,” which Alain Touraine used to describe the new social movements that emerged after World War II, Zygmunt Bauman’s “History Angel” and Eric J. Hobsbawm’s “Invention of Tradition,” were employed.This study follows an interpretive and commentator paradigm and employs qualitative research methods. The study employs a purposeful sampling method, applying in-depth interviews for individual interactions and participatory observation for group activities.Thus, this chapter discusses the emergence of Traditional, Complementary, and Alternative Medicine (TCAM) treatments, which outlines the definitions and general contents of these concepts, as well as their historical context. The study later addresses the societal factors contributing to the current popularity of these treatment modalities.Traditional treatments, which faced diminishing legitimacy due to the rise of biomedicine, regained recognition in the late 20th century amid critiques of modern medical practices. TCAM has been integrated into national health policies in numerous countries, influenced by the World Health Organization’s studies on TCAM. Regulation changes in Turkey have facilitated the application of methods such as cupping and leeching, which are applied in the Islamic tradition, alongside methods from the Far East. These methods are now accepted under certain conditions outlined by the Ministry of Health.This chapter focuses on the evolution of modern medicine and the emergence of alternative medicine movements in Turkey. First, the reflections of the reforms conducted&nbsp;in the political and social fields after the establishment of the Republic in the field of health are discussed. Traditional medicine, which was once associated with medical practices of the Imperial period, was also intertwined with religious and political authority, encompassing both religious practices and the way of life of those in power. Conversely, modern medicine was considered a means to express individualism and citizenship in the modern era.Despite the reforms conducted by the state and the modernization of healthcare, traditional treatments persist at the societal level. However, a paradigm shift occurred in the late 20th century, alongside criticisms of modern medicine. This shift led to a notable rise in traditional and/or alternative and complementary therapies both in Turkey and globally. These treatment approaches, often appearing as civil society movements, have become increasingly visible in the public sphere.&nbsp;The Effective alternative medicine movements in Turkey can generally be classified into two categories. The first category comprises movements that draw inspiration and guidance from the Islamic tradition, the Qur’an, and the Sunnah. The second category encompasses eclectic movements heavily influenced by Eastern traditions, particularly India and China, under the influence of globalization.The primary focus of this study, and the key figure within the first category, is that of Aidin Salih. Salih has played a significant role in establishing an alternative medicine movement in Turkey through her book “Real Medicine” and her work in training students.While multiple factors contribute to the emergence of such movements, one of the most significant aspects, from the researcher’s perspective, is the dynamics of modernity. A noteworthy point of criticism within these movements is the dissatisfaction stemming from the modern way of life. This discontent arises due to the risks posed by modernity.Ulrich Beck’s theory of Risk Society sheds light on the hidden dimensions of modernity, aiming to reveal the risks and threats it generates. His work explains the changes and transformations caused by modernity. According to Beck, the novel risks arising from industrial society possess the potential to persist across generations and destroy natural ways of life.Much like Ulrich Beck, Anthony Giddens shares concerns regarding the extent and prevalence of the risks posed by modernity. Giddens refers to this phase as “late modernity” or “advanced modernity.” He characterizes modernity as a “Juggernaut,” a metaphor for a dominating force (crushing machine). Industrialization according to Giddens, not only transforms nature but also leads to the creation of a “socialized nature” or “artificial environment.” In this transformed landscape, industrialism has exposed the risk of ecological decay and irreversible disasters. The resulting unrest within society has provided fertile ground for the emergence of some new social movements, often centered on the environment. These movements possess a reactive stance against modernity, with a notable feature being their defense of traditional production methods in opposition to industrial practices.Numerous alternative medicine movements, including the Aidin Salih movement, criticize modern life practices and strive to integrate the natural into everyday life. Dr. Aidin Salih, a Ukrainian convert, and her students are the inspiration behind the Aidin Salih movement. Salih’s publication, “Real Medicine,” allowed conveying her thoughts and practices to a wide audience. Followers of Real Medicine perceive modern risks and threats not as failures of scientific and technological progress, but rather as deliberate outcomes. They believe that the main purpose is to overthrow the order established by the Creator and to build the order of the devil who rebelled against the Creator. According to them, the new order to be established as a diabolical plan was designed in the research laboratories, in the cosmic rooms of the world’s insidious rich and those who rule the world. Modern science, and especially biomedicine, serves this plan.The followers of the Real Medicine movement, which emerged as a protest movement against the risks posed by modernity during the late modern era, perceive it as a religious duty to resist and address these modern risks. Their perspectives and assertions draw from religious texts, traditional teachings, and diverse scientific data.Real Medicine practitioners believe that their efforts generate awareness regarding modern risks among individuals, thereby stimulating critical thinking. They hold that this process contributes to thinking about the reason and wisdom for existence. By elucidating how individuals can safeguard and enhance their physical, mental, and spiritual wellbeing through concepts of health and religious arguments, they believe that they are fulfilling a sublime mission because they lead people to “religious reflexivity.”&nbsp;Followers of Real Medicine movements adopt a critical stance toward the modern way of life, considering it to be the source of various problems. They turn to the “Asr-ı Saadet” (Century of Felicity) era as a reference point for a more natural way of life. They firmly believe that overcoming challenges is feasible only through a way of life aligned with “Sunnah and Sunnatullah” (the Prophet’s teaching and divine principle) can problems be overcome.Within the Real Medicine movement, the Century of Felicity is being reconstructed using retrotopia as an ideal sheltered haven to shield against the destruction brought by modernity. Taking part in the “buried treasures of tradition” against modern medicine, which acts according to the goals of progress, “Tibb-i Nebevi” (Prophet’s Medicine) assumes the mantle of the “Angel of History.” It carries the paradisiacal essence of the past into the present, constructing a foundation for our future. Consequently, in reaction to the risks posed by modernity, the movement seeks to rejuvenate the “natural” way of life, believed to be latent within the treasures of Islamic tradition.Salih’s students assert that they provide a safe environment by introducing a new way of life to individuals who grapple with ontological trust issues with the associations, organizations, and workshops they have established. This newly discovered ideal way of life, guided by introspection and religious reflexivity, is rooted in the Century of Felicity era. This reinvented way of life offers the possibility of a safe life against the risks of modernity.

Modernliğin Risklerine Karşı Dinsel Düşünümsellik: Risk Toplumuna Tepkisel Bir Alternatif Tıp Hareketi Olarak “Gerçek Tıp” Hareketi

Mahmut

Assist. Prof. Dr.

Throughout history, various theories have been put forward on the existential belonging of the Qurʾān to God. Although Islamic scholars agree that the Qurʾān is a speech belonging to Allah, they have different views on how it is realized. Some scholars have argued that the speech is an eternal attribute of God’s essence, while others state that it is created by God. This conflict brought along the discussions of khalq al-Qurʾān, where one of the arguments put forward is the evidence pointing out that there is a difference in virtue between verses and surahs in the Qurʾān. Expressions such as the most/better, the most/higher, and the most/virtuous indicate that some verses and surahs are superior to others. In the classical literature, this subject is discussed under the title of Afdaliya or Tafādul in the Qurʾān within the framework of the narrations related to Faḍāil al-Qurʾān. Although the root letters of both concepts are the same, the afdaliya is an infinitive derived from an adjective in the ism-i tafdil meter, and the tafādul is an infinitive derived from a verb. When it is used about the Qurʾānic surahs and verses, the afdaliya is related to the essence of kalam Allah, while the tafādul refers to the imagination formed in the minds of the interlocutors.There is general agreement that the Qurʾān is superior to all speeches, including other divine books and pages. This superiority is supported by clear text such as the approval of some rules in the previous books in the Qurʾān and the abrogation of others. In addition, some of its distinguishing features are that it is the last divine book from Allah and that it still exists as the Prophet’s greatest miracle until the Day of Judgment. However, the statements in the Qurʾān and hadiths that some verses and surahs are superior or more virtuous than others have introduced discussions on the subject. Although there are differing opinions on the issue of afdaliya/tafādul among Islamic scholars, most scholars taking into account the outward meanings of the expressions that some verses, surahs, and hadiths are superior to others have argued that virtuousness is real. Another group of scholars, claiming a difference in virtue between verses and surahs means accepting that the speech of Allah is composed of parts which necessitates the creation of Allah’s speech stated that these expressions should be interpreted. Some scholars find it inappropriate to express their opinions on this issue.The view that there is no superiority difference between verses and surahs emerged as a reaction to the Muʿtazila’s claim that the Qurʾān is created. Because, in the Qurʾān, the Muʿtazila associates the issue of virtuousness with the claim that the kalām Allah is created. The verse 2/106 of al-Baqara, known as the naskh (abrogation) verse, provides evidence for khalq al-Qurʾān. Accordingly, if the Qurʾān, i.e., the speech of Allah, was preeternal, then the abrogated verses should also be preeternal. However, the nāsikh (abrogating) verses always come after the mansūkh (abrogated) verses and terminate their function. One cannot talk about eternity where priority and aftermath are in question because being before or after is related to time, while eternity is a concept beyond time. On the other hand, replacing something with a better or similar one is a characteristic of created beings. Because the one who is low in virtue is deficient in comparison to the superior. Imperfection cannot be a feature of eternal beings. The scholars of ahl al-Sunna, who see the Qurʾān as the eternal speech of Allah, accept the difference in virtue pointed out in the relevant verses and hadiths, but state that this difference is not related to the nature of kalām Allah. Accordingly, all verses and surahs are equal in terms of being the speech of Allah. However, there is a degree of difference between these verses and surahs in the effect they have on people, where this difference is even pointed out in the verses and hadiths in question.This article will focus on the difference in virtue between verses and surahs mean in terms of the Qurʾān being the speech of Allah. It will be explained how the texts, which disrupt the equality between verses and surahs in appearance, are reconciled with the principle of eternity and indivisibility of kalām Allah. In this context, first, the concepts of afdaliya and tafādul, which constitute the conceptual framework of the subject, will be emphasized. Then, the general views of Islamic scholars on the difference in virtue between verses and surahs will be discussed alongside the reasons for acceptance and rejection that they put forward around the discussions of khalq al-Qurʾān - naskh. Finally, the points where they are equal or differ in terms of virtue will be determined by making a distinction between dhikr and madhkūr between verses and surahs. Thus, it will be revealed that the difference in virtue is not due to the nature of the divine speech, but from its effect on humans. Qualitative research methods such as catalog scanning, documentation, and data analysis were used, which is based on written sources and historical data.

İlâhî Kelamın Mahiyeti ve Epistemolojisi Açısından Kur’an’da Efdaliyet/Tefâdul Meselesi

Assist. Prof.

Maher

Mohammed

Marion

Abdulhalim

Suhaib

The Effectiveness of Online Learning and Teaching of Arabic as a  Foreign Language in Turkish Universities

Bilal

Yuhanna Çalışmalarının Odak Haritasını Çıkarmak: Modern Araştırmalar Üzerine Bir İnceleme

Navid

Determining Taftāzānī’s madhhab: Insights after the Decline Paradigm

Halil

Wilferd Madelung ve Sabine Schmidtke’nin “Rational Theology in Interfaith Communication” Adlı Eserinin Değerlendirmesi

Abdullah

Sülemî’nin Ṭabaḳāt’ında Usûl Kavramının Kullanımına Dair Birkaç Not

@JOURNAL_BOX_EARLYVIEW

YUNUS EMRE ÖZEL SAYISI (ARALIK 2021) YAZI ÇAĞRISI

Hatice

Şeyhülislamın Gerçekleşen Rüyası: Evkaf Bankası’ndan Vakıf Katılım’a Para Vakfıyla Banka Kurma

Kevser

Res. Assist.

