Mehmet

Assoc. Prof.

Muzaffer

Limited knowledge exists about scholarly life in the Anatolian Beyliks period, and this is often explained through the limitation of historical data that allows one to have knowledge about this subject. This situation often leads one to remain confined to what is known of the history of this period. However, recent studies, especially those on manuscripts, have required the meaning that has been attributed to the concept of historical data to be reevaluated. In past years, most of the manuscripts in the Turkish Manuscript Libraries have been put into the service of researchers by allowing them to obtain visual images of the manuscripts. This has allowed manuscripts to be positioned as an independent field in the archaeology of knowledge much more than before. The intertextual and extratextual historical information in manuscripts is an important historical data source. Through this source, many unknown names, works, and institutions can be brought to light, with the scholar Badr al-Rūmī being a striking example of this as the subject of this article.No information exists about this scholar in biographical or bibliographic works. He gave his full name as Dāwūd b. al-Shaykh Ḳutluġbek b. Islām b. Rajab. For the first time, scholars became aware of his existence through a farāgh record written by him in 1313 AD/712 AH at the end of a copy of ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn al-Bukhārī’s Kashf al-Asrār. This record is an important piece of information in that a person from Anatolia had copied this work shortly after it was composed. As such, however, this information had at most a footnote regarding an examination centered on the circulation of Kashf al-Asrār. During this article’s studies on Anatolian Beyliks period, additional information about him was encountered in other manuscripts. In this sense, this study found two separate ijāzats that had been given to al-Rūmī by Fakhr al-Dīn al-Chārpardī and Muḥammad al-Hamadānī on al-Kashshāf. Likewise, two juridical works were found to have been copied by Badr al-Rūmī, one of which was from Ḥāfiẓ al-Dīn al-Nasafī and the other from ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn al-Bukhārī. Badr al-Rūmī copied the former in 1306/705 in the Orkhāniyya Madrasa that had been allocated to the Ḥanafīs in Ilkhānid Tabrīz.The clue Waliyy al-Dīn Jārullāh Efendi provided in a manuscript note led to this article being composed on the basis of these fragmentary records. While listing the commentaries on al-Pazdawī’s Uṣūl, Jārullāh Efendi was found to have included Badr al-Rūmī’s commentary in the list and to regarded it as an abridgement of ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn al-Bukhārī’s Kashf al-Asrār. In his note, Jārullāh Efendi stated that he had read alPazdawī’s work with his disciples and pondered the commentaries on it, mentioning Badr al-Rūmī’s commentary among them. This suggested that the related commentary might have been in Jārullāh Efendi’s possession. Thus, the study examined the juridical works in the collection of Jārullāh Efendi and found one commentary that had been mistakenly cataloged as ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn al-Bukhārī’s Kashf al-Asrār to have in fact belonged to Badr alRūmī. The information in its preamble revealed Badr al-Rūmī to have read al-Pazdawī’s Uṣūl from ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn al-Bukhārī and to have received the ijāzat for the work from a person named Arshad al-Dīn. As a result, the current article has been composed by making use of the information in the various separate records, some of which came from Badr al-Rūmī.The intertextual and extratextual historical records discussed in this article deserve special attention in two respects. The first is that they allow expansion of the knowledge of the scholarly life during the Anatolia Beyliks to a certain extent. The juridical ijāzats in the Ottoman period are known to have generally been attributed to Akmal al-Dīn alBābartī. This is understandable both in terms of the basic logic of ijāzats and al-Bābartī’s undeniable role in this regard. However, this situation should not lead one to think that a strong juridical tradition in Anatolia had begun with al-Bābartī. Badr al-Rūmī showed that at least one generation before al-Bābartī, one Anatolian scholar had read about ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn al-Bukhārī, an important figure in the Ḥanafī tradition. When considering that ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn al-Bukhārī had been the teacher of al-Bābartī’s teacher, Qiwām al-Dīn alKākī, Badr al-Rūmī’s discipleship to al-Bukhārī becomes worthy of being taken into consideration. The second is that the manuscripts can be used as an important source of biblio-biographic data, especially with regard to the history of the Anatolia Beyliks. Limited information is found associated with the history of religious thought during this period. However, intertextual and extratextual historical information in related manuscripts written by Anatolian scholars or in Anatolian cities during the Beyliks period reveals the written tradition to have been stronger than expected. The fragmentary nature of these records makes assessing the relevant period relatively difficult in terms of references to them. However, these records appear in the first analysis to be distinct from one another and to be able to allow meaningful patterns to form over time. The records this article has shared and analyzed regarding Badr al-Rūmī were accumulated piece by piece over a period of around five years during our studies on the Anatolian Beyliks. This firstly encourages the expansion of knowledge on the meaning and function of manuscripts as well as regarding these manuscripts as a vital component of historical archeology.&nbsp;

Tebriz-Maveraünnehir Hattında Bir Beylikler Dönemi Âlimi: Bedru’rRûmî Dâvud b. Kutluğbek b. İslâm b. Receb el-Kânî

Abdulhameed

The companions and generations who came after them busied themselves with the narrations of the Sunnah, studying them and protecting them from fabricators. They also were concerned with misinterpretation and thus shared fabricated narrations that supported the positions where they differed. Despite all that, some of them distorted parts of the wording within authentic narrations to bring them in line with their own theological or jurisprudential positions, or even to have fabricated whole narrations outright.Many Hadith books have existed that collect authentic Hadiths through a multitude of approaches, and scholars have also classified books to clarify the names and opinions of theological groups, comparing those opinions and the evidence for each with multiple efforts. However, a large part of the opinions of some theological groups were not written down, especially regarding the evidence and proof they had inferred, and Dirar bin Amr as a pillar of some groups was unique in collecting many texts that were inferred by the rest of the groups in the early centuries. As such, his book Al-Tahrish combines two things: the names and opinions of the ideological (i.e., faith-based) Kalam and political groups who differed from one another, and the legal texts, especially the Hadiths upon which these groups relied for their opinions.Kitab al-Tahrish by Dirar ibn Amr is considered a classical resource for the differences between various groups due to being written in the 2nd century AH. The work contains several narrations of hadith that groups of the time used as proofs against their opponents. The book’s premise is that Satan causes problems among people and provokes discord. One of the tools Satan uses is those who interpret texts according to their whims, twisting them to conform with their own creed and positions. Therefore, Dirar ibn Amr created a character he calls al-Faqih, who transmits fabricated hadiths or interprets them according to his desires. Dirar’s intended conclusion is that differences of opinion can be attributed to following one’s arbitrary views based on whim and opinion, and this is the true reason for differences in the interpretation of existing texts.However, what methodology did the author use when presenting these narrations? How accurately did he transmit them in his work? What standard do they hold in terms of acceptance or rejection relative to the rules of hadith criticism specialists have previously relied upon? This article was written as a response to these questions and others necessary to examine and uncover this work and its author’s methodology.After examining these texts and their classification, what has been made clear is that they don’t all have the same level of authenticity. Some are sahih whereas others are weak, or even fabricated if not unavailable in other sources. Besides the fact that the author clearly is not precise in his presentation of the narrations, most are transmitted according to their general meaning, with verbiage differing from what reliable sources of hadith have authenticated, or at times even with distorted wording from what is known to be accurate.One of the most important observations noticed when writing this research and studying Kitab al-Tahrish is that Dirar ibn Amr did not rely on the methods of hadith scholars in criticizing hadith accounts in this book, despite his living in the period the hadith transmission, the emergence of the the science of the hadith criticism (al-jarh wa al-ta’dil). However, we did not find Dirar ibn Amr using standart terminology of hadith transmission or their rules of criticism regarding the transmitters.One important question arises here that cannot be answered with certainty. Did Dirar ibn Amr ignore this because he was not recognize the methods of hadith scholars for criticizing hadith accounts and wanted to present an alternative method of his own that he stipulated at the end of his book? Or was it because of his lack of knowledge regarding this transmission-based method and his reliance on the approach of abstract mental understanding. This is why the work requires a detailed and precise study to compare its narrations with what is considered acceptable, and the work is definitely worthy of several studies as well as in-depth, expansive research.Despite the popularity of the book and the multiple studies done on it, I did not find anyone who objected to the issues discussed in this study, in particular the narrations, the way it was presented, or the authenticity and accuracy of its transmission. For example, the first edition of the book, with no other version having yet appeared as of the date of this research, lacked an introduction to these problems, and the two virtuous editors of the book did not criticize these narrations when they appeared within the pages of the book.&nbsp;

Dirar B. Amr’in Kitabu’t-Tahrîş’ndeki Hadis Metodu

Hatice

Canlandırmayın (DNR) Talimatlarının İslam Hukukuna Göre  Değerlendirilmesi

Abdelkarim

Assist. Prof.

Classic criticism has been preoccupied with distinguishing between verbal arts, and setting specific characteristics for the nature of each art in what was known as the theory of literary genres. This is becasuse separating the genders, defining the concept of each art, and clarifying its characteristics is a guide for reading. It gives the reader a key to read the text in a manner appropriate to the literary genre that is contained under it which conforms to the classic perception that believed in qualitative purity and intentionality. Many recent studies have focused on the classification of literature, and tried to determine the characteristics distinguishing each category. Therefore, we find a theory of systems, a theory of poetry, a theory in the novel, and other divisions that need us to re-read.The dialectic of the relationship between prose poetry is one of the most prominent literary polemics and artistic dichotomies that preoccupied literary criticism and poetic creativity in the ancient Arab heritage. The prosody and rhyme of poetry and prose and the music of the poetic metre of the Khalian prosody played an essential role in that distinction.The problem of literary genre still occupies a space of modern critical thought. For after the theory of literary genres was destroyed and campaigns were launched against the boundaries separating genres, the problem became greater than it used to be. The question is what determines the affiliation of a creative text to its kind? Is it the intention? The author? What he writes on the cover title (poetry, prose, story, novel, theater)? What if the creator abstained from this responsibility and did not write what reveals the type of his writing? Or he evaded, so he wrote on the cover of his work the term “texts”, and did not specify whether they are poetic texts, narrative texts, or theatrical texts?! And what if this writing itself refuses to be attributed to a type, such as the prose poem, or free verse poetry, for example? Finally, what if we remove the cover of the literary work from it? Can it be attributed here to a literary work? What is the decisive criterion governing this genre, which allows for the attribution, or the possibility of attributing, a literary work to it?The modern movement in Arab poetry was characterized by removing the differences between literary genres and the convergence of arts, especially between poetry and prose. It is one of the characteristics of poetry which employs it artistically. Although the poets of Arab modernism agreed to renew poetry, they differed in the quality and nature of this renewal, and they also differed in their attitude towards heritage. Some of them preserved the poetic heritage, and some of them called to break away from it. This is what urged Arab modernism not to take a single path due to the different cultural and sectarian trends of its pioneers.&nbsp;There is no doubt that modernism - in fact - is a continuous rebellion that is not linked to a time, place, or literary genre. Because true modernism has a transcendent character that differentiates between all these frameworks. There is no doubt that this rebellion finds itself only in a series of free adventures that challenge traditions, restrictions and frameworks, or even let us say that it does not challenge them, and does not even recognize them at all.Since poetry was the most creative genre committed to traditions and restrictions, confronting it first, then revolting against it secondly, is one of the most prominent features of modernism. Poetry and Prose were called the prose poem.The study presents the idea of rapprochement between the language of poetry and prose among the poets of Arab modernity, and the problem of distinguishing between them. This problem represented an entrance to all the calls for renewal and poetic liberation that followed, and the study aims to identify the technical justifications presented by these modernists to justify their position. Some of the modern arab poets believed in the necessity of separation of the different literary arts and maintaining the independent characteristics of every single art.It,s not allowed to remove the limits among them so as not to lead to confusion and artistic distortion of these arts, and therefore these rejected the convergence between the language of poetry and the language of prose, refusing to get rid of poetry from the most important heritage characteristics that distinguish it from prose through its different eras, which is morphology or grammatical weight words while another modernist group believed in the importance of overlapping Literary genres, the dissolution of differences, and the disappearance of borders between them, and this current has rejected grammatical weight as a distinguishing technical criterion for the language of poetry from the language of prose. They tried to search for an alternative new rhythmical source, ,and they preferred using intonation for giving internal and external musical sense, Rhythm, which is concerned with the external and internal music of the language of poetry.Modernist poets were chosen as a model for study for several reasons, including:1- The poets of Arab modernism got rid of the unity of verses, which constituted a starting point for the rapprochement between poetry and prose. 2- The admiration of Arab modernist poets towards the heritage of Arab prose, and the openness of their texts to the poetics of mystical prose, the Holy Qur’an and the Bible. 3- The pioneers of modern poets are not only poets, but critics, who practiced criticism scientifically; Most of them wrote critical books that represented the theoretical basis for modern poetic trends.4- The poetic writings of each combined free verse and prose poems.In order for the study to be more comprehensive in its handling of the problem of the relationship between poetry and prose, the researcher expanded the selection of the model of the selected poets temporally and geographically, so that this model includes most of the regions of the Arab World. Therefore, the study consists of two pioneering generations, namely:The first generation: It includes the Iraqi poet Nazik Al-Malaika, the Egyptian poet Salah Abdel-Sabour, the Syrian poet Adonis Ali Ahmed Saeed, and the Lebanese poet Youssef Al-Khal.The second generation: It includes the Yemeni poet Abdul Aziz Al-Maqaleh, the Moroccan poet Muhammad Bennis, and the Bahraini poet Alawi Al-Hashimi.Study Methodology: The study adopted the critical analytical method, which combines the opinions of these critics on the relationship between poetry and prose, with the analysis of these opinions critically.The study revealed that the stance of modern poets towards the relationship between poetry and prose was not one, but took three levels: The first: It refused to abolish all the barriers between poetry and prose, adhered to the theory of literary genres, and called for the importance of preserving the rhythmic meter music as distinguishing poetry from prose, represented by Salah Abdel-Sabour and Nazik Al-Malaika. The second: It called for a rapprochement between poetry and prose, and rejected the theory of literary genres, represented by Youssef Al-Khal, Adonis, and Abdel Aziz Al-Maqaleh. The third: It tried to root the music of prose poetry as an alternative to the music of prosody, represented by Muhammad Bennis and Alawi Al-Hashimi.&nbsp;

Arap Modernist Şairlerinin Şiir ve Nesir İlişkisine Bakışı

Fadi

Omar

Res. Assist.

