Gözde

Assist. Prof. Dr.

This study is based on the argument that neo-evolutionary sociology, by distancing itself from old deterministic polarizations in the 21st century and adopting a more careful synthesis of biological and sociological data, provides an indispensable methodology for re-examining the dualisms of human-nature and nature-culture. However, a comprehensive theoretical analysis of neo-evolutionary sociology extends beyond the scope of this study and constitutes a distinct research inquiry in its own right. In this context, the relevance of neo-evolutionary sociology is considered exclusively through its intersections with Lévi-Strauss’s inverted anthropological approach, which critiques the Western tendency to evaluate both Western and non-Western societies through the binary opposition of self and other. This approach serves an explanatory function in understanding how neo-evolutionary sociology, which reflects the contemporary reconceptualization of the long-standing relationship between sociology and biology, situates itself within academic discourse. In other words, this study is structured around the objective of substantiating this claim and elucidating the relevant connections in a concrete manner. Throughout the 19th century, Darwin’s theory of evolution, which fundamentally transformed the prevailing definition of humanity, began to exert its influence on sociology as well. It is no coincidence that the founding figures of modern social sciences, particularly in anthropology and sociology, were deeply influenced by evolutionary thought when constructing their theories. However, from the early 20th century onward, this initially welcomed approach gradually acquired negative connotations. Nevertheless, deterministic attempts to explain human nature and society through biological and evolutionary theories continued to be strongly emphasized. A reaction to this perspective was inevitable. Alternative models emerged, seeking to define human beings and the foundations of their social relations primarily through cultural and social determinants. Consequently, within the scientific paradigm of the 20th century, two polarized and equally deterministic camps emerged, each attempting to dismiss the other, thereby obstructing the possibility of a holistic evaluation that incorporates both biological and sociological data. Moreover, the neglect of certain data led to rigid and incomplete assessments, rendering them susceptible to ideological interpretations. From the second half of the 20th century onward, the idea that the relationship between the social sciences and biology could be reconsidered within a non-deterministic framework gained increasing acceptance. This development was further reinforced by the accumulation of new empirical findings in both biology and sociology, which increasingly contradicted the positivist and deterministic scientific paradigms of the 19th century and the first half of the 20th century. In other words, the realization that nature does not consist solely of predictable and identifiable regular laws contributed to the maturation of the idea that humans and societies do not operate according to rigid and unchanging principles. In this regard, employing the methodology of neo-evolutionary sociology to examine the dualisms of nature-culture and human-nature, along with integrating Lévi-Strauss’s anthropological and social perspectives, constitutes a functional effort to concretize these contexts. Lévi-Strauss’s sensitivity to paradigm shifts in the second half of the 20th century, his critique of orthodox models in anthropology, and his proposal of a new perspective provide a dynamic framework that can deepen both constructive and critical thought in contemporary discussions on neo-evolutionary sociology. Lévi-Strauss occupies a unique position within the anthropological tradition due to his unconventional perspective on the modern-primitive and nature-culture dualisms produced by Enlightenment and modern scientific thought. He positions himself at the intersection where Western identity, initially constructed through encounters with non-Western civilizations before the 19th century, was reconstructed in the second half of the 20th century using the same methods but in an inverted manner. His primary aim was to question whether the model of the Western individual and society—constructed as progressive, evolutionary, rational, advanced, knowledgeable, and capable of mastering nature—truly corresponded to the semantic patterns associated with these concepts. Thus, one of the fundamental premises of Lévi-Strauss’s thought is that the distinction between modern and primitive, as well as between nature and culture, is itself a product of the Western human and societal model developed from the 19th century onward. This foundational idea was not exclusive to Lévi-Strauss but became increasingly significant within the social sciences in the second half of the 20th century. Until humans learned to coexist with nature rather than struggle against it, they lived within nature. Humans produce culture through their interaction with nature. Over time, when this culture is positioned in opposition to nature and becomes strong enough to shape human existence, it transforms into a second nature. However, since this second nature is human-made, it inherently contains contradictions. Calling it a second nature does not render it truly natural, as the fundamental characteristic of the first and true nature is its indifference to human affairs. Nature’s indifference to humans is its defining quality, as it liberates human existence from the limitations of artificial structures. Culture, on the other hand, is directly tied to how humans construct reality. It changes dynamically as humans attribute new meanings to it and has no independent agency beyond human influence. Because culture is an artificial nature dependent on human agency, it is perpetually embedded in ideologies, conflicts, and competition. Consequently, the idea that human nature is inherently based on competition and conflict remains functional within naturalist and orthodox evolutionary thought. Lévi-Strauss, as an anthropologist who directly engages with the observer-observed distinction, offers a methodology applicable to all sociological concepts. In particular, his approach provides a useful perspective for the contemporary trend of re-evaluating sociology and biology together within the framework of neo-evolutionary sociology. Unlike past positivist approaches that adhered to evolutionary and universal laws, this contemporary trend represents a more complex and reflexive convergence of sociology and biology, raising the question of whether this intersection symbolizes a new epistemological shift. Thus, reconsidering Lévi-Strauss within this current context allows us to interpret him as a methodological guide in the synthesis of sociology and biology. Lévi-Strauss fundamentally opposed the evolutionary and social Darwinist perspectives that dominated the 19th century and the first half of the 20th century. In this respect, he aligns with the reversal efforts undertaken by neo-evolutionary sociology in the 21st century. While 19th century evolutionary thought was often infused with universal, ideological assumptions, neo-evolutionary sociology seeks to establish itself as a new and productive interdisciplinary branch. Given that this approach aims to escape the determinisms of both evolutionary and social constructionist perspectives, reconsidering Lévi-Strauss within this framework becomes particularly meaningful. The paradigm of evaluating human societies through the lens of development and progress within the framework of modernization has become so dominant that it continues to exert influence even in the 21st century. Similarly, past understandings of biological and sociological evolution legitimized hierarchies between modernized societies and so-called primitive communities by grounding them in the supposedly objective knowledge of modern natural sciences. Neo-evolutionary sociology emerged precisely as a critical response to such ideological and deterministic perspectives, aiming to offer a more holistic synthesis. In this regard, the fundamental concerns and objectives of both perspectives are similar: while Lévi-Strauss critiques the deterministic and ideological narrative of modernization and modernity based on the nature-culture dualism, neo-evolutionary sociology questions the hierarchical structures imposed on societies through a rigid and reductionist link between biology and sociology. Recognizing the significance of these discussions is crucial for the theoretical development of sociology. Rather than avoiding such syntheses due to past deterministic concerns, it is necessary to engage with these issues more closely.