Before the production of separate works on al-awāil, which has the definitions of knowing the beginning of important works, the first things done and the first doers, and the one thing that happened before any other, al-awāil reports can be seen to have occurred in historical and prophetic biographical (al-Sīra al-Nabawiyya) sources. The legitimation of people or authority is well known to have been quite effective in the emergence of al-awāil narrations. Undoubtedly, the legitimacy of a new administration depends on gaining the acceptance of society with regard to political, religious, and cultural topics. However, an important obstacle appears to have existed for the Umayyad dynasty following the Khulafāʾ al-Rāshidūn period. This is because the practices of the Umayyad state concerning political and religious topics, as well as the narration stating, “Those to change the Sunnah of the Prophet for the first time will be one among the Umayyads” had both caused some controversy with regard to their legitimacy.Though a lot of first-time (al-awwal) practices were attributed to the Umayyads due to being a new administration, they are historically seen as the continuation of a process that had started with the Prophet. The attribution of such al-awāil reports to the Umayyads poses a problem as they had caused a certain paradigm regarding this dynasty. For this reason, the current study presents whether the Umayyads had really been the first ones with regard to the subjects in which they are said to have been the first, whether they had continued the practices from the period of the Prophet and the Khulafā’ al-Rāshidūn, and whether al-awāil narrations that were attributed to them regarding political, religious, and cultural subjects had been influential in the Umayyads gaining acceptance or not. This study also aims to determine whether these narrations had had a positive or negative impact on the perceptions toward the Umayyad State.In this context, the study analyzes al-awāil reports attributed either to those descended from the Umayyad dynasty or to those officially employed by the Umayyad State specifically with regard to the earliest extant al-awāil works, namely al-Musannaf by Ibn Abī Shayba (d. 235/849), Kitab al-Awāil by Ibn Abī ‘Āṣim (d. 287/900), al-Aʻlāq alnafīsa by Ibn Rusta (d. 300/913), and al-Maḥāsin wa’l-Masāwī by Bayhaqi (d. 320/932). Although various al-awāil narrations are found to have been attributed to members of the Umayyad dynasty, this study has only analyzed the narrations in al-awāil sources mentioned above within the context of the Umayyad government’s legitimacy.The study classified al-awāil narrations attributed to the Umayyads classified in political, religious, and cultural terms and then compared them to the practices that occurred during the time of the Prophet and the Khulafā’ al-Rāshidūn. At the same time, the study supported this method using the literature review, analysis, and holistic approach methods and avoided anachronism while doing this. Though studies on al-awāil do exist in the field of hadith, the fact that al-awāil narrations have not been studied in the context&nbsp;of the legitimacy of the Umayyad rulers who have an important place in Islamic history is what makes this study valuable.This study takes the opinion that certain first-time practices such as maqsūrah, ad̲h̲ān, and mahr can be analyzed either both politically and religiously or both politically and culturally. In order to not fall into repetition, however, the study has preferred to evaluate such first-time practices under only one title that is thought to outweigh the others. Some of those to whom al-awāil reports had been attributed had also served the Caliphs from the Khulafāʾ al-Rāshidūn period. However, identifying an exact date when the practices attributed to them first occurred is quite obviously difficult as the concept of “first” has an ambiguous use. Because the Umayyads and their rulers had mostly converted to Islam in the later period after the conquest of Mecca, that the study prefers to accept first-time practices mentioned here to have happened during the Umayyad period needs to be stated.al-Awāil reports mentioned in regard to administrative topics are seen to focus on the steps the Umayyads had taken, especially with regard to how the rulers had slowly moved away from society in order to become a monarch, establish their power, and institutionalize. While these al-awāil narrations generally involve Muʿāwiya ibn Abī Sufyān, Ziyad b. Abih and Hajjaj ibn Yusuf, certain events experienced at that time such as the Battle of Karbala are also noteworthily attributed as first-time events. The firsttime narrations related to altering the Sunnah of the Prophet, the titles used by the rulers, the vehicles they’d receive, being gifted a decapitated head, the Battle of Karbala, and adding Ziyād to the lineage of Abī Sufyān are understood to have been produced later for the purpose of creating negative perceptions toward the Umayyads.Obviously al-awāil reports on building a city, passing the Balkh River, and constructing a ship with regard to the wars the Umayyads had fought to expand their borders were actually a continuation of the practices from the previous periods and cannot be regarded as actual first-time practices. Along with presenting the richness of the state, because the matters of ornamenting dirham coins, getting money from the bazaar, and quantity of mahr are closely related to ostentatiousness, they cannot be said to have contributed to the Umayyads’ good image. The aim of having such reports declared is understood to have been not to actually inform about this very subject but to stimulate and reinforce a negative image. However, all the first-time practices mentioned here can be said to have been positive steps the Umayyads had taken toward institutionalizing the state and therefore are worthy of being called first-time practices.The fact that the Umayyads had used issues related to worshipping and aḥkām [judgement], especially the ad̲hān, minbar, and khuṭbah, for political purposes to make people adapt to their administration and accept their legitimacy was considered to be in a manner that contradicted the Prophet’s practices and thus caused religious criticism. As a result, the Abbasids used this against the Umayyads and turned it into propaganda to lay the foundations for their own state. No first-time practices are found that can be attributed to the Umayyads regarding the hajj, qira’at, qāḍī, and testimony, and even though these were all practiced during the period of the Prophet and the Khulafāʾ alRāshidūn, these can be taken as other negative attitudes toward the Umayyads regarding religion, especially when not considering the background of the situation regarding the hajj and qira’at. As a result, these were found to have become elements that put the Umayyads at a disadvantage.With regard to cultural practices (i.e., al-awāil reports on naming and clothing attributed to the Umayyads), the Umayyads were understood to have not been the first ones to do these. The names Abd al-Malik and Abd al-Aziz had been given personally by the Prophet, and the shoes (khuff) and cotton fabric types narrated in al-awāils had also been used during the time of the Prophet. While a regional first-time practice did exist regarding water and snow, the Umayyads were observed to have made practices contrary to those of the Prophet, although different al-awāil reports are found about riding on a camel or horse during a funeral. In this case, the Umayyads cannot be argued to have brought about an innovation or bid’ah to the society in general.In conclusion, certain al-awāil reports attributed to the Umayyads can be said to have been especially included in al-awāil literature as a result of the state founders’ efforts to be taken on as the fathers of that state and to institutionalize it. However, the Umayyads were seen to have been unsuccessful at being adopted by the society and forming an origin story but to have been successful with regard to gaining power. Most of al-awāil narrations that had created negative impressions about the Umayyads actually had the characteristic of having maintained the practices of the Prophet and the Khulafāʾ alRāshidūn. However, they were the first ones from their own period regarding topics where they’d continued the practices of the Prophet and the Khulafāʾ al-Rāshidūn. They were also seen to have actually continued the Prophet’s practices with regard to certain practices in which al-awāil reports say they opposed the Prophet, especially about religious subjects. Yet, because the Umayyads had acted differently from the Prophet regarding the topics of ad̲h̲ān, the minbar, and khuṭbah, which the Abbasids in fact had politicized despite being religious elements, the perception had occurred that Umayyads were generally not cautious enough about religion. Moreover, the real purpose of many of al-awāil narrations about the Umayyads that stated them to have been the first ones despite not actually being the first, was obviously to create a negative impression of them.&nbsp;

Rivayetten İktidara Bir Temel: Emevîlere Atfedilen Evâil Haberleri

Ömer

One of the most widely commented upon and translated works of Islamic literature is Kaʿb ibn Zuhayr’s (d. 24/645 ?) Qasīdah al-Burdah, also known as Bānat Suʿād [Suʿād has departed] due to its opening words. Kaʿb ibn Zuhayr presented this poem to Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) in person and received his praise and benevolence, with the poem having since been highly regarded for its spiritual and literary value in all Islamic states. It continued to be a prominent text in literary circles during the Ottoman period and was consistently translated and commented upon in Turkish. In this regard, Qasīdah al-Burdah managed to maintain its place on the agenda without being neglected until the last years of the Ottoman Empire and even into Türkiye’s Republican Period.One of the most recent Turkish translations of Qasīdah al-Burdah belonged to an apparently unknown author named Zeynelābidin Bey from Isparta. Published in 1928, this prose work was titled Hadīqa-i Samaratu’l-Fuʾād [the fruits of the walled garden of the heart] and according to our findings is the first and only independent Turkish translation of Qasīdah al-Burdah printed in Arabic script.As far as can be seen, no independent study has yet occurred regarding Zeynelâbidin Bey of Isparta. However, he was a person who’d witnessed many important events in his period and was also a prolific author who wrote many works. Zeynelābidin Bey served under the command of famous Ottoman pashas such as Djemal Pasha (d. 1922), Kāzim Karabekir Pasha (d. 1948), Fakhri Pasha (d. 1948), and Ali Fuat Cebesoy (d. 1968) on critical fronts such as Gallipoli and al-Ḥijāz and wrote his important memories about his experiences on these fronts in his remarkable autobiography titled Ben Kimim? [Who Am I?]. This text is understood to have been prepared in the late 1930s and is a valuable resource that can shed light on the political, military, and scientific fronts of the period as it presents his education and duties, the fronts where he fought, the pashas he served, the people he contacted, his adventures in the National Struggle, his ideas about society, his library he said he’d created with great care, and a comprehensive breakdown of his 100 works, both those that were published and those only prepared for publication. In terms of the purpose of its writing, Who Am I? brings to mind the attempt of a person who’d been accused of certain allegations in both periods he lived in (i.e., the Second Constitutional Monarchy and the Republic) to express, defend, justify, and thus maintain his hold by revealing his past with all the documents in his possession.According to this autobiography titled Who Am I?, Zeynelābidin Bey had been born in Isparta in 1308 AH (1890-1 CE) and completed his education in the most popular classical and modern educational institutions of the period, graduating from the Faculty of Theology at Dārülfünūn. During these years, he also worked as a teacher in some educational institutions in Istanbul, including Galatasaray High School.In light of the information he generously provided about himself, Zeynelābidin Bey appears to have led a very troublesome life filled with ordeals, and he survived largely through his scholarly, literary, and social engagements. The author’s sorrowful life did not prejudice his faith or beliefs, and he was committed to the idea of Pan-Islamism unity, keeping his distance from active political life as much as possible and carrying out his services and activities mostly through these scientific and social activities. He is also portrayed as a pious man of action who made significant contributions to the National Struggle movement with his sermons and writings from Rumelia. However, his autobiography reveals that he’d spent his years as a person who could not find the environment he sought or expected in the new order, and thus was unable to connect.By listing his works one by one in his autobiography, Zeynelābidin Bey appears as an extremely prolific author who has prepared some 100 works, 13 of which had already been published and 86 of which are in preparation for publication. These works cover a wide variety of subjects, ranging from tafsir, psychology, fiqh, and sociology to hunting and archery. One of the most important texts among these works, which include some remarkable texts such as Hicaz’ı Nasıl Kaybettik? [How We Lost Hidjāz], Isparta Tarihi [The History of Isparta], Vehhâbî Mezhebine Reddiye [Refutation to the Wahhābism], Şeyhülislamlar Tarihi [History of the Shaykh al-Islāms], is his Turkish prose translation of the famous poem Qasīdah al-Burdah, which the Companion Kaʿb b. Zuhayr presented to the Prophet to ask for forgiveness and for which the Prophet wrapped him in his mantle as a gift in return. This translation was titled Hadīqa-i Samaratu’l-Fuʾād and published in 1928, the year of the Alphabet Reform; it is probably one of the last works to be published in Arabic script. The translator, who had originally intended a more comprehensive translation and commentary but had to settle for a short translation due to health problems, noteworthily reported that his work, of which a significant number of copies (6000) were printed, had sold out within 10 years. In addition to being an important example of a literary text translated with literary care, the work is also of particular importance due to the organized information it contains on the constructed and periodical characteristics of Topkapı Palace on the occasion of the Khirqa-i Saʿāda [Prophet’s cardigan], which is related to the ode. Technical details such as the Arabic text of the qasidah having been proofread by İsmāil Sāib Sencer (d. 1940) and the full text at the end being written in Mustafa Halim Özyazıcı’s (d. 1964) calligraphy reveal the scholarly and artistic quality of the work, as well as its value as an edition.The study makes within its scope a brief analysis of Hadīqa-i Samaratu’l-Fuʾād, including a translation of the text, and attempts to outline a biography of the author through his work titled Ben Kimim?. Zeynelābidin Bey is expected to become the subject of new and more detailed studies due to him having been a witness to his era, as well as for the many works he wrote.