The Image of Sulṭān in Islamic Mirror of Princes

Almoataz

Ecclesiastical Arabic is a unique language containing many rare phenomena, vocabulary, and unique linguistic uses. This language has rules that are not subject to the laws of natural languages and is independent of the rulings that are customarily sanctioned by the followers of the religion; it lacks the authority of the general Arabic reality or the interference of its masters. Despite the richness of the Arabic ecclesiastical heritage, due care has not been taken, and its language has been studied only a little to this day. This can be attributed to the most following important reasons: this heritage’s limitations to church parishioners, the lack of publications on this heritage compared to its size, and the weak linguistic formation of most research on it.The linguistic study of the Arabic ecclesiastical heritage will help to explain many linguistic phenomena in Arabic dialects, fill a wide gap regarding its vocabulary, trace back to its origins, and reveal aspects of the influence of Arabic as well as its own influence on other languages. The study will also help connect the vicious circles in the history of Arabic. If the study also goes beyond the limits of just a linguistic study, it will reveal other beneficial aspects including a deep understanding of the topics of belief, philosophy, and comparison of religions as an objective study of the psychological and social aspects of Arab Christian sects and a re-reading of Arab history, especially the history of the East.Sensing the richness of the Arabic ecclesiastical heritage and its need for the attention of those engaged in linguistic study, especially with regard to the scarcity of research achieved in this field, the study’s researcher seeks to dig into this language and explore some of its secrets. The study relies on linguistic material involving more than 170 sources from the Arabic ecclesiastical printed and manuscript heritage and extends in time from the earliest known appearance of that heritage until the modern era using a variety of texts to express the various schools and sciences. The researcher has attempted to invest the collected material in a study of this language from a lexical perspective by tracing its verbal and semantic peculiarities; searching its origins, history and uses; and reviewing it according to the regulations of modern lexicography.This study shows the uniqueness of the Arabic ecclesiastical heritage with its many linguistic phenomena that characterize it as a unique language. These phenomena vary to include morphological forms, structures, and meanings. The study traces the history of the Arabic ecclesiastical heritage as well as its authorship trends. The researcher has ended up classifying the authors of that heritage into two schools: the Eastern School (Mashreq), and the Coptic School. The researcher also points out that some individuals and limited trends have occurred that do not belong to either of the two schools (e.g., Arabists and missionaries).The researcher has sought to track down previous works and concluded the Arabic library to be devoid of an ecclesiastical heritage dictionary with the exception of a few studies concerning ecclesiastical terminology and other studies concerned with Coptic Arabic. This study suggests a methodology for building an Ecclesiastical Arabic dictionary based on a linguistic corpus derived from that heritage and also on modern lexicography rules. The researcher has demonstrated the features of the proposed methodology through two main phases: the first concerned with collecting and preparing material and the second with lexical editing.In the stage of collecting materials, the researcher built a computerized linguistic corpus for the Arabic ecclesiastical heritage and provided a description of this corpus. It contains 6,388,401 words from 179 sources. The researcher classified the texts of the corpus according to three considerations, with the first being in terms of a historical representation into three sections (i.e., ancient heritage, medieval heritage, and modern heritage), the second being in terms of six sections of sectarian representation (i.e., the Melkite texts, Maronite texts, the Nestorian texts, the Jacobite texts, the Coptic texts, and other texts), and the third in terms of cognitive representation in five sections (i.e., sources of beliefs and theology, sources of jurisprudence and worship [and laws], biblical sources [translations and commentaries], sources of literature and ethics, and sources of church history).The study also presents a separate statistical description of the corpus texts in each of the three classifications and proposes a methodology for editing the desired dictionary along six axes representing the basic information included in the dictionary: entries and lexical units (lexemes), lexical meanings, lexical evidence, etymological information, historical information, and levels of use.With regard to the entries and lexical units, this study provides a vision for editing the lexical forms, and the researcher suggests three types of lexical units:&nbsp;singular units, compound units, and special morphemes. As for lexical meanings, the researcher presents the conception of liberating the meaning from the context and suggested two sources for this. One is basic and represented in the linguistic corpus, and the other is secondary and represented in the previous lexical achievement. With regard to the lexical evidence, the study shows the feasibility, both direct and indirect, of the lexical evidence. Regarding tracing the special meanings in particular, the researcher presents a conception of the contextual features and the controls for citations. In regard to the etymological information, the researcher concludes that the nature of the desired dictionary dictates the richness of its etymological material and also presents a methodological vision for editing morphological information based on one of three possibilities: that the word belongs to one of the languages of the ancient world, that the word is borrowed from Arabic, or that the word belongs to one of the modern languages. As for the historical information, the study shows the changing nature of this information according to the available text material, and the researcher suggests a methodology for dating texts based on the dates of their composition and on the dates of their authors’ deaths. Regarding the levels of use, the researcher presents a concept for editing these usages in the dictionary and suggests categorizing them by considering their position under three levels: worship, learning, and social. The researcher also suggests classifying them by considering which of three levels they belong to: Mashreq Arabic, Coptic Arabic, or Common Ecclesiastical Arabic.&nbsp;

Yöntem ve Model Bakımından Kilisenin Arapça Sözlük Çalışmaları

Metin

Önder

Din ve Dünya Geriliminin Yeniden Yorumlanması: Müceddidî ve Hâlidî Şeyhlerinin Deneyimleri Bağlamında Nakşibendî Tarikatı

Eşref

Option contracts are among the most important instruments of financial derivatives because they pave the way for investors to hedge against risks in an environment characterized by risk and uncertainty. Options also enable investors to speculate using financial leverage. Meanwhile, some profess option contracts to have transformed from being risk contracts into contracts for hedging against risks while actually still maintaining the same risk. This is because options are nothing but gambling tools for trading in risks, due to being sold and bought by being transferred from those who are hedging against them to those who accept them with a desire to obtain the fee for taking on the risk.In light of many Arab countries’ (especially Gulf countries) inclination toward implementing option contracts in their financial markets while maintaining Shariah compliance, this study intends to discuss the Shariah ruling regarding these contracts from the perspective of Islamic economics. The study relies on inductive and deductive approaches to discuss the concept of option contracts, their origin, development, types, and Islam’s view toward them.The study defines an option contract as a contract between two parties, one being the holder or buyer of the contract and the other being the issuer or seller of the contract. Under this contract, the buyer has the right to buy from or sell to the issuer a number of units of a real or a financial asset at a specific price agreed upon in advance during the contract initiation on the condition that the execution will take place at a later date (i.e., the execution or expiration date). The buyer has the right not to execute the contract if this execution is not in their best interest. In exchange, a compensation payment is made to the issuer, called a reward or premium, during the contract initiation phase. This premium is neither refundable nor a part of the transaction value.The study also discusses the types of option contracts and categorizes them according to various considerations. In terms of the type of transaction, option contracts can be divided into a call option, a put option, or a double option. In call options, the investor (buyer of the option) has the right to buy a number of financial securities (or other) at a specified price on a certain date in return for a premium paid by the buyer to the issuer of the option. In put options, the investor (buyer of the option) has the right to sell a number of financial securities (or other) at a specified price on a certain date in exchange for a premium paid by the buyer to the issuer of the option. In double options, the investor (the purchaser of the option) has the right to buy and sell a number of financial securities at a specified price on a specific date in return for a premium paid by the buyer to the issuer of the option, thus combining both the call and put options under one contract.In terms of ownership of securities, option contracts can be divided into covered and uncovered options. In the covered option, the contract issuer (seller) owns the underlying securities of the contract or has sufficient cash to meet their obligations if the request is made to execute the contract and the contract is a put option. In the uncovered option, however, the option seller does not have enough of the underlying securities from the contract to allow them to fulfill their obligations upon a request to execute the contract and deliver the underlying asset if the contract is a call option or lacks sufficient cash to meet their obligations if the contract is a put option.In terms of contract execution date, option contracts can be divided into American options and European options. In American options, the option buyer has the power to exercise or execute it at any time during the period from the conclusion of the contract until the expiry date. The European option, however, is an option contract that can only be exercised or executed on the contract’s specified expiry date. Namely, the expiry/execution date is the last valid day of the contract (i.e., the third Friday of the month of execution/expiry).The study also presents the emergence and development of option contracts, as they have been known for hundreds of years. In the 19th century, traders in the United States called them privileges, but these were traded in an unorganized market only among people who knew each other in a city. Meanwhile, the first organized market for trading in option contract shares was established at the Chicago Stock Exchange in April 1973. Through this, options were traded in the organized market only after being traded over the counter.The study seeks to find out the ruling on option contracts in light of Islamic Shariah based on their depiction. This requires identifying the rights in Islamic&nbsp;Shariah by considering how an option gives not an obligation but a right to its purchaser and by identifying the named contracts that can be viewed as being in agreement with option contracts. In addition, the study includes a discussion on considering option contracts as new and unnamed contracts.The right in option contracts is shown to not originally be an inherited right for the seller but rather one created through the contract for the benefit of the buyer. Furthermore, after its creation, the right is not associated with wealth but with the abstract aspect of buying or selling. If selling Shariah-mandated rights such as Haq al-Shufa’ah [right of preemption] and Haq al-Qisas [right of retribution] is not permissible unless they are associated with wealth, then selling rights not mandated by Shariah (e.g., options) is impermissible a fortiori.Furthermore, option contracts are not the same as the permissible Salam contract, because the price in option contracts is not paid during the contract initiation phase but rather delayed until the execution date and done through settlement of price differences. According to the opinion of the majority of scholars on Salam contracts, however, the price must be paid during contract initiation, or within a period of no more than three days according to the Maliki scholars. Moreover, the underlying asset in the option contract is sold several times while in the possession of the first seller and before the first buyer takes possession of it with the aim being to receive or pay the price differences, while selling the item before receiving it is not permissible in the Salam contract.Option contracts are also not the same as sales that use Bai’ al-Urbun [down payment contract], which Imam Ahmad approved of, unlike the view of the majority. This is because the down payment is part of the price of the commodity. However, the option premium is a liability or an obligation that represents the price of the option itself separate from the price of the asset. Additionally, the subject matter (i.e., commodity) is present in the sale using Bai’ al-Urbun. As for the option contract, the subject matter does not exist. Furthermore, the right in option contracts may be for the buyer or for the seller, while in sales using Bai’ al-Urbun, the right is only granted to the buyer. In addition, option contracts are tradable, while sales using Bai’ al-Urbun are not. The objective of option contracts is not to attain the purpose of the contract (i.e., receipt of the price and the subject matter), but rather to benefit from the price differences. However, in sales using Bai’ al-Urbun, the purpose of the contract is achieved by delivering the remainder of the price and receiving the commodity.Option contracts are also unlike sale contracts in which Khiyar al-shart [right of cancelation] is stipulated, for option contracts are independent of sale contracts,&nbsp;while Khiyar al-shart has no independent existence. It is related to the sale contract itself and its subject matter is a specific commodity. Moreover, the subject matter of option contracts is a mere right, not a real or financial asset, while the subject matter of contracts in Khiyar al-shart is an existing commodity. Lastly, options are tradable, whereas a Khiyar al-shart is not.An option contract cannot be considered as a new unnamed contract in order to be legitimate in Shariah. Although the general rule in Islamic transactions is permissibility, applying this maxim should not go against the fundamentals of the Shariah. Charging money in exchange for granting options can be considered the same as attaining people’s wealth unlawfully. Also, option contracts are undoubtedly of the Gharar [ambiguity] and gambling types. They also involve usury, and all of these are prohibited by Islamic law. They also violate the objective of sale-based contracts, which is to grant ownership. Options contracts also fall under the sale of what one does not have or possess as well as Ba’i al-kali bil kali [sale of debt]. Options also go against the maxim of justice, which is the cornerstone of contracts, because the interests of the contracting parties clearly collide as the benefit of one party is, at the same time, a loss for the other.&nbsp;Although option contracts in their current forms are impermissible, Islam does not forbid anything without having multiple permissible alternatives in its place. Creativity and good innovation in worldly matters are required and desirable as long as they are disciplined through religious commands. Therefore, no objection exists toward finding Shariah compliant alternatives to option contracts, provided that they are targeted toward hedging against price movements and not for speculation. This should be done by avoiding resorting to the use of patchworked rulings to provide Shariah excuses; being blameworthy by copying, imitating, or using tricks; or using Satanic financial engineering. This is done by avoiding things Sharia consider impermissible such as Riba [usury] and Gharar, selling what is not owned, or delaying the possession of countervalues to initiate a debt with another debt,. This is also done in addition to being reasonable regarding the core objectives and holistic matters in Islamic economics by basing Shariah rulings on partial and holistic matters as well as the core and minor objectives.&nbsp;This can be achieved by basing sales using Bai’ al-Urbun [down payment contract], Shariah-approved rights, and the binding promise without trading them. This ensures achieving the actual delivery and possession of the assets, be it real or financial, while avoiding gambling. This also realizes the interests of both contracting parties without having a zero-sum game. Ultimately, this is beneficial to the national economy.&nbsp;

İslam Hukuku Açısından Opsiyon Sözleşmeleri

Nurgül

Ahmet

Allah Merkezlilik ile Ahlaki Uzaklaşma Arasındaki İlişkinin Çeşitli Değişkenler  Açısından İncelenmesi

Danish

The Majallah as Codified Fiqh

İsmail

Muhammed Muhammed Ebû Mûsâ’nın “Mine’l-Hasâdi’l-Kadîm” Adlı  Eserinin Değerlendirilmesi

Rıdvan

Tuba E. Baydar’ın “Bu Can Kimin?” Adlı Eserinin Değerlendirmesi

Fatih

Jenny White’ın “Müslüman Milliyetçiliği ve Yeni Türkler” Adlı Eserinin  Değerlendirilmesi

Feyza

Muhyiddin İbn Arabî: Kibrit-i Ahmer’in Peşinde

Fatma

İnsan- Hayvan İlişkisi Çerçevesinde Hayvan Refahı: Etik Açıdan Değerlendirme

Rahime

Kadın Hadis Akademisyenleri İletişim ve Koordinasyon Toplantısı 28-29 Haziran 2022 İzmit- Darıca

Necmettin

Prof.