Yeni Evrimsel Sosyoloji Perspektifinden Lévi-Strauss’a Bakmak:  Doğa-Kültür İkiliği

Enes

Lecturer

Louise Glück’s “A Myth of Innocence” and the Myth of Persephone:  A Structuralist Analysis through Lévi-Strauss

Claude

Şeyda

Mutfak Üçgeni

@JOURNAL_BOX_EARLYVIEW

Yazı Çağrısı “Dijital Ekonomide Öznellikler” Özel Sayısı

MAKALE ÇAĞRISI-ÖZEL SAYI

Sosyoloji Dergisi 2025 Haziran Sayısı Yazı Çağrısı

Mehmet

Evsizlikten Kurtulmaya Giden Yolları Açmak

“Evsizlerin Kaymakamı” Ali Kamil Başar: “Evsizler Evi’nde çok iyi bir dayanışma ve yardımlaşma ortamı vardı.”

Lynette

Paula

“If I get an ID card then maybe I might be able to find a job and move forward…” Barriers to exiting homelessness in Croatia

Hakan

Res. Assist. Dr.

BackgroundHomelessness represents a complex, multifaceted issue confronting modern societies, affecting a wide range of individuals due to inadequate housing, lack of social support, and various socio-economic factors. Beyond the obvious lack of stable housing, homelessness involves diverse challenges such as mental health issues, substance abuse, and social exclusion (Crane et al., 2006). Therefore, the strategies to address homelessness must be equally comprehensive, incorporating multidimensional approaches that aim to provide long-term solutions. These strategies must also address the socio-economic, psychological, and interpersonal dimensions of homelessness to achieve sustainable outcomes for affected individuals.One of the key strategies employed to combat homelessness is street work, which involves direct engagement with individuals living on the streets. Street work is crucial because it enables service providers to identify the immediate needs of homeless individuals, offer support, and create tailored interventions that address both their urgent and long-term requirements (Bodelan, 2016). This approach is particularly valuable because it allows service providers to meet homeless individuals where they are, literally and metaphorically, and develop relationships based on trust and understanding. However, recent research highlights that former homeless individuals may serve as a unique and underutilized resource in street work. Their lived experiences equip them with a profound understanding of street life, enabling them to empathize deeply with those currently experiencing homelessness and communicate more effectively (Watson &amp; Cuervo, 2017). Former homeless individuals can leverage their experiences to serve as guides, role models, and motivational figures for those still on the streets, facilitating their transition to stable housing. However, while the potential for former homeless individuals to contribute positively to homelessness interventions is significant, their involvement in such efforts also presents challenges and risks. This study aims to explore the specific roles that former homeless individuals can play in combating homelessness, the characteristics that make them suitable for these roles, and the risks associated with their participation in street work.MethodThis qualitative study seeks to answer the central research question: “How can former homelessness be utilized as a resource in combating homelessness?” The research focuses on understanding the characteristics of former homeless individuals, the specific roles they can play in street work, the potential risks they face, and the most effective ways to harness their contributions. Given the exploratory nature of this research, a qualitative methodology was deemed most appropriate, as it allows for an in-depth exploration of participants’ lived experiences and perspectives (Yıldırım &amp; Şimşek, 2018).The study involved conducting in-depth interviews with 11 participants who had professional or voluntary experience working in homelessness services. These participants were selected based on two criteria: their prior experience of homelessness and their current or past involvement in homelessness interventions, either as volunteers or professionals. The data were collected using a semi-structured interview format, allowing for flexibility in exploring participants’ experiences while ensuring that key topics were covered. The interviews were analyzed thematically, identifying key themes related to the roles, challenges, and contributions of former homeless individuals in street work.ResultsThe thematic analysis revealed several key findings regarding the roles of former homeless individuals in street work and the potential risks they face. First, the study found that former homeless individuals possess a deep and nuanced understanding of the dynamics of street life, which enables them to empathize with current homeless individuals in ways that service providers without such experiences may struggle to do. This insight allows them to anticipate the needs of those still living on the streets and engage in communication that is both effective and sensitive to the challenges these individuals face. Additionally, former homeless individuals were found to be well-equipped to serve as role models and guides for current homeless individuals. Their successful transitions from homelessness to stable housing provide them with credibility and relatability, enabling them to offer both practical guidance and motivational support. Their lived experiences allow them to demonstrate to others that overcoming homelessness is possible, instilling hope and motivation in those still struggling.However, the study also identified several risks associated with involving former homeless individuals in street work. The most significant risk is re-traumatization, as returning to the streets—an environment that once caused them great distress—may trigger past emotional and psychological pain. The experience of homelessness is inherently traumatic, involving exposure to violence, neglect, and instability (Goodman et al., 1991). Thus, even after securing housing, former homeless individuals may carry deep psychological scars. Engaging in street work, particularly when working directly with current homeless individuals, may exacerbate these scars, leading to emotional setbacks.Another potential risk is that former homeless individuals may struggle to manage their desire to help, leading them to overstep boundaries in their relationships with&nbsp;current homeless individuals. The strong empathy they feel for those still on the streets may cause them to blur the lines between professional support and personal involvement, which could compromise the effectiveness of their interventions and lead to emotional burnout (Breyer, 2020). Moreover, there is a risk that former homeless individuals may project their own experiences onto others, assuming that the path they followed out of homelessness is the only valid approach. This can result in a lack of flexibility and sensitivity to the diverse needs and experiences of current homeless individuals.Finally, there is the potential for abusing, where former homeless individuals might misuse their position to prioritize personal gain over the well-being of those they aim to help. In some cases, individuals may exploit their past experiences of homelessness to gain social or financial advantages, undermining the integrity of the support they provide. This risk is particularly pronounced in situations where former homeless individuals are not adequately supported or monitored, as the power dynamics between them and the homeless individuals they work with can be easily manipulated (Potter, 2006).To mitigate these risks, the study suggests that the involvement of former homeless individuals in street work should be carefully managed. It is recommended that their role in such work not be based solely on having secured housing but also on their psychosocial recovery. Moreover, former homeless individuals should receive training in psychological resilience, communication skills, and crisis management before engaging in outreach work. Continuous support should be provided to them throughout their involvement in street-level work to ensure they are emotionally and mentally equipped to handle the challenges. The study also suggests that former homeless individuals can contribute in roles beyond direct street outreach. They could serve as consultants to those working in the field, helping professionals better understand the dynamics of street life. Additionally, they could play an active role in raising public awareness about homelessness, leveraging their personal experiences to educate and inform the broader community.Conclusion﻿The experiences of former homeless individuals offer a valuable resource in the fight against homelessness. Their empathy, communication skills, and deep understanding of street life can make them highly effective in helping current homeless individuals. However, their involvement in street work must be managed carefully to prevent the risks associated with re-traumatization, boundary violations, and exploitation. By providing appropriate training, ongoing support, and carefully defined roles, former homeless individuals can make a unique and meaningful contribution to homelessness interventions, helping to build trust, motivate change, and offer hope to those still struggling on the streets.

