Adem

Assoc. Prof.

The Ottoman takeover of Syria and Lebanon began with the Battle of Marj Dabiq in 1516. The Tanûkh/Buhturids had headed the Druze community until the Ottoman conquest of Syria and Lebanon in 1516, with the leadership gradually passing from the Bukhturids to the Ma’ns. The Druze rebellion between 1518 and 1697 continually preoccupied the governor of Damascus and the central authorities of the Ottoman state. In 1518, four Druze emirs, one from the Buhturid family and three from the Ma’nid family, were arrested after joining in the rebellion of Nasir al-Din Muhammad ibn al-Hanash. The first punitive expedition against the Druze was launched in 1522 and legitimized as a religious war by the Damascene ‘Ulama. In 929/1523, the governor of Damascus, Hürrem Pasha, had attacked the district of al-Shuf al-Hayti. The governor entered Damascus with copies of Druze religious books. During the second attack on al-Shuf, Hürrem Pasha burnt the village of Baruk, the seat of Korkmaz Ma’n.&nbsp;&nbsp;Sunni Scholars composed fatwas against the Druze. The fatwas regarding the Druze were issued by ‘ulama from every Sunni school of Islamic jurisprudence. On the occasion of the first Ottoman attack against the Druze, Shafi’i scholar Taqiyy al-Din al-Balâtunisî (d. 936/1529) issued a fatwa. The Damascene chronicler Ibn Jum’a al-Maqarri (d. after 1743) listed the names of 12 jurists and scholars. According to Ibn Jumʿa, among these scholars were Ibn Taymīya, Ibn Ḥajar al-ʿAsqalānī (d. 1448) as the most celebrated Hadith scholar and Shāfii jurist, and Ibn Qāḍī ʿAjlūn (d. 1548) as the Shāfii Chief Qadi of Damascus. A similar list of scholars can be found in al-Muḥibbī’s (d. 1699) biography of Fakhr al-Dīn Maʿn (d. 1635), the famous Druze emir who ruled Mount Lebanon. Al-Muḥibbī included the names of seven prominent Sunni jurists and scholars from all the schools of Sunni law: Hanafî, Mâlikî, Shâfiî, and Hanbalî. The Druzes had acquired a continuous supply of firearms from as early as the 1540s. These arms were superior to those held by the Ottoman military. At the time, a state of nearly constant warfare had existed between the Druze and the Ottoman-ruled government forces in Syria until Ibrahim Paşa’s punitive campaign in 1585. The tribal nature of Druze society, the ruggedness of the Druze mountains, and the arms the Druze had received were factors in the longevity of their rebellion.Under the leadership of Qurqmaz (d. 993/1585), the Emir of the Ma’nids, the Druze in Lebanon had not paid taxes regularly for a long time, and complaints were made against them about the firearms they’d acquired. Qurqmaz was the most rebellious leader, but other Druze chiefs were also involved in rebellious activities. In 993/1585, the Egyptian Governor Damad İbrahim Pasha (d. 1010/1601) organized an expedition to the region. Large numbers of rifles were seized and the unpaid taxes that had accumulated were collected. Qurqmaz died in his hiding place. During this time, Shafi’i/Ash’arî scholar Ismâîl b. Ahmad b. Ibrahim Nâblusî (d. 993/1585) wrote a book on the Druze. Many fatwas from different scholars had been issued against the Druze, and some of these were recorded in this book. In addition, the book contains information about the history of the Druze, their basic views, and the regions where they lived. Upon an order from the Damascus Governor Ali Pasha, the book was translated into Turkish by Lutfullah, ex-qadi of Nizip. Nâblusî came to be known as the owner of this risalah [treatise]. The information given in this treatise has not been used in research on the history of the Druze in the region. This study introduces the author of the book, Nâblusî, and explains the history of the Druze in the region and their relations with the Ottoman administration at the time the book was written, in particular the events that had led up to the Ottoman expedition. This study also discusses the writing process and content of the book by establishing relationships with these events.&nbsp;

Damad İbrahim Paşa’nın (ö. 1010/1601) Dürzîler ile  Mücadelesine Ulema Desteği: İsmail en-Nâblusî’nin (ö.  993/1585) Dürzîlere Reddiyesi

Muharrem

Assist. Prof.

The Hanafī madhhab is known to have been dominant in the implementation of Ottoman family law. This dominance gained an official identity beginning in the middle of the 16th century, especially in Anatolia and Rumelia, and exhibited a monopolistic character. This policy was important for legal security and stability and undoubtedly caused some problems, particularly with regard to family law. In the Ottoman family law, women in principle have no right to divorce. A woman obtaining a divorce through court was nearly impossible due to the extremely limited means and very strict procedural rules. Therefore, women were practically stuck in their marriage union in cases such as a husband being absent, being sick to the point of being unable to fulfill the requirements of marital life, leading an immoral life or committing domestic violence. Fatwa collections indicate that many women who were unhappy with their marriage and wanted a divorce employed tricks such as apostasy, using iddah as a retroactive marriage impediment and after getting married that they had been a minor when the marriage contract was initiated. This article focuses on the tricks women used who wanted to divorce and the attitudes of muftis had toward their tricks. Fatwa collections signify that some women who tried to escape from marriage did so by deliberately apostatizing with blasphemous expressions. The Ottoman muftis issued fatwas that apostate women were to be forcefully converted to Islam and remarry their ex-husbands. The purpose of this fatwa policy was to prevent apostasy from being made a common remedy for women want divorce. However, muftis were also found who issued fatwas where the apostate woman should not be forced to renew her marriage if her husband leads an immoral life. Thus, apostasy despite the worldly and otherworldly sanctions, functioned as a means of obtaining divorce when the husband led an immoral life.The issues in the Ottoman fatwa collections indicate that many women who were unhappy with their new marriages wanted to use iddah as a retroactive marriage impediment. Iddah is the legal period of waiting that a woman must observe after the death of her husband or after a divorce and considered as a continuation of the previous marriage in some ways and therefore prevents a new marriage. A marriage that occurs within iddah is invalid and subject to penal sanction. The Hanafī legal doctrine states that women are reliable about their iddah and their declarations will be approved unless they are beyond the legal periods. However, in many cases, the iddah period can be misstated, leaving this open to abuse. As a matter of fact, numerous questions asked to muftis signify that many women who remarried after confessing that their iddah had ended would later seek recourse to annul their marriage. However, Ottoman muftis do not take the woman’s recourse from her confession into consideration if the minimum period of iddah has passed between the divorce from or death of the previous husband and the new marriage. Once a woman observing iddah gives birth or suffers a miscarriage, her iddah is considered to be over. Some women who did not want to wait out their iddah for the widowed period of four months and ten days declared having given birth or suffering a miscarriage in order to annul the new marriage. Muftis did not respond positively to women who would act in this way.Another trick many Ottoman women would play to escape from marriage was to use their minor status as a retroactive marriage impediment. In Ottoman family law, girls who turn nine were considered past the age of a minor and able to marry of their own free will. The issues asked to the muftis indicate that some girls who’d gotten married at a very early age of their own free will would use their minor status as a reason for annulment. Some girls whose body structure signified that they may have passed the age of a minor and/or who’d consented to marriage by declaring themselves to no longer be a minor would sometimes years later deny their declaration and claim that their marriage had been invalid or wanted to use their right of choice to annul the marriage by expressing that they had just passed the age limit of being a minor. Muftis had negative attitudes toward these types of claims. This article describes these tricks through the reality presented by the fatwas of the Ottoman muftis who served in Anatolia and Rumelia between the 16th and 18th centuries and interprets them in the light of Hanafī legal doctrine. Using the fatwas related to real legal life as a data source, the article is a legal history study that sheds light on the unusual tricks woman employed in the face of Ottoman legal policy that had severely limited their ability to obtain a divorce.&nbsp;

Osmanlı Kadınlarının Evlilik Bağından Kurtulma Oyunları ve Müftüler (16.-18. Yüzyıllar)

Serpil

Sufism has been familiar to the people of Anatolia for a long time as a worldview and way of life. Sufi lodges are places for the Sufi lifestyle and were spread all over the Ottoman Empire. The presence of women in dervish lodges outside of the family of the postnişin [head of the dervish lodge] is an issue that has not been studied much. This article discusses the studies in the field and expresses their common features. Most of these studies are shown to have dealt with views on the Sufi worldview toward women. Beyond what is known and has been evaluated in the literature, this study aims to determine the number of women who were in the lodges and their duties as one of the reasons for being there. Therefore, this study attempts to show based on archival documents involving edicts, arzuhal, and Meclis-i Meşâyih notebooks whether women were present in dervish lodges and for what purpose if they were, whether they had duties and what they were if so, whether they were paid for these duties, and the extent to which they took part in the important decisions of dervish lodges. This study first evaluates the studies that have been conducted in this field according to their subjects and then examines the archival documents. The status of women in Sufism has been converted into data from the documents as women in a lodge. In order to do this, the study talks about the lodges that had been founded by women who had also established waqfs, schools, and madrasas. Some of these women were elites from the palace, and others were wealthy women who had connections to a dervish lodge.Moreover, Istanbul was determined to have dervish lodges just for women, as well as lodges with women’s names. These lodges are the Kadirî/Nakşî Karılar (Hâtuniye) Lodge in Eyüp, the Karılar Lodge in Fatih Horhor, and the Celvetî/Bacılar Lodge in Üsküdar. Based on a 19th-century population register, women were shown to have lived in dervish lodges. According to this and regardless of affiliation to any certain tariqah [Sufi school], female Sufis were found in almost all lodges, with their number being the main difference. Evidently, some of these women were members of the sheikh’s family, while the rest were dervishes, lodge employees, or women who’d been assigned specific duties.The study then strengthened this information with documents from other periods. In this context, the study identified the duties of women living in dervish lodges in different periods by scanning the edicts, arzuhal, and Meclis-i Meşâyih notebooks. As a result of the examination, these documents revealed women to have been present in lodges who carried out the duties of tekkenişîn [lodge resident], zâviyenişîn [hermitage/small lodge resident], duagû [prayer reader], as well as sheikh and mütevellî [fudiciary] in particular. Women were also observed to be present who received a salary and who had requested a salary and benefits from dervish lodges in return for their duties. Studies on the relationship between Sufi lodges and women indicate similar situations in the Mevlevi, Bektashi, and Alevism sects. This current study has documented women to have been present in other well-known sects such as the Halvetiyye, Nakşibendiyye, Bayramiyye, Celvetiyye, Kadiriyye, and Rıfaiyye lodges and to have carried out administrative and service duties. The pre-19th-century documents also showed women to have been assigned duties. The case shown in this study was not specific to the 19th century, a time when dervish lodges underwent a change. The relationship between women and Sufi lodges has been overlooked due to attention having only been given to female evliya [mystics/saints], who were very few and had extraordinary characteristics. Ordinary Sufi women became visible within the scope of this research through the documentation.&nbsp;

Arşiv Belgelerine Göre Tekkelerde Kadınlar ve Görevleri

Murat

The createdness of essence/quiddity was problematized by Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī within the context of Avicennian absolute quiddity and has become a matter of debate over the centuries. Whoever runs the course of this debate in the history of Islamic thought will discern the link between the point in question and essential topics such as the theory of eternal contingent non-existents, the Sufi doctrine of permanent archetypes (al-aʿyān al-thābita), the issue of created and non-created disposition (al-istiʿdād al-majʿūl/ghayr majʿūl), the problem of will and freedom, the nature of divine knowledge, and the decree and destiny (al-qaḍā wa’l-qadar). Avicenna’s metaphysical comprehension of the distinction between essence and existence was not just a step towards grounding the necessary existent (i.e., God) but also had the intention of providing an explanation regarding the relationship between the necessary and contingent existents and the createdness of the latter. Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī’s critical reading of Avicenna through the status of quiddity in itself, the causes of existence and essence, existentialism of things, and how the related matters make the createdness of quiddity/essence is a problematic case in philosophical theology. If the createdness of contingent things is a non-controversial issue among all the schools of Islamic philosopy, kalam, and theosophy, then the question about what make this topic debatable is a starting point for analyzing the positions and arguments related to this discussion. Some scholars who’ve tackled the problem regarding the meanings of create (ca´l) and quiddity (māhiyya) contended that the opposing views had arisen from the various meanings assigned to these terms. According to these scholars’ points of view, the debate is not philosophical in itself but rather philological. According to some scholars, however,&nbsp;the problem should not be reduced to philological analyses as it has significant implications and is connected to important philosophical issues. Otherwise, the assertion that it only has a philological nature implies that the participants in the discussion had no idea what they were talking about. This means that they maintained a sterile discussion.The problem has been discussed in the philosophical and theological works of scholars in sections on general concepts (al-umūr al-ʿāmme) under the rubric of māhiyya, as well as separate treatises devoted to the point. Some of these works have examined the issue with an emphasis on the aforementioned topics, while others have aimed to clarify treatments with regard to the point and discuss whether the matter has any philosophical significance or is merely a pointless literal debate. The treatise of Ottoman Hanafite-Māturīdite scholar Hafīd al-Nithārī (d. 1188/1774) has mostly been ranked among the latter and contains passages that cover and evaluate al-Jurjānī’s (d. 816/1413) Sharh al-Mawāqif. The treatise is not outlined and was built to include a three-stage exposition. In the first step the author presents the basic approaches and their criticisms. The second phase includes the outlined remarks of al-Ījī (d. 756/1355) and al-Jurjānī. In the final stage al-Nithārī asserts the case in point to have important implications and evaluates the problem with regard to certain philosophical matters such as the additionality of existence to quiddity, the thingness of the non-existent, the partial unity of essence, the natural universal, and mental existence. Al-Nithārī’s attempts to associate the problem with various approaches in the context of these matters are worth considering in regard to seeing the implications of the case in point. However, addressing the problem within a limitation determined by the aforementioned philosophical matters would conceal the root of the problem and cause difficulties in analyzing the treatments. This article contains an evaluation of the treatise.