YUNUS EMRE ÖZEL SAYISI (ARALIK 2021) YAZI ÇAĞRISI

Şeyhülislamın Gerçekleşen Rüyası: Evkaf Bankası’ndan Vakıf Katılım’a Para Vakfıyla Banka Kurma

Kevser

Before the production of separate works on al-awāil, which has the definitions of knowing the beginning of important works, the first things done and the first doers, and the one thing that happened before any other, al-awāil reports can be seen to have occurred in historical and prophetic biographical (al-Sīra al-Nabawiyya) sources. The legitimation of people or authority is well known to have been quite effective in the emergence of al-awāil narrations. Undoubtedly, the legitimacy of a new administration depends on gaining the acceptance of society with regard to political, religious, and cultural topics. However, an important obstacle appears to have existed for the Umayyad dynasty following the Khulafāʾ al-Rāshidūn period. This is because the practices of the Umayyad state concerning political and religious topics, as well as the narration stating, “Those to change the Sunnah of the Prophet for the first time will be one among the Umayyads” had both caused some controversy with regard to their legitimacy.Though a lot of first-time (al-awwal) practices were attributed to the Umayyads due to being a new administration, they are historically seen as the continuation of a process that had started with the Prophet. The attribution of such al-awāil reports to the Umayyads poses a problem as they had caused a certain paradigm regarding this dynasty. For this reason, the current study presents whether the Umayyads had really been the first ones with regard to the subjects in which they are said to have been the first, whether they had continued the practices from the period of the Prophet and the Khulafā’ al-Rāshidūn, and whether al-awāil narrations that were attributed to them regarding political, religious, and cultural subjects had been influential in the Umayyads gaining acceptance or not. This study also aims to determine whether these narrations had had a positive or negative impact on the perceptions toward the Umayyad State.In this context, the study analyzes al-awāil reports attributed either to those descended from the Umayyad dynasty or to those officially employed by the Umayyad State specifically with regard to the earliest extant al-awāil works, namely al-Musannaf by Ibn Abī Shayba (d. 235/849), Kitab al-Awāil by Ibn Abī ‘Āṣim (d. 287/900), al-Aʻlāq alnafīsa by Ibn Rusta (d. 300/913), and al-Maḥāsin wa’l-Masāwī by Bayhaqi (d. 320/932). Although various al-awāil narrations are found to have been attributed to members of the Umayyad dynasty, this study has only analyzed the narrations in al-awāil sources mentioned above within the context of the Umayyad government’s legitimacy.The study classified al-awāil narrations attributed to the Umayyads classified in political, religious, and cultural terms and then compared them to the practices that occurred during the time of the Prophet and the Khulafā’ al-Rāshidūn. At the same time, the study supported this method using the literature review, analysis, and holistic approach methods and avoided anachronism while doing this. Though studies on al-awāil do exist in the field of hadith, the fact that al-awāil narrations have not been studied in the context&nbsp;of the legitimacy of the Umayyad rulers who have an important place in Islamic history is what makes this study valuable.This study takes the opinion that certain first-time practices such as maqsūrah, ad̲h̲ān, and mahr can be analyzed either both politically and religiously or both politically and culturally. In order to not fall into repetition, however, the study has preferred to evaluate such first-time practices under only one title that is thought to outweigh the others. Some of those to whom al-awāil reports had been attributed had also served the Caliphs from the Khulafāʾ al-Rāshidūn period. However, identifying an exact date when the practices attributed to them first occurred is quite obviously difficult as the concept of “first” has an ambiguous use. Because the Umayyads and their rulers had mostly converted to Islam in the later period after the conquest of Mecca, that the study prefers to accept first-time practices mentioned here to have happened during the Umayyad period needs to be stated.al-Awāil reports mentioned in regard to administrative topics are seen to focus on the steps the Umayyads had taken, especially with regard to how the rulers had slowly moved away from society in order to become a monarch, establish their power, and institutionalize. While these al-awāil narrations generally involve Muʿāwiya ibn Abī Sufyān, Ziyad b. Abih and Hajjaj ibn Yusuf, certain events experienced at that time such as the Battle of Karbala are also noteworthily attributed as first-time events. The firsttime narrations related to altering the Sunnah of the Prophet, the titles used by the rulers, the vehicles they’d receive, being gifted a decapitated head, the Battle of Karbala, and adding Ziyād to the lineage of Abī Sufyān are understood to have been produced later for the purpose of creating negative perceptions toward the Umayyads.Obviously al-awāil reports on building a city, passing the Balkh River, and constructing a ship with regard to the wars the Umayyads had fought to expand their borders were actually a continuation of the practices from the previous periods and cannot be regarded as actual first-time practices. Along with presenting the richness of the state, because the matters of ornamenting dirham coins, getting money from the bazaar, and quantity of mahr are closely related to ostentatiousness, they cannot be said to have contributed to the Umayyads’ good image. The aim of having such reports declared is understood to have been not to actually inform about this very subject but to stimulate and reinforce a negative image. However, all the first-time practices mentioned here can be said to have been positive steps the Umayyads had taken toward institutionalizing the state and therefore are worthy of being called first-time practices.The fact that the Umayyads had used issues related to worshipping and aḥkām [judgement], especially the ad̲hān, minbar, and khuṭbah, for political purposes to make people adapt to their administration and accept their legitimacy was considered to be in a manner that contradicted the Prophet’s practices and thus caused religious criticism. As a result, the Abbasids used this against the Umayyads and turned it into propaganda to lay the foundations for their own state. No first-time practices are found that can be attributed to the Umayyads regarding the hajj, qira’at, qāḍī, and testimony, and even though these were all practiced during the period of the Prophet and the Khulafāʾ alRāshidūn, these can be taken as other negative attitudes toward the Umayyads regarding religion, especially when not considering the background of the situation regarding the hajj and qira’at. As a result, these were found to have become elements that put the Umayyads at a disadvantage.With regard to cultural practices (i.e., al-awāil reports on naming and clothing attributed to the Umayyads), the Umayyads were understood to have not been the first ones to do these. The names Abd al-Malik and Abd al-Aziz had been given personally by the Prophet, and the shoes (khuff) and cotton fabric types narrated in al-awāils had also been used during the time of the Prophet. While a regional first-time practice did exist regarding water and snow, the Umayyads were observed to have made practices contrary to those of the Prophet, although different al-awāil reports are found about riding on a camel or horse during a funeral. In this case, the Umayyads cannot be argued to have brought about an innovation or bid’ah to the society in general.In conclusion, certain al-awāil reports attributed to the Umayyads can be said to have been especially included in al-awāil literature as a result of the state founders’ efforts to be taken on as the fathers of that state and to institutionalize it. However, the Umayyads were seen to have been unsuccessful at being adopted by the society and forming an origin story but to have been successful with regard to gaining power. Most of al-awāil narrations that had created negative impressions about the Umayyads actually had the characteristic of having maintained the practices of the Prophet and the Khulafāʾ alRāshidūn. However, they were the first ones from their own period regarding topics where they’d continued the practices of the Prophet and the Khulafāʾ al-Rāshidūn. They were also seen to have actually continued the Prophet’s practices with regard to certain practices in which al-awāil reports say they opposed the Prophet, especially about religious subjects. Yet, because the Umayyads had acted differently from the Prophet regarding the topics of ad̲h̲ān, the minbar, and khuṭbah, which the Abbasids in fact had politicized despite being religious elements, the perception had occurred that Umayyads were generally not cautious enough about religion. Moreover, the real purpose of many of al-awāil narrations about the Umayyads that stated them to have been the first ones despite not actually being the first, was obviously to create a negative impression of them.&nbsp;

Rivayetten İktidara Bir Temel: Emevîlere Atfedilen Evâil Haberleri

Ömer

One of the most widely commented upon and translated works of Islamic literature is Kaʿb ibn Zuhayr’s (d. 24/645 ?) Qasīdah al-Burdah, also known as Bānat Suʿād [Suʿād has departed] due to its opening words. Kaʿb ibn Zuhayr presented this poem to Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) in person and received his praise and benevolence, with the poem having since been highly regarded for its spiritual and literary value in all Islamic states. It continued to be a prominent text in literary circles during the Ottoman period and was consistently translated and commented upon in Turkish. In this regard, Qasīdah al-Burdah managed to maintain its place on the agenda without being neglected until the last years of the Ottoman Empire and even into Türkiye’s Republican Period.One of the most recent Turkish translations of Qasīdah al-Burdah belonged to an apparently unknown author named Zeynelābidin Bey from Isparta. Published in 1928, this prose work was titled Hadīqa-i Samaratu’l-Fuʾād [the fruits of the walled garden of the heart] and according to our findings is the first and only independent Turkish translation of Qasīdah al-Burdah printed in Arabic script.As far as can be seen, no independent study has yet occurred regarding Zeynelâbidin Bey of Isparta. However, he was a person who’d witnessed many important events in his period and was also a prolific author who wrote many works. Zeynelābidin Bey served under the command of famous Ottoman pashas such as Djemal Pasha (d. 1922), Kāzim Karabekir Pasha (d. 1948), Fakhri Pasha (d. 1948), and Ali Fuat Cebesoy (d. 1968) on critical fronts such as Gallipoli and al-Ḥijāz and wrote his important memories about his experiences on these fronts in his remarkable autobiography titled Ben Kimim? [Who Am I?]. This text is understood to have been prepared in the late 1930s and is a valuable resource that can shed light on the political, military, and scientific fronts of the period as it presents his education and duties, the fronts where he fought, the pashas he served, the people he contacted, his adventures in the National Struggle, his ideas about society, his library he said he’d created with great care, and a comprehensive breakdown of his 100 works, both those that were published and those only prepared for publication. In terms of the purpose of its writing, Who Am I? brings to mind the attempt of a person who’d been accused of certain allegations in both periods he lived in (i.e., the Second Constitutional Monarchy and the Republic) to express, defend, justify, and thus maintain his hold by revealing his past with all the documents in his possession.According to this autobiography titled Who Am I?, Zeynelābidin Bey had been born in Isparta in 1308 AH (1890-1 CE) and completed his education in the most popular classical and modern educational institutions of the period, graduating from the Faculty of Theology at Dārülfünūn. During these years, he also worked as a teacher in some educational institutions in Istanbul, including Galatasaray High School.In light of the information he generously provided about himself, Zeynelābidin Bey appears to have led a very troublesome life filled with ordeals, and he survived largely through his scholarly, literary, and social engagements. The author’s sorrowful life did not prejudice his faith or beliefs, and he was committed to the idea of Pan-Islamism unity, keeping his distance from active political life as much as possible and carrying out his services and activities mostly through these scientific and social activities. He is also portrayed as a pious man of action who made significant contributions to the National Struggle movement with his sermons and writings from Rumelia. However, his autobiography reveals that he’d spent his years as a person who could not find the environment he sought or expected in the new order, and thus was unable to connect.By listing his works one by one in his autobiography, Zeynelābidin Bey appears as an extremely prolific author who has prepared some 100 works, 13 of which had already been published and 86 of which are in preparation for publication. These works cover a wide variety of subjects, ranging from tafsir, psychology, fiqh, and sociology to hunting and archery. One of the most important texts among these works, which include some remarkable texts such as Hicaz’ı Nasıl Kaybettik? [How We Lost Hidjāz], Isparta Tarihi [The History of Isparta], Vehhâbî Mezhebine Reddiye [Refutation to the Wahhābism], Şeyhülislamlar Tarihi [History of the Shaykh al-Islāms], is his Turkish prose translation of the famous poem Qasīdah al-Burdah, which the Companion Kaʿb b. Zuhayr presented to the Prophet to ask for forgiveness and for which the Prophet wrapped him in his mantle as a gift in return. This translation was titled Hadīqa-i Samaratu’l-Fuʾād and published in 1928, the year of the Alphabet Reform; it is probably one of the last works to be published in Arabic script. The translator, who had originally intended a more comprehensive translation and commentary but had to settle for a short translation due to health problems, noteworthily reported that his work, of which a significant number of copies (6000) were printed, had sold out within 10 years. In addition to being an important example of a literary text translated with literary care, the work is also of particular importance due to the organized information it contains on the constructed and periodical characteristics of Topkapı Palace on the occasion of the Khirqa-i Saʿāda [Prophet’s cardigan], which is related to the ode. Technical details such as the Arabic text of the qasidah having been proofread by İsmāil Sāib Sencer (d. 1940) and the full text at the end being written in Mustafa Halim Özyazıcı’s (d. 1964) calligraphy reveal the scholarly and artistic quality of the work, as well as its value as an edition.The study makes within its scope a brief analysis of Hadīqa-i Samaratu’l-Fuʾād, including a translation of the text, and attempts to outline a biography of the author through his work titled Ben Kimim?. Zeynelābidin Bey is expected to become the subject of new and more detailed studies due to him having been a witness to his era, as well as for the many works he wrote.

Meçhul Bir Muharrir, Meşhur Bir Kaside: Ispartalı Zeynelâbidin Bey ve Hadîka-i Semeretü’l-Fuâd İsimli Kasîde-i Bürde Tercümesi*