Deneyimin Gücü: Evsizlikle Mücadelede Eski Evsizliği Bir Kaynak Olarak Değerlendirmek

Musa

Evsizlikten Kurtulmada Barınma Evlerinin Rolü ve Önemi

Cengizhan

Yusuf

Prof. Dr.

Homelessness is a global phenomenon affecting individuals from a biopsychosocial perspective (Genç et al., 2022). According to the UN Human Rights Commission Report and the UNECE (2018) panel results, there are approximately 100 million homeless individuals worldwide. This number accounts for more than 2% of the global population (UNECE, 2018, pp. 2-3). Jiménez-Lérida et al. (2023) reported that over 20% of the global population lacks proper or adequate housing. Additionally, 1.6 billion people live under inadequate conditions in slums or institutions under state protection (Metro Denver Homeless Initiative, 2015, pp. 3-13).&nbsp;Homeless individuals are a disadvantaged social group experiencing numerous problems simultaneously and multidimensionally (Aynacı, 2024, p. 51). The challenging processes they endure necessitate the implementation of various intervention programmes and combat strategies for homelessness. Services for the homeless are divided into preventive (early intervention) and protective (rehabilitative, restorative) services.Preventive services focus on identifying risk situations and supporting individuals at risk of homelessness before it occurs through various interventions, while protective services involve providing shelter, rehabilitation, and support to individuals after homelessness has occurred (Aynacı, 2024, pp. 80, 82). Preventive services may include reducing housing costs, applying tax reductions, providing discounts on health services, and offering assistance to family members (Shinn, 2004, p. 458). Protective services include providing soup kitchens, vocational training, counselling services, addiction education programmes/diagnosis and treatment, and personal care assistance (Evans, 2011, p. 26).Another dimension of protective service pertains to shelter-related services (Bekaroğlu-Doğan, 2020, p. 27). These services involve providing overnight care and meeting the needs of the homeless in various shelter institutions. Types of shelters include emergency shelters, temporary/permanent/supportive housing, paid accommodation, and gymnasiums (Harvey, 1999, p. 277). Shelters are often the first&nbsp;institutions that come to mind when discussing homelessness. They offer a place for the homeless to sleep, provide meals, showers, personal care, and protect them from street dangers while offering opportunities for social interaction with other homeless individuals (Aynacı, 2024, p. 83).Shelters are categorised into three types: “night shelters,” “day centres” / “drop-in centres,” and “full-day shelters/hostels” (Aynacı, 2024, p. 83). Each type of shelter has distinct characteristics and dynamics. Although these shelters provide various services to the homeless, the increasing number of homeless individuals has prompted discussions about shelter services.In recent years, shelter services for the homeless have been a prominent topic of discussion in the literature. The main focus of these discussions is whether priority should be given to housing models (Housing First model) or rehabilitation models (Staircase model) and what should be included in these models (McNaughton, 2008, p. 88; Roman &amp; Berg, 2004, p. 343). While these questions improve institutional models for the homeless, they do not offer specific solutions or inquiries about shelters. The content and development of services in shelters, which are the first institutions associated with institutional models for the homeless, are considered crucial for the psychosocial well-being of the homeless.The aim of this research is to explore the experiences of the homeless with shelters and to provide social work recommendations for shelters and the homeless based on the findings. The study employs a qualitative research method and an interpretive phenomenological design. The population of the study consists of homeless individuals in Kocaeli, Turkey, while the sample group comprises 30 homeless individuals selected through purposive sampling. Semi-structured interviews were conducted using a semistructured interview form and technique. The sample includes individuals with various types of homelessness: those still living on the street, those living in shelters, those who returned to shelters after overcoming homelessness, and those who went directly to shelters upon becoming homeless. In the study, all individuals are categorised as homeless regardless of their previous living conditions. Each of these individuals, regardless of living on the street, had different experiences with shelters.The main research question of the study is: “What are the experiences of the homeless with shelters?” Additionally, the study seeks to answer the following questions:<ul><li>Through which intermediaries have the homeless been placed in shelters?</li><li>What difficulties do the homeless encounter in shelters?</li><li>What are the expectations of the homeless from shelters?</li></ul>The research was conducted in accordance with the “08” number permission obtained from the Social and Human Sciences Ethics Committee of Sakarya University, Turkey, dated June 7, 2023. The data collection tool was a semi-structured interview form created by the researcher, and the analysis techniques were descriptive and content analysis. Audio recordings from the interviews were transcribed, and parts of the data such as words, sentences, or paragraphs were coded. Subsequently, concepts were categorised, and related concepts were grouped into categories. Similarly, related categories were analysed under a broader theme. The study identified three main themes: “intermediaries,” “difficulties,” and “expectations.” The findings are summarised as follows:&nbsp;<ul><li>Homeless individual access shelter facilities through various means, including referrals from other homeless individuals, social network actors, shelter employees, security personnel, and personal applications. The role of other homeless individuals in disseminating information about shelters indicates social networks and social capital patterns within the homeless community. These practises can also be interpreted as the outcomes of a homelessness subculture. The involvement of social network actors in guiding homeless individuals to shelters reflects societal sensitivity towards homelessness. Furthermore, the role of shelter employees and/or security personnel, such as police and municipal officers, in facilitating access to shelters highlights the implementation of demand-driven social services. Personal applications by homeless individuals indicate an awareness of their rights and citizenship.</li><li>The challenges faced by homeless individuals in shelters include issues related to rules, staff attitudes and behaviours, adaptation difficulties, material provisions, lack of standards, technical problems, and accessibility. Rules within institutions are often restrictive for street homeless individuals, limiting their perceived freedom and deterring them from using shelters. Negative attitudes and behaviours exhibited by shelter staff contribute to feelings of worthlessness among homeless individuals, reinforcing the marginalisation they experience in society and within their personal lives.