18. Yüzyıl Osmanlı Düşünürü Hafîdü’n-Nisârî’nin Risâle  fi mec´ûliyyeti’l-mâhiyyât Başlıklı Risalesi: İnceleme ve Tahkik

Burak

Legal reasoning in the Ḥanafī School occurred using various methods such as qiyas [analogy], istihsan [considerations of juristic preference], and takhrīj [deduction]. Another method was intra-madhhab talfiq [amalgamation], which involved the creation of a new view by combining the views of two scholars within the same madhhab who’d expressed opposing views to one another. As stated in the relevant literature, intra-madhhab talfīq was used by Tarsūsī, the chief qadi of Damascus in the 14th century, as a method of legal reasoning. Tarsūsī used the intra-madhhab talfīq method in his fatwas to solve an issue related to endowment. Qāsim b. Qatlūbaghā, who lived a century after Tarsūsī, criticized some muftis who’d proclaimed fatwas using talfīq as a method of legal reasoning, stating talfīq to be an invalid legal method. As for the 16th century, Shelebī and Ibn Nujaym used talfīq similar to Tarsūsī to solve certain issues related to endowments. After pointing out the different approaches between Tarsūsī and Qatlūbaghā regarding talfīq, Shelebī used Tarsūsī’s views on talfīq as a reference and proclaimed a fatwā related to endowment. Shelebī also stated that his fatwā is applicable in courts. Likewise, Ibn Nujaym expressed the view that endowments could be sold for money by using the intra-madhhab talfīq method. To justify this view, Ibn Nujaym cited some of Ibn al-Humām’s statements on the subject. Also in the 16th century and parallel to the Cairo area, intra-madhhab talfīq was used as a method for resolving fiqh issues in the geography of Anatolia and Rumelia. Shaykh al-Islām Ebu’s-su‘ud Efendi and Birgivī discussed intra-madhhab talfīq in the context of the problem of cash waqfs. Shaykh al-Islām Ebu’s-su‘ud Efendi used the intra-madhhab talfīq method by combining the views of Zufer and Imāmeyn, and this fatwa was approved by the sultan and became binding over Ottoman judges. This shayk explained the theoretical aspect and justification of this fatwa in his treatise on cash waqfs. Although Ebu’ssu‘ud stated that to not be talfīq because the judge’s decision on the disputed issue would make it an agreed-upon issue, his fatwā on this case was understood as talfīq in the later literature. Birgivī criticized Ebu’s-Su’ud’s justification by using the talfīq method in his treatise on cash waqfs. By the 17th century, the two jurists of the period, Shurunbulālī and Ibn Bīrī, touched upon this issue deeply in the treatises they wrote on the subject of moving from one madhab to another and talfīq. Both scholars objected to talfīq, stated this method to be unusable for solving fiqh issues. These two scholars brought up many arguments, especially from Ḥanafī&nbsp;fatwā works, to show the invalidity of intra-madhhab talfīq. In particular, one of the most important arguments they used involved the ijma [consensus] regarding the invalidity of talfīq. Moreover, both scholars criticized Tarsūsī’s fatwā and arguments regarding intra-madhhab talfīq. Another Ḥanafī scholar Ibn ‘Ābidīn tried to distinguish between intra-madhhab and inter-madhab talfiq. He stated intra-madhhab talfīq to not be talfīq, but rather that the views expressed within the Ḥanafī madhhab had been attributed to Abū Hanīfa. According to Ibn ‘Ābidīn, intra-madhhab talfīq is not a problem with regard to fiqh, despite talfiq occurring among other madhhabs. Therefore, this study examines the historical course of the debates on whether or not intra-madhhab talfiq is a usable method of jurisprudence according to the Ḥanafī School as well as its status during the Ottoman era. This study will comparatively examine classical texts and chronologically discuss the place intra-madhhab talfiq has had in the history of fiqh. The main claim of the article and the conclusion it has arrived at is that intra-madhhab talfiq had been used as a method of legal reasoning for resolving fiqh issues in the Ḥanafī madhhab since the 8th century AH/14th century AD and that literature full of serious debate has emerged around this theme over time.&nbsp;&nbsp;

Hanefi Mezhebinde Yeni Bir İstidlal Yöntemi: Mezheb İçi Telfik

Hatice

A person who has been missing, who is not known to be dead or alive, and who has not been heard from for a long time is called mafqūd in the Hanafi fiqh literature. This article examines the marital status of the absent husband who has disappeared under normal circumstances without any danger such as war or accident as well as the husband who has left his family without leaving alimony and refuses to return. The muftā bih view of the Ottoman Hanafi school forces the wife to wait until the absent husband reaches the age of 90. However, the state of necessity for the wife who’d been abandoned without alimony forced the Ottoman-Hanafi jurists to give room to other madhabs’ solutions. This room was initially given indirectly through legal institutions such as istikhlāf [successorship] and niyāba [substitution] and eventually allowed a Hanafi judge to even follow other madhabs and make a divorce decision against the missing husband. Firstly, the Shāfiī view that considered the state of necessity for a wife without alimony as a valid reason for her to obtain a divorce was brought into the Ottoman legal system through the institution of tashaffu‘ [following the Shāfiī school]. The fact that this solution was produced by means of this Shāfiī view made the annulment of the marriage possible not only for a mafqūd but also for a husband who, despite being heard from, had left his family, started a life elsewhere, and had not fulfilled his responsibilities in terms of alimony. Secondly, this practice was officially finalized in the mid-16th century by the Sultan’s decree in the lands of Anatolia and Rumelia, but the process continued in Arab lands through the legal institutions of istikhlāf and niyāba until the 19th century. Thirdly, during the last decades of Ottoman legal history, exceptions for divorce were only made for marriage to a gāib or mafqūd, which were two primary valid reasons that came to mind throughout history when talking about the institutions of istikhlāf and tashaffu‘. Arab people living outside of Anatolia and Rumelia and who often belonged to different madhabs were also coerced by law to follow the Hanafi view regarding the marital status of the gāib or mafqūd. Fourthly, with the general notification issued by the Fatwa Office, the way for an abandoned wife to divorce her husband was opened again after 1915 for cases where no alimony was provided. In other words, all Ottoman judges were hence forth authorized to appoint a Shāf‘ī nāib for cases of marriage to a gāib/mafqūd regarding alimony and the needs of an abandoned wife. This meant that the practice was recommenced not only in Arab lands but also in the lands of Anatolia and Rumelia. The story did not end there, for in 1916 Hanafi qadis as the next step were also authorized to make decisions regarding cases of gāib/mafqūd to follow the Hanbali view on their own without any need for assigning a nāib. With the Family Law enacted October 25, 1917, another step further was taken by predicating all relevant solutions regarding the Mālikī view, which allows an abandoned wife to divorce her husband in the event of litigation even when no state of necessity existed regarding alimony.&nbsp;

Çareyi Başka Mezhepte Aramak: Osmanlı Aile  Hukukunda Mefkûd/Gâib Kocanın Evliliği Problemi

Adalet

Sufi works started being written in the 10th century and conveyed the written and verbal knowledge of previous centuries. Sufi correspondence has an important place in written knowledge. Al-Sarraj and al-Hargushi were 10th-century Sufi authors who have Sufi letters included among their works. Unlike al-Harguşi, however, al-Sarraj not only conveyed letters but also drew attention to their literary importance. Despite attributing special importance to the poems of his predecessors, the texts of letters have priority in analyzing and understanding the symbolic language peculiar to Sufis according to al-Sarraj. With this approach, he attributed special importance to a type of Sufi literature that has yet to be exhausted, due to the Sufi principles regarding privacy, namely protecting information from non-professionals, do not appear in the letters. Therefore, aside from their historical documental quality and literary value, the value of letters is indisputable in terms of being a source for the specific field of knowledge and unique methods of Sufism.The exact percentage of the Sufi literature that is composed of Sufi letters, which differ in terms of their content and addressees, is unknown. However, al-Sarraj talked about a numerical multiplicity enough to fill the volumes at that time. The texts from these letters, some of which are scattered among other works or lack a hard cover, cannot yet be said to have been compiled within the framework of certain criteria. A lack of scientific method is found in regard to examinations of the hardcover texts. During the current study, Arin Salamah Qudsi was noticed to have drawn attention to this issue.Ahmet Amiş Efendi was one of the most important representatives of the Kushadavi order, which had an enlightened disposition. In one study about him (author(s), year), Mehmed Ali Yitik Bey was determined to have been the original owner of the texts that A. Süheyl Ünver called Amişnâme and that contained his words. Information about Yitik Bey, a follower of Amiş Efendi, was initially only verbal. The article on Amiş Efendi led to the emergence of letters belonging to Yitik. The letters were written to Nuh Naci Erdem and also contained an interpretation of the letters’ texts confirming the authenticity of the words as belonging to Amiş Efendi. Naci Erdem was a follower of Arabacı İsmail Efendi, who was connected to the order of Muhammed Nuru’l-Arab, and Naci Erdem’s closeness with the Amiş Efendi environment is revealed through these letters. These letters are a continuation of the letter writing tradition&nbsp;of the Sha’bani-Nasuhi-Kushadavi path sheikh. In the post-Republican period in particular, Yitik’s letters were as valuable as the letters from Abdulaziz Mecdi Tolun, a contemporary and brother of Yitik, to S. Unver and other dervishes, particularly in terms of Sufis and the adventure of the Sha’baniyya order. For this reason, this study has deemed transferring to the literature by transcribing the Ottoman script to the Latin alphabet the letters that are written in Yitik’s own hand and that are in İsmail Ş. Güloğlu’s private library to be necessary and important.&nbsp;

Şâbânî-Kuşadavî Mektuplaşma Geleneğinin Devamı:  Mehmet Ali Yitik’in Nuh Naci Erdem’e Mektupları

Gülizar

The subject of this study is the place the Peripatetic tradition had in the philosophy of the Illuminist philosopher Qutb al-Dîn al-Shîrâzî. Shîrâzî was an Iranian philosopher born in 634 AH/1236 AD in Shîraz who belonged to a mystic family known for its distinguished physicians. Shîrâzî spent his childhood and youth in the city of Shîraz in Iran and left when he was 24 years old. He spent around 21 years of his life in Anatolia, where the Seljuks ruled under the yoke of the Ilkhanate. Shîrâzî performed various duties such as ambassador and judge and also attended classes and gave lectures while in Anatolia. He was appreciated and protected by the Anatolian Seljuks of the 13th century with his scientific personality and the duties he assumed. Shîrâzî is considered an important philosopher of that period and is among the scholars who’ve maintained their importance to the present with his knowledge of many branches of science and the works he left on these branches in addition to philosophy. These branches involve secular sciences such as medicine, astronomy, mathematics, optics, geography, physics, linguistics, music, and logic as well as religious sciences such as mysticism, tafsir, hadith, and fiqh. Among these sciences, however, the education Shîrâzî received in the field of medicine had a special place in his life, because Shîrâzî became acquainted with Avicenna’s work, The Canon of Medicine, due to the medical education he received in this period. This work is considered the most comprehensive medical book of his time, and Shîrâzî made scientific journeys throughout his life to solve the difficulties he encountered while commenting on this book. In order to find an authority to solve the difficult and incomprehensible aspects of The Canon of Medicine, Shîrâzî left Shîraz in 658 AH/1260 AD and resided in various places studying science, especially in Merâga.When considering Shîrâzî’s philosophical views, he can be said to have generally been an Illuminist philosopher. As a matter of fact, his philosophy has been associated with the Illuminist school as currently accepted withing the tradition of Islamic philosophy. The reason for this can be considered from two aspects. Firstly, Shîrâzî’s commentary on Suhrawardî’s Hikmat al-ishrâq revived Illuminism. Secondly, Shîrâzî’s metaphysics was an adoption of a light-based cosmology that characterized Illuminism. However, his philosophy was able to encapsulate different views through its versatility and uniqueness. For this reason, the Peripatetic school can be said to be another school of Islamic philosophy that took place both in the education and views of Shîrâzî, who is known as an Illuminist philosopher and succeeded at being the second most-referenced source after Suhrawardî. Shîrâzî’s Peripatetic aspects can be considered from three perspectives, with the first being his education phase, the second being in his philosophical views, and the third being the frequency with which and preference for using Peripatetic terminology in his expressions. Avicenna can be stated as the name from among the Peripatetic tradition in which Shîrâzî’s philosophy was most embodied. In this sense, Avicenna’s work The Canon of Medicine&nbsp;played a key role in terms of starting Shîrâzî’s educational life and was instrumental in his scientific travels. Shîrâzî started to take great interest not only in Avicenna’s medicine but also in his philosophy and spent most of his life living in various cities, mostly in Anatolia. In this journey Shîrâzî embarked on with a love for interpreting The Canon of Medicine and learning about science, he visited such cities as Kazvin, Merâga, Khorasan, Kuhistan, Baghdad, Konya, Sivas, Malatya, and Damascus. During this time, he took lessons from the leading teachers of the period and trained many students himself. Sadraddin Qonawi (d. 673/1274) and Naṣîr al-Dîn Ṭûsî (d. 672/1274), who was accepted as the representative of the İbnü’l-Arabî’s (d. 638/1240) oneness-of-being (Wahdat al-Wujud) school, have special significance. Due to Shîrâzî being a student of Sadraddin Qonawi, from whom he acquired the understanding of wahdat al-wujud present in Shîrâzî’s philosophy, and a student of Ṭûsî, who is considered one of the leading representatives of the Peripatetic tradition, the existence of different schools in Shîrâzî’s philosophy makes sense. In this respect, an important example of the reflection of the mental structure that was shaped in being a student of Tûsî, who’d come from the Peripatetic tradition and was also open to Illuminist views, can be seen in Shîrâzî’s philosophy and his amalgamation of Avicenna and Suhrawardî. Shîrâzî had taken lessons in philosophy and astronomy from Tûsî and was undoubtedly considered a favorite authority and the only personality of his generation among the students in Merâga. Knowing that Shîrâzî took lessons from Tûsî, who’d tried to interpret Avicenna’s philosophy in accordance with his own system and is considered an important representative of the Peripatetic philosophical tradition, makes understanding Shîrâzî’s knowledge of this tradition, Avicenna, and the Peripatetic aspect in his philosophy easier. When examining Shîrâzî’s philosophy in general and his work Durrat al-tâj in particular, Avicenna’s influence on Shîrâzî is seen more clearly with regard to certain issues. One subject in which this effect is clearly felt involves Shîrâzî’s approach to nafs [the soul]. In Shîrâzî’s work Sharh Hikmat alishrâq, he criticizes Aristotle and his followers because of their methods and saw them lacking on some points. According to Shîrâzî, this was because the Peripatetics had been deprived of the argument of Illuminism by rejecting zevk [pleasure] and keshf [discovery] as a method while relying entirely on demonstration. Although Shîrâzî criticized the Peripatetics because of their methods, he both benefited from them and used Peripatetic terminology when appropriate. Similar to Suhrawardî, Shîrâzî criticized the Peripatetics and Avicenna on some points while also benefitting from them. Despite all his criticisms of the Peripatetics, his reference to Aristotle as the first teacher, to Avicenna as the Sheikh al-Reis [Chief of Sheiks], and to Avicenna and alFarabi as two Sheikhs in Sharh Hikmat al-ishrâq demonstrates his acceptance of the Peripatetic.As state above, another point where Shîrâzî demonstrated Peripatetic thought was his preference and frequency of using Peripatetic terminology. Although this usage is seen in Sharh Hikmat al-ishrâq, Shîrâzî’s work Durrat al-tâj is a clearer and more specific example. Therefore, while Shîrâzî remained more loyal to Suhrawardî and the Illuminist language in Sharh Hikmat al-ishrâq, he can be said to have acted more freely in Durrat al-tâj and to have preferred the Peripatetic language more. In summary, Shîrâzî was a versatile scholar who was interested in various branches of science and also became a model for his successors who combined many understandings in a single system. He benefitted from different schools in the tradition of Islamic thought with his unique intellectual structure pertaining to these schools.&nbsp;

Kutbüddîn Şîrâzî’nin İşrâkî Felsefesinde Meşşâî  Geleneğin Yeri

Res. Assist.