Bünyamin

Ibn Hishām stated that iʻrāb must be done by considering the meaning and as required by the meaning, otherwise wrong results will be achieved. Tammām Hassān expressed this situation as grammatical analysis based on meaning which necessarily requires consideration of context. Accordingly, context, has internal and external elements and can determine not only the lexical meaning of the word, but also its functional meaning. From the interpreter’s point of view, the effects of contextual elements on grammatical analysis can be seen in the following ways: by not analyzing unknown words, by listing the possibilities in meaningful words or by making a choice based on contextual factors. This study will discuss how iʻrāb is based on meaning at the levels of lexical and contextual meaning after explaining some basic concepts of meaning and iʻrāb. In this sense the study will research the aspects on which the grammatical analyses of the preposition mā in the sixth verse of Sūrah Yāsīn are based, reveal the linguistic, epistemological and theological foundations on which the grammatical analysis is based, chronologically review the grammatical comments and evaluate the dimensions of the relationship between meaning and iʻrāb within the framework of the concept of tawaqquf.Tawaqquf is a general term that means the dependence of one thing’s existence on another. Tawaqquf in grammatical analysis refers to the dependence iʻrāb has on meaning. As a result of this iʻrāb is impossible for sentences whose meaning is unknown, and one of the possible iʻrāb cases cannot be preferred using purely grammatical methods in sentences whose meaning is known. In such a case, the exegete can be content by listing the possible iʻrāb cases, by referring to other verses if the text of the Qur’an is in question or by referring to the contextual elements surrounding the text. The decisive factor in matters such as putting the possible iʻrāb cases in order of correctness and eliminating one of the possibilities or preferring one over the other is the context of linguistic expression. In some sentences, the context necessitates one iʻrāb case while other times may allow all cases equally. This situation is the appearance of polysemy at the syntactic level, which is one of the reasons leading to tawaqquf and referred to in the Arabic language as iltibās, ġumūd, labs, taʻaddud al-awjuh and ihtimālāt iʻrābiyyah. This language fact can occur due to reasons related to phonetic, morphological, syntactic and semantic aspects and is expressed through the concept of ambiguity in English. Ambiguity means: 1) having more than one semantic interpretation of syntax structure 2) the situation in which a linguistic form leads to two or more interpretations in the absence of correspondence between form and meaning and 3) having more than one syntactic structure of a sentence. In such ambiguity, the exegete has to refer to the linguistic and extra linguistic elements surrounding the expression. This shows the analysis to have an aspect that goes beyond grammatical boundaries the iʻrāb process to be one carried out based on the meaning, and the historical, epistemological and theological elements to be able to be determinant regarding the grammatical analysis.&nbsp;Ibn Hishām (d. 761/1360) focused on the relationship between iʻrāb and meaning in the section of his book Muġni’l-Lebīb titled “Possible Objections to the Exegete Regarding İʻrāb” and emphasized at the beginning of this section that iʻrāb should be done by considering meaning and as required by the meaning. According to Ibn Hishām, the exegete has to know the meaning of the expression upon which he wants to perform the iʻrāb at the word and sentence levels. Considering this necessity at the word level results in the inability to do iʻrāb for words that are included in the sentence construction but whose meanings are unknown. For example, some letters in the beginning of certain Sūrahs of Qur’an, have no iʻrāb. In addition, the meanings of all the words in a sentence should be determined in order for the iʻrāb process to take place. At the sentence level, wrong results are achieved if the iʻrāb is not done by considering the meaning and direction required by the meaning.The necessity Ibn Hishām emphasized was expressed by Tammām Hassān (1918- 2011) as iʻrāb’s dependence on meaning. Tawaqquf can be said to apparently have three cases. One of these is that iʻrāb is impossible for words whose lexical meanings are unknown. Secondly, if the grammatical and semantic structures allow different iʻrāb cases in sentences consisting of words with known meanings, the context may necessitate one or the other of these cases. Thirdly, if no preferential reason exists, the exegete can remark on the possible cases one by one. This study will discuss these three cases within the concept of tawaqquf. Firstly by explaining the basic concepts of meaning and iʻrāb and then by revealing the appearing of tawaqquf at the lexical and contextual meaning levels. Afterward, the study will chronologically evaluate the analyses of the exegete regarding the word mā in the sixth verse of the Qur’an’s Sūrah Yāsīn.As a linguistic fact, syntactic ambiguity is expressed with concepts such as labs, iltibās, ihtimālāt al-awjuh in Arabic and refer to situation where a syntactic structure permits open to more than one semantic interpretation, and this shows the sign of iʻrāb to not always be sufficient for distinguishing meanings. This also shows that in the case of mabnī or different iʻrāb positions being indicated by the same case endings, grammatical analysis can be carried out through meaning based on non-linguistic elements. This shows the need to consider meaning in iʻrāb to not be independent of the interpreter’s preferences, as emphasized by Ibn Hishām.&nbsp;

Gramatik Çözümlemede Tevakkuf Kavramı Üzerine -İbn Hişâm’ın “Mürâʻâtu’l-Maʻnâ” Değerlendirmesi Bağlamında-

Mustafa

Azamat

Müneccimbaşı [Chief Astrologer] ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi, also known as Ṭarsūsīzāde, received his early education in mosques before attending the madrasa. After graduating from the madrasa, he successfully passed the ruʾūs [chief] examination and served as a professor in many madrasas. He held the title of müneccimbaşı during the reign of ʿAbdülhamīd II, and between 1274-1280 AH, ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi was assigned as a professor at the Madrasa of Maḥmūdiyya in Medina for almost six years, during which he translated Risāla fī Uṣūl al-Hadīth, a work attributed to al-Birgivī. The current article publishes this translation for the first time and simultaneously has scanned and recorded the archives and registers in order to construct the biography of ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi. This article also attempts to identify the works regarding the methodology of ḥadīth that were written in Turkish during the Ottoman Empire. These works can be considered as a step toward a clearer understanding of how the uṣūl of ḥadīth works had been written during the Ottoman era.Muḥammad Rāshid Efendi’s son, ʿOs̱mān Kāmil, was born in 1236/1821 and died in 1313/1896. ʿOs̱mān Kāmil was also well known as Ṭarsūsīzāde. At an early age, ʿOs̱mān Kāmil attended lectures in Istanbul mosques and was very well regarded by the famous teachers of his period. After completing his studies in the madrasa, he passed the ruʾūs exam in 1258/1842 in Meşīhat. When he was 21, he was tasked with being a professor, and after completing his work in the madrasa he was promoted to the rank of Anadolu Każʿaskerliği [Ottoman chief judge]. In addition, he was also a member and chairman of some councils such as the Meclis-i Tedḳīḳāt-i Şerʿiyye [Assembly of Religious Inquiries]. However, one of his main tasks was undoubtedly as the müneccimbaşı [chief astrologer]. As Sultan ʿAbdülhamīd II’s müneccimbaşı, ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi must have been attracted to this duty especially under the influence of the lessons he’d received as a teenager from the Crimean Selim Efendi. ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi held this post until his death in 1896. Between 1274-1280 AH, he served at the Maḥmūdiyya Madrasa in Medina as a professor, during which he translated the Risāla fī Uṣūl al-Hadīth attributed to al-Birgivī. ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi’s translation was discovered recently, and this article publishes it for the first time. Before teaching the ḥadīth of Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārī to students at the Maḥmūdiyya Madrasa, he wanted to start with a brief introduction to ḥadīth methodology, and for this reason translated the Risāla fī uṣūl al-ḥadīth. As such, this translation is the work of a professor who wanted to teach ḥadīth to his students.This article has also written an extensive biography of ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi by collecting information from various sources; this has also been enriched by his writings in the Ottoman Archive at the archive of Meşīhat. This article should also be mentioned as the first academic research on ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi. During the six years he stayed in Medina, he often came to Istanbul and repeatedly demanded an increase in salary due to a lack of funds.&nbsp;This article has identified and presented a list of works on the methodology of ḥadīth that were written in or had been translated to Turkish during the reign of the Ottoman Empire. The article also evaluates the place and importance of ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi’s translation among these other listed works. In his translation, ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi used and often referenced Dāvūd-i Ḳārsī’s commentary on the Risāla as his main source. This was a general characteristic of translations during the Ottoman period, and ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi’s translation also bears this characteristic. ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi must have based his translation on the text of Dāvūd-i Ḳārsī, which had been printed during ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi’s time. With the exception of translations made for printing, some works such as ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi’s translation appear to have not received wide distribution nor to have found their way into circulation after being written. This likely related to how well known the translator was, how many students he had, or how close he was to them. At the same time, the competence of translators or authors in their written field also directly affected the recognition of their works. The only copy of this translation that this study has been able to identify is the one in the Konya Regional Manuscript Library. The scribe was Sayyid Muḥammad Ṣāliḥ Rüşdī Efendi. Ṣāliḥ Rüşdī Efendi was one of Bayezid Mosque lecturers and probably copied the translation while he was in Istanbul.The importance of ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi’s translation is an indicator of the increased study of the ḥadīth methodology in the 19th century AD. At the same time, when looking at the biographies of scholars from this period, one can see that the ḥadīth lessons given by the Dersiʿāms in mosques had increased and the tradition of giving ijāzah [permission] at the end of the courses became widespread. Apart from this growing interest in Istanbul, the environment or the duties of the author or translator also influenced the creation of the work. For example, Dāvūd-i Ḳārsī wrote his commentary while in Egypt. Similarly, ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi wrote his translation not while in Istanbul but while in Medina during his tenure as a professor. This may be due to the fact that ḥadīth education was more widespread along the Hijāz-Damascus-Cairo line in relation to Istanbul as well as the writing of ḥadīth works being more common there. Therefore, scholars or professors who went to the Hijāz or Damascus from Istanbul were more interested in the science of ḥadīth because of the scientific environment there, and this situation led to an increase in the creation of literature on ḥadīth.ʿOs̱mān Kāmil Efendi began his work with two short prefaces in Arabic and Turkish. At the end of the Arabic introduction, he dedicated his work to Sultan ʿAbdülʿazīz (1830- 1876 AD). In the Turkish preface, he spoke about the need to write a basmala at the beginning of the book and gave a small parable about the basmala. Apart from the source he only quoted in the introduction, the scholars he quoted as the source of the ḥadīths he used were the sources and names used in the commentary by Dāvūd-i Ḳārsī. Therefore, one can say that, except for one quotation, the translation had been written with the help of Dāvūd-i Ḳārsī’s commentary.&nbsp;

Münecccimbaşı Tarsûsîzâde’nin Risâle fî Usûli’l-hadîs Tercümesi ve Değerlendirilmesi

Faruk

Prof. Dr.

Worship is an indicator of religious devotion and is expressed as the visible aspect of the supernatural relationship established with God, because almost all religions, especially the monotheistic ones, demand their members to express their beliefs in certain ways. This demand is generally fulfilled by the performance of religious practices. Accordingly, worship can be understood as the outward reflection of a person’s world of religious beliefs, thoughts, and emotions in terms of religious life, experiences, and behaviors. The recommendation and ordering of Islamic worship together with and immediately after the pillars of faith from the onset indicates their central positions in religion. With the effect of having spread over a long period of time, the pilgrimage combines almost all forms of Islamic worship and resembles a set of these forms. In addition to this feature, the Hajj comes to the forefront as a form of worship that is able to show the multidimensional and overall effects of religiosity, along with many other unique features. This study focuses on the Hajj, particularly the positive effects and results of Islamic worship. The study uses the relational screening method to test the following three hypotheses:H₁. The Hajj produces highly positive effects.H₂. Individuals who perform the Hajj have strong religious attitudes.H₃. The effects from the Hajj vary according to demographic variables.SampleThe sample of the research consists of 420 people from seven different geographical regions of Turkey who’ve performed the Hajj. Of the sample, 38.3% are women, and 61.7% are men; 94% of the sample are adults.ScalesThe Hajj Effects Scale was developed by Karaca (2017) to measure the possible effects the Hajj has on people post-pilgrimage.The Religious Attitude Scale was developed by Ok (2011). It consists of four subdimensions and eight items.

Hac İbadetinin Bireysel Çıktıları Üzerine Tecrübî Bir Araştırma

Muhammet

The Predominant Christian Interpretation of Religious Faith in the  Middle Ages: Augustine of Hippo and Thomas Aquinas

Yeşim

Eliade’nin Kutsallık Kavramı Bağlamında Sümerler

Yulia

Mohammad

Religious Criticism of Scientism: The Subjectivity of Taufīq al-Ḥakīm in the Short Story “Fī Sanah Milyūn”

Assoc. Prof. Dr.

Saliha

Assist. Prof. Dr.

Relationship Between Psychological Resilience, Forgiveness and God Perception

Sümeyye

Selim Uğur’un “Tasavvufta Ricâlü’l-Gayb Anlayışı: İbn Âbidin Örneği” Adlı Eserinin Değerlendirmesi

Hüseyin Oral’ın “Anlamın İlk İzleri” Adlı Eserinin Değerlendirmesi

Neslihan

Edebiyat Fakültesi, Türk Halk Bilimi Ana Bilim Dalı

Hakan

Faisal H. Husain’in “Sultan’ın Nehirleri: Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nda Dicle ve Fırat” Adlı Eserinin Değerlendirmesi