</li><li>Among the homeless population, there are individuals who struggle to adapt to others in the shelter. Those who previously enjoyed above-average living standards were often hesitant to live in shelters and tend to stigmatise other homeless individuals, perceiving them as inferior. This stigmatisation leads to communication breakdowns and an inability to adapt to the shelter environment. Additionally, some homeless individuals, due to concerns over safety and selfcontrol, perceive shelters as insecure and avoid them altogether.&nbsp;</li><li>The quantity and quality of materials provided to the homeless often result in cleanliness and hygiene issues over time. Inadequate hygiene conditions lead&nbsp;to a loss of self-confidence, acceptance of uncleanliness, and social adaptation problems, ultimately paving the way for social exclusion.</li><li>The lack of standardised practises among shelters affects the level of satisfaction with the services provided and the motivation of homeless individuals to overcome homelessness. The reasons for these inconsistencies include variations in resources across countries, cities, and regions; the absence of standard social policies targeting homelessness; and insufficient theoretical and practical knowledge among public personnel regarding homelessness.</li><li>Homeless individuals’ expectations from shelters include psychosocial support, healthcare services, hygiene and cleanliness, social activities, and sustained institutional support.</li><li>The harsh conditions of homelessness adversely affect the biopsychosocial health of homeless individuals. Consequently, they require a psychosocial support unit where they can express themselves, communicate openly, and receive professional assistance, as well as a healthcare unit to address urgent health needs, provide treatments, and dispense medication. Homeless individuals believe that these units would enhance their biopsychosocial well-being.</li><li>Psychosocial support units play a critical role in empowering individuals, providing proper guidance, fostering personal and societal trust, encouraging community participation, and facilitating self-actualisation. Among homeless individuals, physical health is closely linked to mental health. Feelings of physical inadequacy negatively impact self-esteem and prevent homeless individuals from realising their potential.</li><li>Among the most significant challenges faced during homelessness are issues related to cleanliness and hygiene. These include the general cleanliness of shelters, the cleanliness of homeless individuals’ bodies and clothing, and the maintenance of rooms and beds, all of which shape their expectations regarding hygiene in shelters.</li><li>The social activity expectations of homeless individuals aim to address their psychosocial and mental needs. They desire shelters to organise periodic social activities tailored for them, as such activities are perceived as mitigating the negative emotions and thoughts experienced during homelessness.</li><li>Homeless individuals who are elderly, suffer from chronic illnesses, have limited or no income, possess weak or non-existent family ties, lack caregivers, are unable to work, or have low future aspirations exhibit very low or no motivation to escape homelessness. These individuals often expect a sustained shelter life, as their basic needs are met, and their future expectations remain minimal.</li></ul>Based on the findings of the study, the following recommendations are proposed regarding the content, scope, and operation of shelters:&nbsp;<ul><li>Homeless individuals should be approached not merely as applicants but with a value-oriented and humane perspective, ensuring that their basic human needs are not overlooked. Shelters should be transformed into empowering mechanisms that have a positive impact on the lives of homeless individuals.</li><li>Shelters should be established not on the outskirts or peripheral areas of cities but in locations where homeless individuals can meet their psychosocial needs. When designing shelters, the profiles of homeless individuals should be considered, prioritising horizontal architecture over high-rise buildings. Although the high value of central urban areas in metropolitan cities may pose challenges for local governments, shelter locations should facilitate the active participation of homeless individuals in society.</li><li>The internal and external structures of shelters (e.g., walls, rooms, cabinets) should be monitored regularly, and necessary repairs and renovations should be carried out in case of deterioration. In addition, routine cleaning and pest control in shelters are crucial for institutional identity and hygiene.</li><li>In cases where homeless individuals lack a registered address, the shelters should ensure that the necessary processes are initiated to help them access their rights. Moreover, informational materials should be provided to enhance their awareness of rights and citizenship.</li><li>Dedicated units should be established within shelters to address the psychosocial and spiritual needs of homeless individuals as well as their healthcare requirements. Professional personnel should staff these units.</li><li>Shelters should employ a multidisciplinary team of professionals, including social workers, psychologists, counsellors, sociologists, spiritual advisors, and healthcare personnel. Each staff member should perform intervention plans and programmes tailored to homeless individuals in line with their professional roles and multidisciplinary.</li><li>To support the social integration of homeless individuals, volunteer activities and workers should be incorporated into shelter services, with voluntary participation encouraged. The role of prosocial communication in shelter services should be emphasised. The presence of volunteers in shelters can have a dual benefit, positively affecting not only homeless individuals but also enhancing the services and the well-being of shelter staff.</li><li>Professionals working in shelters should know social work theories and practises, be culturally competent, and be informed about anti-stigmatising social work practises. Additionally, they should enhance their verbal and nonverbal communication skills and avoid negative attitudes, behaviours, and communication patterns towards homeless individuals.</li><li>Shelters should establish workshops in suitable areas where homeless individuals can participate in social activities and develop life skills. The progress of homeless individuals who acquire skills in these workshops should be monitored, and shelters should act as intermediaries to prepare them for reintegration into life. Periodic social activities and events organised outside the shelter by shelter management are also deemed important for empowering homeless individuals. Such initiatives can positively contribute to behaviour, emotional, and cognitive changes and to the processes of community integration and social inclusion.</li><li>To facilitate the employment of homeless individuals, shelters should collaborate with NGOs, public employment agencies (e.g., İŞKUR), and similar institutions to support the inclusion of employable homeless individuals in the workforce. Those seeking education should be directed to vocational training programmes. Expanding the successful collaboration practises observed in various cities across the country to a national level would yield more favourable outcomes in both the employment process and its subsequent monitoring.</li><li>Homeless individuals who do not meet the entry requirements for shelters should not be immediately excluded from the shelter system. Instead, after assessing their needs, they should be referred to appropriate institutions capable of providing the necessary care.</li></ul>