When concerned with the issue of methodology in the study of Islamic philosophy, usually the scope of Islamic philosophy becomes a matter of discussion. Along with this, it was suggested to consider this problem within the context of discussions on the historiography of thought. Based on this suggestion, the article aims to provide a theoretical basis regarding Islamic philosophy studies in Turkey by examining various historiography of thought approaches. Moreover, within the context of al-Ghazālī studies, this theoretical base is concretized based on evaluations of three groups of studies that represent the revisionist al-Ghazālī portrait.The first approach this article discusses was theorized by Jacob Brucker (1742-1744) and is known as the history of philosophy. This approach is also regarded as the basis of the modern history of philosophy discipline. Unlike previous doxographical history of philosophy studies, Brucker focused on the consistencies within the thoughts of each philosopher by instrumentalizing system of philosophy concept within his historiography of philosophy. He argued that the system of philosophy must be built in a way where some of the philosopher’s thoughts are central while others are peripheral. According to Brucker, in order to be considered a philosopher, one’s overall system of philosophy must be deduced from specific principles. Even though this history of philosophy approach is not applied so strictly, it has been influential in many studies written since the 18th century.The second approach belongs to Arthur Lovejoy (1936) and proposed in his work The Great Chain of Being. Lovejoy consciously differentiated his approach from the history of philosophy and proposed the history of ideas approach as an alternative in studies on the history of thought. Accordingly, one must not focus on philosophers’ idiosyncratic complex systems of philosophy but instead must focus on the unit ideas that have more distinctive meanings and are encountered in more numerous fields.&nbsp;Thirdly and finally, with the intellectual history approach, Quentin Skinner (1969) criticized the previous approaches, especially the history of ideas, and argued that one must primarily focus on the social and linguistic contexts in which the philosopher expresses their thoughts.Similar to all historians in general, the responsibility of the historian of thought is to provide relevant causal explanations after identifying the historical facts. Therefore, these three approaches may be regarded as three dimensions to benefit from while generating explanations about philosophers’ thoughts. For instance, even if authors had not explicitly mentioned them, these three approaches are able to be observed in revisionist al-Ghazālī studies. The history of philosophy approach is arguably more dominant in the studies of Richard Frank (1992, 1994) and Frank Griffel (2009) as they frequently focused on the consistencies among the thoughts of al-Ghazālī and tended to explain al-Ghazālī’s thoughts based on his other thoughts. The danger here is to approach one’s thoughts with prejudice due to the intense consideration of their other ideas.Alexander Treiger (2012) focused on al-Ghazālī’s theory of mystical cognition with an Avicennian basis, and the history of ideas approach is more dominantly observed in his study. However, the danger with this approach is to overlook the more recent version of the unit idea the philosopher adopted by reducing the idea to a previous context.Lastly, the intellectual history approach is easily recognized as being dominant in the Kenneth Garden’s (2014) work The First Islamic Reviver. More specifically, Garden proposed the need to focus on the socio-political context in which al-Ghazālī had formed his thoughts and his revivalist discourse in order to understand them. Overall, even if some previously ambiguous points become clarified by considering the social context, the feasibility of testing the validity of these arguments becomes weaker with the intellectual history approach.This study’s conclusion section includes several opinions about Islamic philosophy studies in Turkey based on the historiography of thought approaches and how they’ve been reflected in al-Ghazālī studies. One should note that the opinions of some pioneering Islamic philosophy researchers in Turkey resemble a flexible form of the history of philosophy approach. Ultimately, importance is had in stating that this article examines three historiography of thought approaches without purporting to suggest a specific approach and draws attention to their favorable and unfavorable consequences. For sure, all three approaches involve benefits. However, this article aims to serve the formation of an awareness of these approaches as they are adopted.&nbsp;

İslam Felsefesi Çalışmalarında Yöntem ve Düşünce  Tarihi Yazımı: Tashihçi Gazzâlî Araştırmalarından  Hareketle Bir Değerlendirme

Münzir

Mīr Baqir Dāmād (d. 1040/1631) was the founder of the Isfahan philosophical school and is considered one of the most influential personalities in the arena of philosophy in both Iran and the Indian Peninsula. In addition, the theory of hudūth dahrī [perpetual creation] is considered one of his most important of concepts for which he is famous and through which he is characterized.Through this theory, he tried to introduce a new and genuine interpretation of the relationship between the Creator and the world. Because Dāmād did not like the opinion of theologists regarding hudūth zamānī [temporal creation] of the world, he agreed with Avicenna (d.&nbsp;428/1037) regarding the concept of the world’s creation being impossible in zamān [time]. However, he was not content with the opinion of Peripatetic philosophers regarding the hudūth dhātī [essential creation] of the world, and due to priority in the world being essential and not dissociative regarding the exterior, Dāmād instead insisted that the world was preceded by sheer nonexistence and that God Almighty is exclusively preexistent and the only eternal being.What inspired him to innovate this theory was his insistence that God be deemed highly exalted over all others and that no preexistent nor eternal exists but God Almighty. Therefore, he developed the Peripatetic philosophers’ theory of hudūth dhātī [essential creation], combining their predicament of emanation with theologists’ concept of creation. He also tried to interpret the terms zamān [time], dahr [perpetuity], and sarmad [eternity] in order to innovate his theory of hudūth dahrī [perpetual creation].Perpetual creation means the priority of existence of quiddity with sheer nonexistence matching its existence in reality, and such priority is not essential, but rather a dissociative priority and non-temporal.Dāmād founded his theory of perpetual creation over two basic elements. The first element involves the concepts of priority and posteriority. According to Peripatetic philosophers, priority has five parts: priority in time, grade, honor, nature, and nobility. However, Dāmād added perpetual eternal priority and the priority in quiddity to these. Perpetual priority means the priority according to dissociation and standing alone between prior and posterior in reality, with posteriority lingering behind in such a state according to the exterior and not to the peculiarity of the essence’s mental degree of self per se. Meanwhile, priority in quiddity involves the priority of self of quiddity and its substantiation, not according to reality but rather to the mental degree. For example, the priority of four (cause) on duality (effect). Namely, whenever the quiddity of four is achieved, its inseparable effect is also achieved (the duality). However, Dāmād placed a restriction on this kind of priority, where the priority in quiddity is valid regarding the efficient cause, not other causes.The second element is God’s Quiddity is the Same as Inniyah [His Self]. This means the concept of the existence of God Almighty springs from Himself (i.e., the quiddity of the necessary existent is His existence per se). The genuine true existence in reality is the same as the degree of the self of the necessary existent Almighty, while the existence of contingent things is based on the action of its Creator. As such, the degree of existence of cause does not have the same degree of existence as the effect, as existence reaches the self of the effect from the cause. Meanwhile, according to Dāmād, the acknowledgment of the evidence of hudūth dahrī [perpetual creation] can be summarized as follows:On basis of the foregoing two foundations and due to Dāmād standing up for the genuineness of quiddity where existence is extra/supra, the Creator Almighty and the creature can never&nbsp;&nbsp;have the same degree of existence, because the Creator Almighty is the existent who lacks quiddity, namely His Self the Almighty is the absolute existence. Thus, the degree of His existence is different from all creatures. Hence, the degree of eternity is exclusive to His Self the Almighty. Likewise, creatures cannot be temporal, as time is related to variable things and this would lead to deeming the Creator to exist in the end of time. Therefore, Dāmād professed that all creatures were created in dahr [perpetuity], and God Almighty created all creatures all at once beyond time, or continuity in perpetuity. Because there is no continuity in perpetuity, and there is no prior or posterior in perpetuity.The most important scholar to oppose the theory of hudūth dahrī [perpetual creation] was the Indian scholar Mulla Mahmoud Jawnpūrī in his book Al Shams Al Baziqha, one of the most important philosophical texts taught in the Indian Peninsula. His critiques are summarized by the fact that the absolute prior and posterior that prevent meeting cannot be perceived except when continuity exists, whether substantiated or illusioned, because when continuity does not exist in the first place, one can imagine nonexistence then existence. This is because the priority of nonexistence and the posteriority of existence can only be imagined if there is something that has priority in one of its two ends without any posteriority, while the other end has the existence of posteriority. Any variation of the two ends or distinguishing between one another requires continuity, as absolute priority in terms of dissociation is unimaginable except for a continuity where one of its two ends has nonexistence or a certain status and the other end has existence or another status.As such, Jawnpūrī’s core objection was the impossibility of imagining priority and posteriority without continuity (i.e., time). In spite of Dāmād acknowledging the impossibility of imagining priority and posteriority in dahr [perpetuity], he insisted on the existence of external dissociation between cause and effect as well as the intermediacy of nonexistence between them. He professed dissociative priority and posteriority to be unrelated to zamān [time] and dissociative progress to be possible without zamān [time].&nbsp;

Hudûs-i Dehrî Teorisi ve Eleştirileri: Canpûrî Fârûkî  (ö. 1062/1652) ve eş-Şemsü’l-bâziġa Örneği

Muhammed

Philosophy is basically divided into three main headings: existence, knowledge, and value. The problem is whether the information one considers relevant to a subject from these three areas is definable or not, and if so, how this definition will be made. Philosophers who believe knowledge to be definable carefully chose the elements they have included in their definitions. As a matter of fact, each element in the definition limits the field of knowledge and shows what can and cannot be knowledge in the eyes of the philosophers. In this sense, knowledge since the time of Plato has been defined as justified true belief in epistemology. Under this condition, some thinkers over time opposed this definition and questioned the basic elements that make up certain knowledge. One of those who oppose the definition is Edmund L. Gettier (d. 2021), and the issue he posed is known as the Gettier Problem. Gettier attempted to prove his idea that justified true belief could not create knowledge in people, asserting that some elements of luck could also contribute. Gettier showed that some wrong justifications can lead to a proposition that is actually true. In this sense, he expressed through examples that the components that constitute knowledge such as justification, truth, and belief, are insufficient. In this sense, he expressed through examples that the components that constitute knowledge, such as justification, truth, and belief are insufficient. In addition to these criticisms, Gettier did not reveal any way to reach information but was content with voicing the problem. After Gettier’s article, his examples in the epistemology literature were expanded upon for a long time within the framework of new scenarios and emphasis was made regarding the need to update the definition of traditional knowledge since Plato. Therefore, attempts have been made to present various definitions of knowledge. Meanwhile, Fârâbî (d. 339/950) showed in his works that it is possible to reach precise knowledge, especially in his Şerâʾiṭu’l-yaḳîn. In fact, the concept that Fârâbî used for certain knowledge is certitude (yakîn). The epistemic level of&nbsp;knowledge can be formed and the degree of certainty can be determined to the extent that the elements constituting the knowledge are fulfilled. In this sense, yakîn constitutes the highest epistemic level in the context of justified true belief. Belief is the first condition of yakîn, but it is also its genus; the basic conditions of knowledge are provided through the subsequent stages of truth and justification, and the last three conditions Fârâbî mentioned now made knowledge unchangeable and certain. As a matter of fact, the first five of the six conditions Fârâbî mentioned and that this article has included in detail are related to the content of yakîn, whereas the last condition is related to how knowledge is obtained. The last condition Fârâbî considerd with regard to obtaining certain knowledge is that the knowledge must be obtained peculiarly, not accidentally, and thanks to this condition he aimed to completely disable the element of luck in the knowledge. Thus, Fârâbî revealed through the six conditions he had enumerated that knowledge will involve certain knowledge to the extent that it fulfills these conditions. However, each condition coincides with an epistemic level, and one can see the relationship of one’s current knowledge through the highest level of certainty (i.e., yakîn). From this point of view, this study aimed to analyze the problem that Gettier attempted to prove in terms of Fârâbî’s perception and the claims and criticisms Gettier put forth to determine where Fârâbî coincided within Gettier’s understanding of knowledge and to determine the consistency of Gettier’s proofs through Fârâbî’s understanding of yakîn. At this point, the knowledge of the people in Gettier’s example was examined in terms of Fârâbî’s epistemic levels. In this way, the study will seek using Fârâbî’s yakîn theory a solution to the issue of eliminating the chance factor with regard to obtaining precise information, which has become a topic of discussion in the epistemological literature since Gettier.&nbsp;

Gettier Sorunu: Fârâbî’nin Epistemik Seviyeleri Ekseninde Bir İnceleme

Tuba

This article discusses the processes related to Islamic sciences with a focus on digital humanities, which has emerged as an area that goes beyond being a technical support for researchers, one that also aims to collect the mostly scattered data with its own methods in order to classify it systematically and to make comprehensive analyses and visualizations based on big data. In order to do this, the article first addresses the digital possibilities used in the literature of Islamic sciences up to the present based on Turkey, as well as the databases, digital libraries, and softwares used in the field. The article will then go on to present the definition and processes of digital humanities (DH) that are affiliated with Islamic sciences. The studies conducted in Islamic sciences in this context are seen to present a complex structure that involves the creation of large collections and large datasets based on these collections, as well as their analyses and visualizations, interdisciplinary collaborations, and backing from strong financial support.The article discusses knowledge production in the field of Islamic sciences within the scope of this transformation in related literature and the effect the transition to the digital age has had on this knowledge production in terms of the nature of sources. Accordingly, this process started with manuscripts, continued with printed texts and editorial publications, and then expanded with research based on this literature. The use of digital tools in the field has led to various transformations, and these tools have been used extensively in the digitization of Islamic literature. Databases and digital libraries have become widespread that provide access to handwritten texts and documents belonging to pre-printing press and printed main sources and research in the field of theology (ilahiyat). After this source digitalization-based process, the processes of transforming sources into data and analyzing them are seen to have occurred with studies generally carried out in the context of DH in Western academia. This article has attempted to reveal the literature produced in this field within the context of DH analytical processes as much as space allows.The evaluation section of the article involves the expansions that digital humanities have brought to the field of Islamic sciences as well as the possible problems that may be encountered in studies in this field. The article emphasizes how the opportunities and resources in the field will recirculate in a way that has never occurred before, with new questions and methods being included in the field, as well as a revision of methodology courses in education. The&nbsp;evaluation section also investigates the conceptualization of the Islamicate Digital Humanities, with emphasis on being able to talk about the field of Islamicate Digital Humanities requiring a work process based on the following three pillars. Islamic literature, field of theology (ilahiyat) and information technologies. Combining the sources of Islamic sciences with information technologies has created the databases discussed under the first heading of the article as well as ways for obtaining new data based on these sources. The combination of Islamic literature with the field of theology reveals the current Islamic sciences literature and Orientalist literature to have been built on the main sources. The first section discusses how combining the research fields in the field of theology that are not based on main sources such as sociology of religion, psychology of religion, and method requirements (e.g., creating a citation system, organizing information sheets) with information technologies involves the programs used in the field of theology (i.e., Kuramer, Isnad citation system, SPSS). Producing something at the intersection of all three clusters seems to be essential for being able to talk about a field with the name of Islamicate Digital Humanities. In this context, DH methods and the field of theology should be considered as being complimentary elements, as seen regarding issues such as using the terminology of the field in the process of text coding main sources using the technological opportunities, the discussion of the problems that may arise in the standardization of information with respect to the field, the reliability of the sources used, and the application of theology/ Islamic sciences expertise when checking data sets.&nbsp;

Dijital Beşerî Bilimler Bağlamında İlahiyat/İslâmî İlimler

Mustafa

Memlük Dönemi Siyaset Düşüncesi: Siyasi Temalar için  Yeni Bir Tasnif Teklifi

Ahmet

Oryantalist, Modernist ve Köktenci Yaklaşımların  Tasavvuf Anlayışlarına Dair Bir Değerlendirme

Uluslararası Memlükler Dönemi İlim Geleneği -I  (XIII. ve XIV. Yüzyıllar) 28-29 Eylül 2021/İstanbul

Osman

Mahmut

Assist. Prof. Dr.