Meçhul Bir Muharrir, Meşhur Bir Kaside: Ispartalı Zeynelâbidin Bey ve Hadîka-i Semeretü’l-Fuâd İsimli Kasîde-i Bürde Tercümesi*

Bünyamin

Ibn Hishām stated that iʻrāb must be done by considering the meaning and as required by the meaning, otherwise wrong results will be achieved. Tammām Hassān expressed this situation as grammatical analysis based on meaning which necessarily requires consideration of context. Accordingly, context, has internal and external elements and can determine not only the lexical meaning of the word, but also its functional meaning. From the interpreter’s point of view, the effects of contextual elements on grammatical analysis can be seen in the following ways: by not analyzing unknown words, by listing the possibilities in meaningful words or by making a choice based on contextual factors. This study will discuss how iʻrāb is based on meaning at the levels of lexical and contextual meaning after explaining some basic concepts of meaning and iʻrāb. In this sense the study will research the aspects on which the grammatical analyses of the preposition mā in the sixth verse of Sūrah Yāsīn are based, reveal the linguistic, epistemological and theological foundations on which the grammatical analysis is based, chronologically review the grammatical comments and evaluate the dimensions of the relationship between meaning and iʻrāb within the framework of the concept of tawaqquf.Tawaqquf is a general term that means the dependence of one thing’s existence on another. Tawaqquf in grammatical analysis refers to the dependence iʻrāb has on meaning. As a result of this iʻrāb is impossible for sentences whose meaning is unknown, and one of the possible iʻrāb cases cannot be preferred using purely grammatical methods in sentences whose meaning is known. In such a case, the exegete can be content by listing the possible iʻrāb cases, by referring to other verses if the text of the Qur’an is in question or by referring to the contextual elements surrounding the text. The decisive factor in matters such as putting the possible iʻrāb cases in order of correctness and eliminating one of the possibilities or preferring one over the other is the context of linguistic expression. In some sentences, the context necessitates one iʻrāb case while other times may allow all cases equally. This situation is the appearance of polysemy at the syntactic level, which is one of the reasons leading to tawaqquf and referred to in the Arabic language as iltibās, ġumūd, labs, taʻaddud al-awjuh and ihtimālāt iʻrābiyyah. This language fact can occur due to reasons related to phonetic, morphological, syntactic and semantic aspects and is expressed through the concept of ambiguity in English. Ambiguity means: 1) having more than one semantic interpretation of syntax structure 2) the situation in which a linguistic form leads to two or more interpretations in the absence of correspondence between form and meaning and 3) having more than one syntactic structure of a sentence. In such ambiguity, the exegete has to refer to the linguistic and extra linguistic elements surrounding the expression. This shows the analysis to have an aspect that goes beyond grammatical boundaries the iʻrāb process to be one carried out based on the meaning, and the historical, epistemological and theological elements to be able to be determinant regarding the grammatical analysis.&nbsp;Ibn Hishām (d. 761/1360) focused on the relationship between iʻrāb and meaning in the section of his book Muġni’l-Lebīb titled “Possible Objections to the Exegete Regarding İʻrāb” and emphasized at the beginning of this section that iʻrāb should be done by considering meaning and as required by the meaning. According to Ibn Hishām, the exegete has to know the meaning of the expression upon which he wants to perform the iʻrāb at the word and sentence levels. Considering this necessity at the word level results in the inability to do iʻrāb for words that are included in the sentence construction but whose meanings are unknown. For example, some letters in the beginning of certain Sūrahs of Qur’an, have no iʻrāb. In addition, the meanings of all the words in a sentence should be determined in order for the iʻrāb process to take place. At the sentence level, wrong results are achieved if the iʻrāb is not done by considering the meaning and direction required by the meaning.The necessity Ibn Hishām emphasized was expressed by Tammām Hassān (1918- 2011) as iʻrāb’s dependence on meaning. Tawaqquf can be said to apparently have three cases. One of these is that iʻrāb is impossible for words whose lexical meanings are unknown. Secondly, if the grammatical and semantic structures allow different iʻrāb cases in sentences consisting of words with known meanings, the context may necessitate one or the other of these cases. Thirdly, if no preferential reason exists, the exegete can remark on the possible cases one by one. This study will discuss these three cases within the concept of tawaqquf. Firstly by explaining the basic concepts of meaning and iʻrāb and then by revealing the appearing of tawaqquf at the lexical and contextual meaning levels. Afterward, the study will chronologically evaluate the analyses of the exegete regarding the word mā in the sixth verse of the Qur’an’s Sūrah Yāsīn.As a linguistic fact, syntactic ambiguity is expressed with concepts such as labs, iltibās, ihtimālāt al-awjuh in Arabic and refer to situation where a syntactic structure permits open to more than one semantic interpretation, and this shows the sign of iʻrāb to not always be sufficient for distinguishing meanings. This also shows that in the case of mabnī or different iʻrāb positions being indicated by the same case endings, grammatical analysis can be carried out through meaning based on non-linguistic elements. This shows the need to consider meaning in iʻrāb to not be independent of the interpreter’s preferences, as emphasized by Ibn Hishām.&nbsp;

Gramatik Çözümlemede Tevakkuf Kavramı Üzerine -İbn Hişâm’ın “Mürâʻâtu’l-Maʻnâ” Değerlendirmesi Bağlamında-

Mustafa

Assoc. Prof.

Azamat

Müneccimbaşı [Chief Astrologer] ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi, also known as Ṭarsūsīzāde, received his early education in mosques before attending the madrasa. After graduating from the madrasa, he successfully passed the ruʾūs [chief] examination and served as a professor in many madrasas. He held the title of müneccimbaşı during the reign of ʿAbdülhamīd II, and between 1274-1280 AH, ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi was assigned as a professor at the Madrasa of Maḥmūdiyya in Medina for almost six years, during which he translated Risāla fī Uṣūl al-Hadīth, a work attributed to al-Birgivī. The current article publishes this translation for the first time and simultaneously has scanned and recorded the archives and registers in order to construct the biography of ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi. This article also attempts to identify the works regarding the methodology of ḥadīth that were written in Turkish during the Ottoman Empire. These works can be considered as a step toward a clearer understanding of how the uṣūl of ḥadīth works had been written during the Ottoman era.Muḥammad Rāshid Efendi’s son, ʿOs̱mān Kāmil, was born in 1236/1821 and died in 1313/1896. ʿOs̱mān Kāmil was also well known as Ṭarsūsīzāde. At an early age, ʿOs̱mān Kāmil attended lectures in Istanbul mosques and was very well regarded by the famous teachers of his period. After completing his studies in the madrasa, he passed the ruʾūs exam in 1258/1842 in Meşīhat. When he was 21, he was tasked with being a professor, and after completing his work in the madrasa he was promoted to the rank of Anadolu Każʿaskerliği [Ottoman chief judge]. In addition, he was also a member and chairman of some councils such as the Meclis-i Tedḳīḳāt-i Şerʿiyye [Assembly of Religious Inquiries]. However, one of his main tasks was undoubtedly as the müneccimbaşı [chief astrologer]. As Sultan ʿAbdülhamīd II’s müneccimbaşı, ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi must have been attracted to this duty especially under the influence of the lessons he’d received as a teenager from the Crimean Selim Efendi. ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi held this post until his death in 1896. Between 1274-1280 AH, he served at the Maḥmūdiyya Madrasa in Medina as a professor, during which he translated the Risāla fī Uṣūl al-Hadīth attributed to al-Birgivī. ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi’s translation was discovered recently, and this article publishes it for the first time. Before teaching the ḥadīth of Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārī to students at the Maḥmūdiyya Madrasa, he wanted to start with a brief introduction to ḥadīth methodology, and for this reason translated the Risāla fī uṣūl al-ḥadīth. As such, this translation is the work of a professor who wanted to teach ḥadīth to his students.This article has also written an extensive biography of ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi by collecting information from various sources; this has also been enriched by his writings in the Ottoman Archive at the archive of Meşīhat. This article should also be mentioned as the first academic research on ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi. During the six years he stayed in Medina, he often came to Istanbul and repeatedly demanded an increase in salary due to a lack of funds.&nbsp;This article has identified and presented a list of works on the methodology of ḥadīth that were written in or had been translated to Turkish during the reign of the Ottoman Empire. The article also evaluates the place and importance of ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi’s translation among these other listed works. In his translation, ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi used and often referenced Dāvūd-i Ḳārsī’s commentary on the Risāla as his main source. This was a general characteristic of translations during the Ottoman period, and ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi’s translation also bears this characteristic. ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi must have based his translation on the text of Dāvūd-i Ḳārsī, which had been printed during ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi’s time. With the exception of translations made for printing, some works such as ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi’s translation appear to have not received wide distribution nor to have found their way into circulation after being written. This likely related to how well known the translator was, how many students he had, or how close he was to them. At the same time, the competence of translators or authors in their written field also directly affected the recognition of their works. The only copy of this translation that this study has been able to identify is the one in the Konya Regional Manuscript Library. The scribe was Sayyid Muḥammad Ṣāliḥ Rüşdī Efendi. Ṣāliḥ Rüşdī Efendi was one of Bayezid Mosque lecturers and probably copied the translation while he was in Istanbul.The importance of ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi’s translation is an indicator of the increased study of the ḥadīth methodology in the 19th century AD. At the same time, when looking at the biographies of scholars from this period, one can see that the ḥadīth lessons given by the Dersiʿāms in mosques had increased and the tradition of giving ijāzah [permission] at the end of the courses became widespread. Apart from this growing interest in Istanbul, the environment or the duties of the author or translator also influenced the creation of the work. For example, Dāvūd-i Ḳārsī wrote his commentary while in Egypt. Similarly, ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi wrote his translation not while in Istanbul but while in Medina during his tenure as a professor. This may be due to the fact that ḥadīth education was more widespread along the Hijāz-Damascus-Cairo line in relation to Istanbul as well as the writing of ḥadīth works being more common there. Therefore, scholars or professors who went to the Hijāz or Damascus from Istanbul were more interested in the science of ḥadīth because of the scientific environment there, and this situation led to an increase in the creation of literature on ḥadīth.ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi began his work with two short prefaces in Arabic and Turkish. At the end of the Arabic introduction, he dedicated his work to Sultan ʿAbdülʿazīz (1830- 1876 AD). In the Turkish preface, he spoke about the need to write a basmala at the beginning of the book and gave a small parable about the basmala. Apart from the source he only quoted in the introduction, the scholars he quoted as the source of the ḥadīths he used were the sources and names used in the commentary by Dāvūd-i Ḳārsī. Therefore, one can say that, except for one quotation, the translation had been written with the help of Dāvūd-i Ḳārsī’s commentary.&nbsp;

Münecccimbaşı Tarsûsîzâde’nin Risâle fî Usûli’l-hadîs Tercümesi ve Değerlendirilmesi