Nevra

Gelenek- Şarlatanlık Çıkmazında Tamamlayıcı ve Alternatif Tıp Uygulamaları

@JOURNAL_BOX_CURRENT

The eucharist congress emerged in line with the understanding of church management of Pope Leo XIII, who followed a transparent policy in church administration and attached importance to unity among Christians. Pope Leo XIII, who improved his relations with the Ottoman Empire and reorganized the Catholic missions in many parts of the world, has a separate policy regarding Eastern Christians, and in this sense, the evharistic congress in Jerusalem is remarkable. The eighth evharistic congress held in Jerusalem in 1893 has a different meaning from the others in that it is the first congress held outside of Europe and that it takes place in the lands where Christianity was born.&nbsp;When the eucharistic congress in Jerusalem begins to be talked about, it creates an important agenda in the European public opinion. The Ottoman ambassadors abroad were constantly sending news about the congress to Istanbul. The general concern of the Ottoman statesmen regarding the congress is that the Orthodox might react to such a congress and this could turn into a security problem. According to the opinion of some of the Ottoman ambassadors abroad, the efforts to organize the congress are more France-based than the Papacy, and this motivation stems from the ambitions of the French Government and French-origin priests about Jerusalem.Although opinions were put forward by Ottoman statesmen not to allow the organization of the evharistic congress in Jerusalem at the beginning, it is discussed what problems will be experienced if such a meeting is completely banned by them later on. It is possible to make propaganda that the Ottoman Empire did not act tolerantly about freedom of religion and sect. The prevention of such a congress, which is said to have a purely spiritual side and to fulfill a religious duty, may lead to misperceptions. Therefore, permission to the congress was considered appropriate for the benefit of the state, and local officials in Jerusalem were instructed to take the necessary measures.Looking at the newspaper columns in Europe, it is understood that the congress aroused great excitement in the capitals of Catholic-dominated countries. Catholic sects of French origin and bishops of French origin in the Vatican are the ones who mobilize the Catholic public opinion. However, the media’s directing the public opinion in Rome and Paris causes a perception as if a Crusade is taking place against the East, which increases the Ottoman's anxiety. This kind of concern occurred not only in the Ottoman Empire, but also in the followers of the Eastern Church, whose trust in the Roman Church decreased after the Crusades. Aware of the situation, Papal officials stated that such false and exaggerated news would lead to banning the congress in Jerusalem and provoke people living in the East.Regarding the eucharistic congress, Catholic Armenian Patriarch Azaryan is also an active person in the process. Patriarch Azaryan, who went to Rome in February 1893 to celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of Pope Leo’s bishopric and to present the sultan’s gift to the pope, also met with the Ottoman ambassador. On the congress issue, the Ottoman ambassador in Rome met with Patriarch Azaryan and conveyed the Ottoman’s concerns to him. However, the content of the information given by Azaryan is different. Although he said that the eucharistic congress was canceled by the Papacy at the beginning of 1893, he later gave up on this discourse. Patriarch Azaryan states that after meeting with the pope in the Vatican, Cardinal Langénieux will pay a visit to Jerusalem, but bishops from different countries will go to Jerusalem. Azaryan’s statement that bishops from different countries will go to Jerusalem is aimed at alleviating a public concern. Because the origin of the clergy who took the lead in the congress is generally French, the concern that France’s interests are protected exists both in the Ottoman Empire and in different European countries.Although Azaryan takes an active role in the process of the congress, he is not allowed to go to the congress in Jerusalem. The words he uttered in Rome disturbed the Ottomans. One of the reasons for the problem is that Azaryan informed the pope that the Armenians were persecuted in the Ottoman Empire and asked for his help. The other is Azaryan’s request for permission from the pope to attend the spiritual congress in Jerusalem without the knowledge of the Ottoman Government. Due to reasons such as this, he is not allowed to go to Jerusalem and is instructed to return to Istanbul.While the congress was handled by the Ottoman bureaucrats in Europe with a focus on profit and loss, and security, the European public was depicted with meaningful sentences where the sacred was lived with enthusiasm. According to the newspapers close to the Papacy, at the congress in Jerusalem, besides the glorification of Jesus Christ, the much desired church unity will be achieved. Thus, the Eastern Churches, which were disconnected from each other, will be able to come together again with the light illuminated by the Roman Catholic Church. Under the leadership of Langénieux, representatives of all languages and peoples will come together. Catholic East and West will embrace and glorify Jesus Christ as members of a family with the same feelings, with their differences in traditions, rites, and languages. The evharistic assembly will not only be content with reviving religious belief, but will increase the functionality of the evharistic practices.When Cardinal Langénieux’s departure to Jerusalem is deemed appropriate, a matter of protocol comes up. Since no clergy at the cardinal level has come to Jerusalem for centuries, it is not known at first what kind of protocol will be implemented. State ceremonies are held for patriarchs in the Ottoman Empire. However, since the place of the cardinal in the protocol cannot be predicted exactly, negotiations are held by the relevant official units about how to organize a welcoming ceremony. The French ambassador is also informed about the issue and his advice is taken. As a result, since the cardinals are in a higher position than the patriarchs and are considered as "church princes", it is decided that it is appropriate to make an arrangement accordingly. As agreed, the required official ceremony is held for the Cardinal.The congress, which took place in 8 sessions between 13-21 May 1893 under the supervision of Cardinal Langénieux, was held in the Convent of the Saint Savior of the Franciscans. The participation of a total of thirty bishops, including Eastern Catholic (Uniat) and Latin, as well as the Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem Luigi Piavi, is an important achievement for the Roman Catholic Church. However, on the other hand, the differences of opinion among the Latino groups in Jerusalem became even more concrete in this congress. While the Latin Patriarchate of Jerusalem and the Franciscans are distant to the French protectorate, the White Fathers and the Assumptionists have a more positive view.Another issue of separation that emerged at the congress is the approach of different Latin Catholic groups to Eastern Catholics. While some of them perceive Catholicization as Latinization and advocate full devotion to the Roman Church in the liturgy, others think that Eastern Christians can preserve their church traditions even if they are Catholics. The White Fathers and the Assumptionists are Catholic sects that are conscious of the fine line between Latinization and Catholicization. In this context, while France gave more support to the White Fathers and Assumptionists, it made great efforts to remove the Propaganda administration in Jerusalem.Inspired by the evharistic congress in Jerusalem, it is an important development that the East-West Churches came together again in Rome a year later to discuss common problems. Pope Leo XIII published the Praeclara Gratulationis document as a result of the evharistic congress in Jerusalem and summoned the Eastern Catholic Patriarchs to Rome. In this direction, a meeting was held in Rome in November of the following year and important decisions were taken with the papal document titled Orientalium Dignitas.At the end of the congress, which lasted more than a week, it is seen that the Ottoman Empire did not have security problems that it was worried about. In addition to the state’s taking the necessary precautions, the suggestions of the Papacy to avoid behaviors that would provoke other Christian sects were also effective in this. After leaving Jerusalem, Cardinal Langénieux conveyed his thanks to the Ottoman Empire through the French embassy for the interest shown to him. On the other hand, the fact that the congress was held without any problems and the necessary measures were taken in this direction would also please Pope Leo XIII, so after the congress, he sent a third degree medal to the Governor of Jerusalem, İbrahim Hakkı Pasha.In this study, Jerusalem-based reconciliation efforts of the Roman Catholic Church with the Eastern Catholics called Uniat are included. Attitudes of Ottoman statesmen regarding whether or not the congress will be held in Jerusalem, which is located in the Ottoman lands as of the period, and the perceptions of the Western public about the evharistic congress are discussed in detail. The view of the Catholic sects of French origin and the Latin missions in Jerusalem to the traditions of the Eastern Christians was examined in depth on the ground of Jerusalem. In the study, which was handled in the light of the document of the Prime Ministry Ottoman Archive and foreign newspapers of the period, the processes of the evharistic congress and the risks faced by the Roman Catholic Church after the meetings and the gains it achieved were discussed comparatively.

1893’te Kudüs’te Yapılan Evharistik Kongrenin Roma Katolik Kilisesi ile Doğu Katolik Kiliseleri Açısından Önemi

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The Effectiveness of Online Learning and Teaching of Arabic as a  Foreign Language in Turkish Universities

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Nilüfer Kalkan

In this article Fuat Sezgin’s claims about the early written sources of the hadīth before the al-Kutub al-Sitta are expanded and discussed according to Arabic Language sources written before the al-Kutub al-Sitta. In order to verify the authenticity of these claims, the ahādīth and the chain system in the al-Baṣra and al-Kūfa Arabic Language books are determined. If the aḥādīth given in these sources comes before the al-Kutub al-Sitta this means that we can reach earlier sources for some ahādīth except the hadīth books. In addition, the method of using the hadīth in these sources, isnāds, and the possible isnāds are examined in a chronological and comparative way. Therefore there are two main questions in this study. The first is “Does the hadīth feature in the Arabic Language Sources” and the second is ”With what method did they give a place to the hadīth.” In order to answer these questions, fundamental and early Arabic Language sources were used such as Halil b. Ahmed’s Kitāb al-ʿAyn which represents the Basra School’s methods and Yaḥyā b. Ziyād al-Farrāʾs al-Maʿāni al-Qur’ân which represents the al-Kūfa School’s methods.The work titled Kitāb al-ʿAyn of Khalīl b. Aḥmad, the first representative of the Basra school, includes somewhat extensive use of the hadīth. Indeed, approximately three hundred and forty one hadīth narratives are included in this work. Of these, two thousand and fifty were narrated only as hadiths, seventy were related to Rasūlullāh and thirty one to the companions. Apart from this, there is no usage of isnād in the work. If we analyse these numbers, we can say that seventy three percent of the narratives are passed only as hadīth, twenty one of them refer to the Prophet and six percent of them to the companions.In this regard, it can be said that only 25% of the narratives of Khalīl b. Aḥmad, conveyed as hadīth, were mentioned in the hadith works before Khalīl b. Aḥmad, Therefore, we can say that Khalīl b. Aḥmad’s work is the first source for many hadīth. In addition, these hadīth, which Khalīl b. Aḥmad described as hadīth, were also conveyed as marfū‛ and mawkūf in hadīth works after him.&nbsp;When the isnads of the narratives are examined, it can be seen that narrators come from different regions such as Kūfa, Basra, Mecca and Medina. In addition, we can say that there are many hadīths in the work that can be described as ṣaḥīḥ (authentic).&nbsp;When it comes to the question of how the hadith narratives reached Khalīl b. Aḥmad, we see that there is a common name in most of the isnāds. This name is Ayyūb asSakhtiyānī (d. 131/749), one of the hadīth narrators. Hence he is also the teacher of Khalīl b. Aḥmad and can be considered to be the person that Khalīl b. Aḥmad, took the hadīth narratives from.The second source of this study is al-Farrāʾs al-Maʿāni al-Qur’ân The most important feature of al-Farrāʾ is that he includes hadīths with isnād in his book. Indeed, as far as we could determine, there are one hundred and sixty seven narratives of hadīth with isnad.&nbsp;Adding the ones with isnads, this number reaches four hundred. Approximately seven of these narratives are based on the Prophet, seventy on the companions and the remaining on the next generations such as ʿAlqama b. Qays (d. 62/682) Masrūk b. al-Ecdā‛ (d. 63/9- 683), Saʿīd b. Cubayr (d. 94/713), Ibrāhīm al-Nakhaʿī (d. 96/714), Mujāhid b. Cabr (d. 103/721), Sulaymān b. Mihrān al-Aʿmash (d.147/764). If we compare these numbers, it can be seen that four percent of the narratives were based on the Prophet, 41 % on the Companions and 55 % on the next generations.&nbsp;Looking at the next generation, it can be seen that the work has the isnād system of the Kūfa region. Moreover, the fact that he includes mubham narrators in thirty three and balāg mode in twenty three of the isnāds is a reminder that the isnāds of ahl alra’y are used in the hadīths. Indeed, the ittisāl in the isnāds in this regard are not very important. The same understanding exists in the Kūfa language school. However, an important feature of the Kūfe language school separating them from ahl al-ray is that they include ʿAbdallāh b. ʿAbbās narratives more than ʿAbdallāh Ibn Masʿūd. Furthermore, when we look at the numbers of the narratives of the companions, we see that fourteen of them are conveyed from ʿAlī , twenty seven from ʿAbdallāh b. ʿAbbās, eighteen from İbn Mesud, six from Aisha, two from Abu Bakr and two from Omar. If we evaluate these numbers, we see that 23% was conveyed from ʿAlī , 37% from ʿAbdallāh b. ʿAbbās, 25% from ʿAbdallāh Ibn Masʿūd, 9% from Aisha and the remaining 6% from Abū Bakr and Omar. But, it is inevitable to say that al-Farrāʾs hadīth generally is not a first source for hadīth. We can find them with their isnāds in ʿAbd al-Razzāq al-Ṣanʿānī’s book and in the other hadīth books before al-Kutub al-Sitta.

Arap Dili Kaynaklarında Hadis Rivayetinin Yeri (Hicri Ilk Üç Asır Örneği)

Sümeyra

Autism is defined as the inability to establish relations with people and situations, the inability to use the language in an adequate and accurate manner, an obsessive repetition of the same behavior, and a developmental problem in which various obsessions are observed. There is no absolute treatment for this developmental problem, which manifests itself in the first or second years of life. However, individuals who have autism are brought into society through education.In Turkey, the education of individuals who have autism is carried out in special education schools, in Inclusive Classes at schools, and in private training centers after the diagnosis is made with individual tests. In these centers, education is carried out with many different disciplines. The Religious Culture and Moral Knowledge (RCMK) courses took their place in special education curricula as a compulsory course for the first time in 2010. This decision brought with it many debates on the existence and teaching of religious courses in autistic individuals. When the literature is reviewed on the possibility of religion and religious education in autistic individuals, it is seen that there are some opinions arguing that autistic individuals cannot perceive religion, and therefore, it is not possible for them to receive any religious education.&nbsp;The basis of these views is that individuals with autism are not able to perceive abstract concepts, metaphorical discourses and symbolic expressions and are insufficient in socializing. The basic arguments of the previous studies are that religions include abstract and symbolic expressions and the participation to congregations is compulsory, which do not comply with the aforementioned characteristics of the autistic individuals. On the other hand, there are also several viewpoints in the literature arguing that autistic individuals are able to perceive religion, create their own image of God, and in case appropriate conditions are prepared, can worship. On the basis of these viewpoints, there is the idea that abstract religious concepts may be explained by using appropriate methods and techniques, and positive contributions may be made to autistic individuals by making use of the socializing sphere of the religion when appropriate conditions are prepared.The different viewpoints on this subject in the literature may affect the legitimacy of the existence of religious courses that are prepared for autistic individuals; and may also be important in determining whether the subjects in the curriculum are suitable for individuals with autism. Based on this, in the present study, previous studies conducted on the possibility of religion and religious education in autistic individuals were examined, and the Religious Culture and Moral Knowledge curricula that were prepared for autistic individuals were evaluated in the light of the data reported by these studies. As a result of the study, it was determined that all of previous studies on religious education in autistic individuals were conducted with individuals who had religions other than Islam or with their families. However, the unique structure of the Islamic religion differs from other&nbsp;religions with the teaching and perception form of it. Based on this, it was decided that the current studies should also be conducted with children of Muslim families in Turkey. In addition, in the literature review, it was also determined in previous studies reporting positive results that practical subjects were focused on in religious education. It was also emphasized that individuals should participate to rituals in an applicable way, Allah should be perceived as a “being” that the individual should feel an attachment and pray to, and religious expressions should be used in everyday life. In this context, it was observed that the RCMK curriculum was based on cognitive acquisitions, and that there were very limited acquisitions on affective and psychomotor fields.In this context, it is possible to argue that the current curriculum does not overlap with the relevant literature at an adequate level. Another interesting point about the RCMK is that the curriculum was prepared for students who had moderate-to-severe mental disabilities and autism spectrum disorder. However, in actual fact, autistic individuals with high-functioning may show different developmental characteristics that are specific to autism, and they may also have normal intelligence function or some superior abilities. The current curriculum does not address high-functioning autism, and there are no other separate curricula prepared for them. In this case, it may be recommended to conduct curriculum development studies for individuals with high-functioning autism. In addition, it was also determined as a result of the present study that the needs of the individuals with autism in terms of religion and religious education must be determined; and subjects, contents and learning-teaching activities must be prepared in line with these needs.&nbsp;It is considered that this study, which was conducted with the Literature Review and Content Analysis Method will shed light on the religious education issue in autistic individuals, which has emerged as a new field of application in our country; and will contribute to curriculum development studies for Religious Culture and Moral Knowledge courses.