&nbsp;The purpose of this article is to examine the critical views of a modest author who moved from ilmiye class to qalamiyya class, ezamining practices in the first months of the Second Constitutional Era through, his treatise titled İslâmlık Elden Gidiyor. In this way, it will be revealed how a young writer with religious sensitivities, who went through both religious and secular education processes of the period, was at the beginning of his civil service life and who also produced literary works, was affected by the Second Constitutional Monarchy environment and its practices, and how he viewed controversial issues.&nbsp;Ali Fuad was the son of the regent (nâib) Mehmed Şükrü Efendi (1850-1919), a member of the ilmiye class. Although it is not known for certain, it is understood that he was born in Istanbul in the last quarter of the 19th century and that he passed through the religious and secular education processes of his period. He began his civil service career as a clerk in the Adana Province Registrar’s Office (1906). Later, he was appointed as a clerk at the Directorate of the Registry of Konya Province. In the spring of 1908, he traveled to Istanbul to pursue his request for promotion and to become the director of correspondence (tahrirat) in any place.&nbsp;Although he was appointed as the director of correspondence, he could not leave Istanbul because of his mother’s illness. During this period, he began producing literary works and published his treatise İslâmlık. Between 1909 and 1920, he worked as a director of correspondence, letter carrier, and district governor in places such as Divaniye, Devrek, Gelibolu, Diyarbakır, Çermik and Suşehri. After returning to İstanbul, he published his memoirs in periodicals by editing them into short stories. He brought some of these narratives together in his book, Mustafa Kemal Paşa and Köse Hoca, which was published in 1923. Although this work contains remarkable information and comments on the administrative, social, moral, and literary affairs of the Second Constitutional Monarchy and the National Struggle periods, it did not receive the attention in academic history and literature writing that it deserves, and it was even attribute to Ali Fuat Cebesoy, Ali Fuat Türkgeldi, and Ali Fuat Bilgen. In this article, this mistake has been corrected, and Ali Fuad’s life story has been revealed with the information and documents used for the first time. The treatise on Islam has also been re-published in Latin letters and analyze and criticize.&nbsp;It can be said that the treatise İslâmlık was one of the first, perhaps the first, works to criticize the conditions created by the Second Constitutional Monarchy from religious, ethical, and social perspectives. Although the cover of the treatise does not indicate when it was published, it is understood that it was published in the last days of 1908 or early 1909, based on the signs of its content. Considering that treatises and books criticizing the period in terms of religious, moral and social aspects started to be published a few years after the declaration of the Second Constitutional Monarchy, the importance of the treatise can be better understood.&nbsp;Ali Fuad explicitly stated that he had published his work with the approval of the Şeyhülislam. This shows that he differentiated himself from the crude criticisms directly projected at the regime and the Şeyhülislam, which could be summarize in the oppositional or rebellious attitudes of the period, which could be summarized as "we want şeriat". In this sense, the discourse of "İslâm is being lost" differs from the discourse of "we want şeriat". Moreover, the fact that the author was not subjected to any prosecution during and after 31 March and that he served in different regions of the state as the director of correspondence/district governor confirms this.&nbsp;It should be noted that the treatise İslâmlık is problematic in terms of language, expression, fiction, and word-sentence structure. This situation may be related to both the author’s inexperience and the treatise’s sloppy typesetting. However, considering both the title and the issues in the content of the treatise, it should be beyond dispute that this is an important work.&nbsp;It can be easily said that the treatise does not oppose the constitutional regime itself, nor is it theoretically opposed to popular conceptions of civilization, modern science and the progress of the period. The areas that the treatise opposes and criticizes focus on the point that these modern concepts and institutions are "misunderstood" and "misapplied". It is underlined that current practices harm İslâm and the state, which is considered an integral part of it.

II. Meşrutiyet Döneminde Bir Din Müdafaası: Nâibzâde  Ali Fuad ve İslâmlık Elden Gidiyor Risalesi

Assoc. Prof. Dr.

The linguistic exegesis movement began to develop in the late second and early third centuries. In the works written during this period, the linguistic features of the Qur’ān were analyzed, especially the expressions and verses that were difficult to understand. From the same years onwards, questions were raised regarding the miraculous nature of the Qur’an (i‘jāz), and various works were written on the subject. ‘Abd al-Qāhir al-Jurjānī (d. 476/1078-79) theorized this claim by saying that i‘jāz of the Qur’ān is in its verse structure. Zamakhsharī (d. 538/1144) adapted this theory to exegesis in his work al-Kashshāf. Zamakhsharī’s al-Kashshāf was a turning point in linguistic exegesis and established a tradition. Al-Bayḍāwī’s Anwār al-tanzīl is one of the most famous tafsīr based on al-Kashshāf. Systematic sharḥ writing in the field of tafsīr began with the sharḥs on al-Kashshāf and turned into a tradition with the sharḥs on Anwār al-tanzīl. Al-Bayzāwī’s tafsīr became the work on which the most sharḥ were written in the Ottoman tafsīr tradition.In the tradition of sharḥ, commentators served as guides for constituent texts by explaining the words, concepts, and expressions used by the author in the main text, clarifying obscure phrases, and contributing to the reader’s comprehension of these texts. Commentaries have various functions: In these works, the commentators elaborate on issues that the author did not elaborate on, present the reasons for the determinations made in the work, and analyze objections that may be directed against these determinations. The commenters, who also evaluated the analyzed opinions in terms of the author’s school affiliations and the internal consistency of the work, endeavored to reflect the author’s views objectively and enabled the deciphering of implicit presuppositions. When all these aspects are considered, it is seen&nbsp; &nbsp;that sharḥs add value to the tradition of Islamic thought and science and offer a framework to prove scholarly intellectual innovations and depth. However, in modern times, the period of sharḥ has been criticized by some scholars as a process of introversion, rumination, intellectual rupture, and scholarly narrowing.&nbsp;One of the most essential works in the field of linguistic exegesis within the Ottoman exegetical heritage is Irshād al-ʿaḳl al-ṣalīm ilā mezāya al-Qitāb al-qarīm by Abūssuūd Efendi (d. 982/1574). In the introduction to his tafsīr, Abūssuūd Efendi states that he compiled his work from the tafsīr works of Zamakhsharī and Bayzāwī. However, Irshād al-ʿaḳl al-ṣalīm has features that can comprehended solely through careful analysis. This is not only a synthesis of Kashshāf and Anwār al-tanzīl, but also contains information from the commentaries on these two texts. It also contains implicit references, hidden signs, and allusions.&nbsp;The problematic aspect of this research is based on the criticisms of the sharḥ literature in the modern period and the claim that Abūssuūd’s tafsīr is not original. In this study, it is predicted that Abūssuūd wrote his tafsīr by taking into account the knowledge accumulated in the sharḥs, and that he brought the scholarly depth acquired during the period of the sharḥs to the tafsīr, thus constituting a very important place in terms of the tradition of tafsīr writing in the Ottoman period. This claim implies a paradigmatic shift in the Ottoman tafsīr writing tradition. In this study, the first verse of Sūrah al-Baqarah was chosen as the sample. This is because this verse comprises hurūf al-muqatta. “Hurūf al-muqattaa is a complex theoretical issue with various aspects to consider. It involves discussions about the intelligibility of speech, the Quran’s challenge to people through its verses, and its impact on them.” The most detailed analysis of the hurūf al-muqattaa is usually found in the first verse of Sūrah al-Baqarah. These features make the hurūf al-muqattaa an important example that should be consulted to trace the fictional and theoretical similarities and divergences of the texts of Zamakhsharī, Bayzāwī and Abūssuūd. In this context, this study first analyzes how Zamakhsharī and al-Bayzāwī interpreted this verse through discourse analysis, then discusses the discussions in the sharḥs that are thought to have influenced Abūssuūd’s text through discourse and process analysis, and finally analyzes Abūssuūd’s text through discourse and content analysis.&nbsp;This study, conducted within the framework of the first verse of Sūrah al-Baqarah, has shown that Abūssuūd clarified the ambiguous issues in his tafsīr, constructed a terminological structure in accordance with his preferred view, and identified the main themes and super subheadings. In this context, it can be said that the most unique aspect of Irshād al-ʿaḳl al ṣalīm, which contains implicit references to the information in the sharḥs, is that it brings the vertical knowledge gained in the sharḥ tradition to the horizontal plane. This means that the efforts made in understanding and analyzing Zamakhsharī and al-Bayḍāwī’s determinations during the sharḥ period, which some scholars consider stagnant, are directly related to the words of the verse and are included in the literature.

Hâşiyeden Telife Uzanan Üslûp ve Muhtevasıyla  Ebüssuûd Tefsiri: Bakara Sûresinin Birinci Âyeti  Bağlamında

İmam

The problem of free will in human actions is a controversial issue between the Hanafī/ Māturīdī tradition and the Ash‘ari tradition. Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī (d. 606/1210), who reconstructs Ashʿarite theology with the language and concepts of Avicennian philosophy, argues that the actions of the people are under compulsion (jabr). In his argument to support this claim, al-Rāzī centers on the concept of “murajjiḥ” and argues that human action exists necessarily depending on the chain of causality. In this chain of causality, the human act necessarily comes into existence through the motivations (dāʿīs), which al-Rāzī characterizes as murajjiḥ, while motivations are created by the power of God, the ultimate murajjiḥ. According to al-Rāzī, human will (irāda) is necessarily determined by these dāʿīs. This argument, which al-Rāzī uses to prove his claim of jabr, sets the agenda of Hanafī theologians and jurists in the post-classical period. Shams al-Dīn al-Samarqandī (d. 702/1303) and Sadr al-Sharīʿa (d. 747/1346), who were among the first thinkers in Transoxiana to reexamine the scholarly legacy of the Hanafī tradition in theology and legal theory with the concepts and issues of Avicennian philosophy and classical logic, criticized al-Rāzī’s argument in their works.&nbsp;Although there are several studies in the modern literature dealing with al-Rāzī’s and Sadr al-Sharīʿa’s approaches to the acts of people, there is a need for a study that deals with al-Samarqandī’s views on this issue in connection with these two thinkers’ ideas. This article aims to address a gap in the literature by examining the continuity and change in the criticism of al-Rāzī’s argument within Hanafī circles. It will also demonstrate how the Hanafī tradition in Transoxiana engaged with the Ashʿarite tradition during the post-classical period through discussions on free will.&nbsp;In this article, I argue that the two Hanafī thinkers, Shams al-Dīn al-Samarqandī and Sadr al-Sharīʿa, respond to the concepts and issues of Avicennian philosophy and classical logic in different ways to the challenge of al-Rāzī’s argument of jabr. While al-Samarqandī criticizes al-Rāzī's jabr argument by adopting the hierarchical chain of causality that leads to divine &nbsp;determinism, Sadr al-Sharīa‘s criticism is based on the concept of “the complete cause (al-illā al-tāmma)” and the idea of “the ontological category of state (al-ḥāl)” which he considers to be included in the complete cause. In his argument, al-Samarqandī considers human will and power as the proximate cause of action and God‘s power as the remote cause of the action in the hierarchical chain of causality, thus arguing that human power has an effect on human action as much as God’s power. Thus, he prefers the approach of Abū İsḥāk al-Isferāyīnī (d. 418/1027), one of the early Ashʿarites, who accepted both God and human power as efficient causes of action. On the other hand Sadr al-Sharī’a, in his criticism, goes one step further than his predecessor and tries to refute the premises of the jabr argument of al-Rāzī. Sadr al-Sharīʿa in his counter-argument called “four premises (al-muqaddimāt al-arba‘)” breaks the chain of causality that leads to necessity by including “the noncausal states (al-ḥāl)”, such as human will, in the complete cause of human action. In addition, contrary to al-Rāzī’s claim, he argues that motivations (dāʾīs), do not necessarily determine the choice of human will in actions. With this approach, Sadr al-Sharīa seems to prefer the view of the classical Māturīdī tradition, which attributes the efficient cause of human action exclusively to God but recognizes a role for human beings, which is referred to as “kasb”.

Hanefî Geleneğin Klasik Sonrası Döneminde Özgür  İrade Problemi: Semerkandî ve Sadrüşşerîa’nın Râzî’ye  Eleştirileri

“Sakın Ondan Bahsetme!”: Erken İslam Tarihinde Muhaddisler  ve Sansür

Ayşe

&nbsp;Islamic science literature on Ahl al-Sunna and Shīʿa was formed depending on sectarian doctrines. It is possible to follow this clearly through hadith sources. When we look at the Shīʿite hadith works, we see that, unlike the Ahl al-Sunna, the words of the Imāms are also accepted as hadith. On the other hand, unlike Shī‘a, according to Sunnī thought, the Companions played an important role in transmitting hadith. When the chains of Sunnī and Shīʿite narrations are examined, these two basic differences are clearly observed. Although Sunnī and Shīʿite scholars adopt different methods on many issues, such as the acceptance, rejection, and authenticity criteria of narrations, there is a group of common narrations in the hadith literature of the two schools.&nbsp;These narrations are very important because they reveal the issues on which the schools agreed upon and the size of this alliance. However, more importantly, these narrations provide information about the early periods of hadith history. At this point, the common narrators in both Sunnī and Shīʿite isnāds of common narrations rise to prominence. Because it is possible to obtain information about the hadith transitions between the two schools based on the evaluations of Sunnī and Shīʿite scholars regarding common narrators. The texts of common narrations are also important in terms of revealing whether the hadiths were changed within the framework of sectarian views. This article aims to show what proportions of common narrations exist in the hadith sources of Ahl al-Sunna and Shīʿa, and on which hadiths these two schools agree and differ from each other. Additionally, the article will show how, where, when, and through whom narrations are transferred between Ahl al-Sunna and Shīʿa.&nbsp;In recent times, there have been studies examining common narrations. The most important of these studies are the books prepared by Taqrīb al-Madhāib projects operating in Egypt and Kuwait to bring the two schools closer to each other. Common hadiths in these studies are narrations about a subject in both Sunnī and Shīʿite literature. Therefore, it is not possible to accurately make evaluations of the common narrations in the hadith works of the two schools based on these works. In these studies, there is no discussion of how common narrations were transferred from one school’s hadith circle to another.&nbsp;Unlike previous studies, this article investigates hadiths with similar texts in the books of Sunnī and Shīʿite scholars, spesicifically focusing itself to Usūl section of Kulaynī’s al-Kāfī. In this study, it was determined that 406 out of 3798 hadiths were found to be common. This&nbsp; shows that the common narrations in the hadith sources of the two schools are around 10%. In addition, it was observed that the common narrations were mainly about hadiths regarding morality. Another issue discussed in this paper is the isnād characteristics of common narrations. The most important element in the chains is the common narrators, as they are connected to the scientific circles of Ahl al-Sunna and Shīʿa. Because of the information about the common narrators in both Sunnī and Shīʿite rijāl works, it is possible to make inferences about the period and region in which these people participated in the narration activity. Essentially, this gives an idea about when, where, and through which names individuals the transfer of information between Sunnī and Shīʿite circles occurred. However, the biographical material about common narrators also provides information about the period when a hadith scholar’s circle was open to narrators from both schools. Based on these details about common narrators, it is possible to determine when the hadith circles of the two schools separated from each other or gained independent identity.&nbsp;Finally, this article provides information about the textual features of common hadiths. When the texts of these narrations were examined, it was observed that there were no serious textual differences between the Sunnī and Shīʿite texts. However, this situation changes, especially regarding critical issues for Ahl al-Sunna and Shīʿa, such as imāmate and walāyah. Significant changes such as addition and reduction occurres in the texts of these narrations that are the subjects of the Sunnī and Shīʿite conflict. As a result, it has been determined that common narrations were transferred from one school circle to another in the 2nd/8th century. The transfer of hadiths between Sunnī and Shīʿite circles mainly occurred in Kūfah. According to this research, the people who transferred these hadiths from one circle to another are Shīʿite oriented, weak, liar, unknown, and crypto narrators.