Faruk

Worship is an indicator of religious devotion and is expressed as the visible aspect of the supernatural relationship established with God, because almost all religions, especially the monotheistic ones, demand their members to express their beliefs in certain ways. This demand is generally fulfilled by the performance of religious practices. Accordingly, worship can be understood as the outward reflection of a person’s world of religious beliefs, thoughts, and emotions in terms of religious life, experiences, and behaviors. The recommendation and ordering of Islamic worship together with and immediately after the pillars of faith from the onset indicates their central positions in religion. With the effect of having spread over a long period of time, the pilgrimage combines almost all forms of Islamic worship and resembles a set of these forms. In addition to this feature, the Hajj comes to the forefront as a form of worship that is able to show the multidimensional and overall effects of religiosity, along with many other unique features. This study focuses on the Hajj, particularly the positive effects and results of Islamic worship. The study uses the relational screening method to test the following three hypotheses:H₁. The Hajj produces highly positive effects.H₂. Individuals who perform the Hajj have strong religious attitudes.H₃. The effects from the Hajj vary according to demographic variables.SampleThe sample of the research consists of 420 people from seven different geographical regions of Turkey who’ve performed the Hajj. Of the sample, 38.3% are women, and 61.7% are men; 94% of the sample are adults. The data used in this study were obtained from the TÜBİTAK project titled “The Effect of Hajj and Umrah Psychology on Religiosity”, which was initiated before 2019 (in 2015) when ethics committee approval was not mandatory.ScalesThe Hajj Effects Scale was developed by Karaca (2017) to measure the possible effects the Hajj has on people post-pilgrimage.The Religious Attitude Scale was developed by Ok (2011). It consists of four subdimensions and eight items.ResultsIn order to measure the effects the Hajj had on the sample group, an application was carried out using the Hajj Effects Scale one year after the pilgrimage. The average score the participants received from this scale for this application was χ = 60.79. This score corresponds to 83 out of 100 and supports hypothesis H1 . The same scale was applied two years after the pilgrimage, and the participants average score measured this time as χ = 61.16 (i.e., 84 out of 100). This score exceeded expectations and was one point higher than the first measurement (t = -1.17, p &gt; .05).The average score obtained from the Religious Attitude Scale that was applied to the sample group that participated in the research before the Hajj had been measured as χ = 36.91. This score was measured as χ = 36.39 one year after the Hajj and as χ = 36.28 two years after the Hajj. These scores correspond roughly to 90 out of 100 and support hypothesis H2 . The divergence in the effects from the Hajj according to marital status have been associated with older spouses and widows. According to the related variable, while the scores for widows who’d been the most positively affected by the Hajj in the first application noteworthily increased for the second year after the Hajj, a significant decrease occurred in the average scores of those who were not married (F(2, 417) = 7.24, p &lt; .001).The individual outputs from the Hajj also vary according to certain demographic variables, with the Central Anatolian and the Aegean regions showing higher scores compared to hajis who’d performed the pilgrimage from other regions. Although a decrease occurred in the scores according to the measurements performed two years after the pilgrimage, these two regions continued to show higher scores (F(6, 413) = 11.67, p &lt; .001). No significant difference occurred regarding the individual effects from the Hajj according to gender (t = .724, p &gt; .05). According to age group, the increase in the individual effects of the Hajj was more striking for the older groups and statistically significant, especially in the measurements performed two years after the pilgrimage (F(5, 415) = 4.28, p = .002).The level of the Hajj’s effects on the sample group did not significantly differ statistically in terms of education level (F(4, 415) = .39, p &gt; .05), nor did this status change in the study carried out two years after the pilgrimage (F(4, 415) = 1.66, p &gt; .05). The same holds true with regard to socioeconomic level. Although the level of being affected by the pilgrimage worship for the sample group was higher in the lower and upper middle socioeconomic group levels, the relationship between socioeconomic level and effects from the Hajj did not reach a statistically significant level (see Table 13). F(4, 415) = 2.13, p &gt; .05). This status did not change in the study carried out two years after the pilgrimage (F(4, 415) = .681, p &gt; .05).ConclusionThe measurements performed one year after the sample group of participants performed the Hajj showed its effects to be higher than expected. Although a relative decrease was expected in the positive outcomes of the pilgrimage, the scores regarding the Hajj’s effect increased even more in the measures conducted two years post-Hajj.Because no matter what kind of experience is, its effects diminish over time, and the fact that the scores are realised in this way, where even a 5-10 point consideration in pilgrimage experiences would be considered normal, is extremely important in terms of revealing that pilgrimage worship has long-term effects on the performer. It is thought that this situation is closely related to the title of “pilgrim” that the pilgrimage has brought to the performance of Hajj worship.As a matter of fact, one of the sub-dimensions of the Pilgrimage Effects Scale used in the study measures the title of haji. The observations made in the field throughout the study revealed Turkish-origin pilgrims in particular to attach great importance to the title of haji and to develop a perception that negative behaviors can disrupt the Hajj. Although this perception, which is consciously produced by the religious and other private institutions appointed for the pilgrimage in order to encourage the pilgrims to be more sensitive toward religious and social issues, has no religious basis, it is reinforced by society in the post-hajj life, and people with the title of haji are treated as more pious, with more pious behavior also being expected of them.The stability of the sample group’s religious attitude scores (χ = 36.91) measured before the pilgrimage and one (χ = 36.39) and two years (χ = 36.28) after the pilgrimage can be interpreted within the framework of the stable model related to religiosity. According to this proposed stable model of religious development, religiosity is known to show little change with age, so that the religious structure gained in adulthood maintains itself without any significant difference in the later periods of life.The Hajj’s influence on the sample that participated in the study varied according to the geographical region in which they live. This difference occurred according to region as well as within the same regions over time. For example, the effects of the Hajj on pilgrims participating in the study from the Southeastern Anatolian region were measured as χ = 55.30 one year after the pilgrimage, but increased to χ = 62.85 two years postHajj. This is important in that it implies the effects of the Hajj to not be but to be able to increase over time. The inclusion of participants from seven geographical regions of Türkiye in the study is representative of the main universe, and no data was obtained that is able to explain the differences between regions.

Hac İbadetinin Bireysel Çıktıları Üzerine Tecrübî Bir Araştırma

Muhammet

The Predominant Christian Interpretation of Religious Faith in the  Middle Ages: Augustine of Hippo and Thomas Aquinas

Yeşim

Eliade’nin Kutsallık Kavramı Bağlamında Sümerler

Yulia

Mohammad

Religious Criticism of Scientism: The Subjectivity of Taufīq al-Ḥakīm in the Short Story “Fī Sanah Milyūn”

Fatma

Saliha

Relationship Between Psychological Resilience, Forgiveness and God Perception

Sümeyye

Selim Uğur’un “Tasavvufta Ricâlü’l-Gayb Anlayışı: İbn Âbidin Örneği” Adlı Eserinin Değerlendirmesi

Hüseyin Oral’ın “Anlamın İlk İzleri” Adlı Eserinin Değerlendirmesi

Neslihan

Edebiyat Fakültesi, Türk Halk Bilimi Ana Bilim Dalı

Hakan

Faisal H. Husain’in “Sultan’ın Nehirleri: Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nda Dicle ve Fırat” Adlı Eserinin Değerlendirmesi

Nevra

Gelenek- Şarlatanlık Çıkmazında Tamamlayıcı ve Alternatif Tıp Uygulamaları

@JOURNAL_BOX_CURRENT

Nilüfer Kalkan

In this article Fuat Sezgin’s claims about the early written sources of the hadīth before the al-Kutub al-Sitta are expanded and discussed according to Arabic Language sources written before the al-Kutub al-Sitta. In order to verify the authenticity of these claims, the ahādīth and the chain system in the al-Baṣra and al-Kūfa Arabic Language books are determined. If the aḥādīth given in these sources comes before the al-Kutub al-Sitta this means that we can reach earlier sources for some ahādīth except the hadīth books. In addition, the method of using the hadīth in these sources, isnāds, and the possible isnāds are examined in a chronological and comparative way. Therefore there are two main questions in this study. The first is “Does the hadīth feature in the Arabic Language Sources” and the second is ”With what method did they give a place to the hadīth.” In order to answer these questions, fundamental and early Arabic Language sources were used such as Halil b. Ahmed’s Kitāb al-ʿAyn which represents the Basra School’s methods and Yaḥyā b. Ziyād al-Farrāʾs al-Maʿāni al-Qur’ân which represents the al-Kūfa School’s methods.The work titled Kitāb al-ʿAyn of Khalīl b. Aḥmad, the first representative of the Basra school, includes somewhat extensive use of the hadīth. Indeed, approximately three hundred and forty one hadīth narratives are included in this work. Of these, two thousand and fifty were narrated only as hadiths, seventy were related to Rasūlullāh and thirty one to the companions. Apart from this, there is no usage of isnād in the work. If we analyse these numbers, we can say that seventy three percent of the narratives are passed only as hadīth, twenty one of them refer to the Prophet and six percent of them to the companions.In this regard, it can be said that only 25% of the narratives of Khalīl b. Aḥmad, conveyed as hadīth, were mentioned in the hadith works before Khalīl b. Aḥmad, Therefore, we can say that Khalīl b. Aḥmad’s work is the first source for many hadīth. In addition, these hadīth, which Khalīl b. Aḥmad described as hadīth, were also conveyed as marfū‛ and mawkūf in hadīth works after him.&nbsp;When the isnads of the narratives are examined, it can be seen that narrators come from different regions such as Kūfa, Basra, Mecca and Medina. In addition, we can say that there are many hadīths in the work that can be described as ṣaḥīḥ (authentic).&nbsp;When it comes to the question of how the hadith narratives reached Khalīl b. Aḥmad, we see that there is a common name in most of the isnāds. This name is Ayyūb asSakhtiyānī (d. 131/749), one of the hadīth narrators. Hence he is also the teacher of Khalīl b. Aḥmad and can be considered to be the person that Khalīl b. Aḥmad, took the hadīth narratives from.The second source of this study is al-Farrāʾs al-Maʿāni al-Qur’ân The most important feature of al-Farrāʾ is that he includes hadīths with isnād in his book. Indeed, as far as we could determine, there are one hundred and sixty seven narratives of hadīth with isnad.&nbsp;Adding the ones with isnads, this number reaches four hundred. Approximately seven of these narratives are based on the Prophet, seventy on the companions and the remaining on the next generations such as ʿAlqama b. Qays (d. 62/682) Masrūk b. al-Ecdā‛ (d. 63/9- 683), Saʿīd b. Cubayr (d. 94/713), Ibrāhīm al-Nakhaʿī (d. 96/714), Mujāhid b. Cabr (d. 103/721), Sulaymān b. Mihrān al-Aʿmash (d.147/764). If we compare these numbers, it can be seen that four percent of the narratives were based on the Prophet, 41 % on the Companions and 55 % on the next generations.&nbsp;Looking at the next generation, it can be seen that the work has the isnād system of the Kūfa region. Moreover, the fact that he includes mubham narrators in thirty three and balāg mode in twenty three of the isnāds is a reminder that the isnāds of ahl alra’y are used in the hadīths. Indeed, the ittisāl in the isnāds in this regard are not very important. The same understanding exists in the Kūfa language school. However, an important feature of the Kūfe language school separating them from ahl al-ray is that they include ʿAbdallāh b. ʿAbbās narratives more than ʿAbdallāh Ibn Masʿūd. Furthermore, when we look at the numbers of the narratives of the companions, we see that fourteen of them are conveyed from ʿAlī , twenty seven from ʿAbdallāh b. ʿAbbās, eighteen from İbn Mesud, six from Aisha, two from Abu Bakr and two from Omar. If we evaluate these numbers, we see that 23% was conveyed from ʿAlī , 37% from ʿAbdallāh b. ʿAbbās, 25% from ʿAbdallāh Ibn Masʿūd, 9% from Aisha and the remaining 6% from Abū Bakr and Omar. But, it is inevitable to say that al-Farrāʾs hadīth generally is not a first source for hadīth. We can find them with their isnāds in ʿAbd al-Razzāq al-Ṣanʿānī’s book and in the other hadīth books before al-Kutub al-Sitta.

