Res. Assist.

Situating an Informal Funds Transfer System in Islamic Legal Theory:  The Origin of Hawala Revisited

İbrahim

Assist. Prof.

Mahmud

Assoc. Prof.

The Juha prototype has infiltrated the collective memory of discrete national cultures and peoples. The phenomenon permeates the very fabric of societies that celebrate this archetype and has sustained its bare simplicity as an international sign of its uniqueness. The ingrained exemplar has undergone significant changes through decades of the oral&nbsp;circulation of the anecdotes. Juha’s character interacts in distinct and unfamiliar manners with daily realities, revealing satirical episodes that display his positions on politics and society. His anecdotes, sayings, and actions depart from the extant societal rules and confront them sarcastically. All forms of his community and kin keenly express their appreciation of this popular culture hero, revisiting his anecdotes through multiple rhetorical forms such as stories, jokes, proverbs, and children’s stories.This paper encompasses three sections. The first part identifies the characters Juha alArabi and Nasreddin Khoja al-Turki and recounts their histories by referencing Arab and Turkish sources. The second segment delves into the structure of stories, discussing the characters, their natures, and their functions in the exposition of the story. This section outlines the ways in which they interact with events as protagonists producing linguistic signs and generating paradoxical ideas of the familiar. It also examines the spatial structure of the settings, their aesthetics, and the roles they discharge in the development of the described events. Further, this section analyzes the chronological aspect, demonstrating how time functions to advance events and represent the historical ages in which the anecdotes occurred. The third part comprises the comparative investigation of the similarities and differences between the Arab and Turkish anecdotes and their distinct representations in Arabic and Turkish literature. The paper concludes with an overview of the most significant outcomes of the study.&nbsp;The study generally takes the descriptive approach and applies the principles established by the American school of comparative literature. It is grounded in seeking similar relationships between different geographies of literature and adopts the marriage of the artistic and the literary as a special approach. The American school expanded the field of comparison and liberated comparative literary studies from the confines of national frameworks and issues of influence and vulnerability. Rather, it scrutinizes literary traditions from the perspective of cultural exchange without the expression of preference for one literature over another except to the extent of the production of new images, patterns, and symbols. The American school of comparative literary study is founded on multiple pillars and incorporates the need to comprehensively study literary phenomena without taking political and linguistic barriers into account. This theoretical perspective relates to the study of history and literary works through an international lens; it allows the critical analyses of different bodies of literature without considering influence and vulnerability vis-à-vis the literary works of different nations and peoples as well as their arts, philosophies, histories, and social sciences.The most important findings of this study include the following:&nbsp;- The oral or written reports illustrate the similarities in the physical image of the two characters, Juha and Nasr al-Din Khoja. His most significant formal distinguishing characteristics comprise a turban, robes, a long beard, and medium stature. Juha is&nbsp;portrayed in most stories as accompanied by a donkey. This depiction incorporates paradoxes related to connotations of science and wisdom represented at the time by the turban in the relevant civilizations and the simplicity of rural life evoked by the donkey in the heartlands of Anatolia.- The personality depicted by Juha the Arab and Nasr al-Din Houja al-Turki is complex and his attributes are unusual. Arab popular culture apprehends this character as a foolish man who exists outside the framework of social assignments. Therefore, he claims the right to say what he wants to whosoever he wants and can directly express his thoughts.- Juha’s ambiguous and contradictory qualities and reactions distinguish him as the protagonist of anecdotes. His indeterminacy makes readers and audiences continuously search for definitive answers, entering a state of temptation to hunt down secrets that remain obscure and uncover the blockages.- The wit displayed in the anecdotes and the ability of the two characters to influence audiences and readers stems from the genius of the Arab and Turkish peoples and their skilled expressions of the hopes and pains of people along with their need to laugh in the darkest of times.- The Turkish Juha archetype influenced the Arab model, resulting in the similarities in the stories as well as in the two characters and their narrative functions in most anecdotes.Nasr al-Din Khoja distinguished himself from the Arab Juha in some respects. Some of the Turkish characters did not appear in the Arabic tales attributed to Juha. They included soldiers, judges, the administrator, the governor, the financial official, the teacher, students, and some of the masters of crafts disseminated during the Ottoman era. The omissions also encompassed the means of new Anatolian life in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries AD and were probably imposed by the absence of these aspects in the realities confronted by the Arab Juha.The character of Juha has been described in varied literary genres of Arabic literature. He appears in plays enacted in theaters and in oral or inscribed stories. Turkish literature has similarly invested the character of Nasreddin Hoxha in children’s literature, school books, novels, children’s programs, and short stories. These diffusions reference the position achieved by these two characters in the Arab imagination.&nbsp;

Arap ve Türk Edebiyatı Arasında (Nasreddin Hoca) Cuha Karşılaştırmalı Bir Edebi Çalışma

Tolga

According to the Tanakh, the Ark of the Covenant, which God had Moses build with the Sinai Revelation, has occupied an important place in the history of the early Israelites. Meanwhile, its name, nature, content, function, and fate continue to be the subjects of research. Due to its association with the so-called residence of God, a great holiness was attributed to it, while carrying the Ark was especially reserved for the Levities. The sacrifice was also given to the Kohanim (the privileged lineage of this tribe) in the context of service and reverence. Its passing into the hands of the Philistines was perceived as a divine warning, and it was returned to the Israelites with the miracles of God. In addition, King David, who brought it to Jerusalem, danced in front of it, while King Solomon had it placed in the holiest place of Beth haMikdash, which he had built.The Ethiopian tradition regarding the Ark has drawn considerable attention. First, because it mainly uses its original name, and second, because it states that they have this Ark today. While the Tanakh uses the Hebrew word “Aron” for the Ark, it states that it disappeared after the Babylonians destroyed the temple.As for the name of the Ark as Tabot (Tabut in the Qur’an) in Ethiopian literature, it has been attributed to Jewish sources by naming the chest in which Moses was placed by his mother as the Tabah. However, considering that the source of inspiration for the Ark is Egyptian culture, the main question is why the Tanakh calls the Ark “Aron” despite using this word in other contexts. However, the Qur’an and Ethiopian tradition continue to use the name of the culture from which the object was inspired.The fate of the Ark is quite different from the one described in the Tanakh, especially when we examine the Kebra Nagast, the national epic of Ethiopia. According to the legend, King Solomon’s son Menelik I was guided by the angel of God and he had the Tabot brought from Jerusalem to New Zion, with the help of the priest Azarias. The Tabot, which was brought to the city of administration through a legendary journey, has been moved to different places for security reasons several times in the historical process, according to the narratives in other written/oral sources. Ultimately, in Ethiopian tradition, it is accepted that the Tabot is still preserved in the Church of Mary Zion in Aksum.Interestingly, the journey of the Tabot to Ethiopia, which is the main theme of the Kebra Nagast, has been highly criticized. In addition to the two different journeys, the accommodation points in the narratives seem to be problematic in terms of geography. It is also suspected that it might have been brought to Aksum during the time of Menelik I. Beyond that, it is not known when it was placed in the church in Aksum. The fact that it is not mentioned at all in Ethiopian sources or that there are different narratives about it in different parts of Ethiopia prevents the formation of its uninterrupted and consistent narrative.&nbsp;Conversely, although the Ethiopian tradition preserves the original name of the Ark and claims that it was moved to these lands, they have become the representatives of a great transformation in this regard, with the meaning and perceptions attributed to its nature over time. In fact, in Ethiopian tradition, the Tabot appears to have turned into an altar tablet (similar in shape and function), which we encounter in Coptic and Syriac churches, rather than a chest. Based on this metaphorical name transformation, the chest or storage location where the tablet is placed is known as the Minbere Tabot. Thus, the altar tablet in other churches replaces the Ark in Ethiopia. In addition, the holiness of the Ark was transferred to it, and it was forbidden to touch or look at it. In fact, these altar tablets, which provided the legitimacy of each church, has not only resulted in the imitation of the Tabot, but it has also caused the emergence of more Tabots (tabotots) than the number of churches in Ethiopia. These tablets dedicated to God, Mary, and the saints have been identified with the beings to which they were dedicated. In a sense, these Tabots have become their place of residence and representation, just like the Ark. These Tabots also play a central role in today’s Timqat feast, and even though they are replicas, significant effort has been made to bring back each Tabot taken from the churches to Ethiopia. In this case, their return was enthusiastically welcomed by large crowds.Finally, the transformation of the original Tabot, preserved by a devoted clergyman in the church of Mary Zion, is its identification with Zion and Mary. Inheriting the Tanakh descriptions of Zion, the Ethiopian tradition gave Zion a new meaning: it is identical with the Ark of the Covenant and Mary. The fact that the Ark contains the tablets on which God’s words were written is kept the same as the Virgin Mary carrying Jesus in her womb. Consequently, the Ethiopian tradition and the Ark seem to have created the “New Ark of the Covenant,” just like the renewal of the same covenant in the transition from Judaism to Christianity. In this regard, by using his perception of holiness in the past, it not only sanctifies the altar tablet (which is the legitimacy tool of the churches) but also unites the old and new by making the Virgin Mary a partner in such holiness.&nbsp;

Etiyopya Kültüründe Ahit Sandığı (Tabot) Üzerine Bir İnceleme

“Comparative literature” that started with Villemain and Ampère in the first quarter of the 19th century, began to spread in the academic circles of Arab countries after the Second World War. However, comparisons were made between literary works in both the same language and different languages in Arabic literature before modern comparative literature. Comparisons in the same language in the classical period and comparisons between products in different languages usually occurred after the modern Arab Renaissance of the 19th century. This study aims to explore the first literary comparisons of classical Arabic literature before the modern Arab Renaissance. For this aim, this study will attempt to answer the questions of when the first literary the comparisons in Arabic literature began, how they developed, whether they were compared with literary products in different languages, and what was considered in comparisons. These literary criticisms dating back to pre-Islamic times were generally based on comparisons. These literary comparisons, which will continue to develop after Islam, with the literary comparisons during the 19th-century Arab Renaissance period will be the pioneer and preparation of the science of “Comparative Literature,” which will begin to spread in the Arab world in the late 20th century. However, while the term “mukârane” is used for literary comparisons in the modern period, for most of the literary comparisons up to the modern period, many terms such as “mufâdale,” “muvâzene,” “vasâta,” “musâvât,” “mukâbele” and “mukarane” are used because of being the pioneer and also included in literary criticism. In the Abbasid period, a different period was entered using the terms “muvâzene” and “vasâtâ” in the titles of literary comparison books. In some works, the terms “comparison” and “musâvât” are also used for comparison.The first examples of literary comparisons among Arabs are seen in private assemblies and “souk/sûk” (seasonal market) in the pre-Islamic period, which is also called the “Jahiliyyah” (Age of Ignorance). During this period, the qasidas were compared, and the best qasida and the best poet were determined. An example of the best qasidas is “Mu‘allaqât” (Suspended Odes or The Hanging Poems). The first literary comparison of who was the best poet recorded in the history of Arab literature is made by Umm Cundab.From the first period of Islam, it was not enough to make judgments based on literary taste, as in the period of “Jahiliyyah.” Besides literary taste, it is also considered that the poem’s content complies with the principles of Islam.However, in parallel with the efforts of language scholars to collect oral Arabic literature and set it down in writing and the translation movement that started at the end of the Umayyad period (661–750) and reached its peak in the first period of the Abbasid period (750–1258), language errors began to be mentioned in comparisons. In the same way, poetry collections, including tribal and poet divans and the best poems, started to be written. Then over time, the works called tabaqat, sariqat, muvâzene, and vasâta started to be written, each of which had a different comparison method than the previous one.Likewise, in the Ottoman period, as at the end of the Abbasid period, sometimes short and sometimes long comparisons in the type of “muvâzene” with detailed arguments were made. These comparisons are scattered in the language, rhetoric, literature, and history books written in the Ottoman period.Thus, it was seen that the early comparisons, which were sometimes made without any reason because of partial evaluations based on personal taste, were replaced by more objective aesthetic taste-based total evaluations over time. However, it is observed that all comparisons are made on literary works in the same language, except for a very few, and those made with literary products in different languages are partial comparisons. From all these, it can be concluded that literary comparisons were made in the classical period. However, this is very far from the methods of modern comparative literature at the beginning. This distance almost closed over time, and the only difference is that it is not made in a different language. However, it can also be concluded that the “muvâzene” works written with a particular method in the Abbasid period and after can be considered within the comparative literature circle since it is possible to compare the literary works written in the same language recently.&nbsp;

Klasik Arap Edebiyatında Edebi Karşılaştırmalar

Halil

The Ahbash community was founded under the leadership of Abdullah al-Habashi in the second half of the 20th century, when the most significant level of political and economic instability in Lebanon had occurred. Initially, Habashi focused on religious education and welfare activities. Eventually, over time, Habashi succeeded in mobilizing the crowds around him due to the influence of his writings and religious speeches. With time, he expanded his domain and became a recognized community leader in Lebanon. Establishing a bond with the traditions of Ahl as-Sunnah and its intense interaction with the Sufi environs contributed to the generous reception of the community, especially that of the Lebanese Sunni community. When radical discourse was increasing, the Ahbash community considered itself the exemplifier of a moderate and flexible interpretation of Islam against proviolence movements.Various academics have emphasized the claim that the Ahbash community, a significant influence in a short time, especially among the Sunni in Lebanon, adopted an exclusionary discourse based on an indiscriminate takfir against all Islamic movements. However, if we compare this claim with the purpose of the community and the traditions and intellectual heritage with which the community associates itself, the universal takfir idea constitutes a contradiction. This study aims to examine the validity and comprehensiveness of this claim and address the community’s discourse and attitude toward Islamic movements by focusing on the works of Abdullah al-Habashi, the founder of the Ahbash community, considering various perspectives.To analyze Abdullah al-Habashi’s exclusionary discourse and reveal the range of this discourse, this study will examine the core subjects intensively focused on by Abdullah al-Habashi in his works and the Ikhwan-i Muslim, Hizb ut-Tahrir, and Wahhabi movements, determined by Habashi as targets of criticism. Simultaneously, scholars have determined that the polemics and debates of the Ahbash community, especially among the local communities aiming to become effective in Lebanon, led to the adoption of harsh and exclusionary discourse by the community against these movements. Additionally, the scholarly community has come to regard the claim that the community is entirely takfirist against Islamic movements as exaggerated. Instead, the community limits the takfir notion to a particular sphere and concept.We can confidently state our opinion on the content of Habashi’s criticism of the abovementioned Islamic movements. If we consider Habashi’s criticism of Wahhabism, we understand that he focused on the point that the Wahhabism movement readily declares other Muslims as unbelievers. The Ahbash community emphasizes that, often, the Wahhabis operate the takfir mechanism in a cursory and reckless manner. At this point, when we examine the criticism of the Ahbash community’s Wahhabism movement, we notice that the community exhibits a similar generalist approach and cursory attitude on occasion. Habash defined some clergymen, such as Tahavi, as Salafists and distinguished between Wahhabism and Salafism. At this point, the Ahbash community denigrated the references attributed through the classical period of Wahhabism, pretended to understand them as a new structure, and aimed to dehistoricize them. According to Habashi, although the Wahhabis consider themselves within the notion of Salaf, this belief does not reflect reality. Furthermore, they are neither predecessors nor successors; instead, they have created a new religion.When we look at Habashi’s critique of the Muslim Brotherhood, we see his concerns about the ideas of Sayyid Qutb and Lebanon rather than the Muslim Brotherhood. At this point, I think what he means by “Ikhwan” in the context of the target of his criticism is the Ikhwan groups organized in Lebanon and under the intense intellectual influence of Qutb. This conclusion arises from the standard views of the organizations targeted by Habashi. They act within the boundaries of Lebanon, and they follow a campaign to influence the Sunni community. In this sense, we can claim that the rivalry between the Ahbash community and other Islamic movements regarding achieving and expanding their respective influences in Lebanon turned over time into a conflict. In this respect, we can examine a concrete example, Habashi’s criticisms of al-Jamaatu’l-Islamiyya, a more significant representative of the Lebanese Sunni community and the representative of Qutb’s ideas and the Lebanese branch of the Brotherhood. Therefore, we conclude that one of the motivations behind Habashi’s criticisms of this community is to gain influence in the Lebanese Sunni community. If we examine the criticisms of the Ahbash community toward the Hizb ut-Tahrir movement, we might infer that the community defines that group as a body that distorts religion, spreads false ideas, and encourages useless conflict and strife. Notably, this organization, which the Ahbash community has targeted, is a movement that campaigns to gain influence on the Sunnis in Lebanon.The primary focal point of the Ahbash community in its criticism of Hizb ut-Tahrir is to prove that they are not from the Ahl al-Sunnah creed. The Ahbash community is aware that as long as it proves this claim, it will find a response from the Sunni base.&nbsp;Shiite Hezbollah, one of the organizations that may be the subject of direct criticism by the Ahbash community, is not to be criticized in the works of the community. We can assume this is because Hezbollah is less likely to receive a response from the Sunni base and for this reason, is not perceived by Ahbash as a competitor. This selective attitude of the Ahbash community allows us to conclude that its reactivity against Islamist political movements that use violence as a tool is more opportunistic than principled. We reach this conclusion because the Ahbash community is concerned about maintaining good relations with Lebanese Hezbollah, which uses violence as an instrument of their actions. Conversely, the Ahbash community does not, as a rule, consider physical violence as a solution and attempts to maintain a distance between itself and physical violence.Regarding the works that contain this exclusionary discourse of the Ahbash community toward Islamic movements, the author recognized that these works addressed the main principles of religion directly rather than attributing them to daily life or the political preferences of the Islamic movements. The fact that Habashi made such a choice in this area confirms the author’s emphasis on the central issues of religion, which he perceives as the fundamental problem. However, it is significant that he also criticizes them on treatment matters. However, scholars recognize that the Ahbash community exhibits an opportunistic approach to some issues it criticizes. It also makes the takfir of Islamic movement leaders and members based on data whose purpose is not fully understood. On one hand, such an inaccurate method for making assumptions was criticized by the Ahbash community even though they used it to attack the abovementioned Islamic movements. On the other hand, one must acknowledge that the Ahbash community occasionally produces a similar approach.After the death of Abdullah al-Habashi, the founder of the community, in 2008, the Ahbash Movement did not undergo a significant decline or disintegration and managed to maintain its activities without stalling. This incident has highlighted the inadequacy of studies dealing with the Ahbash community on the axis of the charismatic leader cult. In this context, I believe that investigating the Ahbash community in terms of the principles and sources on which it is built will provide more substantial results.&nbsp;