Otizmli Çocuklar için İlköğretim Din Kültürü ve Ahlak Bilgisi Dersi Öğretim Programı: Otizmlilerde Din ve Din Eğitiminin İmkânı Tartışmaları Çerçevesinde Bir İnceleme

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Muharrem

This study focuses on the notion of non-fixed heavy punishment in Hanafi penal tradition and its reflection in classic Ottoman kânûns. As is known, in Islamic criminal law, there are severe fixed penalties called had or kısas. These penalties are determined by the Shâri‘a, and take a variety of forms ranging from amputation to death. Apart from these penalties, the public authority is also authorized to impose heavy sanctions when necessary. Hanafî jurists use the terms ta‘zîr and siyâsa to express these sanctions. Those called siyâsa are marked as aggravated. Some authors emphasize this aspect in particular. In fact, in the Hanafî doctrine, the ta‘zîr, which is the basis of siyâsa, is accepted as lighter punishment than for fixed penalties. Apparently, ta‘zîr sanctions that reach or exceed the fixed penalties in terms of being aggravated, are called siyâsa to adhere to this rule.Hanafî jurists often associate non-fixed severe penalties with two causes. These are repetitions of an offense (tekerrur) and the effort for corruption of society (sa‘y bi’lfesâd). Repetition of offenses, which is generally considered to be a cause for severe penalty, usually occurs when certain crimes are committed a second time after being proven guilty. The effort for corruption of society is also generally admitted as a cause for severe penalty, because the perpetrator is attempting to disrupt society. In the Hanafî penal tradition, it is understood that habitual criminals can be heavily punished directly by the public authority on the grounds that they are working to disrupt society. This idea has evolved over time. In this context, Hanafî jurists state that those who commit crimes such as sodomy, killing someone by strangling, or robbery for the second time can be sentenced directly to death by public authority. This understanding can potentially include some crimes that disrupt society even if they are not habitual. Indeed, some Hanafî jurists state that a thief can be sentenced directly to death by the public authority on the grounds that he/she is attempting to disrupt society, whether or not the crime is habitual. From this perspective, even if the crime has been committed only once, it is regarded as repetitive because it deeply disturbs public interest.In the classic Ottoman law books, many references are made to the non-fixed heavy penalty concept of Hanafî. However, elements such as tekerrur, fesâd, and siyâsa, which constitute this understanding, are generally not mentioned together in the articles of law. In most cases, the term siyâsa alone is considered sufficient to imply the basis on which the punishment from the Hanafî tradition is based. This term, which often refers to severe penalties such as death or amputation in the law books, does not impose fines, and is generally related to penalties for habitual criminals who are believed to have attempted to disrupt society. Some articles of the law state that the offense should be habitual to receive heavy punishment, and this condition implicitly includes the rest of the formula. If the perpetrator is a habitual criminal, he or she will be penalized directly by the public authority for working toward the deterioration of society. For instance, some provisions of law order the execution of anyone who has stolen a few times and hand amputation&nbsp;for those who make it a habit to stab somebody or pick somebody’s pocket, and nose amputation for those who habitually corrupt women-men relations. In these provisions, the Ottoman lawmakers seem to be inspired by the concept of Hanafî repetition.&nbsp;In some articles of law, we see that the Ottoman rulers severely punish non-habitual criminals directly according to their own will. They use the death penalty for some crimes besides fixed ones without mentioning repetition. For example, they order hanging for wrongdoers who enter a shop or a house for the purpose of theft, who burn a shop or house deliberately, and who print counterfeit money. It is understood that these wrongdoers are considered habitual criminals for damaging the public interest and that they are to be included in the non-fixed heavy penalty formula. However, it should be noted that this inclusion may open the door to arbitrary and oppressive siyâsa, which some jurists are concerned.

Hanefi Geleneğinden Klasik Osmanlı Kanunlarına Had-Kısas Dışı Ağır Ceza Formülü

In our age, as a result of the phenomena of technology, individuality, and globalization, the divorce rate is rapidly increasing despite the change in family structure. Divorce can cause various psychological effects such as trauma. Therefore, the divorced individuals and their children need psychological and social support.&nbsp;With a divorce, if both members are adaptable, it can either prevent the divorce from happening or be a factor that affects an amicable divorce; detecting divorce enhancing or inhibiting factors is an important issue.As in many other areas, religion or religiousness play an important role in the continuation of marriage and divorce. This drove the reasons investigated in our study for what causes a divorce. Divorced individuals were asked questions about the effect of religiousness in the process of marriage and divorce. This research will contribute to the field of marriage and divorce in terms of eliminating the lack of adequate study of the religiosity factor.&nbsp;Our study conducted interviews with 20 divorced people, including ten women and ten men. The majority of the participants we interviewed were middle aged adults with a high level of education, who spent most of their lives in Istanbul, and who participated in certain professions. Female participants, in particular, needed jobs to make a living during or after the divorce.Based on the findings, we cannot say to remove the high educational level as a factor of divorce. In fact, it is effective for women to display a more decisive attitude toward divorce.Most participants chose to get married based on the emotional factors “appearance” (8 people), “love to be/to like” (8 people). Also “being religious” (6 persons) and “not suitable for families” (4 people) criteria were significant. According to this, being religious is among the criteria sought in marriages.We can say that these two options, which are connected with each other, such as exterior appearance and being in love, are not functional in maintaining the marriage in terms of the marriage criteria and that it is more important to approach marriage from a logical point of view.According to participants at the beginning of a divorce, the research results of “deception/ deceived” (9 people) were at the top of the list. The second reason is “indifference” (6 people). This was followed by “communication” (5 people), “irresponsibility” (5 people), and “economic reasons” (5 people). “Psychological violence” (4 people), “physical strength” (4 people), “disrespect” (3), and “jealousy” (3) are also among the causes of divorce. The deception angle, after women had been deceived, led them choosing “irresponsibility” (5 people) as a major cause of divorce, and men chose “indifference” (4 people).&nbsp;The reasons for divorce that emerged in our research show parallels with other research. According to participants, divorce does not depend on a single cause; we see a negative situation could cause different problems. Also, disrespectful communication problems in couples and the emergence of situations such as irresponsibility, poor communication within the family, and being unable to relate to one another are other reasons. According to this, spouses did not spend time together, and the lack of pleasure in performing activities together may be among the reasons behind the conflicts within the family.For the majority of the participants, more attention should be given to the premarital period rather than the prevention of marriage or divorce. According to them, first of all, people should get to know each other and their families better. The biggest regret from the majority of the participants is that they married quickly, without getting to know the other side and their family. In the process of divorce, individuals expected more functional mediation than their relatives. The participants expected more help from their relatives.When we asked the interviewers whether religiousness had any function in the attitudes of spouses and their divorce, they emphasized that they were generally more moral than religious. This situation shows that the spouses who promote themselves as religious do not turn their words into behaviors, and they exhibit unethical behavior in family life. Accordingly, based on the opinions of respondents, those who said that they mostly defined themselves as religious, had a piety factor in the moral dimension of marriage and divorce, which had an important function in terms of the experience.&nbsp;Conflicting words and behaviors are seen before and after marriage, causing people to become disillusioned and breaking the feelings of trust that spouses have toward each other. Therefore, deception is the most important cause of divorce. In considering the moral sense of priorities from each of the spouses, honesty, loyalty, and respect are expected. After sacrifice and altruism, moral values such as responsibility and compassion come to the fore. However, it is also important to know the attitudes of the people who were looking for these criteria against their former spouses. Therefore, bilateral negotiations need to be conducted with divorced people, and work done with qualitative research on religiosity will be useful.

Evlenme ve Boşanma Deneyimleri Arasındaki İlişkide Dindarlık Faktörünün İncelenmesi

Hafize Şule

Christian Zionist ideas have been embraced by many presidents in American politics, but the power of Christian Zionism in American politics became clear after Donald Trump was elected in November 2016. He recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel, which had been a long-term ambition of the American Christian Zionists and Jewish Zionists. In this study, Christian Zionists and their theo-political approach will be discussed. In addition, the active participation in politics among evangelical Protestants with an emphasis on their prioritising of Jews and Israeli policies in American politics will be examined. This topic, which can be linked not only to the field of sociology of religion but also to all fields of social sciences, is important for understanding the debates and social poles in American society, as well as for making sense of the determinants of US policy, especially toward the Middle East. The reason behind the US-based Israeli policies in the Middle East has a theological and ideological justification.&nbsp;In this descriptive work, I will seek answers to the questions of “who are the Christian Zionists?”, “what constitutes the roots and fundamental doctrines of Christian Zionism?” and “how do Christian Zionists view world politics?” In this context, I will draw attention to the fact that Zionism is not only a concept related to Judaism and that there have been many non-Jewish Christian Zionists in the past and many who are still actively present in the American administration. My work sets out the conceptual framework of Christian Zionism as a theo-political ideology and sheds light on the historical background of the subject; It also aims to clarify how the ideology in question has gained power and become an effective discourse within American Protestantism. In this context, the study will trace the imperialist policies of the British Empire on Ottoman lands in the first half of the 19th century when Christian Zionism first emerged; then, the main elements of the Christian Zionists’ ideological and theological approaches to social and political processes, the extent of how Jews benefitted will be discussed, and their effects on American politics will also be pointed out.Christian Zionism has, in general, evolved from evangelical and fundamentalist Christians. This approach adopts the reading of The Bible with a literal, premillennial approach and takes Biblical eschatology crucial. In order to understand the Christian Zionists’ support for Israel and their insistence on directing American policies, it is necessary to consider the pre-millennial dispensationalism that centered on Jews and the doctrines of the End Times. Pre-Millennial dispensationalism is the fundamental doctrine of Christian Zionists. In addition, Christian fundamentalists are based on the literal (literalism) reading of the scripture. While giving Jews a central place in the doctrine of the End Times, they have a very negative attitude towards Muslims.&nbsp;In general terms, the term “Christian Zionist” is given to a constituent of the most influential apocalyptic beliefs of today’s American society, which emerged in Britain in&nbsp;the 19th century, later coming to the US in the middle of the same century. Christian Zionism, which proposes rather radical ideas, is widespread among American Protestants. According to the results of a 2013 poll conducted by the Pew Research Center, 82% of the white evangelical Protestants in the United States believe that Israel was given to the Jews by God; whereas this rate is only 40% among Jews. In general, 44% of Americans believe that God gave Israel to the Jews. When the period and the environment in which Christian Zionism emerged are evaluated, it is possible to see that the ideologies that were formed on the basis of the activities of British imperialism in the Middle East were transformed into religious discourse. Christian Zionism, which formed an important ideological basis for British imperialism in the first period of its emergence, provides an ideological basis for American imperialism today. It is also an important part of the Israeli lobby in the US.The enduring teachings of the Christian Zionists, who have gained more influence in recent American politics compared to previous periods, have reached the point of power to be able to affect US foreign policy. Trump’s decision to recognize Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and his declarations that Golan Heights belong to Israel are closely related to the theological teachings of Christian Zionism. The fact that a group with a radical theo-political ideology in the US is so effective in politics and state administration raises questions about American secularism. The important question of whether there is a reversal from American secularism –given the current developments in spite of the Constitution of America, where religion and state affairs are clearly separated- should be focused on in the coming years.

ABD’de Hıristiyan Siyonizmi: Kökeni, İnanç Esasları ve Günümüz Amerikan Siyasetine Etkisi

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darulfunun ilahiyat, akademik bir dergidir. darulfunun ilahiyat'a gönderilmiş makaleler çift-kör hakemlik sistemi kullanılarak değerlendirilmektedir.

darulfunun ilahiyat'ta din alanının farklı boyutlarını ele alan disipliner veya disiplinlerarası kuramsal ve uygulamalı çalışmalar yayımlanmaktadır.

Bu çerçevede darulfunun ilahiyat'ta; Bir inanç ve toplum sistemi olarak din konusunu ve uygulayıcılarının inanç ve davranışlarını; (i) insan ve toplum bilimleri çerçevesinde ele alan; (ii) özgün kuramsal ve kavramsal açılımlarla genişleten; (iii) farklı/yeni araştırma yöntemleriyle inceleyen; (iv) farklı örnek olaylar bağlamında karşılaştırmalı bir şekilde sunan yazılara yer verilmektedir.

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İstanbul Üniversitesi İlahiyat Fakültesi tarafından yayımlanan darulfunun ilahiyat, akademik bir dergidir. darulfunun ilahiyat’a gönderilmiş makaleler çift-kör hakemlik sistemi kullanılarak değerlendirilmektedir.darulfunun ilahiyat’ta, din alanının farklı boyutlarını ele alan disipliner veya disiplinlerarası kuramsal ve uygulamalı çalışmalar yayımlanmaktadır. Bu çerçevede darulfunun ilahiyat’ta bir inanç ve toplum sistemi olarak din konusunu ve uygulayıcılarının inanç ve davranışlarını; (i) insan ve toplum bilimleri bağlamında ele alan; (ii) özgün kuramsal ve kavramsal açılımlarla genişleten; (iii) farklı/yeni araştırma yöntemleriyle inceleyen; (iv) farklı örnek olaylar bağlamında karşılaştırmalı bir şekilde sunan yazılara yer verilmektedir.Bu kapsamda özellikle şu konulara öncelik tanınmaktadır:•    İslam kültür ve medeniyeti •    Çağdaş dünyada dinî/İslami ilimlerin yorumlanması ve eğitimi •    Dinî kimliğin oluşumu ve aktarımı•    Çeşitli inanç gruplarında, kamusal hayatta, çok kültürlü ortamlarda din•    Birey, din ve toplum arasındaki etkileşimdarulfunun ilahiyat'ta nitelikli, özgün, kuramsal ve uygulamalı araştırmaların yanı sıra kitap değerlendirmesi, araştırma notu, sempozyum tanıtımı ve klasik dillerden çeviri-yorum metinleri de yayımlanmaktadır.