Arap Dili Kaynaklarında Hadis Rivayetinin Yeri (Hicri Ilk Üç Asır Örneği)

Sümeyra

Autism is defined as the inability to establish relations with people and situations, the inability to use the language in an adequate and accurate manner, an obsessive repetition of the same behavior, and a developmental problem in which various obsessions are observed. There is no absolute treatment for this developmental problem, which manifests itself in the first or second years of life. However, individuals who have autism are brought into society through education.In Turkey, the education of individuals who have autism is carried out in special education schools, in Inclusive Classes at schools, and in private training centers after the diagnosis is made with individual tests. In these centers, education is carried out with many different disciplines. The Religious Culture and Moral Knowledge (RCMK) courses took their place in special education curricula as a compulsory course for the first time in 2010. This decision brought with it many debates on the existence and teaching of religious courses in autistic individuals. When the literature is reviewed on the possibility of religion and religious education in autistic individuals, it is seen that there are some opinions arguing that autistic individuals cannot perceive religion, and therefore, it is not possible for them to receive any religious education.&nbsp;The basis of these views is that individuals with autism are not able to perceive abstract concepts, metaphorical discourses and symbolic expressions and are insufficient in socializing. The basic arguments of the previous studies are that religions include abstract and symbolic expressions and the participation to congregations is compulsory, which do not comply with the aforementioned characteristics of the autistic individuals. On the other hand, there are also several viewpoints in the literature arguing that autistic individuals are able to perceive religion, create their own image of God, and in case appropriate conditions are prepared, can worship. On the basis of these viewpoints, there is the idea that abstract religious concepts may be explained by using appropriate methods and techniques, and positive contributions may be made to autistic individuals by making use of the socializing sphere of the religion when appropriate conditions are prepared.The different viewpoints on this subject in the literature may affect the legitimacy of the existence of religious courses that are prepared for autistic individuals; and may also be important in determining whether the subjects in the curriculum are suitable for individuals with autism. Based on this, in the present study, previous studies conducted on the possibility of religion and religious education in autistic individuals were examined, and the Religious Culture and Moral Knowledge curricula that were prepared for autistic individuals were evaluated in the light of the data reported by these studies. As a result of the study, it was determined that all of previous studies on religious education in autistic individuals were conducted with individuals who had religions other than Islam or with their families. However, the unique structure of the Islamic religion differs from other&nbsp;religions with the teaching and perception form of it. Based on this, it was decided that the current studies should also be conducted with children of Muslim families in Turkey. In addition, in the literature review, it was also determined in previous studies reporting positive results that practical subjects were focused on in religious education. It was also emphasized that individuals should participate to rituals in an applicable way, Allah should be perceived as a “being” that the individual should feel an attachment and pray to, and religious expressions should be used in everyday life. In this context, it was observed that the RCMK curriculum was based on cognitive acquisitions, and that there were very limited acquisitions on affective and psychomotor fields.In this context, it is possible to argue that the current curriculum does not overlap with the relevant literature at an adequate level. Another interesting point about the RCMK is that the curriculum was prepared for students who had moderate-to-severe mental disabilities and autism spectrum disorder. However, in actual fact, autistic individuals with high-functioning may show different developmental characteristics that are specific to autism, and they may also have normal intelligence function or some superior abilities. The current curriculum does not address high-functioning autism, and there are no other separate curricula prepared for them. In this case, it may be recommended to conduct curriculum development studies for individuals with high-functioning autism. In addition, it was also determined as a result of the present study that the needs of the individuals with autism in terms of religion and religious education must be determined; and subjects, contents and learning-teaching activities must be prepared in line with these needs.&nbsp;It is considered that this study, which was conducted with the Literature Review and Content Analysis Method will shed light on the religious education issue in autistic individuals, which has emerged as a new field of application in our country; and will contribute to curriculum development studies for Religious Culture and Moral Knowledge courses.

Otizmli Çocuklar için İlköğretim Din Kültürü ve Ahlak Bilgisi Dersi Öğretim Programı: Otizmlilerde Din ve Din Eğitiminin İmkânı Tartışmaları Çerçevesinde Bir İnceleme

@JOURNAL_BOX_FEATURED

Muharrem

This study focuses on the notion of non-fixed heavy punishment in Hanafi penal tradition and its reflection in classic Ottoman kânûns. As is known, in Islamic criminal law, there are severe fixed penalties called had or kısas. These penalties are determined by the Shâri‘a, and take a variety of forms ranging from amputation to death. Apart from these penalties, the public authority is also authorized to impose heavy sanctions when necessary. Hanafî jurists use the terms ta‘zîr and siyâsa to express these sanctions. Those called siyâsa are marked as aggravated. Some authors emphasize this aspect in particular. In fact, in the Hanafî doctrine, the ta‘zîr, which is the basis of siyâsa, is accepted as lighter punishment than for fixed penalties. Apparently, ta‘zîr sanctions that reach or exceed the fixed penalties in terms of being aggravated, are called siyâsa to adhere to this rule.Hanafî jurists often associate non-fixed severe penalties with two causes. These are repetitions of an offense (tekerrur) and the effort for corruption of society (sa‘y bi’lfesâd). Repetition of offenses, which is generally considered to be a cause for severe penalty, usually occurs when certain crimes are committed a second time after being proven guilty. The effort for corruption of society is also generally admitted as a cause for severe penalty, because the perpetrator is attempting to disrupt society. In the Hanafî penal tradition, it is understood that habitual criminals can be heavily punished directly by the public authority on the grounds that they are working to disrupt society. This idea has evolved over time. In this context, Hanafî jurists state that those who commit crimes such as sodomy, killing someone by strangling, or robbery for the second time can be sentenced directly to death by public authority. This understanding can potentially include some crimes that disrupt society even if they are not habitual. Indeed, some Hanafî jurists state that a thief can be sentenced directly to death by the public authority on the grounds that he/she is attempting to disrupt society, whether or not the crime is habitual. From this perspective, even if the crime has been committed only once, it is regarded as repetitive because it deeply disturbs public interest.In the classic Ottoman law books, many references are made to the non-fixed heavy penalty concept of Hanafî. However, elements such as tekerrur, fesâd, and siyâsa, which constitute this understanding, are generally not mentioned together in the articles of law. In most cases, the term siyâsa alone is considered sufficient to imply the basis on which the punishment from the Hanafî tradition is based. This term, which often refers to severe penalties such as death or amputation in the law books, does not impose fines, and is generally related to penalties for habitual criminals who are believed to have attempted to disrupt society. Some articles of the law state that the offense should be habitual to receive heavy punishment, and this condition implicitly includes the rest of the formula. If the perpetrator is a habitual criminal, he or she will be penalized directly by the public authority for working toward the deterioration of society. For instance, some provisions of law order the execution of anyone who has stolen a few times and hand amputation&nbsp;for those who make it a habit to stab somebody or pick somebody’s pocket, and nose amputation for those who habitually corrupt women-men relations. In these provisions, the Ottoman lawmakers seem to be inspired by the concept of Hanafî repetition.&nbsp;In some articles of law, we see that the Ottoman rulers severely punish non-habitual criminals directly according to their own will. They use the death penalty for some crimes besides fixed ones without mentioning repetition. For example, they order hanging for wrongdoers who enter a shop or a house for the purpose of theft, who burn a shop or house deliberately, and who print counterfeit money. It is understood that these wrongdoers are considered habitual criminals for damaging the public interest and that they are to be included in the non-fixed heavy penalty formula. However, it should be noted that this inclusion may open the door to arbitrary and oppressive siyâsa, which some jurists are concerned.

Hanefi Geleneğinden Klasik Osmanlı Kanunlarına Had-Kısas Dışı Ağır Ceza Formülü

In our age, as a result of the phenomena of technology, individuality, and globalization, the divorce rate is rapidly increasing despite the change in family structure. Divorce can cause various psychological effects such as trauma. Therefore, the divorced individuals and their children need psychological and social support.&nbsp;With a divorce, if both members are adaptable, it can either prevent the divorce from happening or be a factor that affects an amicable divorce; detecting divorce enhancing or inhibiting factors is an important issue.As in many other areas, religion or religiousness play an important role in the continuation of marriage and divorce. This drove the reasons investigated in our study for what causes a divorce. Divorced individuals were asked questions about the effect of religiousness in the process of marriage and divorce. This research will contribute to the field of marriage and divorce in terms of eliminating the lack of adequate study of the religiosity factor.&nbsp;Our study conducted interviews with 20 divorced people, including ten women and ten men. The majority of the participants we interviewed were middle aged adults with a high level of education, who spent most of their lives in Istanbul, and who participated in certain professions. Female participants, in particular, needed jobs to make a living during or after the divorce.Based on the findings, we cannot say to remove the high educational level as a factor of divorce. In fact, it is effective for women to display a more decisive attitude toward divorce.Most participants chose to get married based on the emotional factors “appearance” (8 people), “love to be/to like” (8 people). Also “being religious” (6 persons) and “not suitable for families” (4 people) criteria were significant. According to this, being religious is among the criteria sought in marriages.We can say that these two options, which are connected with each other, such as exterior appearance and being in love, are not functional in maintaining the marriage in terms of the marriage criteria and that it is more important to approach marriage from a logical point of view.According to participants at the beginning of a divorce, the research results of “deception/ deceived” (9 people) were at the top of the list. The second reason is “indifference” (6 people). This was followed by “communication” (5 people), “irresponsibility” (5 people), and “economic reasons” (5 people). “Psychological violence” (4 people), “physical strength” (4 people), “disrespect” (3), and “jealousy” (3) are also among the causes of divorce. The deception angle, after women had been deceived, led them choosing “irresponsibility” (5 people) as a major cause of divorce, and men chose “indifference” (4 people).&nbsp;The reasons for divorce that emerged in our research show parallels with other research. According to participants, divorce does not depend on a single cause; we see a negative situation could cause different problems. Also, disrespectful communication problems in couples and the emergence of situations such as irresponsibility, poor communication within the family, and being unable to relate to one another are other reasons. According to this, spouses did not spend time together, and the lack of pleasure in performing activities together may be among the reasons behind the conflicts within the family.For the majority of the participants, more attention should be given to the premarital period rather than the prevention of marriage or divorce. According to them, first of all, people should get to know each other and their families better. The biggest regret from the majority of the participants is that they married quickly, without getting to know the other side and their family. In the process of divorce, individuals expected more functional mediation than their relatives. The participants expected more help from their relatives.When we asked the interviewers whether religiousness had any function in the attitudes of spouses and their divorce, they emphasized that they were generally more moral than religious. This situation shows that the spouses who promote themselves as religious do not turn their words into behaviors, and they exhibit unethical behavior in family life. Accordingly, based on the opinions of respondents, those who said that they mostly defined themselves as religious, had a piety factor in the moral dimension of marriage and divorce, which had an important function in terms of the experience.&nbsp;Conflicting words and behaviors are seen before and after marriage, causing people to become disillusioned and breaking the feelings of trust that spouses have toward each other. Therefore, deception is the most important cause of divorce. In considering the moral sense of priorities from each of the spouses, honesty, loyalty, and respect are expected. After sacrifice and altruism, moral values such as responsibility and compassion come to the fore. However, it is also important to know the attitudes of the people who were looking for these criteria against their former spouses. Therefore, bilateral negotiations need to be conducted with divorced people, and work done with qualitative research on religiosity will be useful.