Evsizlerin Barınma Evi Deneyimleri: “İnsan Önemsendiğini Görmek İstiyor”

Mustafa

This study explores homelessness, a widespread social issue in many global contexts, through the lens of charity, a core tenet of Turkish-Islamic culture. Specifically, it examines the role of mosques in addressing homelessness, given their significant presence in social life. Traditionally, state institutions and NGOs have led efforts to prevent and address social problems. However, mosques have historically played a central role in the everyday lives of Muslims, not only as places of worship but also as community centres addressing social challenges. In modern times, mosques are often viewed mainly as spaces for religious rituals, and their broader social functions have received less attention.&nbsp;Homelessness, often defined simply as a lack of shelter, is a far more complex issue. It is typically framed as a problem of poverty and housing shortage, but this view overlooks its deeper social, psychological, and economic dimensions. Homelessness reflects broader societal inequalities, including social exclusion, which deprives individuals of not only a home but also the social and psychological security that comes with it. As the number of homeless individuals grows globally and sociological perspectives on homelessness continue to evolve, there is a need for a more nuanced understanding of its multi-faceted nature.Social exclusion, a key sociological concept, helps frame homelessness in a broader context. It refers to processes that marginalise individuals or groups from social, economic, political, and cultural participation. This marginalisation manifests through economic deprivation, discrimination, and limited access to resources and opportunities. In the case of homelessness, social exclusion is both a cause and a consequence. People who are often marginalized experience homelessness due to their exclusion from housing, employment, and social services. Once on the streets, this exclusion deepens, further isolating homeless individuals from society and entrenching them in poverty. Homelessness is not only the absence of a home but also the absence of social support and a sense of belonging, which is vital to well-being.The relationship between social exclusion and homelessness creates a vicious cycle. Homelessness further isolates individuals, cutting them off from essential services, jobs, and social networks. This marginalisation increases their vulnerability, leading to deeper poverty and social isolation. From a sociological perspective, addressing homelessness requires more than just providing shelter; it involves reintegrating individuals into society, restoring their dignity, and reconnecting them with supportive networks and institutions. Mosques, with their strong tradition of charity (hayırseverlik) in Turkish-Islamic culture, play a critical role in this reintegration process.Charity has been central to the Turkish-Islamic culture, deeply embedded in religious teachings and social practises. The Quran and Hadith emphasise the moral obligation&nbsp;to assist those in need, reflecting a wider ethic of communal responsibility. Acts of charity are not seen as mere individual generosity but as religious duties that maintain social cohesion. Historically, mosques have been at the centre of these charitable activities. Beyond their religious functions, mosques also provide social services, education, and community welfare. The institution of waqf (endowment) historically funded many charitable initiatives, including housing and services for the homeless.Despite this history, the modern role of mosques in addressing homelessness has been a subject of debate. Some critics argue that mosques today are too focused on religious rituals and less engaged in broader social functions. However, there are notable examples of mosques that continue to address homelessness. This study focuses on four mosques in Istanbul —Kadıköy, Beyoğlu, Fatih, and Eyüpsultan (Ayvansaray)— that have taken concrete steps to support homeless individuals. Through interviews with the imams of these mosques, this research examines their motivations, perspectives on homelessness, and the solutions they propose.The study’s findings reveal that these mosques hold significant potential in addressing homelessness, particularly through their close ties to the community. The imams interviewed cited religious teachings, especially the concept of seeking “Allah’s approval,” as their primary motivation for helping the homeless. This religious motivation influences both their charitable activities and their understanding of the root causes of homelessness. The imams emphasised that homelessness is not only an economic issue but also a moral and social one that requires a comprehensive solution that addresses both material needs and social reintegration.The study also highlights the protective role that mosques play in safeguarding homeless individuals from the dangers of street life. Homelessness exposes individuals to various physical, emotional, and psychological risks, including violence, exploitation, and mental health challenges. The imams described how mosques serve as safe spaces for the homeless, offering not just shelter but also a sense of community and belonging. In this way, mosques function as spaces of social inclusion, countering the forces of exclusion that often accompany homelessness. This reintegrative role is crucial, as it helps meet the immediate needs of the homeless while supporting their long-term reintegration into society.In addition, the study underscores the role of the Directorate of Religious Affairs (Diyanet) in supporting mosque-based initiatives to address homelessness. The Diyanet, as the official religious authority in Turkey, plays a crucial role in coordinating and backing charitable activities in mosques. The imams interviewed noted that the Diyanet provides institutional support and guidance, helping ensure that mosque-based homelessness initiatives are organised and sustainable. This institutional support is essential for the long-term success of such efforts, allowing mosques to expand their impact and reach.In conclusion, this study highlights the sociological importance of mosques in addressing homelessness. While state institutions and NGOs are vital in combating homelessness, mosques offer a unique form of social capital that can complement these efforts. The trust that imams hold within their communities, along with the religious imperative to serve those in need, positions mosques as key actors in addressing homelessness. By using this social capital and leveraging the networks within mosque communities, these initiatives can contribute to more sustainable and effective solutions to homelessness.&nbsp;Recognising the social trust that imams hold in contemporary Turkey can also help address other social problems. Mosques, as community-centred institutions with a strong tradition of charity, can be revitalised to tackle pressing issues such as homelessness. By harnessing this potential, the Turkish society can foster a more inclusive and supportive approach to homelessness, rooted in the principles of charity, social inclusion, and communal responsibility.