Ehl-i Sünnet ve Şîa’da Müşterek Rivayetler -Küleynî’nin  el-Kâfî’sinin Usûl Bölümü Özelinde-

Fatih

Prof. Dr.

Following the execution of Fażlallāh Astarābādī by Mīrānshāh in 796/1394, a considerable number of caliphs and disciples were left behind, possessing intellectual background to ensure the continued survival and transmission of his works to future generations. The most significant and comprehensive work of Fażlallāh is undoubtedly the Jāvdānnāma. In his Kursīnāma, Fażlallāh’s caliph ‘Alī al-A’lā states that in 788/1386, the secret of the Quran emerged from Fażlallāh and that the main book, Jāvdānnāma, was written. This was initially composed in a disorganized manner on various rolls of paper. Following his death, he made some annotations and markings to facilitate the organization of these papers. Fażlallāh himself named the book Jāvdānnāma, a designation explained by the Quranic assertion that those who desire the face of Allah ‘will remain there eternally’ (&nbsp;َد َ ِيها َ يِخا). In other words, this book leads to the knowledge of eternity, where everything perishes, and only His face remains.Jāvdānnāma-ye Kabīr is primarily written in the Gurgan dialect of Persian, which is no longer spoken and is mixed with standard Persian. The fact that this work was written over a long period of time and under different physical conditions has led to the existence of long and monolithic chapters as well as short sections, memorable notes, and fragmentary sentences.Three works in world literature have been written in this dialect, all related to Hurufism. In addition, all of these works contain sentences written in standard Persian and Gurgan dialect. These works are Fażlallāh’s Jāvdānnāma-ye Kabīr and Muhabbatnāma, and Fażlallāh’s disciple Sayyid Ishāq’s Mahramnāma.Jāvdānnāma-ye Kabīr contains a total of eight circular figures, each drawn on a different page and accompanied by notes written inside them. The notes are in Persian and the Gurgan dialect of Persian, and include Arabic verses and hadiths. This article aims to elucidate the significance of these circular drawings. A close reading of four distinct manuscripts of Jāvdānnāma-ye Kabīr has enabled the identification of all eight circular figures, which are presented here with Arabic translations. The article then introduces the Ḥurūfī doctrine and discusses how medieval and early modern Ḥurūfīs, especially Hamza Bey, interpreted and&nbsp;discussed these figures. Finally, the article discusses the traditional medieval cosmology and places the circular drawings in their proper context.Hamza Bey is the only Ḥurūfī author who has commented on these figures. Our knowledge of Hamza Bey is somewhat limited, but it is recorded that he died in 1033/1623. In addition the terms “Hamza Bey” and “Hamza Efendi” were used to refer to him, his Turkish commentaries suggest that he lived in the Ottoman geography. Hamza Bey represents the final link in the chain of succession, which began with Fażlallāh’s caliph ‘Alī al-A’lā and continued through Mīr Fāżılī, Mīrzā Dastburīda Muhammad and Jāwidī. Similar to his master Jāwidī, Hamza Bey composed commentaries on Fażlallāh’s works. He wrote two distinct commentaries on Jāvidānnāma. The first commentary is represented by three copies (Millet Library, Ali Emiri Persian, no. 1046, in the margin of the copy of Jāvidānnāma; Basel University Library, Tschudi, M VI 70, ff. 1b-148a; Basel University Library, Tschudi, M VI 71, ff. 68b-169b) and the second commentary is represented by a single copy (Basel University Library, Tschudi, M VI 71, ff. 68b-169b).This article illustrates how Fażlallāh integrated traditional medieval cosmology with Hurufism philosophy. Through these circular drawings, Fażlallāh and his disciples clearly position human beings at the center of their beliefs and supported this belief through an interpretation of cosmology. Neither the circular drawings themselves nor their interpretations have been published or subjected to in-depth study. The interpretation of these circular drawings not only provides a more solid foundation for future research on Hurufi doctrines but also offers a novel perspective on the study of traditional medieval cosmology.

Fazlullah Hurufi’nin Câvidân-nâme’sindeki Şekillerde İlm-i Felek

&nbsp;Al-Ghazālī’s life has always aroused excitement, from the time he lived until today. He wrote his life story at the end of his life. However, in his short autobiography, he also overshadowed many issues. Ghazali, in al-Munqiz, al-Ghazālī does not mention his teachers, his socio-political environment, his family, or the events of the time. After leaving Baghdad, he lived a life of seclusion during his travels to cities such as Damascus, al-Khalīl and Jerusalem. After returning to his hometown, Al-Ghazālī described himself as a recluse, except for “the events of the time” and “the affairs of children”. According to his own narrative, al-Ghazālī led a reclusive life. However, his letters compiled under the title “Fadhā’il al-anām” present a different picture. These letters provide important information about al-Ghazālī’s period of seclusion and his theo-political relations during that time.&nbsp;Al-Ghazālī’s period of seclusion, as discussed in this article, refers to the time from his departure from Baghdad in Dhilqa’dah 488/1095 until his death. Al-Ghazālī remained secluded until his death and did not return to the Nidhāmiyya muderriship in Nishāpur until eleven years later. He was compelled to take up this position, rather than doing so voluntarily. He also mentioned that his return did not signify a true return. He stated that while he was “previously explaining the science that earned people high positions”, he was now “explaining the science that makes people abandon high positions”. Moreover, this process did not last long, and he returned to his hometown, Tus, after a few years. Al-Ghazālī’s period of seclusion can be divided into four parts: From Baghdad to Baghdad: The Period of Seclusion with Traveling, Tus: The Period of Settled Life of Reclusion, and Nishapur: The Return to the Teaching and the Event of the Trial and the Second Period of Tus and his Death.&nbsp;During his time in seclusion, al-Ghazālī did not refrain from attending social events or engaging in individual educational activities. In particular, he took an active interest in the troubles of the people, warned the governors, and wrote letters to the rulers informing them of the troubles of the people. He patronized the dervishes residing in his khangāh and advised the rulers of the state to appoint some of his students to positions they deserved.Based on Fedhā’il al-anām and other sources, the following conclusions have been drawn in this article: Although al-Ghazālī did not name them, some individuals were influential in his life. It is possible to mention the influence of Shaykh Ardishīr b. Abū Mansūr al-ʿAbbādī in his decision to leave Baghdad and embrace the Sufi way of life or pursue a path of seclusion. Again, Abu al-Fath Nasr al-Maqdisī, the muhaddith-jurist and ascetic who met with him in Damascus, influential in al-Ghazālī’s subsistence on his own labor and not receiving help from state officials. After leaving Baghdad, al-Ghazālī did not break away from science and the scholarly environment where he went. The concept of seclusion for al-Ghazālī included three points mentioned in his oath in al-Khalīl. These points include not taking money from rulers, not attending official ceremonies (this includes not being in a managerial position), and avoiding debate and bigotry. During his seclusion period, al-Ghazālī established close relations with dervishes. He had a khangāh in his hometown, Tus, and he watched over the dervishes who stayed there. His approach, which was more distant to sūfis in the Iḥyāʾ, evolved into closer contact in his letters.

Gazzâlî Biyografisine Bir Katkı: Mektupları Işığında  Gazzâlî’nin Uzlet Hayatı

İrfan

The appointment of four judges in Egypt under the Fāṭimid State in 525/1131, two of whom were from Shīʿa and two from Sunnī schools of law, has drawn the interest of researchers due to its significance for both Fāṭimid socio-political history and Islamic jurisprudence. Our anonymous local source, noting this information approximately 50 years after the event, described it as an unprecedented occurrence in the Islamic nation. Although there is no mention of any restriction on judges regarding cases brought before them, their equal authority in matters of inheritance is emphasized. This is particularly noteworthy because some fundamental rulings of inheritance law where Shīʿa and Sunnī doctrines diverge are closely linked to the Fāṭimid concept of imāmate. However, historical sources concerning the period during which this event occurred are limited. Consequently, this information, which provides significant insights into the Fāṭimid judicial system, the implementation of Shīʿa law in the predominantly Sunnī Egyptian society, and the socio-political situation, becomes even more interesting and intriguing. Allouche examined the subject comprehensively and attempted to analyze in detail the political motives behind the appointments, the status and identities of the appointed judges. Later authors referred to Allouche’s article, but no alternative assessments were proposed. According to Allouche, the primary political motive behind these appointments was as follows: This appointment was&nbsp;&nbsp;part of Ibn al- Afḍal’s (d. 526/1131) actions to declare the end of the Fāṭimid caliphate and the shift in the state’s ideology. Specifically, the Ismāʿilī monopoly in the judiciary was abolished. Ibn al-Afḍal took advantage of the political uncertainty that arose due to the death of Caliph Āmir (d. 524/1130) and the absence of a known male heir. He imprisoned ʿAbdulmajīd (later Caliph Ḥāfiẓ, 526-544/1132-1149), who had previously declared himself the heir apparent (waliyyu’l-ʿahd), removed his name from the Friday sermon (khutbah), and minted coins in the name of the expected imam, implying a shift in the state’s allegiance to the Twelver Shīʿa to which Ibn al-Afḍal belonged.&nbsp;Allouche considers that each of the four judges, described merely as judges in the source, was actually a chief judge. He bases this on a comparison with the newly established system of the Mamlūk era, made by Ibn Muyassar (d. 677/1278), who transmitted this unique information in his book Akhbar. In Allouche’s view, this interpretation aligns with Ibn al-Afḍal’s political agenda, whose main objective was to equate Imāmī Law, his own madhhab, with the Ismāʿilī Law, thus representing the new ideology of the state with an Imāmī chief judge. However, according to him, this interpretation simultaneously creates some problems that require resolution. Because at the time of the appointment, the previously appointed chief judge, al-Qaysarānī, was still in office. This implies that with the newly appointed four qāḍīs there were five chief judges, two of whom representing Ismāʿilī madhhab, serving simultaneously: al-Qaysaranī, representing the Fāṭimid state’s Ismāʿilī madhhab, and the four judges appointed by Ibn al-Afḍal, representing the Ismāʿilī, Imāmī, Mālikī, and Shāfiʿī madhhabs. Allouche attempted to resolve this problem by suggesting a potential scribal error regarding the names of the judges. He posits that the Imāmī judge mentioned among the four newly appointed might actually be the same person as the existing chief judge, al-Qaysaranī. Thus, Ibn al Afḍal must have reappointed the incumbent al-Qaysaranī as the chief judge representing the Imāmiyya. He believed that the good relations between al-Qaysaranī and Ibn al-Afḍal, as suggested by the information available in the sources, would support this interpretation. However, there are strong arguments against this interpretation, and it seems that Allouche did not sufficiently address the issues arising from this. First, Allouche did not consider that the sources clearly indicated that al-Qaysarānī was actually a Shāfiʿī. For sure, one can argue that numerous instances exist of Sunnīs being appointed to the position of chief judge in the Fāṭimid state. Therefore, it is not impossible that al-Qaysaranī, despite being a Shāfiʿī, served as the Ismāʿilī chief judge for a period and was later appointed as the Imāmī chief judge because of his close ties with the ruling power amidst the political changes. However, a more careful examination of the identities of the other four judges on the list indicates that each of these individuals was more suitable for Ibn al-Afḍal’s political objectives and could not be replaced by al-Qaysaranī. Al-Qaysaranī did not possess the necessary qualifications for the office of qāḍī, as indicated by contemporary sources. His appointment to the position of chief judge before this event was primarily due to his prestigious status as a Cairo elite, rather than his legal expertise. In contrast to al-Qaysaranī’s background, each of the individuals named in the appointment of the four judges was esteemed within their respective religious groups for possessing the qualities of a judge. Viewed in this light, the appointment of these four judges underscores Ibn al-Afḍal’s need for support from the Cairo elites, military groups and broader segments of the population in the delicate situation in which he assumed power, as well as the constraints on his authority. Therefore, the information available in the sources can be interpreted as follows: Following the coup in 525/1131, al-Qaysaranī retained his high-level administrative powers and, in particular, his authority to oversee grievance cases (maẓālim) as the chief judge. The remaining four judges were appointed with the authority to adjudicate civil cases in accordance with their respective madhhabs. Hence, the claim of a scribal error in the information provided by the sources arises from an incomplete and improper reading of the sources. The use of the term qāḍī al-qudāt in the sources in this context is also misleading, as evidenced by examples in which qāḍīs described as chief qāḍī in annals or other historical sources were named in official records as nāib or wakīl of the vizier.