Evlenme ve Boşanma Deneyimleri Arasındaki İlişkide Dindarlık Faktörünün İncelenmesi

Hafize Şule

Christian Zionist ideas have been embraced by many presidents in American politics, but the power of Christian Zionism in American politics became clear after Donald Trump was elected in November 2016. He recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel, which had been a long-term ambition of the American Christian Zionists and Jewish Zionists. In this study, Christian Zionists and their theo-political approach will be discussed. In addition, the active participation in politics among evangelical Protestants with an emphasis on their prioritising of Jews and Israeli policies in American politics will be examined. This topic, which can be linked not only to the field of sociology of religion but also to all fields of social sciences, is important for understanding the debates and social poles in American society, as well as for making sense of the determinants of US policy, especially toward the Middle East. The reason behind the US-based Israeli policies in the Middle East has a theological and ideological justification.&nbsp;In this descriptive work, I will seek answers to the questions of “who are the Christian Zionists?”, “what constitutes the roots and fundamental doctrines of Christian Zionism?” and “how do Christian Zionists view world politics?” In this context, I will draw attention to the fact that Zionism is not only a concept related to Judaism and that there have been many non-Jewish Christian Zionists in the past and many who are still actively present in the American administration. My work sets out the conceptual framework of Christian Zionism as a theo-political ideology and sheds light on the historical background of the subject; It also aims to clarify how the ideology in question has gained power and become an effective discourse within American Protestantism. In this context, the study will trace the imperialist policies of the British Empire on Ottoman lands in the first half of the 19th century when Christian Zionism first emerged; then, the main elements of the Christian Zionists’ ideological and theological approaches to social and political processes, the extent of how Jews benefitted will be discussed, and their effects on American politics will also be pointed out.Christian Zionism has, in general, evolved from evangelical and fundamentalist Christians. This approach adopts the reading of The Bible with a literal, premillennial approach and takes Biblical eschatology crucial. In order to understand the Christian Zionists’ support for Israel and their insistence on directing American policies, it is necessary to consider the pre-millennial dispensationalism that centered on Jews and the doctrines of the End Times. Pre-Millennial dispensationalism is the fundamental doctrine of Christian Zionists. In addition, Christian fundamentalists are based on the literal (literalism) reading of the scripture. While giving Jews a central place in the doctrine of the End Times, they have a very negative attitude towards Muslims.&nbsp;In general terms, the term “Christian Zionist” is given to a constituent of the most influential apocalyptic beliefs of today’s American society, which emerged in Britain in&nbsp;the 19th century, later coming to the US in the middle of the same century. Christian Zionism, which proposes rather radical ideas, is widespread among American Protestants. According to the results of a 2013 poll conducted by the Pew Research Center, 82% of the white evangelical Protestants in the United States believe that Israel was given to the Jews by God; whereas this rate is only 40% among Jews. In general, 44% of Americans believe that God gave Israel to the Jews. When the period and the environment in which Christian Zionism emerged are evaluated, it is possible to see that the ideologies that were formed on the basis of the activities of British imperialism in the Middle East were transformed into religious discourse. Christian Zionism, which formed an important ideological basis for British imperialism in the first period of its emergence, provides an ideological basis for American imperialism today. It is also an important part of the Israeli lobby in the US.The enduring teachings of the Christian Zionists, who have gained more influence in recent American politics compared to previous periods, have reached the point of power to be able to affect US foreign policy. Trump’s decision to recognize Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and his declarations that Golan Heights belong to Israel are closely related to the theological teachings of Christian Zionism. The fact that a group with a radical theo-political ideology in the US is so effective in politics and state administration raises questions about American secularism. The important question of whether there is a reversal from American secularism –given the current developments in spite of the Constitution of America, where religion and state affairs are clearly separated- should be focused on in the coming years.

ABD’de Hıristiyan Siyonizmi: Kökeni, İnanç Esasları ve Günümüz Amerikan Siyasetine Etkisi

@JOURNAL_BOX_MOSTREAD

darulfunun ilahiyat, akademik bir dergidir. darulfunun ilahiyat'a gönderilmiş makaleler çift-kör hakemlik sistemi kullanılarak değerlendirilmektedir.

darulfunun ilahiyat'ta din alanının farklı boyutlarını ele alan disipliner veya disiplinlerarası kuramsal ve uygulamalı çalışmalar yayımlanmaktadır.

Bu çerçevede darulfunun ilahiyat'ta; Bir inanç ve toplum sistemi olarak din konusunu ve uygulayıcılarının inanç ve davranışlarını; (i) insan ve toplum bilimleri çerçevesinde ele alan; (ii) özgün kuramsal ve kavramsal açılımlarla genişleten; (iii) farklı/yeni araştırma yöntemleriyle inceleyen; (iv) farklı örnek olaylar bağlamında karşılaştırmalı bir şekilde sunan yazılara yer verilmektedir.

Necmettin

Prof.

Index Islamicus

Scopus

EBSCO

ERIH PLUS

TR Dizin

DOAJ

SOBIAD

@METRIC_VOLUMES

@METRIC_ISSUES

@METRIC_ARTICLES

@METRIC_OPENACCESS

darulfunun ilahiyat

@INFO_TAB_ABOUT

Editor in Chief

Co Editor in Chief

Editorial Assistant

Editorial Management Board Member

Section Editor

Language Editor

Editorial Relations Manager

Statistics Editor

Methodology Editor

Book Review Editor

Publicity Manager

Technical Specialist

Ethics Editor

Editorial Board Member

@INFO_TAB_BOARDS

İstanbul Üniversitesi İlahiyat Fakültesi tarafından yayımlanan darulfunun ilahiyat, akademik bir dergidir. darulfunun ilahiyat’a gönderilmiş makaleler çift-kör hakemlik sistemi kullanılarak değerlendirilmektedir.darulfunun ilahiyat’ta, din alanının farklı boyutlarını ele alan disipliner veya disiplinlerarası kuramsal ve uygulamalı çalışmalar yayımlanmaktadır. Bu çerçevede darulfunun ilahiyat’ta bir inanç ve toplum sistemi olarak din konusunu ve uygulayıcılarının inanç ve davranışlarını; (i) insan ve toplum bilimleri bağlamında ele alan; (ii) özgün kuramsal ve kavramsal açılımlarla genişleten; (iii) farklı/yeni araştırma yöntemleriyle inceleyen; (iv) farklı örnek olaylar bağlamında karşılaştırmalı bir şekilde sunan yazılara yer verilmektedir.Bu kapsamda özellikle şu konulara öncelik tanınmaktadır:•    İslam kültür ve medeniyeti •    Çağdaş dünyada dinî/İslami ilimlerin yorumlanması ve eğitimi •    Dinî kimliğin oluşumu ve aktarımı•    Çeşitli inanç gruplarında, kamusal hayatta, çok kültürlü ortamlarda din•    Birey, din ve toplum arasındaki etkileşimdarulfunun ilahiyat'ta nitelikli, özgün, kuramsal ve uygulamalı araştırmaların yanı sıra kitap değerlendirmesi, araştırma notu, sempozyum tanıtımı ve klasik dillerden çeviri-yorum metinleri de yayımlanmaktadır.

Amaç ve Kapsam

<a href="https://www.scopus.com/sourceid/21101058362" target="_blank">SCOPUS</a><a href="https://search.trdizin.gov.tr/dergi/detay/2132/darulfunun-ilahiyat" target="_blank">ULAKBİM TR Dizin</a><a target="_blank" href="https://brill.com/fileasset/downloads_products/35122_ii_surveyed_periodicals_2008_2017FINAL.pdf">Index Islamicus</a><a href="https://www.ebsco.com/tr-tr/urunler/arastirma-veri-tabanlari/academic-search-complete" target="_blank">EBSCO Academic Search Complete</a> <a href="https://doaj.org/toc/2651-5083?source=%7B%22query%22%3A%7B%22bool%22%3A%7B%22must%22%3A%5B%7B%22terms%22%3A%7B%22index.issn.exact%22%3A%5B%222651-5083%22%5D%7D%7D%5D%7D%7D%2C%22size%22%3A100%2C%22sort%22%3A%5B%7B%22created_date%22%3A%7B%22order%22%3A%22desc%22%7D%7D%5D%2C%22_source%22%3A%7B%7D%2C%22track_total_hits%22%3Atrue%7D" target="_blank">DOAJ</a> <a href="https://kanalregister.hkdir.no/publiseringskanaler/erihplus/periodical/info.action?id=495011" target="_blank" style="font-size: 13.3333px;">ERIH PLUS</a> <a href="https://atif.sobiad.com/index.jsp?modul=dergi-sayfasi&amp;ID=0&amp;magazinename=darulfunun%20ilahiyat" target="_blank">SOBIAD </a>

Dizinler

Dergi yayın etiğinde en yüksek standartlara bağlıdır ve <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a> ve <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> tarafından yayınlanan etik yayıncılık ilkelerini benimser; Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing başlığı altında ifade edilen ilkeler için: <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a> Gönderilen makaleler derginin amaç ve kapsamına uygun olmalıdır. Orijinal, yayınlanmamış ve başka bir dergide değerlendirme sürecinde olmayan, her bir yazar tarafından içeriği ve gönderimi onaylanmış yazılar değerlendirmeye kabul edilir. Makale yayınlanmak üzere Dergiye gönderildikten sonra yazarlardan hiçbirinin ismi, tüm yazarların yazılı izni olmadan yazar listesinden silinemez ve yeni bir isim yazar olarak eklenemez ve yazar sırası değiştirilemez.İntihal, duplikasyon, sahte yazarlık/inkar edilen yazarlık, araştrma/veri fabrikasyonu, makale dilimleme, dilimleyerek yayın, telif hakları ihlali ve çıkar çatışmasının gizlenmesi, etik dışı davranışlar olarak kabul edilir. Kabul edilen etik standartlara uygun olmayan tüm makaleler yayından çıkarılır. Buna yayından sonra tespit edilen olası kuraldışı, uygunsuzluklar içeren makaleler de dahildir.*Bir yazarın dergimizde yazısı yayınlandıktan sonraki iki sayıda yeni bir yazısına yer verilmez.İntihal Ön kontrolden geçirilen makaleler, iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal/kendi kendine intihal tespit edilirse yazarlar bilgilendirilir. Editörler, gerekli olması halinde makaleyi değerlendirme ya da üretim sürecinin çeşitli aşamalarında intihal kontrolüne tabi tutabilirler. Yüksek benzerlik oranları, bir makalenin kabul edilmeden önce ve hatta kabul edildikten sonra reddedilmesine neden olabilir. Makalenin türüne bağlı olarak, bunun oranın %15 veya %20'den az olması beklenir.Çift Kör Hakemlikİntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir. Editör, makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakemlikten geçmesini sağlar ve makale biçimsel esaslara uygun ise, gelen yazıyı yurtiçinden ve /veya yurtdışından en az iki hakemin değerlendirmesine sunar, hakemler gerek gördüğü takdirde yazıda istenen değişiklikler yazarlar tarafından yapıldıktan sonra yayınlanmasına onay verir.

Politikalar

Dergi açık erişimlidir ve derginin tüm içeriği okura ya da okurun dahil olduğu kuruma ücretsiz olarak sunulur. Okurlar, ticari amaç haricinde, yayıncı ya da yazardan izin almadan dergi makalelerinin tam metnini okuyabilir, indirebilir, kopyalayabilir, arayabilir ve link sağlayabilir. Bu <a href="https://www.budapestopenaccessinitiative.org/translations/turkish-translation" target="_blank">BOAI</a> açık erişim tanımıyla uyumludur. Derginin açık erişimli makaleleri Creative Commons Atıf-GayrıTicari 4.0 Uluslararası (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.tr" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) olarak lisanslıdır.

Derginin tüm giderleri İstanbul Üniversitesi tarafından karşılanmaktadır. Dergide makale yayını ve makale süreçlerinin yürütülmesi ücrete tabi değildir. Dergiye gönderilen ya da yayın için kabul edilen makaleler için işlemleme ücreti ya da gönderim ücreti alınmaz.

Yazarlar dergide yayınlanan çalışmalarının telif hakkına sahiptirler ve çalışmaları  Creative Commons Atıf-GayrıTicari 4.0 Uluslararası (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.tr" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) olarak lisanslıdır. CC BY-NC 4.0 lisansı, eserin ticari kullanım dışında her boyut ve formatta paylaşılmasına, kopyalanmasına, çoğaltılmasına ve orijinal esere uygun şekilde atıfta bulunmak kaydıyla yeniden düzenleme, dönüştürme ve eserin üzerine inşa etme dâhil adapte edilmesine izin verir.

Editörler, yayınlanan makalede, bulguları, yorumları ve sonuçları etkilemeyen küçük hatalar tespit edilirse düzeltme yayınlamayı düşünebilirler. Editörler, bulguları ve sonuçları geçersiz kılan büyük hatalar / ihlaller söz konusu olduğunda, makaleyi geri çekmeyi düşünmelidir. Yazarlar tarafından araştırma veya yayını kötüye kullanmaya yönelik olasılık söz konusu ise; bulguların güvenilir olmadığına ve yazarların kurumlarının olayı soruşturmadığına dair kanıtlar var veya olası soruşturma haksız veya sonuçsuz görünüyor ise, editörler endişe ifadesi yayınlamayı düşünmelidir. Düzeltme, geri çekme veya endişe ifadesi ile ilgili olarak <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/flowcharts/complete-set-english" target="_blank">COPE</a> ve <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/" target="_blank">ICJME</a> yönergeleri dikkate alınır.