“Dışlayıcı Söylem” Bağlamında Ahbaş Cemaati ve Çağdaş İslami  Hareketler Eleştirisi

Fatih

The Jewish people have led a nomadic life from the moment they appeared on the stage of history. The longing they experienced after the fall of the Kingdom of David in Jerusalem never ceased. Poland is one of the places where this longing was forgotten for a time, because Poland was the only European state that accepted the Jews fleeing violence. The biggest factor in this regard was the tolerant attitudes of the kings, the regional economic collapse that accompanied the Mongol attacks, and that Jews were needed. This led to mass Jewish migrations from early times onward. As a result, the Jewish people depicted Poland as a holy place and paradise and accepted the period between the 15th-18th centuries as a golden age.The main factor underlying this portrayal of Poland involves the privileges granted to the Jews. Rights were granted by the Polish ruler Boleslaw V (1221-1279) in 1264, and these rights were expanded upon during the reigns of Kasimir III (1310-1370) and Kasimir IV (1447-1492). The Jews’ existence was guaranteed by these privileges they’d been given, and were declared a separate group in terms of religion, nationality, and culture. During the reigns of Szigismund I (1467-1548) and Szigismund II (1520-1572), much broader rights were granted, including arrangements for families. The Jews did not consistently acquire rights. From time to time, they were also exposed to church-based pressures and prohibitions. Although a relatively safe environment had been provided for the Jews, the structure was still fragile. The traces of anxiety can still be seen in the statements from the rabbis of the period as well as in many of the decisions the council made so as not to provoke the Christian community. Jews were at times condemned to an ostracized and belittled attitude, based on the church in particular. The monarchy and landowners supported the Jews for financial reasons. While the guilds objected for commercial reasons, the villagers wanted to avoid the Jews as a reflection of oppression and authority. This complex balance of power was the main factor determining the Jews’ status.Polish Judaism was influenced by the Jewish culture from Germany. However, the fact that the Polish Jews accepted students and exported their cultural and social codes by sending clergy out revealed their originality and independence, and Poland became an international center of religious attraction. During this period, many important personalities were raised during this period, with Rabbi Jacob Polak (1460/70-1522) as the founder of the Pilpul method and the one to first establish the yeshiva in Poland, and his student Rabbi Shalom Shakhna (d. 1558) being two important names whose appointments had been made directly by the kingdom. Another name revered by the Jews from this period revered is Rabbi Moses Isserless (1525/30-1572), who worked on the codifiying of halakha and on the appendix (Mappah) to Rabbi Joseph Karo’s (1488-1575) book Shulchan Arukh. Having become a center of religious attraction, Poland also came to the fore with its printing and publishing activities. Printing houses in Poland hosted the printing of works in Hebrew and Yiddish languages from many fields such as the halakha, prayer literature, and mysticism in particular the Talmud. Undoubtedly, these editions were also influential in the creation of an original understanding of the Jews.The most important part of the privileges granted to the Jews was the Jewish autonomy that was in effect between 1581-1764. Wa’ad ‘Arba Aratsoth [The council of four countries] had formed with the participation of Greater Poland (Poznan), Lesser Poland (Krakow-Lublin), Belarus (Lemberg), and Volhinya (Ostrog-Kremenetz), in which took its power from Wa’ad ha-Galil [local organizations]. The local organizations were also divided into a hierarchy of large, then independent, followed by dependent urban communities. This gradual autonomous structure affected every aspect of life. Although the council had been established to collect taxes, it had functions beyond this. While it was the official representative of the Jewish community on one hand, on the other it operated as the umbrella organization for all institutions. Certain takana [arrangements] were made in Jewish printing houses, and even an opinion was requested from the council regarding the events taking place outside of Poland.The council functioned to achieve the practical purposes of the monarchy. In this way, a single mechanism would be contacted in terms of management, and financial resources were guaranteed by collecting taxes from a single source. While, the claim has been made that Jewish identity and consciousness had been secured and their interests defended by preserving the existing structure, the same structure has also been argued to have become increasingly dependent on the monarchy and to have turned into a tool of exploitation. In summary, the fact that the secular leaders began to have a say in the power struggle of the nobility damaged the rabbinate and the council. Problems with taxation also caused the council to be dissolved in 1764.The sanctions and concessions affected not only the fields of activity but also the settlements. Those who came preferred to move from West to East and from the center to the border areas in settlements under the rule of the nobility. The Jews were unable to own land, and their business relationships with the nobles had led them to commercial activities. The nobles rented their properties to the Jews under the practice known as arenda [lease of rights], which identified the Jews and gave them important status. The practice of mamram put an end to carrying money and was expressed as promissory notes; this was another commercial enterprise of the Jews that marked the period. This allowed secure shopping to occur and made commercial activities easier. The Jews played an important role in Western-Central Europe’s trade with Istanbul and provided important economic inputs to people from all walks of life through their contributions to converting grain into a substance used in the production of alcoholic beverages. This trade network and economic return highlight the vacuum the Jews filled and the role they played in the Polish economy.&nbsp;While this whole process had at first provided Jewish people with a safe atmosphere and a certain level of social status, it ironically led to the emergence of anti-Semite violence. The main addressees were the nobility and the Catholics. The damage to the power of the nobles also threatened the situation of the Jews, because they served as the administrators as well as financiers of the authority and oppression of the nobility. When the Kazakh and Haidamak uprisings combined with the problems brought by the Russian-Swedish occupation, serious problems arose. The process leading to Poland being partitioned with the war, the course of the economy, social fragmentation, and the annexation of lands also affected the Jews. The Jewish community was divided into various groups, and the Council was dissolved. This mixed environment in Poland required the Jewish community to migrate or to become dominated by the surrounding countries. The fact that these Jews who’d dispersed into many countries in the following period were Polish in origin reveals that they were an important community in the world of Jewish history. In addition, the organized structure they produced served as an important parameter for many people in the period that followed and served as a prototype for the Jews in the diaspora.&nbsp;

Tarihi Süreç İçerisinde Doğu Avrupa Yahudiliği: XV-XVIII. yüzyıl  Polonya Örneği

Mahmut

The word “color” is defined as the feature that distinguishes one thing from another. Colors initially used by people to define their environments were over time transfigured into symbols or signs of different ideas. Eventually, colors became invested with cultural, social, political, and religious significations. The physiological and emotional impact of color on every individual is influenced by varied factors such as past experiences, culture, religion, natural environment, gender, race, and nationality. Colors are used effectively in almost all areas of life and have become a psychological tool. They can transmit positive or negative messages, encourage sales, calm a crowd, remove exuberance, or perform diverse therapeutic functions. Colors denote a non-verbal form of communication. Every color is vested with numerous aspects. The meanings assigned to colors may vary depending on cultures and conditions.Culture and religion function as factors that designate the positive and negative meanings of colors. For example, black represents the negative aspects of life in black Arabic literature. Because it has been used to describe black people in cases such as infidelity or deception, murder or fear in the stories told in some works, the color is considered as bad luck or bad luck, the color black as death, extinction and death the use of black color in proverbs to describe bad, difficult and distressing situations and to describe bad things in daily conversations.Black appears in different forms in six verses of the Qur’an. It is used to describe situations such as determining the time of fasting or specifying the colors of the roads passing over the mountains. It is also employed to characterize infidels, criminals, and hypocrites. It is used in varied forms in the hadiths: to indicate the color of people, animals, clothing, and various foods as well as to symbolize evil, sin, darkness, devil, and the color of hellfire. White conveys a positive significance for many reasons. Because it has been used to express for beautiful things in prayers, the dog with different colors, etc. the choice of the white one of the two animals, the color of white being an indicator of wealth and nobility, the color of the night sometimes turning white, the body of some deceased persons being white, the adjective of chaste and chaste people with the word white, the previous prophets wearing white clothes, the envoys wearing white clothes, the use of the white handkerchief as a symbol of peace, the use of white as a sign of optimism in ancient works, and the use of white for good things in proverbs. White is mentioned in different forms in twelve verses of the Qur’an. Some verses designate white as the color of the rope, goblet, or milk; in others, it is used to describe the light bestowed on the visage of believers and indicates mercy, good news, and virtue. In some hadiths, angels of mercy generally represent “white” states such as mercy, modesty, cleanliness, goodness, humility, purity, guidance, being removed from fitnah, and being in Paradise.Red is used negatively in Arabic literature because it has been used to described to the severity of the war and the multitude of those who died in the war, the red eye as a sign of wrath, the danger, the devil, the rage and lust. However, no verse in the Qur’an employs red to denote a negative meaning. Red is used both metaphorically and literally in the hadiths to convey numerous negative meanings such as to reflect the color of the Prophet’s angry face, to represent the color of long-burning hellfire and drought, and cited as considered by the Prophet to be a distracting color and a source of strife. Red is also employed to transmit positive connotations: red clothes or accessories such as hats and turbans signify boasting; red jewels such as rubies and red roses symbolize love; red cheeks indicate beauty; a red face epitomizes shyness in literary expression. Redness is often considered an indicator of health and physical strength; it also arouses extreme desire and is accepted as the color of freedom.Blue is invested with negative connotations in Arabic literature because It is seen as the color of smoke, the king of the jinn is accepted as blue, some Romans fought by Muslims have blue eyes, and those who are far right or band of partisans are described as blue. It is mentioned as a sign of fear in the Qur’an and the hadiths. Noteworthily, the color blue attains a positive meaning in Arabic literature in congruence with the changes in the perception of blue eyes over time. With time, blue begins to transmit the additional sense of peace and calmness it evokes in people because it appears as the color of the sea and the sky. Blue is regarded in the early periods as the eye color of the enemy but later turns into the eye color of the beloved and also represents calmness, peace, thought, and optimism.Green is used positively in Arabic literature. It has become the symbol of jewelry such as emerald and ruby, describing fertility and abundance, adding a different beauty to the beauty of nature, telling good deeds with green, the domes of various masjids and mosques being green or naming them with the color green. characterizing people with good manners and adab as green-hearted, and naming some black virtuous people as green. Eight verses of the Qur’an mention green to convey favorable meanings: it describes the color of the earth, the revival of nature, the color of heaven and its clothes and life. In the hadiths, the green indicates the verdure and peace in the world and is imbued with positive signification because the Prophet wore and recommended green clothes, and it was designated as the color of heaven.Arabic literature infuses yellow with negative connotations: The person’s skin color becomes yellow due to extreme anger, fear or various diseases, blond people are reproached or vilified, and the color yellow is used more in the sense of envy in proverbs. The Qur’an mentions yellow to denote varied phenomena, four negative and one positive. In three verses, yellow describes attractiveness, transience, and submissiveness to worldly life; one verse denotes it as the color of the camel to indicate the severity or magnitude of fear. The affirmative connotations of yellow could be ascribed to the following reasons: In some periods, blonde women are considered as beauty monuments, the colors of various&nbsp;assets such as the moon, sun and stars, and precious materials such as gold and saffron are yellow, and yellow dresses were popular for a period. The Qur’an mentions yellow in a positive sense as the color of ornament and charm. The hadiths record various rumors that the Prophet dyed his hair, beard, turban, and clothes yellow; that he liked to have his hair dyed yellow; that his favorite color was yellow; and that yellow denoted the color of the flag.Colors are used effectively in almost all areas of human life, and it would thus be inappropriate to contemplate them separately from poetry, which emanates from society. Arab poets handled colors meticulously and used them extensively in their poetry: in descriptions of nature, sometimes using the different tones of the same hue for other types of poetry, and sometimes to evoke phenomena such as darkness, light, blood, or sea, garden, and sun. The colors used in Arabic poetry may be said to be shaped in concordance with the contemporary living environment of poets. For instance, green is almost non-existent in the Arabic poetry of the Jahiliyya period but was used abundantly during the Abbasid era, which also denotes the time when colors began to be effectively used in poetry to describe people.In general, black, red, blue, and yellow are negatively connoted. White and green are accorded more positive significations and uses. However, no color should be evaluated merely as positive or negative, or as specific to a certain poetic theme. Numerous poetic examples may be cited to demonstrate that almost every poet has used the same color to denote different people and to connote both positive and negative meanings. Therefore, colors may be asserted to be shaped in accordance with the imaginations or experiences of poets. Black and white stand out as colors used consistently and effectively in all periods. Exception examples may be observed in colors used in poems written from the Jahiliyya period to the Modern era; however, it can be claimed that colors preserve their first meanings.&nbsp;