Mısır Fâtımî Devleti’nde 525/1131 Yılında Dört Kadı  Ataması, Yeni Bir Değerlendirme

İsa

Mehmed Ismet Efendi (d. 1747), a prominent intellectual in the first half of the 18th century, was a distinguished professor in Islamic sciences, a poet and scholar who authored works in Turkish, Arabic, and Persian, an astronomer who conducted studies in astronomy, a well-known calligrapher of his time, and a Ṣūfī master who had authority in five different Ṣūfī orders. In addition to these qualities, he deserves attention for the extensive library he has succeeded in establishing in his household. Focusing on the surviving manuscripts of Mehmed Ismet and his previously neglected probate inventory, this article examines the formation process of the library he managed to establish, the strategies he adopted during this process, and the fate of the library following his death. By focusing on his library, which contained abundant works on Islamic sciences, poetry, and astronomy, this study contributes to ongoing research on Ottoman manuscript culture, book collecting, and Ottoman libraries and determines Mehmed Ismet’s place in Ottoman intellectual history.While examining the formation process of the library, the first claim of the article is that the foundation of Mehmed Ismet’s library was a collection inherited from his father, Ibrāhīm Agha, who was the steward of one of the grand viziers during the reign of Mehmed IV (r. 1648-1687). In addition, it is asserted that Mehmed Ismet managed to successfully expand his library by effectively using substantial wealth and economic power. Moreover, it is demonstrated that Mehmed Ismet’s collection grew with the books and treatises inherited from his brother Osmān Efendi, who died in December 1734 in Kavala, where he was the judge of the city. However, the number of manuscripts inherited from Osmān Efendi seemed extremely limited. The existing literature widely suggests that, except for those belonging to well-established ulema families who were controlling high-ranking offices in official ulema establishments, the wealth accumulation of the eighteenth-century Ottoman ulema was very limited to the extent that they survived with deep economic concerns. Yet, Mehmed Ismet lived in prosperity thanks to the substantial wealth inherited from his family, the gratuities he received from the panegyric poems he presented to high-ranking officials as well as the proceeds from the authored and translated works he did for them, his income from his professorship, his earnings from calligraphy, and the allowance from the pious foundation of Kādīzāde Mehmed Efendi, of which he was a trustee for a while. It is among the theses of the article that he financed the&nbsp;&nbsp;formation of his library with this wealth and, in line with his professional and personal interests, succeeded in establishing a library predominantly containing scholarly works pertaining to Islamic sciences, astronomy, and Sufism.&nbsp;Another claim of this article is that as a skilled calligrapher of his age, Mehmed Ismet benefitted from his reputation when establishing his library. He relied on calligraphy not only to sustain his livelihood but also to reduce the expenses of creating a book collection. Available data demonstrate that he copied 28 books and 93 treatises for his library. Given that the entire collection did not survive to the present day, it can be assumed that the number of scholarly works that Mehmed Ismet duplicated and added to his collection was higher. He particularly enjoyed copying and collecting treatises, classifying and bounding them according to language, subject, and author. It can be argued in this respect that he was in full harmony with the eighteenth-century Ottoman intellectual circles, where treatises and pamphlets were in circulation. Nevertheless, one of the characteristics that distinguished Mehmed Ismet from the remaining book collectors of the period was his desire to expand his library by manipulating his official position. For instance, under the pretext of copying for his own library, he misappropriated 129 books belonging to the book collection of Kādīzāde Mehmed Efendi’s waqf, of which he was a trustee for a period. The fact that 51 of these books contained his ownership records and seventeen bore his personal seal indicates that he might have also embezzled books from other libraries and collections. However, no clear evidence of this possibility has been found.&nbsp;The rich book collection that Mehmed Ismet was able to build by utilizing his personal and familial connections, his wealth, and his skills in calligraphy were expeditiously dispersed in a short time following his death. His books were purchased by his friends and the book collectors of the period, including high-ranking statesmen. This was such a rapid and sudden development that in his probate inventory, which was recorded seventy days after his death, only a few works related to Ottoman, Persian, and Arabic poetry were recorded. This situation contradicts given his skill in writing Turkish, Persian, and Arabic poems. The mention of only fifteen divans in the inventory and the complete absence of literary works by the great figures of classical Ottoman poetry such as Aḥmad Pasha (d. 1497), Nedjātī (d. 1509), Zātī (d. 1546), Fuḍūlī (d. 1556), Khayālī (d. 1557), Nefʿī (d. 1635), Nābī (d. 1712), and Nedīm (d. 1730) are clear indications of the sudden and rapid dispersal of the collection. This situation had prevented his library from being established as a permanent building until now. However, a significant portion of his books have been preserved in various book collections and have survived to date.

18. Yüzyılda Şahsi Bir Kütüphanenin İnşası ve Dağılışı:  Mehmed İsmet Efendi Kütüphanesi Örneği

İslim

Sülemî’nin Tabakât Mukaddimesi Üzerinden Velâyet  Düşüncesine Dair Bir Değerlendirme

Selman

Ali Köse’nin “Dinin Geleceği” Adlı Eserinin  Değerlendirmesi

Kevin Vallier’in “All the Kingdoms of the World: On  Radical Religious Alternatives to Liberalism” Adlı  Eserinin Değerlendirmesi

Maurits Berger’in “2004: De toekomst van islam in  Nederland” Adlı Eserinin Değerlendirmesi

Düzeltme: İstişari Bir Ümmet Tasavvur Etmek: Namık Kemal’in Anayasal Tahayyülüne Bir Giriş

@JOURNAL_BOX_CURRENT

@JOURNAL_BOX_EARLYVIEW

Şahabettin

This study aims to investigate the utterance and meaning properties of augmented (mezîd) verbs expressing reflexivity (mutâva‘at) in the Arabic Language. In this study, dictionary definitions of the word ‘mutâva'at’, reflexivity measures of triliteral (sülâsi) verbs, augmented (mezîd) verbs expressing reflexivity (mutâva‘at), usage characteristics of the verbs expressing reflexivity, the opinions of grammarians about reflexivity and comparison of the verbs stating reflexivity with intransitive and passive verbs will be examined in the light of examples from the Qur’an, Arabic poetry and proverbs.Verbs play a significant role in Arabic grammar. Expressing judgment with verb sentences forms the basis of expressing thoughts in Arabic. Arab grammarians, from the time of Sîbeveyhî to the present day, have given special importance to verb patterns and their meanings whether they are mücerred (pure) verbs or mezîd (augmented) verbs. Understanding Arabic texts correctly and translating them appropriately in Turkish is closely related to knowing verb measures and their meanings. In grammar books, verbs have been dealt with under various sub-titles. Active-passive (ma‘lûm-meçhûl), transitive-intransitive (müte‘addî-lâzım), soundweak (sahîh-mu‘tel) and declinable-indeclinable (mutasarrıf-câmid) can be given as examples of these titles. Another important sub-topic of verbs is augmented (mezîd) verbs and their meanings. Verbs in Arabic are divided into two parts depending on whether their letters are original or not. The first category is pure (mücerred) verbs all letters of which are original, and the second one is augmented (mezîd) verbs to which letters are attached. In the Arabic language there are different meanings that augmented verbs express and reflexivity is one of them. Verbs which carry the meaning of reflexivity were used both in religious texts and in Arabic poetry and proverbs during the time before Islam (Câhiliyya).This study uses the scanning method, one of the data collection methods, to analyze and evaluate the collected data, and the views of the Arab grammarians on the subject were included. In order to better understand the subjects, the Qur'an, Arabic poetry and proverbs were quoted. In our preliminary research, it was found that there was no academic study on verbs expressing reflexivity in Arabic. Thus, we decided to prepare this study under the title of “Verbs Expressing Reflexivity in Arabic Language” to close this gap, even if only slightly.In the Arabic language, “infi‘âl” is the basic measure in terms of reflexivity. The measure of “infi‘âl”, which is one of the augmented verbs, is always intransitive and it never takes a direct object (mef‘ûlün bih). While other augmented verbs express other meanings beside reflexivity, the measure of “infi‘âl” only expresses reflexivity. In the Arabic language, there&nbsp;also some other augmented measures expressing reflexivity. Verbs that express reflexivity are not a different notation of intransitive verbs since there are also some transitive verbs with the meaning of reflexivity which take a direct object. However, intransitive verbs can never receive direct objects. Verbs that express reflexivity are divided into two in terms of transitiveness. The first category is that of reflexive (mutâvî‘) verbs that are always intransitive and the other is that of reflexive verbs which are transitive. Other augmented verbs stating reflexivity are also intransitive most of the time.&nbsp;While the topic of verbs is covered along with nouns and letters in grammar books, some books are dedicated only to verbs like the example of Kitâbu fa‘altü ve ef‘altü of Ebû İshâk ez-Zeccâc. In the words of Ibn Hisham, the meaning of reflexivity (mutâva‘at) is that the first of the two verbs creates an effect and the agent of the second verb accepts this effect. Agents of the verbs that express reflexivity have the meaning of object (mef‘ûl). In other words, agents of the verbs expressing reflexivity are not real agents which create an effect because these agents do not describe an action, state or occurrence, but on the contrary they are affected by the action.As a basic fact of grammar taught by Arab grammarians, verbs expressing the meaning of reflexivity are not regular. Radıyüddîn al-Esterâbâdî also says that the use of augmented verbs is irregular, and that those things that are heard from the Arabs should be taken as a basis when deciding which pure triliteral verb comes in which augmented verb measure.&nbsp;Arab grammarians included the style of reflexivity in their works and explained their conditions and features of their usage by giving examples from verse and poetry. There is no significant difference of opinion among the grammarians on the subject of reflexivity. The first grammarian who dealt with reflexivity was Sîbeveyhî. Later grammarians followed in his footsteps. Definitions of reflexivity given by later grammarians such as Radıyyüddîn elEsterâbâdî ve İbn Hişâm el-Ensârî were clearer and more precise, and their way of dealing with the issue was more systematic. Verbs expressing reflexivity are active in terms of utterance and passive with regard to meaning. Some grammarians, such as Sîbeveyhî, evaluate the verbs that express reflexivity in the same category as passive verbs in terms of meaning.

Arapçada Dönüşlülük (Mutâva‘at) Anlamı İfade Eden Mezid Fiiller

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Serhan

Religion, which means “path, faith, tradition, bond, servitude” in all cultures, is a phenomenon that changes individual and social life with very strong influences. From this point of view, religion plays an important role in the formation of an individual's personality by contributing to their level of consciousness. We can also say that each religion has established a common ‘language of religion’ to form a common perception. In this respect, revelation is a sign this common language of religion and a state of communication in which God himself addresses in a language that humans speak. In other words, the revelation -word of God- that determines an individual's relationship with themselves, their surroundings, and God is presented to human understanding using the Qur'an's own linguistic and stylistic characteristics within the possibilities and limits of the Arabic language. Hence, in order to actualize this addressaddressee dialectic, the Qur'an takes into account the perceptions and concepts of the society it was revealed to and forms a common world view formed by the values of the society such as language, faith, culture, and history. Moreover, it actualizes the most beautiful transformation and change of the individual's mindset and identity by using the Qur'anic Style, which is the language's own style of expression, in verse and language form. Indeed, the correct understanding of the divine word is made possible by taking into account its distinctive Quranic language, its style, and its ikhbari (pronouncement) and inshai (constructive) sentence structures in parallel with its style of expression. In this way, it contains the transitivity in which one can be included in the context of the other from time to time in the course of the Qur'anic style, and it turns into the inshai structure, which is a higher style of the ikhbari form, and drives its addressees to change their actions.&nbsp;This study aims to identify the main subject of Surat Al-Infitar by taking into account the relationship between the addressees and the environment in light of the methods that are unique to the Qur'anic style offered as a linguistic method of understanding the Qur'an and the style of the language of religion that encompasses the whole of the Qur'an. In this sense, our study takes into account the constructional (inshai) structure that plays a role in manifesting&nbsp;and turning the warning (ikhbari) expressions for doomsday -like the sky will break apart, the stars will fall- into action mostly "here-now", beyond the informing of the future apocalypse. Therefore, the study tries to address the surah as a whole within the framework of the specific language structure of the divine word and the Qur'anic style. Thanks to this information that forms the basis of the method of the Qur'anic style, the verse(s) and/or the surah turns the gayb (invisible) sphere like the apocalypse, the judgement day, the hereafter into an active "event" and a new "action" happening "here-now" through the issues of the testimonial sphere of this world in a style that can be understood by all. As it were, the surah creates the comprehension of the truth of the revelation, which is first and foremost the first stage of the God-man relationship, through the reality of the change in the cosmic structure. And it also creates the understanding of "the hereafter with the consciousness of reckoning". Accordingly, it lays the burden of personal responsibility to the individual and it shows how the will and power of the divine truth manifests.&nbsp;In this context, the surah talks about the cosmic changes that took place during the events of doomsday which transforms into kalami action through Allah's taqwini laws and turns this action into morality. The surah begins with "doomsday" scenes that can be described as "the sudden occurrence of an event and/or the beginning of cosmic change" as if to show a new era is about to begin. The word infitar, which gives its name to the Surah, means "splitting, disturbing the existing order, interfering with something". And in this context, it is interpreted as "without knowing its nature, the revelation of the commandments of God to the Earth either through the descent of the Angels or by the greatness of the Lord". In our opinion, these events are aimed at drawing attention to the reality, nature, and possibility of the divine revelation, as well as emphasizing to their addressees that the old corrupt order will be replaced by a new one. As a matter of fact, when we take into account the revelation course of the Qur'an, we see that it conveys its divine message to a society where the majority were illiterate and thought it impossible for Allah to send his divine message to its addressees by means of a human being who also was illiterate. In addition, the context of forward-looking ikhbari statements reveals to us the inshai structure of the issues towards this world. In this sense, the surah builds a religious and moral consciousness through taqwini/qawni verses beyond just giving information. The point that draws attention here is that the qawni verses are both verses themselves, and that they are accepted as signs, prognostics, that is, intellectual evidence of the truth that exists in their own selves. It reflects the greatest evidence for the positioning of the revelation the fact that all beings, including the earth, sky, and man, with their apparent–known features witnessed by themselves are a verse. And it plays a role in the comprehension that they are all parts of the same whole, including this revelation. Moreover, in the minds of the addressees, who thought that it was impossible for Allah to send his message through the Prophet Muhammad Who was ontologically human, the entity to which they ascribe sanctity gains a new meaning and the actions created by this meaning explain the possibility of such revelation.&nbsp;Thus, a&nbsp;consciousness about everything that the Allah-universe relationship represents is created in the addressees and the absolute creative power behind this truth is pointed out. Therefore, the main subject of the surah is the creation of the awareness of the day of reckoning and the understanding of the hereafter, which is put forth with a style that is simultaneous with the possibility of the divine revelation, its nature and its reality.In line with this perspective, our work offers to read the depictions of the doomsday which belongs to the gayb for humans, the topics concerning the hereafter like the awareness of the day of reckoning in inshai form in the context of Qur'anic style. In this respect, our article attempts to understand and explain the effects of the Qur'anic style that are reflected in this world and which turn it into action and morality here and now, not in terms of the “reality and/or awareness of the scenes of the apocalypse”. Of course, this study, taken in the context of the Qur'anic style, is an effort aimed at basing not the style itself but only its method and, in parallel, determining the main idea of the surah.

Kur’ânî Üslup Açısından İnfitâr Sûresi

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İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi, İstanbul Üniversitesi İslam Tetkikleri Enstitüsü tarafından Mart ve Eylül ayları olmak üzere yılda iki defa yayımlanan uluslararası ve açık erişimli bilimsel bir yayındır. 1953 yılında kurulmuştur. Dergiye yayınlanması için gönderilen bilimsel makaleler Türkçe, İngilizce ya da Arapça olmalıdır.

İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi, İslami ilimler alanında ulusal ve uluslararası düzeyde bilimsel niteliklere sahip çalışmaları yayımlayarak İslami ilimler alanındaki bilgi birikimine katkıda bulunmayı amaçlamaktadır.  

İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi, Türkçe, İngilizce ve Arapça dillerinde yazılmış araştırma makalesi, araştırma notu, kitap değerlendirmesi, sempozyum tanıtımı, yazma eser tanıtımı türünde yapılan çalışmaları yayımlamaktadır.   
   