Dergide yayınlanan tüm yazıların korunmasını ve kalıcı olarak erişilebilir olmasını sağlamak için makaleler, ulusal bir arşiv sitesi olarak hizmet veren ve aynı zamanda LOCKSS'in içeriği toplamasına, korumasına ve sunmasına izin veren Dergipark'ta saklanmaktadır.Ek olarak, yazarların kendilerinin makalelerinin son PDF sürümünü Open Archives Initiative (<a href="https://www.openarchives.org/" target="_blank">https://www.openarchives.org/</a>) standartlarına uygun açık elektronik arşivlerde arşivlemeleri önerilir. Yazarlar, yayınladıkları arşiv versiyonundan, İ.Ü. Yayınevinin dergi web sitesinin URL'sine bağlantı sağlamalıdır.

darulfunun ilahiyat, yayın etiğinde en yüksek standartlara bağlıdır ve <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a> ve <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> tarafından yayınlanan etik yayıncılık ilkelerini benimser; Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing başlığı altında ifade edilen ilkeler için adres: <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a>Gönderilen tüm makaleler orijinal, yayınlanmamış ve başka bir dergide değerlendirme sürecinde olmamalıdır. Her bir makale editörlerden biri ve en az iki hakem tarafından çift kör değerlendirmeden geçirilir. İntihal, duplikasyon, sahte yazarlık/inkar edilen yazarlık, araştrma/veri fabrikasyonu, makale dilimleme, dilimleyerek yayın, telif hakları ihlali ve çıkar çatışmasının gizlenmesi, etik dışı davranışlar olarak kabul edilir.Kabul edilen etik standartlara uygun olmayan tüm makaleler yayından çıkarılır. Buna yayından sonra tespit edilen olası kuraldışı, uygunsuzluklar içeren makaleler de dahildir.

Etik

Dergi araştırma etiğinde en yüksek standartları gözetir ve aşağıda tanımlanan uluslararası araştırma etiği ilkelerini benimser. Makalelerin etik kurallara uygunluğu yazarların sorumluluğundadır.-    Araştırmanın tasarlanması, tasarımın gözden geçirilmesi ve araştırmanın yürütülmesinde, bütünlük, kalite ve şeffaflık ilkeleri sağlanmalıdır.-    Araştırma ekibi ve katılımcılar, araştırmanın amacı, yöntemleri ve öngörülen olası kullanımları; araştırmaya katılımın gerektirdikleri ve varsa riskleri hakkında tam olarak bilgilendirilmelidir.-    Araştırma katılımcılarının sağladığı bilgilerin gizliliği ve yanıt verenlerin gizliliği sağlanmalıdır. Araştırma katılımcıların özerkliğini ve saygınlığını koruyacak şekilde tasarlanmalıdır.-    Araştırma katılımcıları gönüllü olarak araştırmada yer almalı, herhangi bir zorlama altında olmamalıdırlar.-    Katılımcıların zarar görmesinden kaçınılmalıdır. Araştırma, katılımcıları riske sokmayacak şekilde planlanmalıdır.-    Araştırma bağımsızlığıyla ilgili açık ve net olunmalı; çıkar çatışması varsa belirtilmelidir.-    Deneysel çalışmalarda, araştırmaya katılmaya karar veren katılımcıların yazılı bilgilendirilmiş onayı alınmalıdır. Çocukların ve vesayet altındakilerin veya tasdiklenmiş akıl hastalığı bulunanların yasal vasisinin onayı alınmalıdır.-    Çalışma herhangi bir kurum ya da kuruluşta gerçekleştirilecekse bu kurum ya da kuruluştan çalışma yapılacağına dair onay alınmalıdır.-    İnsan öğesi bulunan çalışmalarda, “yöntem” bölümünde katılımcılardan “bilgilendirilmiş onam” alındığının ve çalışmanın yapıldığı kurumdan etik kurul onayı alındığı belirtilmesi gerekir.

Makalelerin bilimsel ve etik kurallara uygunluğu yazarların sorumluluğundadır. Yazar makalenin orijinal olduğu, daha önce başka bir yerde yayınlanmadığı ve başka bir yerde, başka bir dilde yayınlanmak üzere değerlendirmede olmadığı konusunda teminat sağlamalıdır. Uygulamadaki telif kanunları ve anlaşmaları gözetilmelidir. Telife bağlı materyaller (örneğin tablolar, şekiller veya büyük alıntılar) gerekli izin ve teşekkürle kullanılmalıdır. Başka yazarların, katkıda bulunanların çalışmaları ya da yararlanılan kaynaklar uygun biçimde kullanılmalı ve referanslarda belirtilmelidir.Gönderilen makalede tüm yazarların akademik ve bilimsel olarak doğrudan katkısı olmalıdır, bu bağlamda “yazar” yayınlanan bir araştırmanın kavramsallaştırılmasına ve dizaynına, verilerin elde edilmesine, analizine ya da yorumlanmasına belirgin katkı yapan, yazının yazılması ya da bunun içerik açısından eleştirel biçimde gözden geçirilmesinde görev yapan birisi olarak görülür. Yazar olabilmenin diğer koşulları ise, makaledeki çalışmayı planlamak veya icra etmek ve / veya revize etmektir. Fon sağlanması, veri toplanması ya da araştırma grubunun genel süpervizyonu tek başına yazarlık hakkı kazandırmaz. Yazar olarak gösterilen tüm bireyler sayılan tüm ölçütleri karşılamalıdır ve yukarıdaki ölçütleri karşılayan her birey yazar olarak gösterilebilir. Yazarların isim sıralaması ortak verilen bir karar olmalıdır. Tüm yazarlar yazar sıralamasını <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/7281EBE3E18F4E5A95833E5ED0CEFE2E" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formunda</a> imzalı olarak belirtmek zorundadırlar.Yazarlık için yeterli ölçütleri karşılamayan ancak çalışmaya katkısı olan tüm bireyler “teşekkür / bilgiler” kısmında sıralanmalıdır. Bunlara örnek olarak ise sadece teknik destek sağlayan, yazıma yardımcı olan ya da sadece genel bir destek sağlayan, finansal ve materyal desteği sunan kişiler verilebilir.Bütün yazarlar, araştırmanın sonuçlarını ya da bilimsel değerlendirmeyi etkileyebilme potansiyeli olan finansal ilişkiler, çıkar çatışması ve çıkar rekabetini beyan etmelidirler. Bir yazar kendi yayınlanmış yazısında belirgin bir hata ya da yanlışlık tespit ederse, bu yanlışlıklara ilişkin düzeltme ya da geri çekme için editör ile hemen temasa geçme ve işbirliği yapma sorumluluğunu taşır.

Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirirler. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar. Gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalacağını garanti eder. Baş editör içerik ve yayının toplam kalitesinden sorumludur. Gereğinde hata sayfası yayınlamalı ya da düzeltme yapmalıdır. Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemler, araştırma, yazarlar ve/veya araştırmaya fon sağlayanlarla çıkar çatışması içinde olmamalıdır. Hakemler değerlendirmelerinin sonucunda tarafsız bir yargıya varmalıdırlar. Gönderilmiş yazılara ilişkin tüm bilginin gizli tutulmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar. Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir. Bazı durumlarda editörün kararıyla, ilgili hakemlerin makaleye ait yorumları aynı makaleyi yorumlayan diğer hakemlere gönderilerek hakemlerin bu süreçte aydınlatılması sağlanabilir.

Daha önce yayınlanmamış ya da yayınlanmak üzere başka bir dergide halen değerlendirmede olmayan ve her bir yazar tarafından onaylanan makaleler değerlendirilmek üzere kabul edilir. Gönderilen ve ön kontrolü geçen makaleler iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir.Seçilen makaleler en az iki ulusal/uluslararası hakeme çift taraflı kör hakemlik ile değerlendirmeye gönderilir; yayın kararı, hakemlerin talepleri doğrultusunda yazarların gerçekleştirdiği düzenlemelerin ve hakem sürecinin sonrasında baş editör tarafından verilir.

Hakemlik Hakkında

Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirirler. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar. Gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalacağını garanti eder.Baş editör içerik ve yayının toplam kalitesinden sorumludur. Gereğinde hata sayfası yayınlamalı ya da düzeltme yapmalıdır.Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemler, araştırma, yazarlar ve/veya araştırmaya fon sağlayanlarla çıkar çatışması içinde olmamalıdır. Hakemler değerlendirmelerinin sonucunda tarafsız bir yargıya varmalıdırlar. Gönderilmiş yazılara ilişkin tüm bilginin gizli tutulmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar.Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir. Bazı durumlarda editörün kararıyla, ilgili hakemlerin makaleye ait yorumları aynı makaleyi yorumlayan diğer hakemlere gönderilerek hakemlerin bu süreçte aydınlatılması sağlanabilir.

Daha önce yayınlanmamış ya da yayınlanmak üzere başka bir dergide halen değerlendirmede olmayan ve her bir yazar tarafından onaylanan makaleler değerlendirilmek üzere kabul edilir. Gönderilen ve ön kontrolü geçen makaleler iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir. Editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, cinsel yöneliminden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirir. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar.Seçilen makaleler en az iki ulusal/uluslararası hakeme değerlendirmeye gönderilir; yayın kararı, hakemlerin talepleri doğrultusunda yazarların gerçekleştirdiği düzenlemelerin ve hakem sürecinin sonrasında baş editör tarafından verilir.Hakemlerin değerlendirmeleri objektif olmalıdır. Hakem süreci sırasında hakemlerin aşağıdaki hususları dikkate alarak değerlendirmelerini yapmaları beklenir.-Makale yeni ve önemli bir bilgi içeriyor mu?-Öz, makalenin içeriğini net ve düzgün bir şekilde tanımlıyor mu?-Yöntem bütünlüklü ve anlaşılır şekilde tanımlanmış mı?-Yapılan yorum ve varılan sonuçlar bulgularla kanıtlanıyor mu?-Alandaki diğer çalışmalara yeterli referans verilmiş mi?-Dil kalitesi yeterli mi?Hakemler, gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar. Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir.