Arap Şiirinde Temel Renklerin Anlamsal Boyutları ve Değişim Süreci

Abdulmelik

Günümüz Ölçü Birimlerine Göre Tarım Ürünlerinin Zekât Nisabının Tespiti

Büşra

This article discusses the role madrasas had in establishing social order between the Mamluk political elite and the civil elite through the examples of four madrasas as higher education institutions in Mamluk Cairo. Mamluk Cairo was specifically chosen for the study because of the madrasa institution saw more widespread use in this city as a place for higher education activities. The Mamluk political elite used their resources to rebuild the city of Cairo and give it an intellectual face, as well as to ensure the continuity and transformation of their own authority and political power. The establishment of an environment of stability and trust, especially during the long-term rule of Sultan Mansur Qalawun and his sons, was supported by the magnificent higher education institutions the Qalawun dynasty built in Cairo. These architectural structures changed the physical outlook of the city and affected the intellectual life of Mamluk society. After the Mongol invasions, the city of Cairo became a place where religious and worldly authorities were gathered. Because of the Mongol raids, which had greatly affected the Islamic world, the Abbasid caliphate of Baghdad was destroyed, and the communities in this region took refuge in Mamluk lands. Tired of the Crusader invasions that continued for many years, Andalusian Muslims also migrated in groups to Mamluk lands, which they considered safer for themselves. The Mamluk State was the only political power to survive the Mongol invasions and the Crusades and protected the people belonging to each of the four Sunni madhabs who’d united in these lands under its rule. After the collapse of the Abbasid Caliphate in 1258, the Mamluks achieved victory against the Mongols in 1260 and brought the caliphate to Cairo. In the following period, the cities under Mamluk rule gained a central position with their military, political, and commercial superiority.Bringing together religious and worldly authority, the Mamluk political elites gave great importance to the development of scientific life through the madrasas and similar institutions they established in these lands. Since the early years of the Mamluks, the number of madrasas in Cairo that had been established by the political elite and were supported by wealthy waqfs showed a substantial improvement compared to previous Islamic cities. Many people from various ethnic origins and madhabs from almost every region of the Islamic world were able to find a place for themselves in Cairo’s network of intellectual activity. The establishment of numerous madrasas the sultans had built during the Mamluk period and the allocation of wealthy waqfs to these madrasahs for maintaining scientific activities made a significant contribution to Cairo’s intellectual life. The political elite’s support of the four Sunni madhabs in Cairo through the institutions they’d established for education and knowledge production enabled the Mamluk State to become the intellectual center of Islamic civilization as well as a political, military, and commercial center. Allocating almost every madrasa the Mamluk sultans had built for the education of the four Sunni madhabs paved the way for the members of each madhab to produce the knowledge they needed in Mamluk lands. The ministers the Sultan appointed to these madrasas, the courses determined in the madrasa foundation, and the interventions of the political elite regarding who would enter the ranks in the madrasa ensured the continuity of scientific activities with financial support while enabling the political elite to gain a certain prestige in the eyes of the people and ensure the legitimacy of their political power. The Mamluk political elite supported the ulama class, which represented the main power of the social structure, and openly allocated material resources to their intellectual activities, recognizing the authority the ulama had over society on one hand and seeing the ulama as a mediator in cases of conflict that might occur between society and the political elite on the other.This study aims to reveal the role of the madrasa institution in establishing social order and transmitting higher Islamic knowledge in Mamluk Cairo based on the tabaqat works the ulama of the period had written after the Mongol invasions and on the information transferred to the waqf records of the period. In this sense, studies in the field provide enlightening information on the support the madrasa institution received for higher education activities. Madrasas corresponded to a structure that increased the intellectual attractiveness of the city while ensuring the spread of higher education in Mamluk Cairo. Besides representing an important channel in the transfer and dissemination of knowledge in Mamluk Cairo, the madrasa institution on this point also served as an intermediary between the civil and political elite for the establishment of social order.The four different madrasas built by different strata of the political elite as discussed in this study reveal great diversity when defining any madrasa in Mamluk Cairo. As a matter of fact, the characteristics of each madrasa varied in direct proportion to the financial means of the founder who’d built the madrasa or the income allocated to it. The madrasas in Mamluk Cairo had mostly been built by the sultans. These madrasas were relatively large solid structures and institutions where the education of the four Sunni madhabs was officially carried out. In addition to fiqh education, these madrasas had departments that also taught other fields of Islamic sciences, logic, mathematics, astronomy, and medicine. The spaces allocated for Friday prayers in most of these madrasas ensured the creation of sociocultural environments inside these buildings of higher education&nbsp;where the public could be welcomed. Regarding these madrasas’ waqfs, the compulsory courses during Ramadan and the three holy months enabled people from almost every segment of society, including women and children, to access Islamic knowledge. The mausoleums the founders of the madrasas had included in them were set aside for the one who’d dedicated the madrasa and his family; these mausoleums were met with respect on social grounds as a manifestation of the political elite’s respect and religious prayers. The Mamluk political elite’s patronage of the scholarly practices of the ulama extended the higher education activities in Mamluk Cairo within the madrasa and ensured the establishment of a patronage network between the civil and political elite.Mamluk madrasas had a great vitality that enabled men and women from almost every part of society to take part in the intellectual circles. Supported by the political elite, the ulama made great efforts to transmit information to almost every layer of society. Regarding this point, the higher education structure in Mamluk Cairo hosted a diversity and richness that could not be contained in any single definition of madrasa. The Mamluk madrasas had the characteristics of higher education institutions, as understood from their endowments and tabaqats. These institutions had diversity and differences in line with the opportunities their waqfs provided. However, higher education in Mamluk Cairo was not only centered in the madrasa. The data in the tabaqats indicate the ulama who constituted the cultural elite in Mamluk Cairo to have greatly influenced higher education activities. In the Cairo of the period, scientific activities spread to an area that could not be limited just to the madrasas, with khanqahs, ribāts, shrines, mosques, libraries, and ulama houses also being places where intellectual activities were carried out intensively. When considering the number of scientific activities, the ulama of the period recorded, the limited number of professorships in Cairo’s madrasas caused a certain area of struggle and competition to appear among the ulama.Madrasas showed the characteristics of higher education institutions in Mamluk Cairo and were recorded in the history and tabaqats of the period mostly in terms of rank appointments. Regarding students’ scientific practices, the madrasa institution was recorded in connection with one’s accommodations and salary. The madrasa structures the political elite had built in Mamluk Cairo increased the authority of the ulama in the eyes of the political elite and society. While the right to appoint someone among the ranks of the Cairo madrasas was in theory defined under the authority of the sultan or minister, the determining factor in practice was the ulama. For the ulama and their great cultural capital, the ranks of professorship corresponded to various fields of competition and struggle. Meanwhile, the Mamluk sultan and his emirs changed the face of the city quite a lot by building higher education institutions that would increase their reputation in the eyes of the civil elite and society. The biggest contribution from the madrasas to society in Mamluk Cairo was their expansion of higher education activities. The authority the ulama had in higher education activities requires the issue be evaluated from a perspective wider than an approach centered only on the institution.&nbsp;

Siyasî ve Sivil Elit Arasında Toplumsal Düzenin Mekânsal  Organizasyonu: Memlük Kahiresinde Dört Farklı Medrese Örneği

Ahmet

Öğretim Görevlisi

Ana Dili Arapça Olmayan Öğrenciler İçin Sözcüksel Yeterlilikler ve Öğrencilerin  Beklenen Performansına Uygunluğu “Uygulamalı Bir Çalışma”

Fadi

Entrustment Ethics and Secularism: Taha Abdurrahman’s  Perspective

Enes

Muhammed Manazir Ahsen’in “Abbasiler Döneminde Sosyal Hayat  (170-289 Hicri/786-902 Miladi)” adlı eserinin değerlendirilmesi

Mustafa

Osmanlı’nın Kudüs’te Nüfuz ve Meşruiyet Arayışı (1703-1789)

Emrah

M. Mustafa Çakmaklıoğlu’nun Tasavvuf İsimli Kitabının  Değerlendirmesi

Orhun

Maribel Fierro’nun “III. Abdurrahman: İlk Kurtuba Halifesi” adlı  eserinin değerlendirilmesi

Cansu

Batı’da İbn Arabî Öğretisinin Yansıması Olarak Velayet:  Michel Chodkiewicz Örneği

Necmettin

Prof.

YUNUS EMRE ÖZEL SAYISI (ARALIK 2021) YAZI ÇAĞRISI

Hatice

Şeyhülislamın Gerçekleşen Rüyası: Evkaf Bankası’ndan Vakıf Katılım’a Para Vakfıyla Banka Kurma

Kevser

Before the production of separate works on al-awāil, which has the definitions of knowing the beginning of important works, the first things done and the first doers, and the one thing that happened before any other, al-awāil reports can be seen to have occurred in historical and prophetic biographical (al-Sīra al-Nabawiyya) sources. The legitimation of people or authority is well known to have been quite effective in the emergence of al-awāil narrations. Undoubtedly, the legitimacy of a new administration depends on gaining the acceptance of society with regard to political, religious, and cultural topics. However, an important obstacle appears to have existed for the Umayyad dynasty following the Khulafāʾ al-Rāshidūn period. This is because the practices of the Umayyad state concerning political and religious topics, as well as the narration stating, “Those to change the Sunnah of the Prophet for the first time will be one among the Umayyads” had both caused some controversy with regard to their legitimacy.Though a lot of first-time (al-awwal) practices were attributed to the Umayyads due to being a new administration, they are historically seen as the continuation of a process that had started with the Prophet. The attribution of such al-awāil reports to the Umayyads poses a problem as they had caused a certain paradigm regarding this dynasty. For this reason, the current study presents whether the Umayyads had really been the first ones with regard to the subjects in which they are said to have been the first, whether they had continued the practices from the period of the Prophet and the Khulafā’ al-Rāshidūn, and whether al-awāil narrations that were attributed to them regarding political, religious, and cultural subjects had been influential in the Umayyads gaining acceptance or not. This study also aims to determine whether these narrations had had a positive or negative impact on the perceptions toward the Umayyad State.In this context, the study analyzes al-awāil reports attributed either to those descended from the Umayyad dynasty or to those officially employed by the Umayyad State specifically with regard to the earliest extant al-awāil works, namely al-Musannaf by Ibn Abī Shayba (d. 235/849), Kitab al-Awāil by Ibn Abī ‘Āṣim (d. 287/900), al-Aʻlāq alnafīsa by Ibn Rusta (d. 300/913), and al-Maḥāsin wa’l-Masāwī by Bayhaqi (d. 320/932). Although various al-awāil narrations are found to have been attributed to members of the Umayyad dynasty, this study has only analyzed the narrations in al-awāil sources mentioned above within the context of the Umayyad government’s legitimacy.The study classified al-awāil narrations attributed to the Umayyads classified in political, religious, and cultural terms and then compared them to the practices that occurred during the time of the Prophet and the Khulafā’ al-Rāshidūn. At the same time, the study supported this method using the literature review, analysis, and holistic approach methods and avoided anachronism while doing this. Though studies on al-awāil do exist in the field of hadith, the fact that al-awāil narrations have not been studied in the context&nbsp;of the legitimacy of the Umayyad rulers who have an important place in Islamic history is what makes this study valuable.This study takes the opinion that certain first-time practices such as maqsūrah, ad̲h̲ān, and mahr can be analyzed either both politically and religiously or both politically and culturally. In order to not fall into repetition, however, the study has preferred to evaluate such first-time practices under only one title that is thought to outweigh the others. Some of those to whom al-awāil reports had been attributed had also served the Caliphs from the Khulafāʾ al-Rāshidūn period. However, identifying an exact date when the practices attributed to them first occurred is quite obviously difficult as the concept of “first” has an ambiguous use. Because the Umayyads and their rulers had mostly converted to Islam in the later period after the conquest of Mecca, that the study prefers to accept first-time practices mentioned here to have happened during the Umayyad period needs to be stated.al-Awāil reports mentioned in regard to administrative topics are seen to focus on the steps the Umayyads had taken, especially with regard to how the rulers had slowly moved away from society in order to become a monarch, establish their power, and institutionalize. While these al-awāil narrations generally involve Muʿāwiya ibn Abī Sufyān, Ziyad b. Abih and Hajjaj ibn Yusuf, certain events experienced at that time such as the Battle of Karbala are also noteworthily attributed as first-time events. The firsttime narrations related to altering the Sunnah of the Prophet, the titles used by the rulers, the vehicles they’d receive, being gifted a decapitated head, the Battle of Karbala, and adding Ziyād to the lineage of Abī Sufyān are understood to have been produced later for the purpose of creating negative perceptions toward the Umayyads.Obviously al-awāil reports on building a city, passing the Balkh River, and constructing a ship with regard to the wars the Umayyads had fought to expand their borders were actually a continuation of the practices from the previous periods and cannot be regarded as actual first-time practices. Along with presenting the richness of the state, because the matters of ornamenting dirham coins, getting money from the bazaar, and quantity of mahr are closely related to ostentatiousness, they cannot be said to have contributed to the Umayyads’ good image. The aim of having such reports declared is understood to have been not to actually inform about this very subject but to stimulate and reinforce a negative image. However, all the first-time practices mentioned here can be said to have been positive steps the Umayyads had taken toward institutionalizing the state and therefore are worthy of being called first-time practices.The fact that the Umayyads had used issues related to worshipping and aḥkām [judgement], especially the ad̲hān, minbar, and khuṭbah, for political purposes to make people adapt to their administration and accept their legitimacy was considered to be in a manner that contradicted the Prophet’s practices and thus caused religious criticism. As a result, the Abbasids used this against the Umayyads and turned it into propaganda to lay the foundations for their own state. No first-time practices are found that can be attributed to the Umayyads regarding the hajj, qira’at, qāḍī, and testimony, and even though these were all practiced during the period of the Prophet and the Khulafāʾ alRāshidūn, these can be taken as other negative attitudes toward the Umayyads regarding religion, especially when not considering the background of the situation regarding the hajj and qira’at. As a result, these were found to have become elements that put the Umayyads at a disadvantage.With regard to cultural practices (i.e., al-awāil reports on naming and clothing attributed to the Umayyads), the Umayyads were understood to have not been the first ones to do these. The names Abd al-Malik and Abd al-Aziz had been given personally by the Prophet, and the shoes (khuff) and cotton fabric types narrated in al-awāils had also been used during the time of the Prophet. While a regional first-time practice did exist regarding water and snow, the Umayyads were observed to have made practices contrary to those of the Prophet, although different al-awāil reports are found about riding on a camel or horse during a funeral. In this case, the Umayyads cannot be argued to have brought about an innovation or bid’ah to the society in general.In conclusion, certain al-awāil reports attributed to the Umayyads can be said to have been especially included in al-awāil literature as a result of the state founders’ efforts to be taken on as the fathers of that state and to institutionalize it. However, the Umayyads were seen to have been unsuccessful at being adopted by the society and forming an origin story but to have been successful with regard to gaining power. Most of al-awāil narrations that had created negative impressions about the Umayyads actually had the characteristic of having maintained the practices of the Prophet and the Khulafāʾ alRāshidūn. However, they were the first ones from their own period regarding topics where they’d continued the practices of the Prophet and the Khulafāʾ al-Rāshidūn. They were also seen to have actually continued the Prophet’s practices with regard to certain practices in which al-awāil reports say they opposed the Prophet, especially about religious subjects. Yet, because the Umayyads had acted differently from the Prophet regarding the topics of ad̲h̲ān, the minbar, and khuṭbah, which the Abbasids in fact had politicized despite being religious elements, the perception had occurred that Umayyads were generally not cautious enough about religion. Moreover, the real purpose of many of al-awāil narrations about the Umayyads that stated them to have been the first ones despite not actually being the first, was obviously to create a negative impression of them.&nbsp;