Amaç ve Kapsam

<a href="https://www.scopus.com/sourceid/21101058362" target="_blank">SCOPUS</a><a href="https://search.trdizin.gov.tr/dergi/detay/2132/darulfunun-ilahiyat" target="_blank">ULAKBİM TR Dizin</a><a target="_blank" href="https://brill.com/fileasset/downloads_products/35122_ii_surveyed_periodicals_2008_2017FINAL.pdf">Index Islamicus</a><a href="https://www.ebsco.com/tr-tr/urunler/arastirma-veri-tabanlari/academic-search-complete" target="_blank">EBSCO Academic Search Complete</a> <a href="https://doaj.org/toc/2651-5083?source=%7B%22query%22%3A%7B%22bool%22%3A%7B%22must%22%3A%5B%7B%22terms%22%3A%7B%22index.issn.exact%22%3A%5B%222651-5083%22%5D%7D%7D%5D%7D%7D%2C%22size%22%3A100%2C%22sort%22%3A%5B%7B%22created_date%22%3A%7B%22order%22%3A%22desc%22%7D%7D%5D%2C%22_source%22%3A%7B%7D%2C%22track_total_hits%22%3Atrue%7D" target="_blank">DOAJ</a> <a href="https://kanalregister.hkdir.no/publiseringskanaler/erihplus/periodical/info.action?id=495011" target="_blank" style="font-size: 13.3333px;">ERIH PLUS</a> <a href="https://atif.sobiad.com/index.jsp?modul=dergi-sayfasi&amp;ID=0&amp;magazinename=darulfunun%20ilahiyat" target="_blank">SOBIAD </a>

Dizinler

Dergi yayın etiğinde en yüksek standartlara bağlıdır ve <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a> ve <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> tarafından yayınlanan etik yayıncılık ilkelerini benimser; Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing başlığı altında ifade edilen ilkeler için: <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a> Gönderilen makaleler derginin amaç ve kapsamına uygun olmalıdır. Orijinal, yayınlanmamış ve başka bir dergide değerlendirme sürecinde olmayan, her bir yazar tarafından içeriği ve gönderimi onaylanmış yazılar değerlendirmeye kabul edilir. Makale yayınlanmak üzere Dergiye gönderildikten sonra yazarlardan hiçbirinin ismi, tüm yazarların yazılı izni olmadan yazar listesinden silinemez ve yeni bir isim yazar olarak eklenemez ve yazar sırası değiştirilemez.İntihal, duplikasyon, sahte yazarlık/inkar edilen yazarlık, araştrma/veri fabrikasyonu, makale dilimleme, dilimleyerek yayın, telif hakları ihlali ve çıkar çatışmasının gizlenmesi, etik dışı davranışlar olarak kabul edilir. Kabul edilen etik standartlara uygun olmayan tüm makaleler yayından çıkarılır. Buna yayından sonra tespit edilen olası kuraldışı, uygunsuzluklar içeren makaleler de dahildir.*Bir yazarın dergimizde yazısı yayınlandıktan sonraki iki sayıda yeni bir yazısına yer verilmez.İntihal Ön kontrolden geçirilen makaleler, iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal/kendi kendine intihal tespit edilirse yazarlar bilgilendirilir. Editörler, gerekli olması halinde makaleyi değerlendirme ya da üretim sürecinin çeşitli aşamalarında intihal kontrolüne tabi tutabilirler. Yüksek benzerlik oranları, bir makalenin kabul edilmeden önce ve hatta kabul edildikten sonra reddedilmesine neden olabilir. Makalenin türüne bağlı olarak, bunun oranın %15 veya %20'den az olması beklenir.Çift Kör Hakemlikİntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir. Editör, makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakemlikten geçmesini sağlar ve makale biçimsel esaslara uygun ise, gelen yazıyı yurtiçinden ve /veya yurtdışından en az iki hakemin değerlendirmesine sunar, hakemler gerek gördüğü takdirde yazıda istenen değişiklikler yazarlar tarafından yapıldıktan sonra yayınlanmasına onay verir.

Politikalar

Dergi açık erişimlidir ve derginin tüm içeriği okura ya da okurun dahil olduğu kuruma ücretsiz olarak sunulur. Okurlar, ticari amaç haricinde, yayıncı ya da yazardan izin almadan dergi makalelerinin tam metnini okuyabilir, indirebilir, kopyalayabilir, arayabilir ve link sağlayabilir. Bu <a href="https://www.budapestopenaccessinitiative.org/translations/turkish-translation" target="_blank">BOAI</a> açık erişim tanımıyla uyumludur. Derginin açık erişimli makaleleri Creative Commons Atıf-GayrıTicari 4.0 Uluslararası (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.tr" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) olarak lisanslıdır.

Derginin tüm giderleri İstanbul Üniversitesi tarafından karşılanmaktadır. Dergide makale yayını ve makale süreçlerinin yürütülmesi ücrete tabi değildir. Dergiye gönderilen ya da yayın için kabul edilen makaleler için işlemleme ücreti ya da gönderim ücreti alınmaz.

Yazarlar dergide yayınlanan çalışmalarının telif hakkına sahiptirler ve çalışmaları  Creative Commons Atıf-GayrıTicari 4.0 Uluslararası (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.tr" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) olarak lisanslıdır. CC BY-NC 4.0 lisansı, eserin ticari kullanım dışında her boyut ve formatta paylaşılmasına, kopyalanmasına, çoğaltılmasına ve orijinal esere uygun şekilde atıfta bulunmak kaydıyla yeniden düzenleme, dönüştürme ve eserin üzerine inşa etme dâhil adapte edilmesine izin verir.

Editörler, yayınlanan makalede, bulguları, yorumları ve sonuçları etkilemeyen küçük hatalar tespit edilirse düzeltme yayınlamayı düşünebilirler. Editörler, bulguları ve sonuçları geçersiz kılan büyük hatalar / ihlaller söz konusu olduğunda, makaleyi geri çekmeyi düşünmelidir. Yazarlar tarafından araştırma veya yayını kötüye kullanmaya yönelik olasılık söz konusu ise; bulguların güvenilir olmadığına ve yazarların kurumlarının olayı soruşturmadığına dair kanıtlar var veya olası soruşturma haksız veya sonuçsuz görünüyor ise, editörler endişe ifadesi yayınlamayı düşünmelidir. Düzeltme, geri çekme veya endişe ifadesi ile ilgili olarak <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/flowcharts/complete-set-english" target="_blank">COPE</a> ve <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/" target="_blank">ICJME</a> yönergeleri dikkate alınır.

Dergide yayınlanan tüm yazıların korunmasını ve kalıcı olarak erişilebilir olmasını sağlamak için makaleler, ulusal bir arşiv sitesi olarak hizmet veren ve aynı zamanda LOCKSS'in içeriği toplamasına, korumasına ve sunmasına izin veren Dergipark'ta saklanmaktadır.Ek olarak, yazarların kendilerinin makalelerinin son PDF sürümünü Open Archives Initiative (<a href="https://www.openarchives.org/" target="_blank">https://www.openarchives.org/</a>) standartlarına uygun açık elektronik arşivlerde arşivlemeleri önerilir. Yazarlar, yayınladıkları arşiv versiyonundan, İ.Ü. Yayınevinin dergi web sitesinin URL'sine bağlantı sağlamalıdır.

darulfunun ilahiyat, yayın etiğinde en yüksek standartlara bağlıdır ve <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a> ve <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> tarafından yayınlanan etik yayıncılık ilkelerini benimser; Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing başlığı altında ifade edilen ilkeler için adres: <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a>Gönderilen tüm makaleler orijinal, yayınlanmamış ve başka bir dergide değerlendirme sürecinde olmamalıdır. Her bir makale editörlerden biri ve en az iki hakem tarafından çift kör değerlendirmeden geçirilir. İntihal, duplikasyon, sahte yazarlık/inkar edilen yazarlık, araştrma/veri fabrikasyonu, makale dilimleme, dilimleyerek yayın, telif hakları ihlali ve çıkar çatışmasının gizlenmesi, etik dışı davranışlar olarak kabul edilir.Kabul edilen etik standartlara uygun olmayan tüm makaleler yayından çıkarılır. Buna yayından sonra tespit edilen olası kuraldışı, uygunsuzluklar içeren makaleler de dahildir.

Etik

Dergi araştırma etiğinde en yüksek standartları gözetir ve aşağıda tanımlanan uluslararası araştırma etiği ilkelerini benimser. Makalelerin etik kurallara uygunluğu yazarların sorumluluğundadır.-    Araştırmanın tasarlanması, tasarımın gözden geçirilmesi ve araştırmanın yürütülmesinde, bütünlük, kalite ve şeffaflık ilkeleri sağlanmalıdır.-    Araştırma ekibi ve katılımcılar, araştırmanın amacı, yöntemleri ve öngörülen olası kullanımları; araştırmaya katılımın gerektirdikleri ve varsa riskleri hakkında tam olarak bilgilendirilmelidir.-    Araştırma katılımcılarının sağladığı bilgilerin gizliliği ve yanıt verenlerin gizliliği sağlanmalıdır. Araştırma katılımcıların özerkliğini ve saygınlığını koruyacak şekilde tasarlanmalıdır.-    Araştırma katılımcıları gönüllü olarak araştırmada yer almalı, herhangi bir zorlama altında olmamalıdırlar.-    Katılımcıların zarar görmesinden kaçınılmalıdır. Araştırma, katılımcıları riske sokmayacak şekilde planlanmalıdır.-    Araştırma bağımsızlığıyla ilgili açık ve net olunmalı; çıkar çatışması varsa belirtilmelidir.-    Deneysel çalışmalarda, araştırmaya katılmaya karar veren katılımcıların yazılı bilgilendirilmiş onayı alınmalıdır. Çocukların ve vesayet altındakilerin veya tasdiklenmiş akıl hastalığı bulunanların yasal vasisinin onayı alınmalıdır.-    Çalışma herhangi bir kurum ya da kuruluşta gerçekleştirilecekse bu kurum ya da kuruluştan çalışma yapılacağına dair onay alınmalıdır.-    İnsan öğesi bulunan çalışmalarda, “yöntem” bölümünde katılımcılardan “bilgilendirilmiş onam” alındığının ve çalışmanın yapıldığı kurumdan etik kurul onayı alındığı belirtilmesi gerekir.

Makalelerin bilimsel ve etik kurallara uygunluğu yazarların sorumluluğundadır. Yazar makalenin orijinal olduğu, daha önce başka bir yerde yayınlanmadığı ve başka bir yerde, başka bir dilde yayınlanmak üzere değerlendirmede olmadığı konusunda teminat sağlamalıdır. Uygulamadaki telif kanunları ve anlaşmaları gözetilmelidir. Telife bağlı materyaller (örneğin tablolar, şekiller veya büyük alıntılar) gerekli izin ve teşekkürle kullanılmalıdır. Başka yazarların, katkıda bulunanların çalışmaları ya da yararlanılan kaynaklar uygun biçimde kullanılmalı ve referanslarda belirtilmelidir.Gönderilen makalede tüm yazarların akademik ve bilimsel olarak doğrudan katkısı olmalıdır, bu bağlamda “yazar” yayınlanan bir araştırmanın kavramsallaştırılmasına ve dizaynına, verilerin elde edilmesine, analizine ya da yorumlanmasına belirgin katkı yapan, yazının yazılması ya da bunun içerik açısından eleştirel biçimde gözden geçirilmesinde görev yapan birisi olarak görülür. Yazar olabilmenin diğer koşulları ise, makaledeki çalışmayı planlamak veya icra etmek ve / veya revize etmektir. Fon sağlanması, veri toplanması ya da araştırma grubunun genel süpervizyonu tek başına yazarlık hakkı kazandırmaz. Yazar olarak gösterilen tüm bireyler sayılan tüm ölçütleri karşılamalıdır ve yukarıdaki ölçütleri karşılayan her birey yazar olarak gösterilebilir. Yazarların isim sıralaması ortak verilen bir karar olmalıdır. Tüm yazarlar yazar sıralamasını <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/7281EBE3E18F4E5A95833E5ED0CEFE2E" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formunda</a> imzalı olarak belirtmek zorundadırlar.Yazarlık için yeterli ölçütleri karşılamayan ancak çalışmaya katkısı olan tüm bireyler “teşekkür / bilgiler” kısmında sıralanmalıdır. Bunlara örnek olarak ise sadece teknik destek sağlayan, yazıma yardımcı olan ya da sadece genel bir destek sağlayan, finansal ve materyal desteği sunan kişiler verilebilir.Bütün yazarlar, araştırmanın sonuçlarını ya da bilimsel değerlendirmeyi etkileyebilme potansiyeli olan finansal ilişkiler, çıkar çatışması ve çıkar rekabetini beyan etmelidirler. Bir yazar kendi yayınlanmış yazısında belirgin bir hata ya da yanlışlık tespit ederse, bu yanlışlıklara ilişkin düzeltme ya da geri çekme için editör ile hemen temasa geçme ve işbirliği yapma sorumluluğunu taşır.

Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirirler. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar. Gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalacağını garanti eder. Baş editör içerik ve yayının toplam kalitesinden sorumludur. Gereğinde hata sayfası yayınlamalı ya da düzeltme yapmalıdır. Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemler, araştırma, yazarlar ve/veya araştırmaya fon sağlayanlarla çıkar çatışması içinde olmamalıdır. Hakemler değerlendirmelerinin sonucunda tarafsız bir yargıya varmalıdırlar. Gönderilmiş yazılara ilişkin tüm bilginin gizli tutulmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar. Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir. Bazı durumlarda editörün kararıyla, ilgili hakemlerin makaleye ait yorumları aynı makaleyi yorumlayan diğer hakemlere gönderilerek hakemlerin bu süreçte aydınlatılması sağlanabilir.

Daha önce yayınlanmamış ya da yayınlanmak üzere başka bir dergide halen değerlendirmede olmayan ve her bir yazar tarafından onaylanan makaleler değerlendirilmek üzere kabul edilir. Gönderilen ve ön kontrolü geçen makaleler iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir.Seçilen makaleler en az iki ulusal/uluslararası hakeme çift taraflı kör hakemlik ile değerlendirmeye gönderilir; yayın kararı, hakemlerin talepleri doğrultusunda yazarların gerçekleştirdiği düzenlemelerin ve hakem sürecinin sonrasında baş editör tarafından verilir.

Hakemlik Hakkında

Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirirler. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar. Gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalacağını garanti eder.Baş editör içerik ve yayının toplam kalitesinden sorumludur. Gereğinde hata sayfası yayınlamalı ya da düzeltme yapmalıdır.Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemler, araştırma, yazarlar ve/veya araştırmaya fon sağlayanlarla çıkar çatışması içinde olmamalıdır. Hakemler değerlendirmelerinin sonucunda tarafsız bir yargıya varmalıdırlar. Gönderilmiş yazılara ilişkin tüm bilginin gizli tutulmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar.Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir. Bazı durumlarda editörün kararıyla, ilgili hakemlerin makaleye ait yorumları aynı makaleyi yorumlayan diğer hakemlere gönderilerek hakemlerin bu süreçte aydınlatılması sağlanabilir.

Daha önce yayınlanmamış ya da yayınlanmak üzere başka bir dergide halen değerlendirmede olmayan ve her bir yazar tarafından onaylanan makaleler değerlendirilmek üzere kabul edilir. Gönderilen ve ön kontrolü geçen makaleler iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir. Editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, cinsel yöneliminden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirir. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar.Seçilen makaleler en az iki ulusal/uluslararası hakeme değerlendirmeye gönderilir; yayın kararı, hakemlerin talepleri doğrultusunda yazarların gerçekleştirdiği düzenlemelerin ve hakem sürecinin sonrasında baş editör tarafından verilir.Hakemlerin değerlendirmeleri objektif olmalıdır. Hakem süreci sırasında hakemlerin aşağıdaki hususları dikkate alarak değerlendirmelerini yapmaları beklenir.-Makale yeni ve önemli bir bilgi içeriyor mu?-Öz, makalenin içeriğini net ve düzgün bir şekilde tanımlıyor mu?-Yöntem bütünlüklü ve anlaşılır şekilde tanımlanmış mı?-Yapılan yorum ve varılan sonuçlar bulgularla kanıtlanıyor mu?-Alandaki diğer çalışmalara yeterli referans verilmiş mi?-Dil kalitesi yeterli mi?Hakemler, gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar. Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir.