Evsizlikle Mücadeleye Hayırseverlikten Bakış: İstanbul’daki Camilerin Rolü

Şevket

Evsizler, İmamlar ve Caminin Dönüşümü: İstanbul Hz. Kaab Camii Örneği

Newman

Gender(ed) Pathways and Exits Out of ‘Street’ Homelessness in Tshwane, South Africa?: A Transformative Social Policy Perspective

Hüseyin

Afet Sonrası Evsizliği: 6 Şubat 2023 Depremi ve Malatya Örneği

Ozan

Assoc. Prof. Dr.

Housing Instability and Roma Children’s Educational Engagement: Perspectives from Teachers and Volunteers

Şener

Öğretim Görevlisi Dr.

Adem

Purpose of the Study: The ground of this research is to explain the experience of immigration in a divided public space through the relationships between daily life performances and space. The main purpose of the study is to understand the daily life experiences and performances of Turkish immigrants living in bachelor rooms in Amsterdam.&nbsp;Theoretical Background of the Study: Individuals living in bachelor rooms, which constitute the subject of the study, are evaluated in the context of “hidden homelessness” within the temporal classification. There are different definitions for the concept of hidden homelessness. Hidden homelessness includes individuals who do not have their own home and who live with acquaintances or who live in places that are not suitable for living (Erickson, 2004, p. 204). Hidden homeless people are a group of people who continue their lives in crowded places with their relatives, in bachelor rooms or by working daily jobs with others, who have an active social life, and who are hidden because they cannot access state support because they live in unsuitable places (Özdemir, 2010, p. 79; Woolrych, Gibson, Sixsmith, &amp; Sixsmith, 2015, pp. 238-239).Turkish immigrants living in bachelor rooms are considered to represent “others” in a divided public space and to be a part of the hidden homeless population. Considering that many of the community members work as illegal workers, it is possible to say that we are faced with a homeless mass that is difficult to determine numerically. While Turkish immigrants come to Amsterdam with the hope of finding a job that will provide financial security, they also draw a typology that is “nowhere” outside the space. It was observed that the participants tried to protect their own spaces even though they live in bachelor rooms and are demographically “non-existent”. The fact that they defined the rooms they live in as “tourist houses” instead of the adjective “bachelor” during the study reveals how complex this protective instinct is. Although “tourist houses” are generally used to describe the places where people stay when they go on holiday for touristic purposes, the concept is defined in this study as a concept that defines hidden homelessness. Thus, immigrant spaces defined as “bachelor rooms” in Turkey have evolved to represent the places where people who go to Amsterdam and carry their sociology on their backs stay to meet their shelter needs. The fact that people staying here are described as “tourists” has become a situation that has normalized the name of the place. Although it may seem like a different and softer discourse, people living here struggle with the difficulties brought by their immigrant identity and show various performances to exist in daily life.The Model and Problematics of the Study: This study aims to find an answer to the basic research question, “How do people living in bachelor rooms in Amsterdam, the Netherlands, participate in daily life?” The difference of this study from other studies is that it tries to determine whether bachelor&nbsp;rooms can be modelled as an example of hidden homelessness through Turks living abroad. Although bachelor rooms find a place in the literature as an example of hidden homelessness, the fact that it is not a subject that has been studied constitutes the problem of the study. In addition, it is important both to determine the general framework of hidden homelessness and to understand where bachelor rooms stand in this determination.&nbsp;Methodology of the Study: Within the scope of the research purpose, to create a chain of evidence, firstly theoretical information was obtained by examining the documents in the literature and then interviews were conducted based on the open-ended semi-structured interview technique with the participant observation method. For this purpose, within the scope of the study considered as an example of “hidden homelessness”, interviews lasting an average of 45-60 minutes were conducted with 8 participants using the convenience sampling technique to continue in-depth interviews living in the Sloterdijk Neighborhood, which is approximately 5 km away from the Amsterdam Center. As a result of the field study, the data obtained from the 55-page document was finalized using the thematic content analysis technique.&nbsp;Results and Discussion: All participants in the study are male. The hidden homelessness phenomenon, which is one of the assumptions of this study, has also emerged in a male-dominated context. Accordingly, the subject of bachelor rooms in Amsterdam is male and when we talk about performances, it is possible to say that daily life is constructed by male immigrants. Establishing limited relationships in daily life due to not knowing the language and staying away from social opportunities are practices that ground bad feelings. The least relations of the participants are with official institutions and citizens of other countries living in the Netherlands and coming from outside Turkey. The lack of relations with official institutions is because most immigrants are illegal, i.e. tourists. It is also seen that those who live here with permission and residence permits have very limited relations with official institutions. The fact that participants do not have any social relations with citizens of other countries is generally related to the social networks established by the immigration experience. Accordingly, citizens of each country prefer to spend more time in their own circle of trust, that is, with their own citizens. It was observed that the participants’ involvement in a common public sphere with residents in Amsterdam was limited. For participants, home, neighbourhood and workplace are the most trusted areas. In this context, it was determined that being both an immigrant and a foreigner affected the participants’ performance in their daily lives. Although the neighbourhood where the participants live is densely populated by Turks, it has been observed that they do not leave this area due to the feeling of insecurity, and it has been determined that this has turned into a group dynamic among the community members. In addition, the fact that the Turks here do not tend to continue a neighbourhood culture like in their homeland and that the people they have contact with are limited are other conclusions of the study. In addition to a busy work schedule, spending time outside&nbsp;is a situation of concern for them, as being caught by the police for any reason will result in their deportation. The difference from other immigrant Turks in Europe is that the “homes” here, as living spaces, contain temporary relationships and interactions. Therefore, it is not possible to talk about a certain continuity for the participants in their daily life performances. In addition, the state of restriction in many respects creates psychological pressure on the individual. For most of the community members, being in the Netherlands feels good spiritually, but it has been observed that they still experience a deep longing for their homeland. In conclusion, the bachelor rooms, or rather the tourist house in the context of the results of the study, have shown that they are a model of hidden homelessness.