Rivayetten İktidara Bir Temel: Emevîlere Atfedilen Evâil Haberleri

Ömer

One of the most widely commented upon and translated works of Islamic literature is Kaʿb ibn Zuhayr’s (d. 24/645 ?) Qasīdah al-Burdah, also known as Bānat Suʿād [Suʿād has departed] due to its opening words. Kaʿb ibn Zuhayr presented this poem to Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) in person and received his praise and benevolence, with the poem having since been highly regarded for its spiritual and literary value in all Islamic states. It continued to be a prominent text in literary circles during the Ottoman period and was consistently translated and commented upon in Turkish. In this regard, Qasīdah al-Burdah managed to maintain its place on the agenda without being neglected until the last years of the Ottoman Empire and even into Türkiye’s Republican Period.One of the most recent Turkish translations of Qasīdah al-Burdah belonged to an apparently unknown author named Zeynelābidin Bey from Isparta. Published in 1928, this prose work was titled Hadīqa-i Samaratu’l-Fuʾād [the fruits of the walled garden of the heart] and according to our findings is the first and only independent Turkish translation of Qasīdah al-Burdah printed in Arabic script.As far as can be seen, no independent study has yet occurred regarding Zeynelâbidin Bey of Isparta. However, he was a person who’d witnessed many important events in his period and was also a prolific author who wrote many works. Zeynelābidin Bey served under the command of famous Ottoman pashas such as Djemal Pasha (d. 1922), Kāzim Karabekir Pasha (d. 1948), Fakhri Pasha (d. 1948), and Ali Fuat Cebesoy (d. 1968) on critical fronts such as Gallipoli and al-Ḥijāz and wrote his important memories about his experiences on these fronts in his remarkable autobiography titled Ben Kimim? [Who Am I?]. This text is understood to have been prepared in the late 1930s and is a valuable resource that can shed light on the political, military, and scientific fronts of the period as it presents his education and duties, the fronts where he fought, the pashas he served, the people he contacted, his adventures in the National Struggle, his ideas about society, his library he said he’d created with great care, and a comprehensive breakdown of his 100 works, both those that were published and those only prepared for publication. In terms of the purpose of its writing, Who Am I? brings to mind the attempt of a person who’d been accused of certain allegations in both periods he lived in (i.e., the Second Constitutional Monarchy and the Republic) to express, defend, justify, and thus maintain his hold by revealing his past with all the documents in his possession.According to this autobiography titled Who Am I?, Zeynelābidin Bey had been born in Isparta in 1308 AH (1890-1 CE) and completed his education in the most popular classical and modern educational institutions of the period, graduating from the Faculty of Theology at Dārülfünūn. During these years, he also worked as a teacher in some educational institutions in Istanbul, including Galatasaray High School.In light of the information he generously provided about himself, Zeynelābidin Bey appears to have led a very troublesome life filled with ordeals, and he survived largely through his scholarly, literary, and social engagements. The author’s sorrowful life did not prejudice his faith or beliefs, and he was committed to the idea of Pan-Islamism unity, keeping his distance from active political life as much as possible and carrying out his services and activities mostly through these scientific and social activities. He is also portrayed as a pious man of action who made significant contributions to the National Struggle movement with his sermons and writings from Rumelia. However, his autobiography reveals that he’d spent his years as a person who could not find the environment he sought or expected in the new order, and thus was unable to connect.By listing his works one by one in his autobiography, Zeynelābidin Bey appears as an extremely prolific author who has prepared some 100 works, 13 of which had already been published and 86 of which are in preparation for publication. These works cover a wide variety of subjects, ranging from tafsir, psychology, fiqh, and sociology to hunting and archery. One of the most important texts among these works, which include some remarkable texts such as Hicaz’ı Nasıl Kaybettik? [How We Lost Hidjāz], Isparta Tarihi [The History of Isparta], Vehhâbî Mezhebine Reddiye [Refutation to the Wahhābism], Şeyhülislamlar Tarihi [History of the Shaykh al-Islāms], is his Turkish prose translation of the famous poem Qasīdah al-Burdah, which the Companion Kaʿb b. Zuhayr presented to the Prophet to ask for forgiveness and for which the Prophet wrapped him in his mantle as a gift in return. This translation was titled Hadīqa-i Samaratu’l-Fuʾād and published in 1928, the year of the Alphabet Reform; it is probably one of the last works to be published in Arabic script. The translator, who had originally intended a more comprehensive translation and commentary but had to settle for a short translation due to health problems, noteworthily reported that his work, of which a significant number of copies (6000) were printed, had sold out within 10 years. In addition to being an important example of a literary text translated with literary care, the work is also of particular importance due to the organized information it contains on the constructed and periodical characteristics of Topkapı Palace on the occasion of the Khirqa-i Saʿāda [Prophet’s cardigan], which is related to the ode. Technical details such as the Arabic text of the qasidah having been proofread by İsmāil Sāib Sencer (d. 1940) and the full text at the end being written in Mustafa Halim Özyazıcı’s (d. 1964) calligraphy reveal the scholarly and artistic quality of the work, as well as its value as an edition.The study makes within its scope a brief analysis of Hadīqa-i Samaratu’l-Fuʾād, including a translation of the text, and attempts to outline a biography of the author through his work titled Ben Kimim?. Zeynelābidin Bey is expected to become the subject of new and more detailed studies due to him having been a witness to his era, as well as for the many works he wrote.

Meçhul Bir Muharrir, Meşhur Bir Kaside: Ispartalı Zeynelâbidin Bey ve Hadîka-i Semeretü’l-Fuâd İsimli Kasîde-i Bürde Tercümesi*

Bünyamin

Ibn Hishām stated that iʻrāb must be done by considering the meaning and as required by the meaning, otherwise wrong results will be achieved. Tammām Hassān expressed this situation as grammatical analysis based on meaning which necessarily requires consideration of context. Accordingly, context, has internal and external elements and can determine not only the lexical meaning of the word, but also its functional meaning. From the interpreter’s point of view, the effects of contextual elements on grammatical analysis can be seen in the following ways: by not analyzing unknown words, by listing the possibilities in meaningful words or by making a choice based on contextual factors. This study will discuss how iʻrāb is based on meaning at the levels of lexical and contextual meaning after explaining some basic concepts of meaning and iʻrāb. In this sense the study will research the aspects on which the grammatical analyses of the preposition mā in the sixth verse of Sūrah Yāsīn are based, reveal the linguistic, epistemological and theological foundations on which the grammatical analysis is based, chronologically review the grammatical comments and evaluate the dimensions of the relationship between meaning and iʻrāb within the framework of the concept of tawaqquf.Tawaqquf is a general term that means the dependence of one thing’s existence on another. Tawaqquf in grammatical analysis refers to the dependence iʻrāb has on meaning. As a result of this iʻrāb is impossible for sentences whose meaning is unknown, and one of the possible iʻrāb cases cannot be preferred using purely grammatical methods in sentences whose meaning is known. In such a case, the exegete can be content by listing the possible iʻrāb cases, by referring to other verses if the text of the Qur’an is in question or by referring to the contextual elements surrounding the text. The decisive factor in matters such as putting the possible iʻrāb cases in order of correctness and eliminating one of the possibilities or preferring one over the other is the context of linguistic expression. In some sentences, the context necessitates one iʻrāb case while other times may allow all cases equally. This situation is the appearance of polysemy at the syntactic level, which is one of the reasons leading to tawaqquf and referred to in the Arabic language as iltibās, ġumūd, labs, taʻaddud al-awjuh and ihtimālāt iʻrābiyyah. This language fact can occur due to reasons related to phonetic, morphological, syntactic and semantic aspects and is expressed through the concept of ambiguity in English. Ambiguity means: 1) having more than one semantic interpretation of syntax structure 2) the situation in which a linguistic form leads to two or more interpretations in the absence of correspondence between form and meaning and 3) having more than one syntactic structure of a sentence. In such ambiguity, the exegete has to refer to the linguistic and extra linguistic elements surrounding the expression. This shows the analysis to have an aspect that goes beyond grammatical boundaries the iʻrāb process to be one carried out based on the meaning, and the historical, epistemological and theological elements to be able to be determinant regarding the grammatical analysis.&nbsp;Ibn Hishām (d. 761/1360) focused on the relationship between iʻrāb and meaning in the section of his book Muġni’l-Lebīb titled “Possible Objections to the Exegete Regarding İʻrāb” and emphasized at the beginning of this section that iʻrāb should be done by considering meaning and as required by the meaning. According to Ibn Hishām, the exegete has to know the meaning of the expression upon which he wants to perform the iʻrāb at the word and sentence levels. Considering this necessity at the word level results in the inability to do iʻrāb for words that are included in the sentence construction but whose meanings are unknown. For example, some letters in the beginning of certain Sūrahs of Qur’an, have no iʻrāb. In addition, the meanings of all the words in a sentence should be determined in order for the iʻrāb process to take place. At the sentence level, wrong results are achieved if the iʻrāb is not done by considering the meaning and direction required by the meaning.The necessity Ibn Hishām emphasized was expressed by Tammām Hassān (1918- 2011) as iʻrāb’s dependence on meaning. Tawaqquf can be said to apparently have three cases. One of these is that iʻrāb is impossible for words whose lexical meanings are unknown. Secondly, if the grammatical and semantic structures allow different iʻrāb cases in sentences consisting of words with known meanings, the context may necessitate one or the other of these cases. Thirdly, if no preferential reason exists, the exegete can remark on the possible cases one by one. This study will discuss these three cases within the concept of tawaqquf. Firstly by explaining the basic concepts of meaning and iʻrāb and then by revealing the appearing of tawaqquf at the lexical and contextual meaning levels. Afterward, the study will chronologically evaluate the analyses of the exegete regarding the word mā in the sixth verse of the Qur’an’s Sūrah Yāsīn.As a linguistic fact, syntactic ambiguity is expressed with concepts such as labs, iltibās, ihtimālāt al-awjuh in Arabic and refer to situation where a syntactic structure permits open to more than one semantic interpretation, and this shows the sign of iʻrāb to not always be sufficient for distinguishing meanings. This also shows that in the case of mabnī or different iʻrāb positions being indicated by the same case endings, grammatical analysis can be carried out through meaning based on non-linguistic elements. This shows the need to consider meaning in iʻrāb to not be independent of the interpreter’s preferences, as emphasized by Ibn Hishām.&nbsp;

Gramatik Çözümlemede Tevakkuf Kavramı Üzerine -İbn Hişâm’ın “Mürâʻâtu’l-Maʻnâ” Değerlendirmesi Bağlamında-

Azamat

Müneccimbaşı [Chief Astrologer] ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi, also known as Ṭarsūsīzāde, received his early education in mosques before attending the madrasa. After graduating from the madrasa, he successfully passed the ruʾūs [chief] examination and served as a professor in many madrasas. He held the title of müneccimbaşı during the reign of ʿAbdülhamīd II, and between 1274-1280 AH, ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi was assigned as a professor at the Madrasa of Maḥmūdiyya in Medina for almost six years, during which he translated Risāla fī Uṣūl al-Hadīth, a work attributed to al-Birgivī. The current article publishes this translation for the first time and simultaneously has scanned and recorded the archives and registers in order to construct the biography of ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi. This article also attempts to identify the works regarding the methodology of ḥadīth that were written in Turkish during the Ottoman Empire. These works can be considered as a step toward a clearer understanding of how the uṣūl of ḥadīth works had been written during the Ottoman era.Muḥammad Rāshid Efendi’s son, ʿOs̱mān Kāmil, was born in 1236/1821 and died in 1313/1896. ʿOs̱mān Kāmil was also well known as Ṭarsūsīzāde. At an early age, ʿOs̱mān Kāmil attended lectures in Istanbul mosques and was very well regarded by the famous teachers of his period. After completing his studies in the madrasa, he passed the ruʾūs exam in 1258/1842 in Meşīhat. When he was 21, he was tasked with being a professor, and after completing his work in the madrasa he was promoted to the rank of Anadolu Każʿaskerliği [Ottoman chief judge]. In addition, he was also a member and chairman of some councils such as the Meclis-i Tedḳīḳāt-i Şerʿiyye [Assembly of Religious Inquiries]. However, one of his main tasks was undoubtedly as the müneccimbaşı [chief astrologer]. As Sultan ʿAbdülhamīd II’s müneccimbaşı, ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi must have been attracted to this duty especially under the influence of the lessons he’d received as a teenager from the Crimean Selim Efendi. ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi held this post until his death in 1896. Between 1274-1280 AH, he served at the Maḥmūdiyya Madrasa in Medina as a professor, during which he translated the Risāla fī Uṣūl al-Hadīth attributed to al-Birgivī. ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi’s translation was discovered recently, and this article publishes it for the first time. Before teaching the ḥadīth of Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārī to students at the Maḥmūdiyya Madrasa, he wanted to start with a brief introduction to ḥadīth methodology, and for this reason translated the Risāla fī uṣūl al-ḥadīth. As such, this translation is the work of a professor who wanted to teach ḥadīth to his students.This article has also written an extensive biography of ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi by collecting information from various sources; this has also been enriched by his writings in the Ottoman Archive at the archive of Meşīhat. This article should also be mentioned as the first academic research on ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi. During the six years he stayed in Medina, he often came to Istanbul and repeatedly demanded an increase in salary due to a lack of funds.&nbsp;This article has identified and presented a list of works on the methodology of ḥadīth that were written in or had been translated to Turkish during the reign of the Ottoman Empire. The article also evaluates the place and importance of ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi’s translation among these other listed works. In his translation, ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi used and often referenced Dāvūd-i Ḳārsī’s commentary on the Risāla as his main source. This was a general characteristic of translations during the Ottoman period, and ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi’s translation also bears this characteristic. ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi must have based his translation on the text of Dāvūd-i Ḳārsī, which had been printed during ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi’s time. With the exception of translations made for printing, some works such as ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi’s translation appear to have not received wide distribution nor to have found their way into circulation after being written. This likely related to how well known the translator was, how many students he had, or how close he was to them. At the same time, the competence of translators or authors in their written field also directly affected the recognition of their works. The only copy of this translation that this study has been able to identify is the one in the Konya Regional Manuscript Library. The scribe was Sayyid Muḥammad Ṣāliḥ Rüşdī Efendi. Ṣāliḥ Rüşdī Efendi was one of Bayezid Mosque lecturers and probably copied the translation while he was in Istanbul.The importance of ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi’s translation is an indicator of the increased study of the ḥadīth methodology in the 19th century AD. At the same time, when looking at the biographies of scholars from this period, one can see that the ḥadīth lessons given by the Dersiʿāms in mosques had increased and the tradition of giving ijāzah [permission] at the end of the courses became widespread. Apart from this growing interest in Istanbul, the environment or the duties of the author or translator also influenced the creation of the work. For example, Dāvūd-i Ḳārsī wrote his commentary while in Egypt. Similarly, ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi wrote his translation not while in Istanbul but while in Medina during his tenure as a professor. This may be due to the fact that ḥadīth education was more widespread along the Hijāz-Damascus-Cairo line in relation to Istanbul as well as the writing of ḥadīth works being more common there. Therefore, scholars or professors who went to the Hijāz or Damascus from Istanbul were more interested in the science of ḥadīth because of the scientific environment there, and this situation led to an increase in the creation of literature on ḥadīth.ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi began his work with two short prefaces in Arabic and Turkish. At the end of the Arabic introduction, he dedicated his work to Sultan ʿAbdülʿazīz (1830- 1876 AD). In the Turkish preface, he spoke about the need to write a basmala at the beginning of the book and gave a small parable about the basmala. Apart from the source he only quoted in the introduction, the scholars he quoted as the source of the ḥadīths he used were the sources and names used in the commentary by Dāvūd-i Ḳārsī. Therefore, one can say that, except for one quotation, the translation had been written with the help of Dāvūd-i Ḳārsī’s commentary.&nbsp;

Münecccimbaşı Tarsûsîzâde’nin Risâle fî Usûli’l-hadîs Tercümesi ve Değerlendirilmesi

Faruk

Prof. Dr.