1. Amaç ve KapsamBaşvurunuzu darulfunun ilahiyat’a göndermeden önce lütfen derginin “<a href="https://iupress.istanbul.edu.tr/tr/journal/ilahiyatjournal/information/amac-ve-kapsam" target="_blank">Amaç ve Kapsam</a>” sayfasını inceleyiniz. Derginin kapsamı dışında kalan çalışmalar değerlendirme sürecine alınmamaktadır. 2. Başvuru TürleriYayımlanmak üzere gönderilen çalışmalar Baş Editör &amp; Alan Editörleri tarafından amaç, konu, içerik, sunuş tarzı ve yazım kurallarına uygunluk açısından incelenmektedir. Çalışmanız, kaynakçası hariç olmak üzere, 5000-8000 kelime olmalıdır. Dergiye gönderilen tüm makale türlerine uygulanacak editöryal değerlendirme kriterleri aşağıda sıralanmaktadır: (1) Bilimsel yeterliliğin yüksek olması (2) Çalışmanın kuramsal dayanaklarının açık bir şekilde ifade edilmesi (3) Alana kavramsal veya metodolojik düzeyde katkı sağlaması (4) Metnin teori veya yöntem açısından yenilik sunması (5) Çalışmada güncel yöntemlerin kullanılmasına özen gösterilmesi 2.1. Araştırma Makalesidarulfunun ilahiyat, din ile ilgili temel sorunları ortaya koyan ve bunlara çözüm önerileri getiren çalışmaların yayımlanmasını hedeflemektedir. Bununla birlikte özgün araştırmalarda bazı hususlara ayrıca dikkat edilmektedir: (a) Araştırmanın dayandığı kuramsal çerçevenin kapsamlı bir şekilde ifade edilmesi (b) Araştırmanın kuramsal ve uygulama olarak alana katkısının zikredilmesi (c) Çalışmanın din bilimlerindeki bilgi birikimine orijinal katkı sağlaması (d) Çalışmanın özgün bir tezi olup bu tezin kendi içerisinde tutarlı bir şekilde sunulması (e) Çalışmanın yaklaşım ve metodolojisine dair esasların açık bir şekilde ortaya konulması 2.2. Araştırma NotuAraştırma notları, yapılan araştırmalar aracılığıyla edinilen akademik tecrübenin paylaşılmasını hedeflemektedir. Araştırmacıların şahsi değerlendirmelerini de aktarabilecekleri bu türden yazılar 2500 kelimeyi aşmamalıdır. 2.3. Toplantı ÖzetiUlusal veya uluslararası akademik toplantıların içeriklerine dair değerlendirmeleri içeren toplantı özeti, 1500 kelimeyi aşmamalıdır. Hazırlanan metinde özellikle toplantının akademik anlamdaki katkısı ele alınmış olmalıdır. 2.4. Kitap DeğerlendirmesiDergiye gönderilecek olan kitap değerlendirmeleri 1500 kelimeyi aşmamalıdır. 3.Genel Biçim Özellikleri 3.1. Yazı Tipi: Bütün metinde 10 punto Times New Roman yazı karakteri kullanılır. Tablo ve şekillerin nasıl hazırlanacağına dair ilgili bölüme bakınız. 3.2. Sayfa Yapısı: A4 boyutlarındaki kâğıda üst, alt, sağ ve sol boşluk 2,5 cm (0.98 inç) bırakılarak, iki yana dayalı, satır sonu tirelemesiz şekilde olmalıdır. Çalışmalar tek sütun olarak hazırlanmalıdır. Paragraflarda ve başlıklarda girinti ve çıkıntı olmamalıdır. 3.3. Paragraf Yapısı: Paragraf sekmesinde girintiler bölümünde; önce ve sonra alanı 0,6 nk satır aralığı 1,5 olmalıdır. 3.4. Kelime Sınırı: Dergiye gönderilen yazılar 5.000-8.000 kelime arası olmalıdır. 3.5. Öz: 150-200 kelime arasında olmalıdır. 3.6 Anahtar Kelimeler: 5-8 kelime arasında olmalıdır. 3.7. Extended Summary: İngilizce olmayan makaleler için, kabulü takiben 1000-1500 kelimelik İngilizce extended summary istenmektedir. 3.8. Ana Metin: Ana metnin nasıl görüneceğine dair örnek bir metin için lütfen [04_ana_metin.pdf] dosyasını inceleyiniz. Yüklediğiniz ana metnin yazar bilgilerini içermemelidir. Yüklemeden önce bu bilgileri çıkardığınızdan emin olun; yazarla ilgili bilgiler başlık sayfasında ayrıca yer almalıdır. Nicel ve nitel çalışmalar Giriş, Yöntem, Bulgular ve Tartışma bölümlerini içermelidir. Yöntem kısmında mutlaka Örneklem/Çalışma Grubu, Veri Toplama Araçları ve İşlem alt bölümleri bulunmalıdır. Model alt bölümüne sadece özgün bir model kullanılmışsa yer verilmelidir. 3.9. Başlık Sayfası: Aşağıdaki bilgiler Başlık Sayfasında yer almalıdır.(i) Makalenin başlığı (ii) Makalenin kategorisi (iii) Yazar(ların) isim ve soyadları (iv) Yazar(ların) kurum bilgileri (kurum, şehir, ülke) (v) Yazar(ların) e-mail adresleri (vi) Yazar(ların) Orcid’leri (vii) Finansal destek, çıkar çatışması ve teşekkür ile ilgili bilgiler. 3.10. Tablo, Şekil ve EklerTablo ve Şekiller: Tablo, şekil, resim, grafik vb. unsurlar metin içerisinde yer almalıdır. Çalışmanın sonunda ayrıca verilmemelidir. Tablo ve şekillerde genel şablonun dışında 9 punto Times New Roman yazı karakteri kullanılır. Paragraf sekmesinde girintiler bölümünde; • önce ve sonra alanı 0 nk, • satır aralığı tek olmalıdır. Tablo ve şekiller sola dayalı olmalı ve metin kaydırma özelliği kapalı olmalıdır. Ekler: Her bir ek ayrı sayfalarda, kaynakçadan sonra verilmelidir.3.11. Referans Stili:darulfunun ilahiyat, metin içi alıntılama ve kaynak gösterme için CMOS (The Chicago Manual of Style) kaynak stilinin 17. edisyonunu benimser. CMOS 17 hakkında bilgi için: <a href="http://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide.html" target="_blank">http://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide.html</a>3.12. Genişletilmiş Özet:darulfunun ilahiyat yayımladığı makalelerin uluslararası kamuoyu ile paylaşılmasını ve makalelerin etki üretmesini önemsemektedir. Bunun için Türkçe ve Arapça çalışmalar İngilizce geniş özetle (extended summary) birlikte yayımlanır. Bu kapsamda yazarlardan makaleyi temsil edecek geniş özet hazırlamaları talep edilir. 1000-1500 kelime arasında olması beklenen geniş özet; makalenin temel bölümlerindeki (Giriş/Literatür, Yöntem, Bulgular, Tartışma/Sonuç vb.) ana tartışmaları yansıtır. 4. Yabancı Dilde Başvurulardarulfunun ilahiyat; Türkçe, İngilizce ve Arapça dillerinde başvuru kabul etmektedir. Bu dillerde gelen başvurular hakem değerlendirmesinden önce dil yeterlilikleri ve kullanımları bakımından incelenmektedir. Ana dilde bir hakemin anlayamayacağı düzeyde olduğu tespit edilen başvurular hakem değerlendirme sürecine alınmaz ve yazarına dil düzeltmesi için gönderilir. 5. ORCIDİstanbul Üniversitesi; etik, şeffaf ve adil bir editör ve hakem değerlendirme sürecini önemsemektedir. Bu kapsamda İstanbul Üniversitesi, Open Researcher and Contributor ID (ORCID) platformunu desteklemektedir. ORCID, araştırmacıları ayrıştırabilmek için dijital bir kimlik numarası atayarak araştırmacı ile araştırmacının daha önceki faaliyetlerini eşleştirmektedir. darulfunun ilahiyat’ın yayımladığı makalelerde yazarlar ORCID numaraları ile birlikte yer almaktadırlar. Yazarların başvuru esnasında ORCID bilgilerini sağlamaları talep edilmektedir. ORCID Numaranız henüz yoksa şu [<a href="http://orcid.org/register" target="_blank">http://orcid.org/register</a>] linkten edinebilirsiniz. 6. Başvuru Gönderimidarulfunun ilahiyat’a çalışmanızı göndermek için aşağıdaki bağlantıya tıklayınız.[<a href="https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/darulfunun" target="_blank">https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/darulfunun</a>]. Başvuru gönderimi sürecinde bir problemle karşılaşırsanız, lütfen <a href="mailto:ilahiyat.editor@istanbul.edu.tr" target="_blank">ilahiyat.editor@istanbul.edu.tr</a> ile irtibata geçiniz. Önemli Not: darulfunun ilahiyat, yazarlardan herhangi bir ücret talep etmemektedir. 7. Yayım Süreci7.1. Kabul Sonrası Yayıma kabul edilen bir çalışmanın neticesi Sorumlu Yazara bildirilir. Sorumlu Yazarın ilgili raporlara göre düzenlediği çalışma Baş Editör veya Alan Editörü tarafından incelenir. Onaylanan çalışma tashih ve redaksiyon sürecine alınır. 7.1.2. OnlineFirstOnlineFirst, İstanbul Üniversitesinin basıma hazır makaleleri baskıdan önce Online olarak yayımladığı ortamdır. OnlineFirst olarak yayımlanan bir makaleye cilt, sayı bilgileri atanmamakta, makale DOI (Digital Object Identifiers) numarası ile yayımlanmaktadır. Makale ilgili sayıda yayımlandığında OnlineFirst sayfasından kaldırılmakta ve web sitesinde, yayımlandığı sayı içerisine alınmaktadır. Yayım kabulü alan bir çalışma yaklaşık 30 gün içerisinde OnlineFirst'te yayımlanmaktadır. 8. İletişimdarulfunun ilahiyat ile ilgili bütün sorularınız için <a href="mailto:ilahiyat.editor@istanbul.edu.tr" target="_blank">ilahiyat.editor@istanbul.edu.tr</a> elektronik posta adresi yoluyla iletişime geçebilirsiniz.

Yazım Kuralları

Derleme yazıları okuyucular için bir konudaki kaynaklara ulaşmayı kolaylaştıran bir araç olsa da, her zaman orijinal çalışmayı doğru olarak yansıtmaz. Bu yüzden mümkün olduğunca yazarlar orijinal çalışmaları kaynak göstermelidir. Öte yandan, bir konuda çok fazla sayıda orijinal çalışmanın kaynak gösterilmesi yer israfına neden olabilir. Birkaç anahtar orijinal çalışmanın kaynak gösterilmesi genelde uzun listelerle aynı işi görür. Ayrıca günümüzde kaynaklar elektronik versiyonlara eklenebilmekte ve okuyucular elektronik literatür taramalarıyla yayınlara kolaylıkla ulaşabilmektedir.Kabul edilmiş ancak henüz sayıya dahil edilmemiş makaleler Early View olarak yayınlanır ve bu makalelere atıflar “advance online publication” şeklinde verilmelidir. Genel bir kaynaktan elde edilemeyecek temel bir konu olmadıkça “kişisel iletişimlere” atıfta bulunulmamalıdır. Eğer atıfta bulunulursa parantez içinde iletişim kurulan kişinin adı ve iletişimin tarihi belirtilmelidir. Bilimsel makaleler için yazarlar bu kaynaktan yazılı izin ve iletişimin doğruluğunu gösterir belge almalıdır. Kaynakların doğruluğundan yazar(lar) sorumludur. Tüm kaynaklar metinde belirtilmelidir. Kaynaklar alfabetik olarak sıralanmalıdır.Referans Stili ve Formatıdarulfunun ilahiyat, metin içi alıntılama ve kaynak gösterme için CMOS (The Chicago Manual of Style) kaynak stilinin 17. edisyonunu benimser. CMOS 17 hakkında bilgi için: <a href="http://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide.html" target="_blank">http://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide.html</a>

Aşağıdaki listede yer alan bilgilerin eksik olmadığından emin olun:●     Yazarlara Bilgide detaylı olarak anlatılan dergi politikalarının gözden geçirildiğiü    Başka bir dergiye gönderilmemiş olduğu bilgisiü    Sponsor veya ticari bir firma ile ilişkisi (varsa belirtiniz)ü    İngilizce yönünden kontrolünün yapıldığıü    Kaynakların CMOS (The Chicago Manuel of Style) 17’ye göre belirtildiği●    <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/7281EBE3E18F4E5A95833E5ED0CEFE2E" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a> ●    Daha önce basılmış ve telife bağlı materyal (yazı-resim-tablo) kullanılmış ise izin belgesi●    <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/AF49E697F8F94F388F130E49B408FD16" target="_blank">Kapak sayfası</a>ü    Makalenin türüü    Makalenin Türkçe ve İngilizce başlığıü    Yazarların ismi soyadı, unvanları ve bağlı oldukları kurumlar (üniversite ve fakülte bilgisinden sonra şehir ve ülke bilgisi de yer almalıdır), e-posta adresleriü    Sorumlu yazarın e-posta adresi, açık yazışma adresi, iş telefonu, GSM, faks nosuü    Tüm yazarların ORCID’leri●    Makale ana metniü    Makalenin Türkçe ve İngilizce başlığıü    Özetler: 150-200 kelime Türkçe ve 150-200 kelime İngilizceü    Anahtar Kelimeler: 5-8 adet Türkçe ve 5-8 adet İngilizceü    Makale Türkçe ise, 1000-1500 kelime İngilizce genişletilmiş özet (Extended Abstract)ü    Makale ana metin bölümleriü    Finansal destek (varsa belirtiniz)ü    Çıkar çatışması (varsa belirtiniz)ü    Teşekkür (varsa belirtiniz)ü    Kaynaklarü    Tablolar-Resimler, Şekiller (başlık, tanım ve alt yazılarıyla)

<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/AD920A7B60664BFAAE54AA21893A2EC6" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/0060E0AA36EC4014965788D85C639EE0" target="_blank">Kapak Sayfası </a>