Bir Gizli Evsizlik Mekânı Olarak Bekâr Odası: Amsterdam’daki Türk Göçmenlerin Gündelik Hayat Performansları

Burak

BackgroundHomelessness, as a complex and multidimensional social problem, arises through the interaction of economic, social and psychological factors. Homeless individuals experience serious difficulties in meeting their basic needs due to the lack of a permanent home and are dragged into social marginalisation. The services provided for the homeless in Turkey generally remain at the level of social assistance and cannot provide long-term and permanent solutions. Temporary housing and food assistance are provided by local governments during the winter months, but these services are far from providing comprehensive solutions to the root causes of homelessness. On the other hand, non-governmental organisations (NGOs) are trying to fill this gap and make important contributions to meeting basic needs such as housing, food, and clothing. However, these services are demonstrably unsustainable and inadequate, failing to ensure the social integration of homeless individuals. In the current situation, it is important to assess the extent to which both public services and the services provided by NGOs respond to the needs of homeless individuals and the accessibility of these services from the perspective of direct beneficiaries. This research aims to analyse the interactions of homeless individuals with service providers to reveal the effectiveness and shortcomings of services, thus contributing to the development of social policies and practises related to homelessness.MethodIn this research, a qualitative research approach was adopted to understand the interactions of homeless individuals with institutions and service providers. Using the phenomenological method, the subjective experiences and perceptions of the participants were examined in depth. During the data collection process, face-to-face interviews were conducted with 13 homeless individuals living in Istanbul using the snowball sampling technique. We conducted the interviews by recording with a digital voice recorder in environments where the participants felt comfortable. We collected the obtained data using a semi-structured interview form and a socio-demographic information form. We analyzed the interviews by encoding, categorizing, and thematizing the verbatim transcribed recordings. Using the descriptive content analysis method, the data obtained were interpreted within the framework of 4 determined themes.ResultsThe relationships of homeless individuals with local governments, non-governmental organisations and public institutions were examined under four main themes: types of&nbsp;corporate services, adequacy of corporate services, attitudes and behaviours of service providers, and expectations from corporate services.1. Types of Corporate ServicesVarious structural and legal obstacles shape the relationships of homeless individuals with public institutions. Most of the participants stated that the services offered by public and voluntary institutions are limited and are usually limited to temporary assistance only. The benefits they receive through the governor’s office and district municipalities are often insufficient due to residence problems and are criticised by the participants. The relationships of homeless individuals with non-governmental organisations also occupy an important place. NGOs usually attract attention by having the capacity to provide more flexible and faster services, but the services offered are similar, and not enough diverse services are provided. The participants emphasise the inadequacy of the assistance provided by NGOs and expressed their expectations for the solution to this situation.2. Adequacy of Corporate ServicesMost of the homeless individuals who participated in the study stated that public assistance was insufficient. The lack of residence complicates the process of obtaining assistance and creates serious obstacles to meeting the basic needs of individuals. While the opinion that the assistance received from non-governmental organisations is more functional stands out, the participants also stated that these assistance are not fair.3. Attitudes and Behaviours of Service ProvidersThe relationships of homeless individuals with security guards can be fraught with negative experiences. Some participants stated that they encountered inconsistent and negative attitudes of security guards, while others had positive experiences. On the other hand, the relations with civil society employees were evaluated as more constructive and reassuring.4. Expectations from the Corporate ServicesThe expectations of homeless individuals cover various areas such as safe housing, access to health services, employment and educational support. The participants demanded that the state provide more permanent solutions for homeless individuals and emphasise that public organisations should play a more effective role in this regard. Also, the beliefs of NGOs that they should come together and develop larger projects also come to the fore decently.As a result, the inadequacies of the current social service system and the expectations of participants shape the relationships of homeless individuals with institutional services. This situation reveals the need for more inclusive and sustainable solutions to the problem of homelessness.Conclusion﻿The problem of homelessness is increasing for various reasons such as social problems, psychological problems and poverty, and it deeply affects the lives of homeless individuals. Although local and central governments in Turkey provide limited services to meet the basic needs of the homeless, the lack of legal legislation and service models that do not offer continuity make these efforts insufficient. In the research, the relationships that homeless individuals have established with public institutions and non-governmental organisations and their expectations from these services have been discussed. While the participants emphasised the inadequacy of public services, they stated that non-governmental organisations provide faster and more effective services. However, the assistance provided by NGOs does not offer permanent solutions either. As a result, the problem of homelessness has a multidimensional structure, and to solve this problem, it is necessary to develop sustainable service models in cooperation with the public and civil society. The experiences and expectations of homeless individuals should be considered in the creation of effective policies.