Worship is an indicator of religious devotion and is expressed as the visible aspect of the supernatural relationship established with God, because almost all religions, especially the monotheistic ones, demand their members to express their beliefs in certain ways. This demand is generally fulfilled by the performance of religious practices. Accordingly, worship can be understood as the outward reflection of a person’s world of religious beliefs, thoughts, and emotions in terms of religious life, experiences, and behaviors. The recommendation and ordering of Islamic worship together with and immediately after the pillars of faith from the onset indicates their central positions in religion. With the effect of having spread over a long period of time, the pilgrimage combines almost all forms of Islamic worship and resembles a set of these forms. In addition to this feature, the Hajj comes to the forefront as a form of worship that is able to show the multidimensional and overall effects of religiosity, along with many other unique features. This study focuses on the Hajj, particularly the positive effects and results of Islamic worship. The study uses the relational screening method to test the following three hypotheses:H₁. The Hajj produces highly positive effects.H₂. Individuals who perform the Hajj have strong religious attitudes.H₃. The effects from the Hajj vary according to demographic variables.SampleThe sample of the research consists of 420 people from seven different geographical regions of Turkey who’ve performed the Hajj. Of the sample, 38.3% are women, and 61.7% are men; 94% of the sample are adults.ScalesThe Hajj Effects Scale was developed by Karaca (2017) to measure the possible effects the Hajj has on people post-pilgrimage.The Religious Attitude Scale was developed by Ok (2011). It consists of four subdimensions and eight items.

Hac İbadetinin Bireysel Çıktıları Üzerine Tecrübî Bir Araştırma

Muhammet

The Predominant Christian Interpretation of Religious Faith in the  Middle Ages: Augustine of Hippo and Thomas Aquinas

Yeşim

Eliade’nin Kutsallık Kavramı Bağlamında Sümerler

Yulia

Mohammad

Religious Criticism of Scientism: The Subjectivity of Taufīq al-Ḥakīm in the Short Story “Fī Sanah Milyūn”

Fatma

Assoc. Prof. Dr.

Saliha

Assist. Prof. Dr.

Relationship Between Psychological Resilience, Forgiveness and God Perception

Sümeyye

Selim Uğur’un “Tasavvufta Ricâlü’l-Gayb Anlayışı: İbn Âbidin Örneği” Adlı Eserinin Değerlendirmesi

Hüseyin Oral’ın “Anlamın İlk İzleri” Adlı Eserinin Değerlendirmesi

Neslihan

Edebiyat Fakültesi, Türk Halk Bilimi Ana Bilim Dalı

Hakan

Faisal H. Husain’in “Sultan’ın Nehirleri: Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nda Dicle ve Fırat” Adlı Eserinin Değerlendirmesi

Nevra

Gelenek- Şarlatanlık Çıkmazında Tamamlayıcı ve Alternatif Tıp Uygulamaları

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The eucharist congress emerged in line with the understanding of church management of Pope Leo XIII, who followed a transparent policy in church administration and attached importance to unity among Christians. Pope Leo XIII, who improved his relations with the Ottoman Empire and reorganized the Catholic missions in many parts of the world, has a separate policy regarding Eastern Christians, and in this sense, the evharistic congress in Jerusalem is remarkable. The eighth evharistic congress held in Jerusalem in 1893 has a different meaning from the others in that it is the first congress held outside of Europe and that it takes place in the lands where Christianity was born.&nbsp;When the eucharistic congress in Jerusalem begins to be talked about, it creates an important agenda in the European public opinion. The Ottoman ambassadors abroad were constantly sending news about the congress to Istanbul. The general concern of the Ottoman statesmen regarding the congress is that the Orthodox might react to such a congress and this could turn into a security problem. According to the opinion of some of the Ottoman ambassadors abroad, the efforts to organize the congress are more France-based than the Papacy, and this motivation stems from the ambitions of the French Government and French-origin priests about Jerusalem.Although opinions were put forward by Ottoman statesmen not to allow the organization of the evharistic congress in Jerusalem at the beginning, it is discussed what problems will be experienced if such a meeting is completely banned by them later on. It is possible to make propaganda that the Ottoman Empire did not act tolerantly about freedom of religion and sect. The prevention of such a congress, which is said to have a purely spiritual side and to fulfill a religious duty, may lead to misperceptions. Therefore, permission to the congress was considered appropriate for the benefit of the state, and local officials in Jerusalem were instructed to take the necessary measures.Looking at the newspaper columns in Europe, it is understood that the congress aroused great excitement in the capitals of Catholic-dominated countries. Catholic sects of French origin and bishops of French origin in the Vatican are the ones who mobilize the Catholic public opinion. However, the media’s directing the public opinion in Rome and Paris causes a perception as if a Crusade is taking place against the East, which increases the Ottoman's anxiety. This kind of concern occurred not only in the Ottoman Empire, but also in the followers of the Eastern Church, whose trust in the Roman Church decreased after the Crusades. Aware of the situation, Papal officials stated that such false and exaggerated news would lead to banning the congress in Jerusalem and provoke people living in the East.Regarding the eucharistic congress, Catholic Armenian Patriarch Azaryan is also an active person in the process. Patriarch Azaryan, who went to Rome in February 1893 to celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of Pope Leo’s bishopric and to present the sultan’s gift to the pope, also met with the Ottoman ambassador. On the congress issue, the Ottoman ambassador in Rome met with Patriarch Azaryan and conveyed the Ottoman’s concerns to him. However, the content of the information given by Azaryan is different. Although he said that the eucharistic congress was canceled by the Papacy at the beginning of 1893, he later gave up on this discourse. Patriarch Azaryan states that after meeting with the pope in the Vatican, Cardinal Langénieux will pay a visit to Jerusalem, but bishops from different countries will go to Jerusalem. Azaryan’s statement that bishops from different countries will go to Jerusalem is aimed at alleviating a public concern. Because the origin of the clergy who took the lead in the congress is generally French, the concern that France’s interests are protected exists both in the Ottoman Empire and in different European countries.Although Azaryan takes an active role in the process of the congress, he is not allowed to go to the congress in Jerusalem. The words he uttered in Rome disturbed the Ottomans. One of the reasons for the problem is that Azaryan informed the pope that the Armenians were persecuted in the Ottoman Empire and asked for his help. The other is Azaryan’s request for permission from the pope to attend the spiritual congress in Jerusalem without the knowledge of the Ottoman Government. Due to reasons such as this, he is not allowed to go to Jerusalem and is instructed to return to Istanbul.While the congress was handled by the Ottoman bureaucrats in Europe with a focus on profit and loss, and security, the European public was depicted with meaningful sentences where the sacred was lived with enthusiasm. According to the newspapers close to the Papacy, at the congress in Jerusalem, besides the glorification of Jesus Christ, the much desired church unity will be achieved. Thus, the Eastern Churches, which were disconnected from each other, will be able to come together again with the light illuminated by the Roman Catholic Church. Under the leadership of Langénieux, representatives of all languages and peoples will come together. Catholic East and West will embrace and glorify Jesus Christ as members of a family with the same feelings, with their differences in traditions, rites, and languages. The evharistic assembly will not only be content with reviving religious belief, but will increase the functionality of the evharistic practices.When Cardinal Langénieux’s departure to Jerusalem is deemed appropriate, a matter of protocol comes up. Since no clergy at the cardinal level has come to Jerusalem for centuries, it is not known at first what kind of protocol will be implemented. State ceremonies are held for patriarchs in the Ottoman Empire. However, since the place of the cardinal in the protocol cannot be predicted exactly, negotiations are held by the relevant official units about how to organize a welcoming ceremony. The French ambassador is also informed about the issue and his advice is taken. As a result, since the cardinals are in a higher position than the patriarchs and are considered as "church princes", it is decided that it is appropriate to make an arrangement accordingly. As agreed, the required official ceremony is held for the Cardinal.The congress, which took place in 8 sessions between 13-21 May 1893 under the supervision of Cardinal Langénieux, was held in the Convent of the Saint Savior of the Franciscans. The participation of a total of thirty bishops, including Eastern Catholic (Uniat) and Latin, as well as the Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem Luigi Piavi, is an important achievement for the Roman Catholic Church. However, on the other hand, the differences of opinion among the Latino groups in Jerusalem became even more concrete in this congress. While the Latin Patriarchate of Jerusalem and the Franciscans are distant to the French protectorate, the White Fathers and the Assumptionists have a more positive view.Another issue of separation that emerged at the congress is the approach of different Latin Catholic groups to Eastern Catholics. While some of them perceive Catholicization as Latinization and advocate full devotion to the Roman Church in the liturgy, others think that Eastern Christians can preserve their church traditions even if they are Catholics. The White Fathers and the Assumptionists are Catholic sects that are conscious of the fine line between Latinization and Catholicization. In this context, while France gave more support to the White Fathers and Assumptionists, it made great efforts to remove the Propaganda administration in Jerusalem.Inspired by the evharistic congress in Jerusalem, it is an important development that the East-West Churches came together again in Rome a year later to discuss common problems. Pope Leo XIII published the Praeclara Gratulationis document as a result of the evharistic congress in Jerusalem and summoned the Eastern Catholic Patriarchs to Rome. In this direction, a meeting was held in Rome in November of the following year and important decisions were taken with the papal document titled Orientalium Dignitas.At the end of the congress, which lasted more than a week, it is seen that the Ottoman Empire did not have security problems that it was worried about. In addition to the state’s taking the necessary precautions, the suggestions of the Papacy to avoid behaviors that would provoke other Christian sects were also effective in this. After leaving Jerusalem, Cardinal Langénieux conveyed his thanks to the Ottoman Empire through the French embassy for the interest shown to him. On the other hand, the fact that the congress was held without any problems and the necessary measures were taken in this direction would also please Pope Leo XIII, so after the congress, he sent a third degree medal to the Governor of Jerusalem, İbrahim Hakkı Pasha.In this study, Jerusalem-based reconciliation efforts of the Roman Catholic Church with the Eastern Catholics called Uniat are included. Attitudes of Ottoman statesmen regarding whether or not the congress will be held in Jerusalem, which is located in the Ottoman lands as of the period, and the perceptions of the Western public about the evharistic congress are discussed in detail. The view of the Catholic sects of French origin and the Latin missions in Jerusalem to the traditions of the Eastern Christians was examined in depth on the ground of Jerusalem. In the study, which was handled in the light of the document of the Prime Ministry Ottoman Archive and foreign newspapers of the period, the processes of the evharistic congress and the risks faced by the Roman Catholic Church after the meetings and the gains it achieved were discussed comparatively.

1893’te Kudüs’te Yapılan Evharistik Kongrenin Roma Katolik Kilisesi ile Doğu Katolik Kiliseleri Açısından Önemi

Maher

Mohammed

Marion

Abdulhalim

Suhaib

The Effectiveness of Online Learning and Teaching of Arabic as a  Foreign Language in Turkish Universities

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Nilüfer Kalkan

In this article Fuat Sezgin’s claims about the early written sources of the hadīth before the al-Kutub al-Sitta are expanded and discussed according to Arabic Language sources written before the al-Kutub al-Sitta. In order to verify the authenticity of these claims, the ahādīth and the chain system in the al-Baṣra and al-Kūfa Arabic Language books are determined. If the aḥādīth given in these sources comes before the al-Kutub al-Sitta this means that we can reach earlier sources for some ahādīth except the hadīth books. In addition, the method of using the hadīth in these sources, isnāds, and the possible isnāds are examined in a chronological and comparative way. Therefore there are two main questions in this study. The first is “Does the hadīth feature in the Arabic Language Sources” and the second is ”With what method did they give a place to the hadīth.” In order to answer these questions, fundamental and early Arabic Language sources were used such as Halil b. Ahmed’s Kitāb al-ʿAyn which represents the Basra School’s methods and Yaḥyā b. Ziyād al-Farrāʾs al-Maʿāni al-Qur’ân which represents the al-Kūfa School’s methods.The work titled Kitāb al-ʿAyn of Khalīl b. Aḥmad, the first representative of the Basra school, includes somewhat extensive use of the hadīth. Indeed, approximately three hundred and forty one hadīth narratives are included in this work. Of these, two thousand and fifty were narrated only as hadiths, seventy were related to Rasūlullāh and thirty one to the companions. Apart from this, there is no usage of isnād in the work. If we analyse these numbers, we can say that seventy three percent of the narratives are passed only as hadīth, twenty one of them refer to the Prophet and six percent of them to the companions.In this regard, it can be said that only 25% of the narratives of Khalīl b. Aḥmad, conveyed as hadīth, were mentioned in the hadith works before Khalīl b. Aḥmad, Therefore, we can say that Khalīl b. Aḥmad’s work is the first source for many hadīth. In addition, these hadīth, which Khalīl b. Aḥmad described as hadīth, were also conveyed as marfū‛ and mawkūf in hadīth works after him.&nbsp;When the isnads of the narratives are examined, it can be seen that narrators come from different regions such as Kūfa, Basra, Mecca and Medina. In addition, we can say that there are many hadīths in the work that can be described as ṣaḥīḥ (authentic).&nbsp;When it comes to the question of how the hadith narratives reached Khalīl b. Aḥmad, we see that there is a common name in most of the isnāds. This name is Ayyūb asSakhtiyānī (d. 131/749), one of the hadīth narrators. Hence he is also the teacher of Khalīl b. Aḥmad and can be considered to be the person that Khalīl b. Aḥmad, took the hadīth narratives from.The second source of this study is al-Farrāʾs al-Maʿāni al-Qur’ân The most important feature of al-Farrāʾ is that he includes hadīths with isnād in his book. Indeed, as far as we could determine, there are one hundred and sixty seven narratives of hadīth with isnad.&nbsp;Adding the ones with isnads, this number reaches four hundred. Approximately seven of these narratives are based on the Prophet, seventy on the companions and the remaining on the next generations such as ʿAlqama b. Qays (d. 62/682) Masrūk b. al-Ecdā‛ (d. 63/9- 683), Saʿīd b. Cubayr (d. 94/713), Ibrāhīm al-Nakhaʿī (d. 96/714), Mujāhid b. Cabr (d. 103/721), Sulaymān b. Mihrān al-Aʿmash (d.147/764). If we compare these numbers, it can be seen that four percent of the narratives were based on the Prophet, 41 % on the Companions and 55 % on the next generations.&nbsp;Looking at the next generation, it can be seen that the work has the isnād system of the Kūfa region. Moreover, the fact that he includes mubham narrators in thirty three and balāg mode in twenty three of the isnāds is a reminder that the isnāds of ahl alra’y are used in the hadīths. Indeed, the ittisāl in the isnāds in this regard are not very important. The same understanding exists in the Kūfa language school. However, an important feature of the Kūfe language school separating them from ahl al-ray is that they include ʿAbdallāh b. ʿAbbās narratives more than ʿAbdallāh Ibn Masʿūd. Furthermore, when we look at the numbers of the narratives of the companions, we see that fourteen of them are conveyed from ʿAlī , twenty seven from ʿAbdallāh b. ʿAbbās, eighteen from İbn Mesud, six from Aisha, two from Abu Bakr and two from Omar. If we evaluate these numbers, we see that 23% was conveyed from ʿAlī , 37% from ʿAbdallāh b. ʿAbbās, 25% from ʿAbdallāh Ibn Masʿūd, 9% from Aisha and the remaining 6% from Abū Bakr and Omar. But, it is inevitable to say that al-Farrāʾs hadīth generally is not a first source for hadīth. We can find them with their isnāds in ʿAbd al-Razzāq al-Ṣanʿānī’s book and in the other hadīth books before al-Kutub al-Sitta.