1. Amaç ve KapsamBaşvurunuzu darulfunun ilahiyat’a göndermeden önce lütfen derginin “<a href="https://iupress.istanbul.edu.tr/tr/journal/ilahiyatjournal/information/amac-ve-kapsam" target="_blank">Amaç ve Kapsam</a>” sayfasını inceleyiniz. Derginin kapsamı dışında kalan çalışmalar değerlendirme sürecine alınmamaktadır. 2. Başvuru TürleriYayımlanmak üzere gönderilen çalışmalar Baş Editör &amp; Alan Editörleri tarafından amaç, konu, içerik, sunuş tarzı ve yazım kurallarına uygunluk açısından incelenmektedir. Çalışmanız, kaynakçası hariç olmak üzere, 5000-8000 kelime olmalıdır. Dergiye gönderilen tüm makale türlerine uygulanacak editöryal değerlendirme kriterleri aşağıda sıralanmaktadır: (1) Bilimsel yeterliliğin yüksek olması (2) Çalışmanın kuramsal dayanaklarının açık bir şekilde ifade edilmesi (3) Alana kavramsal veya metodolojik düzeyde katkı sağlaması (4) Metnin teori veya yöntem açısından yenilik sunması (5) Çalışmada güncel yöntemlerin kullanılmasına özen gösterilmesi 2.1. Araştırma Makalesidarulfunun ilahiyat, din ile ilgili temel sorunları ortaya koyan ve bunlara çözüm önerileri getiren çalışmaların yayımlanmasını hedeflemektedir. Bununla birlikte özgün araştırmalarda bazı hususlara ayrıca dikkat edilmektedir: (a) Araştırmanın dayandığı kuramsal çerçevenin kapsamlı bir şekilde ifade edilmesi (b) Araştırmanın kuramsal ve uygulama olarak alana katkısının zikredilmesi (c) Çalışmanın din bilimlerindeki bilgi birikimine orijinal katkı sağlaması (d) Çalışmanın özgün bir tezi olup bu tezin kendi içerisinde tutarlı bir şekilde sunulması (e) Çalışmanın yaklaşım ve metodolojisine dair esasların açık bir şekilde ortaya konulması 2.2. Araştırma NotuAraştırma notları, yapılan araştırmalar aracılığıyla edinilen akademik tecrübenin paylaşılmasını hedeflemektedir. Araştırmacıların şahsi değerlendirmelerini de aktarabilecekleri bu türden yazılar 2500 kelimeyi aşmamalıdır. 2.3. Toplantı ÖzetiUlusal veya uluslararası akademik toplantıların içeriklerine dair değerlendirmeleri içeren toplantı özeti, 1500 kelimeyi aşmamalıdır. Hazırlanan metinde özellikle toplantının akademik anlamdaki katkısı ele alınmış olmalıdır. 2.4. Kitap DeğerlendirmesiDergiye gönderilecek olan kitap değerlendirmeleri 1500 kelimeyi aşmamalıdır. 3.Genel Biçim Özellikleri 3.1. Yazı Tipi: Bütün metinde 10 punto Times New Roman yazı karakteri kullanılır. Tablo ve şekillerin nasıl hazırlanacağına dair ilgili bölüme bakınız. 3.2. Sayfa Yapısı: A4 boyutlarındaki kâğıda üst, alt, sağ ve sol boşluk 2,5 cm (0.98 inç) bırakılarak, iki yana dayalı, satır sonu tirelemesiz şekilde olmalıdır. Çalışmalar tek sütun olarak hazırlanmalıdır. Paragraflarda ve başlıklarda girinti ve çıkıntı olmamalıdır. 3.3. Paragraf Yapısı: Paragraf sekmesinde girintiler bölümünde; önce ve sonra alanı 0,6 nk satır aralığı 1,5 olmalıdır. 3.4. Kelime Sınırı: Dergiye gönderilen yazılar 5.000-8.000 kelime arası olmalıdır. 3.5. Öz: 150-200 kelime arasında olmalıdır. 3.6 Anahtar Kelimeler: 5-8 kelime arasında olmalıdır. 3.7. Extended Summary: İngilizce olmayan makaleler için, kabulü takiben 1000-1500 kelimelik İngilizce extended summary istenmektedir. 3.8. Ana Metin: Ana metnin nasıl görüneceğine dair örnek bir metin için lütfen [04_ana_metin.pdf] dosyasını inceleyiniz. Yüklediğiniz ana metnin yazar bilgilerini içermemelidir. Yüklemeden önce bu bilgileri çıkardığınızdan emin olun; yazarla ilgili bilgiler başlık sayfasında ayrıca yer almalıdır. Nicel ve nitel çalışmalar Giriş, Yöntem, Bulgular ve Tartışma bölümlerini içermelidir. Yöntem kısmında mutlaka Örneklem/Çalışma Grubu, Veri Toplama Araçları ve İşlem alt bölümleri bulunmalıdır. Model alt bölümüne sadece özgün bir model kullanılmışsa yer verilmelidir. 3.9. Başlık Sayfası: Aşağıdaki bilgiler Başlık Sayfasında yer almalıdır.(i) Makalenin başlığı (ii) Makalenin kategorisi (iii) Yazar(ların) isim ve soyadları (iv) Yazar(ların) kurum bilgileri (kurum, şehir, ülke) (v) Yazar(ların) e-mail adresleri (vi) Yazar(ların) Orcid’leri (vii) Finansal destek, çıkar çatışması ve teşekkür ile ilgili bilgiler. 3.10. Tablo, Şekil ve EklerTablo ve Şekiller: Tablo, şekil, resim, grafik vb. unsurlar metin içerisinde yer almalıdır. Çalışmanın sonunda ayrıca verilmemelidir. Tablo ve şekillerde genel şablonun dışında 9 punto Times New Roman yazı karakteri kullanılır. Paragraf sekmesinde girintiler bölümünde; • önce ve sonra alanı 0 nk, • satır aralığı tek olmalıdır. Tablo ve şekiller sola dayalı olmalı ve metin kaydırma özelliği kapalı olmalıdır. Ekler: Her bir ek ayrı sayfalarda, kaynakçadan sonra verilmelidir.3.11. Referans Stili:darulfunun ilahiyat, metin içi alıntılama ve kaynak gösterme için CMOS (The Chicago Manual of Style) kaynak stilinin 17. edisyonunu benimser. CMOS 17 hakkında bilgi için: <a href="http://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide.html" target="_blank">http://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide.html</a>3.12. Genişletilmiş Özet:darulfunun ilahiyat yayımladığı makalelerin uluslararası kamuoyu ile paylaşılmasını ve makalelerin etki üretmesini önemsemektedir. Bunun için Türkçe ve Arapça çalışmalar İngilizce geniş özetle (extended summary) birlikte yayımlanır. Bu kapsamda yazarlardan makaleyi temsil edecek geniş özet hazırlamaları talep edilir. 1000-1500 kelime arasında olması beklenen geniş özet; makalenin temel bölümlerindeki (Giriş/Literatür, Yöntem, Bulgular, Tartışma/Sonuç vb.) ana tartışmaları yansıtır. 4. Yabancı Dilde Başvurulardarulfunun ilahiyat; Türkçe, İngilizce ve Arapça dillerinde başvuru kabul etmektedir. Bu dillerde gelen başvurular hakem değerlendirmesinden önce dil yeterlilikleri ve kullanımları bakımından incelenmektedir. Ana dilde bir hakemin anlayamayacağı düzeyde olduğu tespit edilen başvurular hakem değerlendirme sürecine alınmaz ve yazarına dil düzeltmesi için gönderilir. 5. ORCIDİstanbul Üniversitesi; etik, şeffaf ve adil bir editör ve hakem değerlendirme sürecini önemsemektedir. Bu kapsamda İstanbul Üniversitesi, Open Researcher and Contributor ID (ORCID) platformunu desteklemektedir. ORCID, araştırmacıları ayrıştırabilmek için dijital bir kimlik numarası atayarak araştırmacı ile araştırmacının daha önceki faaliyetlerini eşleştirmektedir. darulfunun ilahiyat’ın yayımladığı makalelerde yazarlar ORCID numaraları ile birlikte yer almaktadırlar. Yazarların başvuru esnasında ORCID bilgilerini sağlamaları talep edilmektedir. ORCID Numaranız henüz yoksa şu [<a href="http://orcid.org/register" target="_blank">http://orcid.org/register</a>] linkten edinebilirsiniz. 6. Başvuru Gönderimidarulfunun ilahiyat’a çalışmanızı göndermek için aşağıdaki bağlantıya tıklayınız.[<a href="https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/darulfunun" target="_blank">https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/darulfunun</a>]. Başvuru gönderimi sürecinde bir problemle karşılaşırsanız, lütfen <a href="mailto:ilahiyat.editor@istanbul.edu.tr" target="_blank">ilahiyat.editor@istanbul.edu.tr</a> ile irtibata geçiniz. Önemli Not: darulfunun ilahiyat, yazarlardan herhangi bir ücret talep etmemektedir. 7. Yayım Süreci7.1. Kabul Sonrası Yayıma kabul edilen bir çalışmanın neticesi Sorumlu Yazara bildirilir. Sorumlu Yazarın ilgili raporlara göre düzenlediği çalışma Baş Editör veya Alan Editörü tarafından incelenir. Onaylanan çalışma tashih ve redaksiyon sürecine alınır. 7.1.2. OnlineFirstOnlineFirst, İstanbul Üniversitesinin basıma hazır makaleleri baskıdan önce Online olarak yayımladığı ortamdır. OnlineFirst olarak yayımlanan bir makaleye cilt, sayı bilgileri atanmamakta, makale DOI (Digital Object Identifiers) numarası ile yayımlanmaktadır. Makale ilgili sayıda yayımlandığında OnlineFirst sayfasından kaldırılmakta ve web sitesinde, yayımlandığı sayı içerisine alınmaktadır. Yayım kabulü alan bir çalışma yaklaşık 30 gün içerisinde OnlineFirst'te yayımlanmaktadır. 8. İletişimdarulfunun ilahiyat ile ilgili bütün sorularınız için <a href="mailto:ilahiyat.editor@istanbul.edu.tr" target="_blank">ilahiyat.editor@istanbul.edu.tr</a> elektronik posta adresi yoluyla iletişime geçebilirsiniz.

Yazım Kuralları

Derleme yazıları okuyucular için bir konudaki kaynaklara ulaşmayı kolaylaştıran bir araç olsa da, her zaman orijinal çalışmayı doğru olarak yansıtmaz. Bu yüzden mümkün olduğunca yazarlar orijinal çalışmaları kaynak göstermelidir. Öte yandan, bir konuda çok fazla sayıda orijinal çalışmanın kaynak gösterilmesi yer israfına neden olabilir. Birkaç anahtar orijinal çalışmanın kaynak gösterilmesi genelde uzun listelerle aynı işi görür. Ayrıca günümüzde kaynaklar elektronik versiyonlara eklenebilmekte ve okuyucular elektronik literatür taramalarıyla yayınlara kolaylıkla ulaşabilmektedir.Kabul edilmiş ancak henüz sayıya dahil edilmemiş makaleler Early View olarak yayınlanır ve bu makalelere atıflar “advance online publication” şeklinde verilmelidir. Genel bir kaynaktan elde edilemeyecek temel bir konu olmadıkça “kişisel iletişimlere” atıfta bulunulmamalıdır. Eğer atıfta bulunulursa parantez içinde iletişim kurulan kişinin adı ve iletişimin tarihi belirtilmelidir. Bilimsel makaleler için yazarlar bu kaynaktan yazılı izin ve iletişimin doğruluğunu gösterir belge almalıdır. Kaynakların doğruluğundan yazar(lar) sorumludur. Tüm kaynaklar metinde belirtilmelidir. Kaynaklar alfabetik olarak sıralanmalıdır.Referans Stili ve Formatıdarulfunun ilahiyat, metin içi alıntılama ve kaynak gösterme için CMOS (The Chicago Manual of Style) kaynak stilinin 17. edisyonunu benimser. CMOS 17 hakkında bilgi için: <a href="http://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide.html" target="_blank">http://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide.html</a>

Aşağıdaki listede yer alan bilgilerin eksik olmadığından emin olun:●     Yazarlara Bilgide detaylı olarak anlatılan dergi politikalarının gözden geçirildiğiü    Başka bir dergiye gönderilmemiş olduğu bilgisiü    Sponsor veya ticari bir firma ile ilişkisi (varsa belirtiniz)ü    İngilizce yönünden kontrolünün yapıldığıü    Kaynakların CMOS (The Chicago Manuel of Style) 17’ye göre belirtildiği●    <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/7281EBE3E18F4E5A95833E5ED0CEFE2E" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a> ●    Daha önce basılmış ve telife bağlı materyal (yazı-resim-tablo) kullanılmış ise izin belgesi●    <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/AF49E697F8F94F388F130E49B408FD16" target="_blank">Kapak sayfası</a>ü    Makalenin türüü    Makalenin Türkçe ve İngilizce başlığıü    Yazarların ismi soyadı, unvanları ve bağlı oldukları kurumlar (üniversite ve fakülte bilgisinden sonra şehir ve ülke bilgisi de yer almalıdır), e-posta adresleriü    Sorumlu yazarın e-posta adresi, açık yazışma adresi, iş telefonu, GSM, faks nosuü    Tüm yazarların ORCID’leri●    Makale ana metniü    Makalenin Türkçe ve İngilizce başlığıü    Özetler: 150-200 kelime Türkçe ve 150-200 kelime İngilizceü    Anahtar Kelimeler: 5-8 adet Türkçe ve 5-8 adet İngilizceü    Makale Türkçe ise, 1000-1500 kelime İngilizce genişletilmiş özet (Extended Abstract)ü    Makale ana metin bölümleriü    Finansal destek (varsa belirtiniz)ü    Çıkar çatışması (varsa belirtiniz)ü    Teşekkür (varsa belirtiniz)ü    Kaynaklarü    Tablolar-Resimler, Şekiller (başlık, tanım ve alt yazılarıyla)

<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/AD920A7B60664BFAAE54AA21893A2EC6" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/0060E0AA36EC4014965788D85C639EE0" target="_blank">Kapak Sayfası </a>

Sayı Türü	Regular
Editör(ler)	Necmettin Kızılkaya
Kapak (PDF)
Ön Sayfalar (PDF)

darulfunun ilahiyat

CİLT 33, SAYI 2, 2022

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Kadın Hadis Akademisyenleri İletişim ve Koordinasyon Toplantısı 28-29 Haziran 2022 İzmit- Darıca

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