Tarihçe

1933 yılında İstanbul Dârulfünunu İlahiyat Fakültesinin kapatılmasıyla Edebiyat Fakültesi bünyesinde kurulan İslam Tetkikleri Enstitüsü, 1941 yılında kapatılmış ve 1953 yılında müdürü Zeki Velidi Togan ve müdür yardımcısı Fuat Sezgin idaresinde tekrar faaliyete geçmiştir. 1982 yılında statüsü araştırma merkezi olarak değiştirilen Enstitü 2018 yılında İstanbul Üniversitesi Rektörlüğüne bağlanmıştır. Statüsü değişse de kuruluşundan itibaren Kurum bünyesinde hakemli bilimsel bir dergi faaliyeti sürdürülmüştür.

Dergi, 1953-1982 yılları arasında İslam Tetkikleri Enstitüsü Dergisi, 1982-1995 yılları arasında ise İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi ismiyle dokuz cilt ve on dört farklı sayı olarak yayımlanmıştır. Dergi, 2020 Mart ayı itibarıyla yeniden yayım hayatına başlamıştır.

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TR Dizin

DOAJ

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ATLA Religion Database

Gale Cengage

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İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi

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İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi, İslami ilimler alanında ulusal ve uluslararası düzeyde bilimsel niteliklere sahip çalışmaları yayımlayarak bu alandaki bilgi birikimine katkıda bulunmayı amaçlamaktadır.İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi, temel İslami ilimler, İslam tarihi ve düşüncesi alanındaki yazılara yer veren çift taraflı kör-hakemli bir dergidir. Dergi, bu alanlarda interdisipliner, multidisipliner ve Osmanlı dönemini merkeze alan çalışmalara öncelik vermektedir.İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi, Türkçe, İngilizce ve Arapça dillerinde yazılmış araştırma makalesi, derleme makale, araştırma notu, kitap değerlendirmesi, sempozyum/çalıştay tanıtımı gibi türlerde çalışmalar yayımlamaktadır.

Amaç ve Kapsam

TÜBİTAK-ULAKBİM TR Dizin DOAJSOBİADEBSCO Humanities SourceEBSCO Central &amp; Eastern European Academic Source ScopusATLA Religion DatabaseGale Cengage

Dizinler

Dergi yayın etiğinde en yüksek standartlara bağlıdır ve <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a> ve <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> tarafından yayınlanan etik yayıncılık ilkelerini benimser; Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing başlığı altında ifade edilen ilkeler için: <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a> Gönderilen makaleler derginin amaç ve kapsamına uygun olmalıdır. Orijinal, yayınlanmamış ve başka bir dergide değerlendirme sürecinde olmayan, her bir yazar tarafından içeriği ve gönderimi onaylanmış yazılar değerlendirmeye kabul edilir. Makale yayınlanmak üzere Dergiye gönderildikten sonra yazarlardan hiçbirinin ismi, tüm yazarların yazılı izni olmadan yazar listesinden silinemez ve yeni bir isim yazar olarak eklenemez ve yazar sırası değiştirilemez.İntihal, duplikasyon, sahte yazarlık/inkar edilen yazarlık, araştrma/veri fabrikasyonu, makale dilimleme, dilimleyerek yayın, telif hakları ihlali ve çıkar çatışmasının gizlenmesi, etik dışı davranışlar olarak kabul edilir. Kabul edilen etik standartlara uygun olmayan tüm makaleler yayından çıkarılır. Buna yayından sonra tespit edilen olası kuraldışı, uygunsuzluklar içeren makaleler de dahildir.İntihal Ön kontrolden geçirilen makaleler, iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal/kendi kendine intihal tespit edilirse yazarlar bilgilendirilir. Editörler, gerekli olması halinde makaleyi değerlendirme ya da üretim sürecinin çeşitli aşamalarında intihal kontrolüne tabi tutabilirler. Yüksek benzerlik oranları, bir makalenin kabul edilmeden önce ve hatta kabul edildikten sonra reddedilmesine neden olabilir. Makalenin türüne bağlı olarak, bunun oranın %15 veya %20'den az olması beklenir.Çift Kör Hakemlikİntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir. Editör, makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakemlikten geçmesini sağlar ve makale biçimsel esaslara uygun ise, gelen yazıyı yurtiçinden ve /veya yurtdışından en az iki hakemin değerlendirmesine sunar, hakemler gerek gördüğü takdirde yazıda istenen değişiklikler yazarlar tarafından yapıldıktan sonra yayınlanmasına onay verir.

Politikalar

Dergi açık erişimlidir ve derginin tüm içeriği okura ya da okurun dahil olduğu kuruma ücretsiz olarak sunulur. Okurlar, ticari amaç haricinde, yayıncı ya da yazardan izin almadan dergi makalelerinin tam metnini okuyabilir, indirebilir, kopyalayabilir, arayabilir ve link sağlayabilir. Bu <a href="https://www.budapestopenaccessinitiative.org/translations/turkish-translation" target="_blank">BOAI</a> açık erişim tanımıyla uyumludur. Derginin açık erişimli makaleleri Creative Commons Atıf-GayrıTicari 4.0 Uluslararası (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.tr" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) olarak lisanslıdır.

Derginin tüm giderleri İstanbul Üniversitesi tarafından karşılanmaktadır. Dergide makale yayımı ve makale süreçlerinin yürütülmesi ücrete tabi değildir. Dergiye gönderilen ya da yayıma kabul edilen makaleler için işlemleme ücreti ya da gönderim ücreti alınmaz.

Yazarlar dergide yayınlanan çalışmalarının telif hakkına sahiptirler ve çalışmaları  Creative Commons Atıf-GayrıTicari 4.0 Uluslararası (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.tr" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) olarak lisanslıdır. CC BY-NC 4.0 lisansı, eserin ticari kullanım dışında her boyut ve formatta paylaşılmasına, kopyalanmasına, çoğaltılmasına ve orijinal esere uygun şekilde atıfta bulunmak kaydıyla yeniden düzenleme, dönüştürme ve eserin üzerine inşa etme dâhil adapte edilmesine izin verir.

Editörler, yayınlanan makalede, bulguları, yorumları ve sonuçları etkilemeyen küçük hatalar tespit edilirse düzeltme yayınlamayı düşünebilirler. Editörler, bulguları ve sonuçları geçersiz kılan büyük hatalar / ihlaller söz konusu olduğunda, makaleyi geri çekmeyi düşünmelidir. Yazarlar tarafından araştırma veya yayını kötüye kullanmaya yönelik olasılık söz konusu ise; bulguların güvenilir olmadığına ve yazarların kurumlarının olayı soruşturmadığına dair kanıtlar var veya olası soruşturma haksız veya sonuçsuz görünüyor ise, editörler endişe ifadesi yayınlamayı düşünmelidir. Düzeltme, geri çekme veya endişe ifadesi ile ilgili olarak <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/flowcharts/complete-set-english" target="_blank">COPE</a> ve <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/" target="_blank">ICJME</a> yönergeleri dikkate alınır.Geri ÇekmeDergi geri çekme durumunda <a href="https://publicationethics.org/sites/default/files/retraction-guidelines-cope.pdf" target="_blank">COPE Retraction Guidelines</a>’ı izler. Editör, aşağıdaki durumlarda bir makaleyi geri çekme hakkına sahiptir: <ul><li>Büyük bir hata (örn. yanlış hesaplama veya deneysel hata), uydurma öğeler  (örn. veri) veya tahrifat (örn. görüntü manipülasyonu) gibi bulguların güvenilmez olduğu sonucunu çıkarmaya dair açık kanıtlar varsa; </li><li>İçerikte intihal varsa; </li><li>Uygun atıf yapılmadan başka bir yerde yayınlanmışsa;</li><li>Kullanım izni olmayan materyal veya veri içeriyorsa;</li><li>Telif hakkı ihlali veya başka bir ciddi yasal sorun varsa;</li><li>Etik olmayan araştırma içeriyorsa; </li><li>Hakem değerlendirme sürecinin bozulduğuna veya manipüle edildiğine dair kanıt varsa;</li><li>Yazar(lar), editörün görüşüne göre, çalışmanın yorumlanmasını veya editörlerin ve hakemlerin tavsiyelerini önemli derecede etkileyebilecek, kritik bir çıkar çatışmasını açıklamamış ise.</li></ul>Geri çekme durumunda aşağıdaki adımlar izlenir:<ul><li>Makale başlığını da içeren geri çekme bildirimi derginin bir sonraki sayısında yayınlanır. Geri çekme bildirimi  içindekiler tablosunda sayfa nosu verilerek listelenir. </li><li>Elektronik versiyonda geri çekme bildirimi ile orijinal makale arasında link sağlanır. </li><li>Online makaleden önce geri çekme bildirimini içeren sayfa gelir; okuyucu daha sonra makalenin kendisine geçebilir.</li><li>Orijinal makale, her sayfadaki .pdf üzerinde “geri çekildiğini” belirten bir filigran dışında değişmeden kalır.</li></ul>Yasal Nedenlerle Makalenin KaldırılmasıAşağıdaki durumlarda, üst veriler (başlık ve yazarlar) hariç olmak üzere, makale metni kaldırılır ve makalenin yasal nedenlerle kaldırıldığını bildiren bir sayfa makalenin yerini alır. <ul><li>Makalenin karalayıcı içerik ihtiva ettiği veya başkalarının yasal haklarını ihlal ettiği tespit edilir ve geri çekmenin yeterli bir çözüm olmadığı düşünülürse;</li><li>Makale bir mahkeme kararına konu olmuşsa veya olacağına dair makul bir neden varsa;</li><li>Kamu sağlığı açısından önemli bir risk söz konusu ise;  </li></ul>

Dergide yayınlanan tüm yazıların korunmasını ve kalıcı olarak erişilebilir olmasını sağlamak için makaleler, ulusal bir arşiv sitesi olarak hizmet veren ve aynı zamanda LOCKSS'in içeriği toplamasına, korumasına ve sunmasına izin veren Dergipark'ta saklanmaktadır.Ek olarak, yazarların kendilerinin makalelerinin son PDF sürümünü Open Archives Initiative (<a href="https://www.openarchives.org/" target="_blank">https://www.openarchives.org/</a>) standartlarına uygun açık elektronik arşivlerde arşivlemeleri önerilir. Yazarlar, yayınladıkları arşiv versiyonundan, İ.Ü. Yayınevinin dergi web sitesinin URL'sine bağlantı sağlamalıdır.

Genel İlkeler Her sayıda lisansüstü tezlerden üretilen en fazla iki makale yayımlanabilir. Makalelerin yeni bir düzenleme ile makale formatına uygun hâle getirilmesi esastır.Dergimizde makalesi yayımlanmış bir yazarın takip eden sayıda başka bir makalesi yayımlanmaz.Etik İlkeler İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi, yayın etiğinde en yüksek standartlara bağlıdır ve <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a> ve <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> tarafından yayınlanan etik yayıncılık ilkelerini benimser; Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing başlığı altında ifade edilen ilkeler için: <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a>Gönderilen makaleler derginin amaç ve kapsamına uygun olmalıdır. Daha önce yayımlanmamış ya da başka bir dergide değerlendirme sürecinde olmayan, her bir yazar tarafından içeriği ve gönderimi onaylanmış yazılar değerlendirmeye kabul edilir.Makale yayımlanmak üzere dergiye gönderildikten sonra yazarlardan hiçbirinin ismi, tüm yazarların yazılı izni olmadan yazar listesinden silinemez, yeni bir isim yazar olarak eklenemez ve yazar sırası değiştirilemez.İntihal, duplikasyon, sahte yazarlık/inkâr edilen yazarlık, araştırma/veri fabrikasyonu, makale dilimleme, dilimleyerek yayın, telif hakları ihlali ve çıkar çatışmasının gizlenmesi, etik dışı davranışlar olarak kabul edilir. Kabul edilen etik standartlara uygun olmayan tüm makaleler yayından çıkarılır. Buna yayından sonra tespit edilen olası kural dışı, uygunsuzluklar içeren makaleler de dâhildir.

Etik

İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi araştırma etiğinde en yüksek standartları gözetir ve aşağıda tanımlanan uluslararası araştırma etiği ilkelerini benimser. Makalelerin etik kurallara uygunluğu yazarların sorumluluğundadır:<ul><li>Araştırmanın tasarlanması, tasarımın gözden geçirilmesi ve araştırmanın yürütülmesinde, bütünlük, kalite ve şeffaflık ilkeleri sağlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma ekibi ve katılımcılar, araştırmanın amacı, yöntemleri ve öngörülen olası kullanımları; araştırmaya katılımın gerektirdikleri ve varsa riskleri hakkında tam olarak bilgilendirilmelidir.</li><li>Araştırma katılımcılarının sağladığı bilgilerin gizliliği ve yanıt verenlerin gizliliği sağlanmalıdır. Araştırma katılımcıların özerkliğini ve saygınlığını koruyacak şekilde tasarlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma katılımcıları gönüllü olarak araştırmada yer almalı, herhangi bir zorlama altında olmamalıdırlar.</li><li>Katılımcıların zarar görmesinden kaçınılmalıdır. Araştırma, katılımcıları riske sokmayacak şekilde planlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma bağımsızlığıyla ilgili açık ve net olunmalı; çıkar çatışması varsa belirtilmelidir.</li><li>Deneysel çalışmalarda, araştırmaya katılmaya karar veren katılımcıların yazılı bilgilendirilmiş onayı alınmalıdır. Çocukların ve vesayet altındakilerin veya tasdiklenmiş akıl hastalığı bulunanların yasal vasisinin onayı alınmalıdır.</li><li>Çalışma herhangi bir kurum ya da kuruluşta gerçekleştirildiyse bu kurum ya da kuruluştan çalışma yapıldığına dair onay alınmalıdır.</li><li>İnsan ögesi bulunan çalışmalarda, “yöntem” bölümünde katılımcılardan “bilgilendirilmiş onam” ve çalışmanın yapıldığı kurumdan etik kurul onayı alındığının belirtilmesi gerekir.</li></ul>

Makalelerin bilimsel ve etik kurallara uygunluğu yazarların sorumluluğundadır. Yazar makalenin orijinal olduğu, daha önce başka bir yerde yayımlanmadığı ve başka bir yerde, başka bir dilde yayımlanmak üzere değerlendirmede olmadığı konusunda teminat sağlamalıdır. Uygulamadaki telif kanunları ve anlaşmaları gözetilmelidir. Telife bağlı materyaller (örneğin tablolar, şekiller veya büyük alıntılar) gerekli izin ve teşekkürle kullanılmalıdır. Başka yazarların, katkıda bulunanların çalışmaları ya da yararlanılan kaynaklar uygun biçimde kullanılmalı ve referanslarda belirtilmelidir.Gönderilen makalede tüm yazarların akademik ve bilimsel olarak doğrudan katkısı olmalıdır, bu bağlamda “yazar” yayımlanan bir araştırmanın kavramsallaştırılmasına ve dizaynına, verilerin elde edilmesine, analizine ya da yorumlanmasına belirgin katkı yapan, yazının yazılması ya da bunun içerik açısından eleştirel biçimde gözden geçirilmesinde görev yapan birisi olarak görülür. Yazar olabilmenin diğer koşulları ise, makaledeki çalışmayı planlamak veya icra etmek ve/veya revize etmektir. Fon sağlanması, veri toplanması ya da araştırma grubunun genel süpervizyonu tek başına yazarlık hakkı kazandırmaz. Yazar olarak gösterilen tüm şahıslar sayılan tüm ölçütleri karşılamalıdır ve yukarıdaki ölçütleri karşılayan her şahıs yazar olarak gösterilebilir. Yazarların isim sıralaması ortak verilen bir karar olmalıdır. Tüm yazarlar yazar sıralamasını <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/9B77E355354E4B01894A352474E55BAF" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a>’nda imzalı olarak belirtmek zorundadırlar.Yazarlık için yeterli ölçütleri karşılamayan ancak çalışmaya katkısı olan tüm şahıslar “teşekkür/bilgiler” kısmında sıralanmalıdır. Bunlara örnek olarak ise sadece teknik destek sağlayan, yazıma yardımcı olan ya da sadece genel bir destek sağlayan, finansal ve materyal desteği sunan kişiler verilebilir.Bütün yazarlar, araştırmanın sonuçlarını ya da bilimsel değerlendirmeyi etkileyebilme potansiyeli olan finansal ilişkiler, çıkar çatışması ve çıkar rekabetini beyan etmelidirler. Bir yazar kendi yayımlanmış yazısında belirgin bir hata ya da yanlışlık tespit ederse, bu yanlışlıklara ilişkin düzeltme ya da geri çekme için editör ile hemen temasa geçme ve iş birliği yapma sorumluluğunu taşır.