Arap Dili Kaynaklarında Hadis Rivayetinin Yeri (Hicri Ilk Üç Asır Örneği)

Sümeyra

Autism is defined as the inability to establish relations with people and situations, the inability to use the language in an adequate and accurate manner, an obsessive repetition of the same behavior, and a developmental problem in which various obsessions are observed. There is no absolute treatment for this developmental problem, which manifests itself in the first or second years of life. However, individuals who have autism are brought into society through education.In Turkey, the education of individuals who have autism is carried out in special education schools, in Inclusive Classes at schools, and in private training centers after the diagnosis is made with individual tests. In these centers, education is carried out with many different disciplines. The Religious Culture and Moral Knowledge (RCMK) courses took their place in special education curricula as a compulsory course for the first time in 2010. This decision brought with it many debates on the existence and teaching of religious courses in autistic individuals. When the literature is reviewed on the possibility of religion and religious education in autistic individuals, it is seen that there are some opinions arguing that autistic individuals cannot perceive religion, and therefore, it is not possible for them to receive any religious education.&nbsp;The basis of these views is that individuals with autism are not able to perceive abstract concepts, metaphorical discourses and symbolic expressions and are insufficient in socializing. The basic arguments of the previous studies are that religions include abstract and symbolic expressions and the participation to congregations is compulsory, which do not comply with the aforementioned characteristics of the autistic individuals. On the other hand, there are also several viewpoints in the literature arguing that autistic individuals are able to perceive religion, create their own image of God, and in case appropriate conditions are prepared, can worship. On the basis of these viewpoints, there is the idea that abstract religious concepts may be explained by using appropriate methods and techniques, and positive contributions may be made to autistic individuals by making use of the socializing sphere of the religion when appropriate conditions are prepared.The different viewpoints on this subject in the literature may affect the legitimacy of the existence of religious courses that are prepared for autistic individuals; and may also be important in determining whether the subjects in the curriculum are suitable for individuals with autism. Based on this, in the present study, previous studies conducted on the possibility of religion and religious education in autistic individuals were examined, and the Religious Culture and Moral Knowledge curricula that were prepared for autistic individuals were evaluated in the light of the data reported by these studies. As a result of the study, it was determined that all of previous studies on religious education in autistic individuals were conducted with individuals who had religions other than Islam or with their families. However, the unique structure of the Islamic religion differs from other&nbsp;religions with the teaching and perception form of it. Based on this, it was decided that the current studies should also be conducted with children of Muslim families in Turkey. In addition, in the literature review, it was also determined in previous studies reporting positive results that practical subjects were focused on in religious education. It was also emphasized that individuals should participate to rituals in an applicable way, Allah should be perceived as a “being” that the individual should feel an attachment and pray to, and religious expressions should be used in everyday life. In this context, it was observed that the RCMK curriculum was based on cognitive acquisitions, and that there were very limited acquisitions on affective and psychomotor fields.In this context, it is possible to argue that the current curriculum does not overlap with the relevant literature at an adequate level. Another interesting point about the RCMK is that the curriculum was prepared for students who had moderate-to-severe mental disabilities and autism spectrum disorder. However, in actual fact, autistic individuals with high-functioning may show different developmental characteristics that are specific to autism, and they may also have normal intelligence function or some superior abilities. The current curriculum does not address high-functioning autism, and there are no other separate curricula prepared for them. In this case, it may be recommended to conduct curriculum development studies for individuals with high-functioning autism. In addition, it was also determined as a result of the present study that the needs of the individuals with autism in terms of religion and religious education must be determined; and subjects, contents and learning-teaching activities must be prepared in line with these needs.&nbsp;It is considered that this study, which was conducted with the Literature Review and Content Analysis Method will shed light on the religious education issue in autistic individuals, which has emerged as a new field of application in our country; and will contribute to curriculum development studies for Religious Culture and Moral Knowledge courses.

Otizmli Çocuklar için İlköğretim Din Kültürü ve Ahlak Bilgisi Dersi Öğretim Programı: Otizmlilerde Din ve Din Eğitiminin İmkânı Tartışmaları Çerçevesinde Bir İnceleme

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Muharrem

This study focuses on the notion of non-fixed heavy punishment in Hanafi penal tradition and its reflection in classic Ottoman kânûns. As is known, in Islamic criminal law, there are severe fixed penalties called had or kısas. These penalties are determined by the Shâri‘a, and take a variety of forms ranging from amputation to death. Apart from these penalties, the public authority is also authorized to impose heavy sanctions when necessary. Hanafî jurists use the terms ta‘zîr and siyâsa to express these sanctions. Those called siyâsa are marked as aggravated. Some authors emphasize this aspect in particular. In fact, in the Hanafî doctrine, the ta‘zîr, which is the basis of siyâsa, is accepted as lighter punishment than for fixed penalties. Apparently, ta‘zîr sanctions that reach or exceed the fixed penalties in terms of being aggravated, are called siyâsa to adhere to this rule.Hanafî jurists often associate non-fixed severe penalties with two causes. These are repetitions of an offense (tekerrur) and the effort for corruption of society (sa‘y bi’lfesâd). Repetition of offenses, which is generally considered to be a cause for severe penalty, usually occurs when certain crimes are committed a second time after being proven guilty. The effort for corruption of society is also generally admitted as a cause for severe penalty, because the perpetrator is attempting to disrupt society. In the Hanafî penal tradition, it is understood that habitual criminals can be heavily punished directly by the public authority on the grounds that they are working to disrupt society. This idea has evolved over time. In this context, Hanafî jurists state that those who commit crimes such as sodomy, killing someone by strangling, or robbery for the second time can be sentenced directly to death by public authority. This understanding can potentially include some crimes that disrupt society even if they are not habitual. Indeed, some Hanafî jurists state that a thief can be sentenced directly to death by the public authority on the grounds that he/she is attempting to disrupt society, whether or not the crime is habitual. From this perspective, even if the crime has been committed only once, it is regarded as repetitive because it deeply disturbs public interest.In the classic Ottoman law books, many references are made to the non-fixed heavy penalty concept of Hanafî. However, elements such as tekerrur, fesâd, and siyâsa, which constitute this understanding, are generally not mentioned together in the articles of law. In most cases, the term siyâsa alone is considered sufficient to imply the basis on which the punishment from the Hanafî tradition is based. This term, which often refers to severe penalties such as death or amputation in the law books, does not impose fines, and is generally related to penalties for habitual criminals who are believed to have attempted to disrupt society. Some articles of the law state that the offense should be habitual to receive heavy punishment, and this condition implicitly includes the rest of the formula. If the perpetrator is a habitual criminal, he or she will be penalized directly by the public authority for working toward the deterioration of society. For instance, some provisions of law order the execution of anyone who has stolen a few times and hand amputation&nbsp;for those who make it a habit to stab somebody or pick somebody’s pocket, and nose amputation for those who habitually corrupt women-men relations. In these provisions, the Ottoman lawmakers seem to be inspired by the concept of Hanafî repetition.&nbsp;In some articles of law, we see that the Ottoman rulers severely punish non-habitual criminals directly according to their own will. They use the death penalty for some crimes besides fixed ones without mentioning repetition. For example, they order hanging for wrongdoers who enter a shop or a house for the purpose of theft, who burn a shop or house deliberately, and who print counterfeit money. It is understood that these wrongdoers are considered habitual criminals for damaging the public interest and that they are to be included in the non-fixed heavy penalty formula. However, it should be noted that this inclusion may open the door to arbitrary and oppressive siyâsa, which some jurists are concerned.

Hanefi Geleneğinden Klasik Osmanlı Kanunlarına Had-Kısas Dışı Ağır Ceza Formülü

In our age, as a result of the phenomena of technology, individuality, and globalization, the divorce rate is rapidly increasing despite the change in family structure. Divorce can cause various psychological effects such as trauma. Therefore, the divorced individuals and their children need psychological and social support.&nbsp;With a divorce, if both members are adaptable, it can either prevent the divorce from happening or be a factor that affects an amicable divorce; detecting divorce enhancing or inhibiting factors is an important issue.As in many other areas, religion or religiousness play an important role in the continuation of marriage and divorce. This drove the reasons investigated in our study for what causes a divorce. Divorced individuals were asked questions about the effect of religiousness in the process of marriage and divorce. This research will contribute to the field of marriage and divorce in terms of eliminating the lack of adequate study of the religiosity factor.&nbsp;Our study conducted interviews with 20 divorced people, including ten women and ten men. The majority of the participants we interviewed were middle aged adults with a high level of education, who spent most of their lives in Istanbul, and who participated in certain professions. Female participants, in particular, needed jobs to make a living during or after the divorce.Based on the findings, we cannot say to remove the high educational level as a factor of divorce. In fact, it is effective for women to display a more decisive attitude toward divorce.Most participants chose to get married based on the emotional factors “appearance” (8 people), “love to be/to like” (8 people). Also “being religious” (6 persons) and “not suitable for families” (4 people) criteria were significant. According to this, being religious is among the criteria sought in marriages.We can say that these two options, which are connected with each other, such as exterior appearance and being in love, are not functional in maintaining the marriage in terms of the marriage criteria and that it is more important to approach marriage from a logical point of view.According to participants at the beginning of a divorce, the research results of “deception/ deceived” (9 people) were at the top of the list. The second reason is “indifference” (6 people). This was followed by “communication” (5 people), “irresponsibility” (5 people), and “economic reasons” (5 people). “Psychological violence” (4 people), “physical strength” (4 people), “disrespect” (3), and “jealousy” (3) are also among the causes of divorce. The deception angle, after women had been deceived, led them choosing “irresponsibility” (5 people) as a major cause of divorce, and men chose “indifference” (4 people).&nbsp;The reasons for divorce that emerged in our research show parallels with other research. According to participants, divorce does not depend on a single cause; we see a negative situation could cause different problems. Also, disrespectful communication problems in couples and the emergence of situations such as irresponsibility, poor communication within the family, and being unable to relate to one another are other reasons. According to this, spouses did not spend time together, and the lack of pleasure in performing activities together may be among the reasons behind the conflicts within the family.For the majority of the participants, more attention should be given to the premarital period rather than the prevention of marriage or divorce. According to them, first of all, people should get to know each other and their families better. The biggest regret from the majority of the participants is that they married quickly, without getting to know the other side and their family. In the process of divorce, individuals expected more functional mediation than their relatives. The participants expected more help from their relatives.When we asked the interviewers whether religiousness had any function in the attitudes of spouses and their divorce, they emphasized that they were generally more moral than religious. This situation shows that the spouses who promote themselves as religious do not turn their words into behaviors, and they exhibit unethical behavior in family life. Accordingly, based on the opinions of respondents, those who said that they mostly defined themselves as religious, had a piety factor in the moral dimension of marriage and divorce, which had an important function in terms of the experience.&nbsp;Conflicting words and behaviors are seen before and after marriage, causing people to become disillusioned and breaking the feelings of trust that spouses have toward each other. Therefore, deception is the most important cause of divorce. In considering the moral sense of priorities from each of the spouses, honesty, loyalty, and respect are expected. After sacrifice and altruism, moral values such as responsibility and compassion come to the fore. However, it is also important to know the attitudes of the people who were looking for these criteria against their former spouses. Therefore, bilateral negotiations need to be conducted with divorced people, and work done with qualitative research on religiosity will be useful.

Evlenme ve Boşanma Deneyimleri Arasındaki İlişkide Dindarlık Faktörünün İncelenmesi

Hafize Şule

Christian Zionist ideas have been embraced by many presidents in American politics, but the power of Christian Zionism in American politics became clear after Donald Trump was elected in November 2016. He recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel, which had been a long-term ambition of the American Christian Zionists and Jewish Zionists. In this study, Christian Zionists and their theo-political approach will be discussed. In addition, the active participation in politics among evangelical Protestants with an emphasis on their prioritising of Jews and Israeli policies in American politics will be examined. This topic, which can be linked not only to the field of sociology of religion but also to all fields of social sciences, is important for understanding the debates and social poles in American society, as well as for making sense of the determinants of US policy, especially toward the Middle East. The reason behind the US-based Israeli policies in the Middle East has a theological and ideological justification.&nbsp;In this descriptive work, I will seek answers to the questions of “who are the Christian Zionists?”, “what constitutes the roots and fundamental doctrines of Christian Zionism?” and “how do Christian Zionists view world politics?” In this context, I will draw attention to the fact that Zionism is not only a concept related to Judaism and that there have been many non-Jewish Christian Zionists in the past and many who are still actively present in the American administration. My work sets out the conceptual framework of Christian Zionism as a theo-political ideology and sheds light on the historical background of the subject; It also aims to clarify how the ideology in question has gained power and become an effective discourse within American Protestantism. In this context, the study will trace the imperialist policies of the British Empire on Ottoman lands in the first half of the 19th century when Christian Zionism first emerged; then, the main elements of the Christian Zionists’ ideological and theological approaches to social and political processes, the extent of how Jews benefitted will be discussed, and their effects on American politics will also be pointed out.Christian Zionism has, in general, evolved from evangelical and fundamentalist Christians. This approach adopts the reading of The Bible with a literal, premillennial approach and takes Biblical eschatology crucial. In order to understand the Christian Zionists’ support for Israel and their insistence on directing American policies, it is necessary to consider the pre-millennial dispensationalism that centered on Jews and the doctrines of the End Times. Pre-Millennial dispensationalism is the fundamental doctrine of Christian Zionists. In addition, Christian fundamentalists are based on the literal (literalism) reading of the scripture. While giving Jews a central place in the doctrine of the End Times, they have a very negative attitude towards Muslims.&nbsp;In general terms, the term “Christian Zionist” is given to a constituent of the most influential apocalyptic beliefs of today’s American society, which emerged in Britain in&nbsp;the 19th century, later coming to the US in the middle of the same century. Christian Zionism, which proposes rather radical ideas, is widespread among American Protestants. According to the results of a 2013 poll conducted by the Pew Research Center, 82% of the white evangelical Protestants in the United States believe that Israel was given to the Jews by God; whereas this rate is only 40% among Jews. In general, 44% of Americans believe that God gave Israel to the Jews. When the period and the environment in which Christian Zionism emerged are evaluated, it is possible to see that the ideologies that were formed on the basis of the activities of British imperialism in the Middle East were transformed into religious discourse. Christian Zionism, which formed an important ideological basis for British imperialism in the first period of its emergence, provides an ideological basis for American imperialism today. It is also an important part of the Israeli lobby in the US.The enduring teachings of the Christian Zionists, who have gained more influence in recent American politics compared to previous periods, have reached the point of power to be able to affect US foreign policy. Trump’s decision to recognize Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and his declarations that Golan Heights belong to Israel are closely related to the theological teachings of Christian Zionism. The fact that a group with a radical theo-political ideology in the US is so effective in politics and state administration raises questions about American secularism. The important question of whether there is a reversal from American secularism –given the current developments in spite of the Constitution of America, where religion and state affairs are clearly separated- should be focused on in the coming years.

ABD’de Hıristiyan Siyonizmi: Kökeni, İnanç Esasları ve Günümüz Amerikan Siyasetine Etkisi

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darulfunun ilahiyat, akademik bir dergidir. darulfunun ilahiyat'a gönderilmiş makaleler çift-kör hakemlik sistemi kullanılarak değerlendirilmektedir.

darulfunun ilahiyat'ta din alanının farklı boyutlarını ele alan disipliner veya disiplinlerarası kuramsal ve uygulamalı çalışmalar yayımlanmaktadır.

Bu çerçevede darulfunun ilahiyat'ta; Bir inanç ve toplum sistemi olarak din konusunu ve uygulayıcılarının inanç ve davranışlarını; (i) insan ve toplum bilimleri çerçevesinde ele alan; (ii) özgün kuramsal ve kavramsal açılımlarla genişleten; (iii) farklı/yeni araştırma yöntemleriyle inceleyen; (iv) farklı örnek olaylar bağlamında karşılaştırmalı bir şekilde sunan yazılara yer verilmektedir.

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İstanbul Üniversitesi İlahiyat Fakültesi tarafından yayımlanan darulfunun ilahiyat, akademik bir dergidir. darulfunun ilahiyat’a gönderilmiş makaleler çift-kör hakemlik sistemi kullanılarak değerlendirilmektedir.darulfunun ilahiyat’ta, din alanının farklı boyutlarını ele alan disipliner veya disiplinlerarası kuramsal ve uygulamalı çalışmalar yayımlanmaktadır. Bu çerçevede darulfunun ilahiyat’ta bir inanç ve toplum sistemi olarak din konusunu ve uygulayıcılarının inanç ve davranışlarını; (i) insan ve toplum bilimleri bağlamında ele alan; (ii) özgün kuramsal ve kavramsal açılımlarla genişleten; (iii) farklı/yeni araştırma yöntemleriyle inceleyen; (iv) farklı örnek olaylar bağlamında karşılaştırmalı bir şekilde sunan yazılara yer verilmektedir.Bu kapsamda özellikle şu konulara öncelik tanınmaktadır:•    İslam kültür ve medeniyeti •    Çağdaş dünyada dinî/İslami ilimlerin yorumlanması ve eğitimi •    Dinî kimliğin oluşumu ve aktarımı•    Çeşitli inanç gruplarında, kamusal hayatta, çok kültürlü ortamlarda din•    Birey, din ve toplum arasındaki etkileşimdarulfunun ilahiyat'ta nitelikli, özgün, kuramsal ve uygulamalı araştırmaların yanı sıra kitap değerlendirmesi, araştırma notu, sempozyum tanıtımı ve klasik dillerden çeviri-yorum metinleri de yayımlanmaktadır.

Amaç ve Kapsam

<a href="https://www.scopus.com/sourceid/21101058362" target="_blank">SCOPUS</a><a href="https://search.trdizin.gov.tr/dergi/detay/2132/darulfunun-ilahiyat" target="_blank">ULAKBİM TR Dizin</a><a target="_blank" href="https://brill.com/fileasset/downloads_products/35122_ii_surveyed_periodicals_2008_2017FINAL.pdf">Index Islamicus</a><a href="https://www.ebsco.com/tr-tr/urunler/arastirma-veri-tabanlari/academic-search-complete" target="_blank">EBSCO Academic Search Complete</a> <a href="https://doaj.org/toc/2651-5083?source=%7B%22query%22%3A%7B%22bool%22%3A%7B%22must%22%3A%5B%7B%22terms%22%3A%7B%22index.issn.exact%22%3A%5B%222651-5083%22%5D%7D%7D%5D%7D%7D%2C%22size%22%3A100%2C%22sort%22%3A%5B%7B%22created_date%22%3A%7B%22order%22%3A%22desc%22%7D%7D%5D%2C%22_source%22%3A%7B%7D%2C%22track_total_hits%22%3Atrue%7D" target="_blank">DOAJ</a> <a href="https://kanalregister.hkdir.no/publiseringskanaler/erihplus/periodical/info.action?id=495011" target="_blank" style="font-size: 13.3333px;">ERIH PLUS</a> <a href="https://atif.sobiad.com/index.jsp?modul=dergi-sayfasi&amp;ID=0&amp;magazinename=darulfunun%20ilahiyat" target="_blank">SOBIAD </a>

Dizinler

Dergi yayın etiğinde en yüksek standartlara bağlıdır ve <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a> ve <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> tarafından yayınlanan etik yayıncılık ilkelerini benimser; Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing başlığı altında ifade edilen ilkeler için: <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a> Gönderilen makaleler derginin amaç ve kapsamına uygun olmalıdır. Orijinal, yayınlanmamış ve başka bir dergide değerlendirme sürecinde olmayan, her bir yazar tarafından içeriği ve gönderimi onaylanmış yazılar değerlendirmeye kabul edilir. Makale yayınlanmak üzere Dergiye gönderildikten sonra yazarlardan hiçbirinin ismi, tüm yazarların yazılı izni olmadan yazar listesinden silinemez ve yeni bir isim yazar olarak eklenemez ve yazar sırası değiştirilemez.İntihal, duplikasyon, sahte yazarlık/inkar edilen yazarlık, araştrma/veri fabrikasyonu, makale dilimleme, dilimleyerek yayın, telif hakları ihlali ve çıkar çatışmasının gizlenmesi, etik dışı davranışlar olarak kabul edilir. Kabul edilen etik standartlara uygun olmayan tüm makaleler yayından çıkarılır. Buna yayından sonra tespit edilen olası kuraldışı, uygunsuzluklar içeren makaleler de dahildir.*Bir yazarın dergimizde yazısı yayınlandıktan sonraki iki sayıda yeni bir yazısına yer verilmez.İntihal Ön kontrolden geçirilen makaleler, iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal/kendi kendine intihal tespit edilirse yazarlar bilgilendirilir. Editörler, gerekli olması halinde makaleyi değerlendirme ya da üretim sürecinin çeşitli aşamalarında intihal kontrolüne tabi tutabilirler. Yüksek benzerlik oranları, bir makalenin kabul edilmeden önce ve hatta kabul edildikten sonra reddedilmesine neden olabilir. Makalenin türüne bağlı olarak, bunun oranın %15 veya %20'den az olması beklenir.Çift Kör Hakemlikİntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir. Editör, makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakemlikten geçmesini sağlar ve makale biçimsel esaslara uygun ise, gelen yazıyı yurtiçinden ve /veya yurtdışından en az iki hakemin değerlendirmesine sunar, hakemler gerek gördüğü takdirde yazıda istenen değişiklikler yazarlar tarafından yapıldıktan sonra yayınlanmasına onay verir.

Politikalar

Dergi açık erişimlidir ve derginin tüm içeriği okura ya da okurun dahil olduğu kuruma ücretsiz olarak sunulur. Okurlar, ticari amaç haricinde, yayıncı ya da yazardan izin almadan dergi makalelerinin tam metnini okuyabilir, indirebilir, kopyalayabilir, arayabilir ve link sağlayabilir. Bu <a href="https://www.budapestopenaccessinitiative.org/translations/turkish-translation" target="_blank">BOAI</a> açık erişim tanımıyla uyumludur. Derginin açık erişimli makaleleri Creative Commons Atıf-GayrıTicari 4.0 Uluslararası (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.tr" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) olarak lisanslıdır.

Derginin tüm giderleri İstanbul Üniversitesi tarafından karşılanmaktadır. Dergide makale yayını ve makale süreçlerinin yürütülmesi ücrete tabi değildir. Dergiye gönderilen ya da yayın için kabul edilen makaleler için işlemleme ücreti ya da gönderim ücreti alınmaz.

Yazarlar dergide yayınlanan çalışmalarının telif hakkına sahiptirler ve çalışmaları  Creative Commons Atıf-GayrıTicari 4.0 Uluslararası (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.tr" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) olarak lisanslıdır. CC BY-NC 4.0 lisansı, eserin ticari kullanım dışında her boyut ve formatta paylaşılmasına, kopyalanmasına, çoğaltılmasına ve orijinal esere uygun şekilde atıfta bulunmak kaydıyla yeniden düzenleme, dönüştürme ve eserin üzerine inşa etme dâhil adapte edilmesine izin verir.

Editörler, yayınlanan makalede, bulguları, yorumları ve sonuçları etkilemeyen küçük hatalar tespit edilirse düzeltme yayınlamayı düşünebilirler. Editörler, bulguları ve sonuçları geçersiz kılan büyük hatalar / ihlaller söz konusu olduğunda, makaleyi geri çekmeyi düşünmelidir. Yazarlar tarafından araştırma veya yayını kötüye kullanmaya yönelik olasılık söz konusu ise; bulguların güvenilir olmadığına ve yazarların kurumlarının olayı soruşturmadığına dair kanıtlar var veya olası soruşturma haksız veya sonuçsuz görünüyor ise, editörler endişe ifadesi yayınlamayı düşünmelidir. Düzeltme, geri çekme veya endişe ifadesi ile ilgili olarak <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/flowcharts/complete-set-english" target="_blank">COPE</a> ve <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/" target="_blank">ICJME</a> yönergeleri dikkate alınır.

Dergide yayınlanan tüm yazıların korunmasını ve kalıcı olarak erişilebilir olmasını sağlamak için makaleler, ulusal bir arşiv sitesi olarak hizmet veren ve aynı zamanda LOCKSS'in içeriği toplamasına, korumasına ve sunmasına izin veren Dergipark'ta saklanmaktadır.Ek olarak, yazarların kendilerinin makalelerinin son PDF sürümünü Open Archives Initiative (<a href="https://www.openarchives.org/" target="_blank">https://www.openarchives.org/</a>) standartlarına uygun açık elektronik arşivlerde arşivlemeleri önerilir. Yazarlar, yayınladıkları arşiv versiyonundan, İ.Ü. Yayınevinin dergi web sitesinin URL'sine bağlantı sağlamalıdır.

darulfunun ilahiyat, yayın etiğinde en yüksek standartlara bağlıdır ve <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a> ve <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> tarafından yayınlanan etik yayıncılık ilkelerini benimser; Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing başlığı altında ifade edilen ilkeler için adres: <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a>Gönderilen tüm makaleler orijinal, yayınlanmamış ve başka bir dergide değerlendirme sürecinde olmamalıdır. Her bir makale editörlerden biri ve en az iki hakem tarafından çift kör değerlendirmeden geçirilir. İntihal, duplikasyon, sahte yazarlık/inkar edilen yazarlık, araştrma/veri fabrikasyonu, makale dilimleme, dilimleyerek yayın, telif hakları ihlali ve çıkar çatışmasının gizlenmesi, etik dışı davranışlar olarak kabul edilir.Kabul edilen etik standartlara uygun olmayan tüm makaleler yayından çıkarılır. Buna yayından sonra tespit edilen olası kuraldışı, uygunsuzluklar içeren makaleler de dahildir.

Etik

Dergi araştırma etiğinde en yüksek standartları gözetir ve aşağıda tanımlanan uluslararası araştırma etiği ilkelerini benimser. Makalelerin etik kurallara uygunluğu yazarların sorumluluğundadır.-    Araştırmanın tasarlanması, tasarımın gözden geçirilmesi ve araştırmanın yürütülmesinde, bütünlük, kalite ve şeffaflık ilkeleri sağlanmalıdır.-    Araştırma ekibi ve katılımcılar, araştırmanın amacı, yöntemleri ve öngörülen olası kullanımları; araştırmaya katılımın gerektirdikleri ve varsa riskleri hakkında tam olarak bilgilendirilmelidir.-    Araştırma katılımcılarının sağladığı bilgilerin gizliliği ve yanıt verenlerin gizliliği sağlanmalıdır. Araştırma katılımcıların özerkliğini ve saygınlığını koruyacak şekilde tasarlanmalıdır.-    Araştırma katılımcıları gönüllü olarak araştırmada yer almalı, herhangi bir zorlama altında olmamalıdırlar.-    Katılımcıların zarar görmesinden kaçınılmalıdır. Araştırma, katılımcıları riske sokmayacak şekilde planlanmalıdır.-    Araştırma bağımsızlığıyla ilgili açık ve net olunmalı; çıkar çatışması varsa belirtilmelidir.-    Deneysel çalışmalarda, araştırmaya katılmaya karar veren katılımcıların yazılı bilgilendirilmiş onayı alınmalıdır. Çocukların ve vesayet altındakilerin veya tasdiklenmiş akıl hastalığı bulunanların yasal vasisinin onayı alınmalıdır.-    Çalışma herhangi bir kurum ya da kuruluşta gerçekleştirilecekse bu kurum ya da kuruluştan çalışma yapılacağına dair onay alınmalıdır.-    İnsan öğesi bulunan çalışmalarda, “yöntem” bölümünde katılımcılardan “bilgilendirilmiş onam” alındığının ve çalışmanın yapıldığı kurumdan etik kurul onayı alındığı belirtilmesi gerekir.

Makalelerin bilimsel ve etik kurallara uygunluğu yazarların sorumluluğundadır. Yazar makalenin orijinal olduğu, daha önce başka bir yerde yayınlanmadığı ve başka bir yerde, başka bir dilde yayınlanmak üzere değerlendirmede olmadığı konusunda teminat sağlamalıdır. Uygulamadaki telif kanunları ve anlaşmaları gözetilmelidir. Telife bağlı materyaller (örneğin tablolar, şekiller veya büyük alıntılar) gerekli izin ve teşekkürle kullanılmalıdır. Başka yazarların, katkıda bulunanların çalışmaları ya da yararlanılan kaynaklar uygun biçimde kullanılmalı ve referanslarda belirtilmelidir.Gönderilen makalede tüm yazarların akademik ve bilimsel olarak doğrudan katkısı olmalıdır, bu bağlamda “yazar” yayınlanan bir araştırmanın kavramsallaştırılmasına ve dizaynına, verilerin elde edilmesine, analizine ya da yorumlanmasına belirgin katkı yapan, yazının yazılması ya da bunun içerik açısından eleştirel biçimde gözden geçirilmesinde görev yapan birisi olarak görülür. Yazar olabilmenin diğer koşulları ise, makaledeki çalışmayı planlamak veya icra etmek ve / veya revize etmektir. Fon sağlanması, veri toplanması ya da araştırma grubunun genel süpervizyonu tek başına yazarlık hakkı kazandırmaz. Yazar olarak gösterilen tüm bireyler sayılan tüm ölçütleri karşılamalıdır ve yukarıdaki ölçütleri karşılayan her birey yazar olarak gösterilebilir. Yazarların isim sıralaması ortak verilen bir karar olmalıdır. Tüm yazarlar yazar sıralamasını <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/7281EBE3E18F4E5A95833E5ED0CEFE2E" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formunda</a> imzalı olarak belirtmek zorundadırlar.Yazarlık için yeterli ölçütleri karşılamayan ancak çalışmaya katkısı olan tüm bireyler “teşekkür / bilgiler” kısmında sıralanmalıdır. Bunlara örnek olarak ise sadece teknik destek sağlayan, yazıma yardımcı olan ya da sadece genel bir destek sağlayan, finansal ve materyal desteği sunan kişiler verilebilir.Bütün yazarlar, araştırmanın sonuçlarını ya da bilimsel değerlendirmeyi etkileyebilme potansiyeli olan finansal ilişkiler, çıkar çatışması ve çıkar rekabetini beyan etmelidirler. Bir yazar kendi yayınlanmış yazısında belirgin bir hata ya da yanlışlık tespit ederse, bu yanlışlıklara ilişkin düzeltme ya da geri çekme için editör ile hemen temasa geçme ve işbirliği yapma sorumluluğunu taşır.

Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirirler. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar. Gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalacağını garanti eder. Baş editör içerik ve yayının toplam kalitesinden sorumludur. Gereğinde hata sayfası yayınlamalı ya da düzeltme yapmalıdır. Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemler, araştırma, yazarlar ve/veya araştırmaya fon sağlayanlarla çıkar çatışması içinde olmamalıdır. Hakemler değerlendirmelerinin sonucunda tarafsız bir yargıya varmalıdırlar. Gönderilmiş yazılara ilişkin tüm bilginin gizli tutulmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar. Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir. Bazı durumlarda editörün kararıyla, ilgili hakemlerin makaleye ait yorumları aynı makaleyi yorumlayan diğer hakemlere gönderilerek hakemlerin bu süreçte aydınlatılması sağlanabilir.

Daha önce yayınlanmamış ya da yayınlanmak üzere başka bir dergide halen değerlendirmede olmayan ve her bir yazar tarafından onaylanan makaleler değerlendirilmek üzere kabul edilir. Gönderilen ve ön kontrolü geçen makaleler iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir.Seçilen makaleler en az iki ulusal/uluslararası hakeme çift taraflı kör hakemlik ile değerlendirmeye gönderilir; yayın kararı, hakemlerin talepleri doğrultusunda yazarların gerçekleştirdiği düzenlemelerin ve hakem sürecinin sonrasında baş editör tarafından verilir.

Hakemlik Hakkında

Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirirler. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar. Gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalacağını garanti eder.Baş editör içerik ve yayının toplam kalitesinden sorumludur. Gereğinde hata sayfası yayınlamalı ya da düzeltme yapmalıdır.Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemler, araştırma, yazarlar ve/veya araştırmaya fon sağlayanlarla çıkar çatışması içinde olmamalıdır. Hakemler değerlendirmelerinin sonucunda tarafsız bir yargıya varmalıdırlar. Gönderilmiş yazılara ilişkin tüm bilginin gizli tutulmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar.Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir. Bazı durumlarda editörün kararıyla, ilgili hakemlerin makaleye ait yorumları aynı makaleyi yorumlayan diğer hakemlere gönderilerek hakemlerin bu süreçte aydınlatılması sağlanabilir.