Makaleler hakemlik süreci öncesinde editör kurulu tarafından ön değerlendirmeye tabi tutulur. Editör kurulu, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dinî inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirir. Değerlendirmede derginin ilgi alanları, dergi yazım kuralları, kelime sınırı, akademik üslup, dil-gramer kuralları, analiz ve yorumların yeterliliği, kaynak kullanımı ve konunun özgünlüğü dikkate alınmaktadır. Makale başvurularının yoğunluğu sebebiyle ön değerlendirme sonucunda iade veya reddine karar verilen makaleler için ayrıntılı bir rapor sunulmaz.

Ön kontrolden geçirilen makaleler, iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal/kendi kendine intihal tespit edilirse yazarlar bilgilendirilir. Editörler, gerekli olması hâlinde makaleyi değerlendirme ya da üretim sürecinin çeşitli aşamalarında intihal kontrolüne tabi tutabilirler. Yüksek benzerlik oranları, bir makalenin kabul edilmeden önce ve hatta kabul edildikten sonra reddedilmesine neden olabilir. Makalenin türüne bağlı olarak, benzerlik oranının en fazla %20 olması beklenir.

Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dinî inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirir. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar. Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve dergide yayımlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Baş editör, içerik ve yayının toplam kalitesinden sorumludur. Gerektiğinde hata sayfası yayımlamalı ya da düzeltme yapmalıdır.Baş editör, makaleleri değerlendirilmek üzere en az iki ulusal/uluslararası dış hakeme gönderir; hakemlik süreci sonrasında yayım kararı baş editör tarafından verilir.Baş editör, makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayımlanana kadar gizli kalacağını garanti eder; hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterir.Baş editör, hakemlere gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri üçüncü kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar.Bazı durumlarda editörün kararıyla, ilgili hakemlerin makaleye ait yorumları aynı makaleyi yorumlayan diğer hakemlere gönderilerek hakemlerin bu süreçte aydınlatılması sağlanabilir.Hakemlerin araştırmayla ilgili, yazarlarla ve/veya araştırmanın finansal destekçileriyle çıkar çatışmaları olmamasına dikkat edilmelidir.

Editör, makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakemlikten geçmesini sağlar ve makale biçimsel esaslara uygun ise, gelen yazıyı ulusal/uluslararası en az iki dış hakemin değerlendirmesine sunar, hakemler gerek gördüğü takdirde yazıda istenen değişiklikler yazarlar tarafından yapıldıktan sonra yayımlanmasına onay verir.

Hakemlik Hakkında

Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dinî inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirir. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar.Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve dergide yayımlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Baş editör, içerik ve yayının toplam kalitesinden sorumludur. Gerektiğinde hata sayfası yayımlamalı ya da düzeltme yapmalıdır.Baş editör, makaleleri değerlendirilmek üzere en az iki ulusal/uluslararası dış hakeme gönderir; hakemlik süreci sonrasında yayım kararı baş editör tarafından verilir.Baş editör, makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayımlanana kadar gizli kalacağını garanti eder; hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterir.Baş editör, hakemlere gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri üçüncü kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar.Bazı durumlarda editörün kararıyla, ilgili hakemlerin makaleye ait yorumları aynı makaleyi yorumlayan diğer hakemlere gönderilerek hakemlerin bu süreçte aydınlatılması sağlanabilir.Hakemlerin araştırmayla ilgili, yazarlarla ve/veya araştırmanın finansal destekçileriyle çıkar çatışmaları olmamasına dikkat edilmelidir.

Hakemlerin değerlendirmeleri objektif olmalıdır. Hakemlik süreci sırasında hakemlerin aşağıdaki hususları dikkate alarak değerlendirmelerini yapmaları beklenir:<ul><li>Makale yeni ve önemli bir bilgi içeriyor mu?</li><li>Öz, makalenin içeriğini net ve düzgün bir şekilde tanımlıyor mu?</li><li>Problematik net ve veciz bir şekilde ifade edilmiş mi?</li><li>Yöntem bütünlüklü ve anlaşılır şekilde tanımlanmış mı?</li><li>Yapılan yorum ve varılan sonuçlar bulgularla kanıtlanıyor mu?</li><li>Alandaki diğer çalışmalara yeterli referans verilmiş mi?</li><li>Dil kalitesi yeterli mi?</li></ul>Hakemler, gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilgilerin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalmasını sağlamalı ve makalede telif hakkı ihlali veya intihal tespit ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar. Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini yetkin görmüyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlayamayacağını düşünüyorsa editörü bilgilendirmeli ve hakemlik sürecine kendisini dâhil etmemesini istemelidir.

DilDerginin yayın dili Türkçe, İngilizce ve Arapçadır.Yayın TürleriAraştırma Makalesi: Orijinal araştırma makaleleri derginin kapsamına uygun konularda akademik değeri olan, özgün ve bilimsel sonuçlar sunan çalışmalardır.Derleme Makale: Bir bilgi ya da konunun vardığı son düzeyi anlatan, tartışan, değerlendiren ve gelecekte yapılacak olan çalışmalara yön vermesi beklenen yazılardır.Araştırma Notu: Bir konunun makale boyutuna ulaşmayan kapsam ve nitelikte ele alındığı yazılardır. Araştırma notunun 4000 kelimeyi geçmemesi beklenir. Araştırma notu türündeki yazılar hakemlik sürecine alınmaz; editör tarafından değerlendirilerek yayım sürecine alınır. Araştırma notunda Türkçe ve İngilizce özet yer almaz. Yazıda Türkçe başlığın yanı sıra İngilizce başlık ve her iki dilde 5-8 adet anahtar kelime verilmelidir.Kitap Değerlendirmesi: Son 5 yılda yayımlanmış çalışmalarla ilgili değerlendirmelere öncelik verilir. Değerlendirme yazılarının alanın uzmanları tarafından hazırlanması beklenir. Sadece tanıtım ve özet mahiyetindeki yazılar kabul edilmez. Kitap değerlendirmelerinde değerlendirilen kitabın başlığından bağımsız özgün bir başlık (Türkçe ve İngilizce) ve 5-8 adet anahtar kelime (Türkçe ve İngilizce) belirlenmelidir.Sempozyum/Çalıştay Tanıtımı: Ulusal veya uluslararası akademik toplantıların değerlendirilmesini içeren yazılardır. Tanıtım yazılarında özellikle toplantının akademik katkısı ele alınmalıdır.

Yazım Kuralları

Aksi belirtilmedikçe gönderilen yazılarla ilgili tüm yazışmalar ilk yazarla yapılacaktır. Makale gönderimi online olarak <a href="https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/journal/42/submission/step/manuscript/new" target="_blank" style="text-decoration: underline;font-size: 13.3333px;">https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/iuislamtd</a> adresinden erişilen <a href="https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/login" target="_blank" style="font-size: 13.3333px;">https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/login</a> üzerinden yapılmalıdır. Gönderilen yazılar, makale türünü belirten ve makaleyle ilgili detayları içeren (bkz: Son Kontrol Listesi) <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/480192FFC1954084A60C5E74062392E1" target="_blank" style="font-size: 13.3333px;">Kapak Sayfası</a>; editöre mektup, yazının elektronik formunu içeren Microsoft Word 2003 ve üzerindeki versiyonları ile yazılmış elektronik dosya ve tüm yazarların imzaladığı <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/68873B40EDF8448CB632792AC623F1F9" target="_blank" style="font-size: 13.3333px;">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a> eklenerek gönderilmelidir.

Makale ana metninde, çift taraflı kör hakemlik süreci gereği, yazarın/yazarların kimlik bilgileri yer almamalıdır.Çalışmaların başlıca şu unsurları içermesi gerekmektedir: Türkçe başlık, öz ve anahtar kelimeler; İngilizce başlık, öz ve anahtar kelimeler; genişletilmiş özet, ana metin bölümleri, kaynaklar, tablolar ve şekiller.Başlık seçiminde atıf göstermede karışıklık yaşanmaması için çift tırnak işareti kullanılmamalı, gerekiyorsa tek tırnak veya italik yazım tercih edilmelidir.Türkçe ve İngilizce Öz/Abstract bölümlerinin her biri 150-250 kelime; Türkçe ve Arapça makaleler için İngilizce Genişletilmiş Özet (Extended Abstract) ise 600-800 kelime sınırına uygun olmalıdır. Öz, genişletilmiş özette aynen yer almamalı; dil bilgisi açısından doğru ve anlaşılır olmalıdır.Türkçe özün altında çalışmanın içeriğini temsil eden 5-8 Türkçe anahtar kelime olmalıdır. İngilizce özün altında içeriği temsil eden 5-8 İngilizce anahtar kelime olmalıdır.Anahtar kelimeler, genelden özele doğru sıralanmalı ve kelimelerin ilk harfleri büyük yazılmalıdır. bk. https://www.isnadsistemi.org/guide/isnad2/akademik-yazim/5-anahtar-kelimelerin-secimi/Metin ana bölümleri (Öz, Genişletilmiş Özet, Kaynakça vs. hariç) 9000 kelimeyi geçmemelidir.Makale ana bölümlerinde Giriş ve Sonuç hariç başlıklar 1., 1.1., 1.1.1., şeklinde sıralı rakamlarla numaralandırılmalıdır.Genel yazımda Türk Dil Kurumunun imla kurallarına uyulmalı; Arapça ve İslami ilimlere dair özel isimlerin ve kavramların yazımında Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslâm Ansiklopedisi’nin kullanımları dikkate alınmalıdır. Kelimelerin yazımında metin boyunca imla birliğinin sağlanması esastır.Yabancı dildeki kelimelere gelen Türkçe ekler, özel isim değilse kesme işaretiyle ayrılmamalı ve ilgili dilin telaffuzuna uygun olmalıdır (Yabancı dildeki kelimeler italik yazılabileceği veya tırnak içinde gösterilebileceği gibi kelimenin Türkçe karşılığı kullanılarak kelimenin orijinali parantez içine de alınabilir).Örnek: natureın söylediği, “nature”ın söylediği, tabiatın (nature) söylediğiArapça, Farsça, Türkçe ve Osmanlı Türkçesindeki özel isim ve kavramların İngilizce yazımında <a href="https://www.isnadsistemi.org/guide/isnad2/akademik-yazim/25-ceviri-yazi-alfabesi-transkripsiyon/" target="_blank">İSNAD Atıf Sistemi Çeviri Yazı Alfabesi</a> esas alınır.Kaynakların doğruluğundan yazar(lar) sorumludur. Tüm kaynaklar metinde belirtilmelidir.

İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi, atıf ve kaynak gösterme için İSNAD 2. Edisyon (Dipnotlu) atıf sistemini benimser. İSNAD 2. Edisyon hakkında bilgi için: <a href="https://www.isnadsistemi.org" target="_blank">https://www.isnadsistemi.org</a>İSNAD atıf sisteminden farklı olarak makalenin hiçbir yerinde eser adları tam transkripsiyon alfabesiyle yazılmamalıdır. Yanlış: Eḥâdîs̱ muḫtâre min Mevżûʿâti’l-Cevreḳānî ve’bni’l-CevzîDoğru: Ehâdîs muhtâre min Mevzû‘âti’l-Cevrekânî ve’bni’l-CevzîBlok alıntılar dâhil tüm alıntılar tırnak içerisine alınmalı; tırnak içindeki alıntılar ayrıca italik olmamalıdır.Atıf yapılan kaynakların başlıkları ve alıntılardaki yazım aynen korunmalıdır.

Aşağıdaki listede eksik olmadığından emin olun:● Makale Ana MetniÖnemli: Ana metinde yazarın/yazarların kimlik bilgilerinin yer almamış olması gerekir.<ul><li>Türkçe ve İngilizce başlık</li><li>Özetler: 150-250 kelime Türkçe ve 150-250 kelime İngilizce </li><li>Türkçe ve Arapça makaleler için İngilizce Genişletilmiş Özet (Extended Abstract) (600-800 kelime)</li><li>Anahtar Kelimeler: 5-8 adet Türkçe ve 5-8 adet İngilizce</li><li>Makale ana metin bölümleri (9000 kelimeyi aşmamalıdır)</li><li>Kaynaklar</li><li>Tablolar-Resimler, Şekiller (başlık, tanım ve alt yazılarıyla)</li></ul>● <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/68873B40EDF8448CB632792AC623F1F9" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a>● Daha önce basılmış materyal (yazı-resim-tablo) kullanılmış ise İzin Belgesi● <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/480192FFC1954084A60C5E74062392E1" target="_blank">Kapak Sayfası</a><ul><li>Makalenin kategorisi</li><li>Makale dilinde ve İngilizce başlık</li><li>Yazarların adı soyadı, ünvanları, bağlı oldukları kurumlar (sırasıyla üniversite, fakülte, şehir, ülke bilgisi) ve e-posta adresleri</li><li>Sorumlu yazarın e-posta adresi, açık yazışma adresi, iş telefonu, GSM, faks numarası</li><li>Tüm yazarların ORCID’leri</li><li>Finansal destek (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Çıkar çatışması (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Teşekkür (varsa belirtiniz)   </li></ul>● <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/7D1907500B7A45D3BDBFB8FD115EC3AD" target="_blank">Yazar Katkısı Formu</a>Önemli: Birden fazla yazar olması durumunda her bir yazarın katkısı belirtilerek sorumlu yazar tarafından imzalanmalıdır.

<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/68873B40EDF8448CB632792AC623F1F9" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/480192FFC1954084A60C5E74062392E1" target="_blank" style="font-size: 10pt;">Kapak sayfası</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/7D1907500B7A45D3BDBFB8FD115EC3AD" target="_blank">Yazar Formu</a>

Sayı Türü	Regular
Editör(ler)	Osman Sacid Arı
Kapak (PDF)
Tam Metin (PDF)
Ön Sayfalar (PDF)

İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi

CİLT 12, SAYI 2, 2022

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