Daha önce yayınlanmamış ya da yayınlanmak üzere başka bir dergide halen değerlendirmede olmayan ve her bir yazar tarafından onaylanan makaleler değerlendirilmek üzere kabul edilir. Gönderilen ve ön kontrolü geçen makaleler iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir. Editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, cinsel yöneliminden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirir. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar.Seçilen makaleler en az iki ulusal/uluslararası hakeme değerlendirmeye gönderilir; yayın kararı, hakemlerin talepleri doğrultusunda yazarların gerçekleştirdiği düzenlemelerin ve hakem sürecinin sonrasında baş editör tarafından verilir.Hakemlerin değerlendirmeleri objektif olmalıdır. Hakem süreci sırasında hakemlerin aşağıdaki hususları dikkate alarak değerlendirmelerini yapmaları beklenir.-Makale yeni ve önemli bir bilgi içeriyor mu?-Öz, makalenin içeriğini net ve düzgün bir şekilde tanımlıyor mu?-Yöntem bütünlüklü ve anlaşılır şekilde tanımlanmış mı?-Yapılan yorum ve varılan sonuçlar bulgularla kanıtlanıyor mu?-Alandaki diğer çalışmalara yeterli referans verilmiş mi?-Dil kalitesi yeterli mi?Hakemler, gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar. Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir.

1. Amaç ve KapsamBaşvurunuzu darulfunun ilahiyat’a göndermeden önce lütfen derginin “<a href="https://iupress.istanbul.edu.tr/tr/journal/ilahiyatjournal/information/amac-ve-kapsam" target="_blank">Amaç ve Kapsam</a>” sayfasını inceleyiniz. Derginin kapsamı dışında kalan çalışmalar değerlendirme sürecine alınmamaktadır. 2. Başvuru TürleriYayımlanmak üzere gönderilen çalışmalar Baş Editör &amp; Alan Editörleri tarafından amaç, konu, içerik, sunuş tarzı ve yazım kurallarına uygunluk açısından incelenmektedir. Çalışmanız, kaynakçası hariç olmak üzere, 5000-8000 kelime olmalıdır. Dergiye gönderilen tüm makale türlerine uygulanacak editöryal değerlendirme kriterleri aşağıda sıralanmaktadır: (1) Bilimsel yeterliliğin yüksek olması (2) Çalışmanın kuramsal dayanaklarının açık bir şekilde ifade edilmesi (3) Alana kavramsal veya metodolojik düzeyde katkı sağlaması (4) Metnin teori veya yöntem açısından yenilik sunması (5) Çalışmada güncel yöntemlerin kullanılmasına özen gösterilmesi 2.1. Araştırma Makalesidarulfunun ilahiyat, din ile ilgili temel sorunları ortaya koyan ve bunlara çözüm önerileri getiren çalışmaların yayımlanmasını hedeflemektedir. Bununla birlikte özgün araştırmalarda bazı hususlara ayrıca dikkat edilmektedir: (a) Araştırmanın dayandığı kuramsal çerçevenin kapsamlı bir şekilde ifade edilmesi (b) Araştırmanın kuramsal ve uygulama olarak alana katkısının zikredilmesi (c) Çalışmanın din bilimlerindeki bilgi birikimine orijinal katkı sağlaması (d) Çalışmanın özgün bir tezi olup bu tezin kendi içerisinde tutarlı bir şekilde sunulması (e) Çalışmanın yaklaşım ve metodolojisine dair esasların açık bir şekilde ortaya konulması 2.2. Araştırma NotuAraştırma notları, yapılan araştırmalar aracılığıyla edinilen akademik tecrübenin paylaşılmasını hedeflemektedir. Araştırmacıların şahsi değerlendirmelerini de aktarabilecekleri bu türden yazılar 2500 kelimeyi aşmamalıdır. 2.3. Toplantı ÖzetiUlusal veya uluslararası akademik toplantıların içeriklerine dair değerlendirmeleri içeren toplantı özeti, 1500 kelimeyi aşmamalıdır. Hazırlanan metinde özellikle toplantının akademik anlamdaki katkısı ele alınmış olmalıdır. 2.4. Kitap DeğerlendirmesiDergiye gönderilecek olan kitap değerlendirmeleri 1500 kelimeyi aşmamalıdır. 3.Genel Biçim Özellikleri 3.1. Yazı Tipi: Bütün metinde 10 punto Times New Roman yazı karakteri kullanılır. Tablo ve şekillerin nasıl hazırlanacağına dair ilgili bölüme bakınız. 3.2. Sayfa Yapısı: A4 boyutlarındaki kâğıda üst, alt, sağ ve sol boşluk 2,5 cm (0.98 inç) bırakılarak, iki yana dayalı, satır sonu tirelemesiz şekilde olmalıdır. Çalışmalar tek sütun olarak hazırlanmalıdır. Paragraflarda ve başlıklarda girinti ve çıkıntı olmamalıdır. 3.3. Paragraf Yapısı: Paragraf sekmesinde girintiler bölümünde; önce ve sonra alanı 0,6 nk satır aralığı 1,5 olmalıdır. 3.4. Kelime Sınırı: Dergiye gönderilen yazılar 5.000-8.000 kelime arası olmalıdır. 3.5. Öz: 150-200 kelime arasında olmalıdır. 3.6 Anahtar Kelimeler: 5-8 kelime arasında olmalıdır. 3.7. Extended Summary: İngilizce olmayan makaleler için, kabulü takiben 1000-1500 kelimelik İngilizce extended summary istenmektedir. 3.8. Ana Metin: Ana metnin nasıl görüneceğine dair örnek bir metin için lütfen [04_ana_metin.pdf] dosyasını inceleyiniz. Yüklediğiniz ana metnin yazar bilgilerini içermemelidir. Yüklemeden önce bu bilgileri çıkardığınızdan emin olun; yazarla ilgili bilgiler başlık sayfasında ayrıca yer almalıdır. Nicel ve nitel çalışmalar Giriş, Yöntem, Bulgular ve Tartışma bölümlerini içermelidir. Yöntem kısmında mutlaka Örneklem/Çalışma Grubu, Veri Toplama Araçları ve İşlem alt bölümleri bulunmalıdır. Model alt bölümüne sadece özgün bir model kullanılmışsa yer verilmelidir. 3.9. Başlık Sayfası: Aşağıdaki bilgiler Başlık Sayfasında yer almalıdır.(i) Makalenin başlığı (ii) Makalenin kategorisi (iii) Yazar(ların) isim ve soyadları (iv) Yazar(ların) kurum bilgileri (kurum, şehir, ülke) (v) Yazar(ların) e-mail adresleri (vi) Yazar(ların) Orcid’leri (vii) Finansal destek, çıkar çatışması ve teşekkür ile ilgili bilgiler. 3.10. Tablo, Şekil ve EklerTablo ve Şekiller: Tablo, şekil, resim, grafik vb. unsurlar metin içerisinde yer almalıdır. Çalışmanın sonunda ayrıca verilmemelidir. Tablo ve şekillerde genel şablonun dışında 9 punto Times New Roman yazı karakteri kullanılır. Paragraf sekmesinde girintiler bölümünde; • önce ve sonra alanı 0 nk, • satır aralığı tek olmalıdır. Tablo ve şekiller sola dayalı olmalı ve metin kaydırma özelliği kapalı olmalıdır. Ekler: Her bir ek ayrı sayfalarda, kaynakçadan sonra verilmelidir.3.11. Referans Stili:darulfunun ilahiyat, metin içi alıntılama ve kaynak gösterme için CMOS (The Chicago Manual of Style) kaynak stilinin 17. edisyonunu benimser. CMOS 17 hakkında bilgi için: <a href="http://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide.html" target="_blank">http://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide.html</a>3.12. Genişletilmiş Özet:darulfunun ilahiyat yayımladığı makalelerin uluslararası kamuoyu ile paylaşılmasını ve makalelerin etki üretmesini önemsemektedir. Bunun için Türkçe ve Arapça çalışmalar İngilizce geniş özetle (extended summary) birlikte yayımlanır. Bu kapsamda yazarlardan makaleyi temsil edecek geniş özet hazırlamaları talep edilir. 1000-1500 kelime arasında olması beklenen geniş özet; makalenin temel bölümlerindeki (Giriş/Literatür, Yöntem, Bulgular, Tartışma/Sonuç vb.) ana tartışmaları yansıtır. 4. Yabancı Dilde Başvurulardarulfunun ilahiyat; Türkçe, İngilizce ve Arapça dillerinde başvuru kabul etmektedir. Bu dillerde gelen başvurular hakem değerlendirmesinden önce dil yeterlilikleri ve kullanımları bakımından incelenmektedir. Ana dilde bir hakemin anlayamayacağı düzeyde olduğu tespit edilen başvurular hakem değerlendirme sürecine alınmaz ve yazarına dil düzeltmesi için gönderilir. 5. ORCIDİstanbul Üniversitesi; etik, şeffaf ve adil bir editör ve hakem değerlendirme sürecini önemsemektedir. Bu kapsamda İstanbul Üniversitesi, Open Researcher and Contributor ID (ORCID) platformunu desteklemektedir. ORCID, araştırmacıları ayrıştırabilmek için dijital bir kimlik numarası atayarak araştırmacı ile araştırmacının daha önceki faaliyetlerini eşleştirmektedir. darulfunun ilahiyat’ın yayımladığı makalelerde yazarlar ORCID numaraları ile birlikte yer almaktadırlar. Yazarların başvuru esnasında ORCID bilgilerini sağlamaları talep edilmektedir. ORCID Numaranız henüz yoksa şu [<a href="http://orcid.org/register" target="_blank">http://orcid.org/register</a>] linkten edinebilirsiniz. 6. Başvuru Gönderimidarulfunun ilahiyat’a çalışmanızı göndermek için aşağıdaki bağlantıya tıklayınız.[<a href="https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/darulfunun" target="_blank">https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/darulfunun</a>]. Başvuru gönderimi sürecinde bir problemle karşılaşırsanız, lütfen <a href="mailto:ilahiyat.editor@istanbul.edu.tr" target="_blank">ilahiyat.editor@istanbul.edu.tr</a> ile irtibata geçiniz. Önemli Not: darulfunun ilahiyat, yazarlardan herhangi bir ücret talep etmemektedir. 7. Yayım Süreci7.1. Kabul Sonrası Yayıma kabul edilen bir çalışmanın neticesi Sorumlu Yazara bildirilir. Sorumlu Yazarın ilgili raporlara göre düzenlediği çalışma Baş Editör veya Alan Editörü tarafından incelenir. Onaylanan çalışma tashih ve redaksiyon sürecine alınır. 7.1.2. OnlineFirstOnlineFirst, İstanbul Üniversitesinin basıma hazır makaleleri baskıdan önce Online olarak yayımladığı ortamdır. OnlineFirst olarak yayımlanan bir makaleye cilt, sayı bilgileri atanmamakta, makale DOI (Digital Object Identifiers) numarası ile yayımlanmaktadır. Makale ilgili sayıda yayımlandığında OnlineFirst sayfasından kaldırılmakta ve web sitesinde, yayımlandığı sayı içerisine alınmaktadır. Yayım kabulü alan bir çalışma yaklaşık 30 gün içerisinde OnlineFirst'te yayımlanmaktadır. 8. İletişimdarulfunun ilahiyat ile ilgili bütün sorularınız için <a href="mailto:ilahiyat.editor@istanbul.edu.tr" target="_blank">ilahiyat.editor@istanbul.edu.tr</a> elektronik posta adresi yoluyla iletişime geçebilirsiniz.

Yazım Kuralları

Derleme yazıları okuyucular için bir konudaki kaynaklara ulaşmayı kolaylaştıran bir araç olsa da, her zaman orijinal çalışmayı doğru olarak yansıtmaz. Bu yüzden mümkün olduğunca yazarlar orijinal çalışmaları kaynak göstermelidir. Öte yandan, bir konuda çok fazla sayıda orijinal çalışmanın kaynak gösterilmesi yer israfına neden olabilir. Birkaç anahtar orijinal çalışmanın kaynak gösterilmesi genelde uzun listelerle aynı işi görür. Ayrıca günümüzde kaynaklar elektronik versiyonlara eklenebilmekte ve okuyucular elektronik literatür taramalarıyla yayınlara kolaylıkla ulaşabilmektedir.Kabul edilmiş ancak henüz sayıya dahil edilmemiş makaleler Early View olarak yayınlanır ve bu makalelere atıflar “advance online publication” şeklinde verilmelidir. Genel bir kaynaktan elde edilemeyecek temel bir konu olmadıkça “kişisel iletişimlere” atıfta bulunulmamalıdır. Eğer atıfta bulunulursa parantez içinde iletişim kurulan kişinin adı ve iletişimin tarihi belirtilmelidir. Bilimsel makaleler için yazarlar bu kaynaktan yazılı izin ve iletişimin doğruluğunu gösterir belge almalıdır. Kaynakların doğruluğundan yazar(lar) sorumludur. Tüm kaynaklar metinde belirtilmelidir. Kaynaklar alfabetik olarak sıralanmalıdır.Referans Stili ve Formatıdarulfunun ilahiyat, metin içi alıntılama ve kaynak gösterme için CMOS (The Chicago Manual of Style) kaynak stilinin 17. edisyonunu benimser. CMOS 17 hakkında bilgi için: <a href="http://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide.html" target="_blank">http://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide.html</a>

Aşağıdaki listede yer alan bilgilerin eksik olmadığından emin olun:●     Yazarlara Bilgide detaylı olarak anlatılan dergi politikalarının gözden geçirildiğiü    Başka bir dergiye gönderilmemiş olduğu bilgisiü    Sponsor veya ticari bir firma ile ilişkisi (varsa belirtiniz)ü    İngilizce yönünden kontrolünün yapıldığıü    Kaynakların CMOS (The Chicago Manuel of Style) 17’ye göre belirtildiği●    <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/7281EBE3E18F4E5A95833E5ED0CEFE2E" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a> ●    Daha önce basılmış ve telife bağlı materyal (yazı-resim-tablo) kullanılmış ise izin belgesi●    <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/AF49E697F8F94F388F130E49B408FD16" target="_blank">Kapak sayfası</a>ü    Makalenin türüü    Makalenin Türkçe ve İngilizce başlığıü    Yazarların ismi soyadı, unvanları ve bağlı oldukları kurumlar (üniversite ve fakülte bilgisinden sonra şehir ve ülke bilgisi de yer almalıdır), e-posta adresleriü    Sorumlu yazarın e-posta adresi, açık yazışma adresi, iş telefonu, GSM, faks nosuü    Tüm yazarların ORCID’leri●    Makale ana metniü    Makalenin Türkçe ve İngilizce başlığıü    Özetler: 150-200 kelime Türkçe ve 150-200 kelime İngilizceü    Anahtar Kelimeler: 5-8 adet Türkçe ve 5-8 adet İngilizceü    Makale Türkçe ise, 1000-1500 kelime İngilizce genişletilmiş özet (Extended Abstract)ü    Makale ana metin bölümleriü    Finansal destek (varsa belirtiniz)ü    Çıkar çatışması (varsa belirtiniz)ü    Teşekkür (varsa belirtiniz)ü    Kaynaklarü    Tablolar-Resimler, Şekiller (başlık, tanım ve alt yazılarıyla)

<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/AD920A7B60664BFAAE54AA21893A2EC6" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/0060E0AA36EC4014965788D85C639EE0" target="_blank">Kapak Sayfası </a>

Sayı Türü	Regular
Editör(ler)	Necmettin Kızılkaya
Kapak (PDF)
Ön Sayfalar (PDF)

darulfunun ilahiyat

CİLT 33, SAYI 1, 2022

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M. Mustafa Çakmaklıoğlu’nun Tasavvuf İsimli Kitabının Değerlendirmesi

Maribel Fierro’nun “III. Abdurrahman: İlk Kurtuba Halifesi” adlı eserinin değerlendirilmesi

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