Evsizlik ve Kurumsal Ekosistem: Sosyoekonomik Destek Hizmetlerinin Erişilebilirliği ve Yeterliliği

Halenur

Homeless individuals strive to survive under inhumane conditions while being marginalized and excluded by society. In the literature, theories explaining the causes of homelessness on an “individual” basis often emphasise holding individuals responsible for their situations and deeming them guilty. As a result, homeless individuals are frequently subjected to stereotypical labels such as alcoholic, aggressive, or vagrant. On the other hand, it associates homelessness with the notion that individuals are needy, deprived, or inadequate, independent of their faults or responsibilities. Some homeless individuals who experience social exclusion may attribute their situation to themselves, holding themselves responsible for their circumstances. Conversely, some homeless people may believe that they deserve their current situation because of alcohol or substance abuse (Erbay, 2019, s. 43). The feeling of being excluded from society gradually produces a disconnected, insecure, and lost identity. Bauman describes the foreigner as an eternal vagrant, always homeless and with no hope of ever belonging. Due to the risk factors associated with the foreigner, they are perceived as a threat and are often regarded as something to be avoided. (Kanbir, F., 2012; s. 12). Homelessness, despite being visible on almost every street corner, is a prevalent issue that many in society are unaware of. To provide sustainable and constructive solutions to this issue, it is crucial to first identify the underlying factors contributing to the problem and raise awareness about it. This study contributes to the literature by providing findings on the life experiences of homeless individuals and the psychosocial effects of homelessness. It also offers suggestions for potential solutions to the issues identified in this field.MethodThe findings of the study were obtained by conducting in-depth interviews within the framework of phenomenological design, one of the qualitative research methods, following a literature review. Phenomenology is a qualitative research method used to explain how people experience a phenomenon by expressing their understanding, feelings, perspectives, and perceptions of a particular concept (Rose, Beeby, &amp; Parker, 1995, p. 1124). In this direction, the phenomenon of the research was chosen as homelessness, so that the research aims to understand the reasons behind the homelessness problem, to establish cause-effect relationships between the causes that trigger this problem and to reflect the effects of the problem in a holistic way. The researcher was actively involved in a civil society organization that exclusively worked on homelessness between 2019 and 2024. During this period, she took responsibilities such as monitoring and coordinating the activities carried out for the homeless individuals, determining the needs of the homeless individuals in line with their demands, and ensuring that the homeless individuals can reach the necessary service&nbsp;points and access the services they need. The experiences gained in this process have been anonymized and used within the scope of the article and are included in the findings when necessary. The researcher’s direct interaction with the people within the scope of the research and transferring field observations can contribute to understanding the context of the research and analysing the data (Yıldırım &amp; Şimşek, 2013, p. 43).ResultsThere is a clear relationship between the duration of homelessness and the likelihood of reintegration into society. A person who has recently become homeless has a higher potential to escape homelessness. However, individuals with long-term experiences of homelessness often attempt to return to stable housing, but these efforts are often unsuccessful due to a lack of adequate support from their surroundings. The results reveal that most individuals who have experienced homelessness for more than four years tend to display a sense of hopelessness, focusing solely on getting through each day rather than planning for the future. After the research, it was recommended that more efforts should be made to understand the life dynamics of homeless individuals. Additionally, it was suggested that greater work should be done to raise public awareness about homelessness by sharing the life experiences of homeless individuals through various media channels. İn terms of employment, individuals face obstacles such as lack of access to clean clothes, showers and a safe place to sleep, all of which are essential for maintaining consistent employment. Many homeless individuals have distanced themselves from their homes because of family conflicts brought on by gambling, alcohol addiction, or unemployment. It has been observed that some choose the streets after fleeing their homes, which should provide a sense of security, due to abuse experienced during childhood. Although not apparent in the early stages, as substance use becomes chronic, it begins to damage their societal roles and social relationships. Accompanied by feelings of helplessness, they isolate themselves from society, and as street life progresses, they may become involved in crime or be subjected to exploitation. The high prevalence of psychiatric and substance use disorders among homeless individuals may be both a cause and consequence of homelessness (Acar, B., Bozkafa, H., Vural, B., Önal, S. 2022). Therefore, considering factors like criminal records, health issues, disabilities and inconsistent work histories, there is a need to develop vocational programmes tailored to address these employment barriers for homeless individuals. Homeless individuals face serious health problems due to factors such as living in unhygienic environments, irregular sleep, poor nutrition, and substance and alcohol abuse. This not only harms the individual’s own health but also carries a risk of transmission, potentially leading to the spread of diseases and becoming more public health risks and issues. Alongside the problem of homelessness, these individuals experience more health problems compared to those with stable housing and encounter&nbsp;numerous barriers in accessing healthcare services. Against homelessness and the risk of homelessness, sustainable and rehabilitation-focused permanent solutions tailored to local conditions should be developed. In this process, not only individual interventions are needed to alleviate the effects of homelessness but also comprehensive strategies aimed at transforming societal structures. These strategies should be designed to provide broader and more effective solutions to the problems of homelessness, encompassing all segments of society. The interviews revealed that although homeless individuals may feel marginalised and alienated, they find strength through interactions with organisations such as NGOs and individuals from their surroundings who show them care and inquire about their well-being. At this point, the role of civil society in the integration of homeless individuals into the community could be enhanced.

Evsizliğin Psikososyal Etkileri Üzerine Nitel Bir Araştırma: İstanbul, Beyoğlu Örneği

Esra

Homelessness, a severe social problem, is often misrepresented and stigmatised. Those without homes—which could mean living with relatives temporarily, in crowded spaces, or even on the streets—need more robust support, particularly in places like Turkey, where there are thousands of homeless individuals. Despite the temporary aid such as temporary shelter and clothing support during the winter months provided by the government and NGOs, comprehensive programmes to prevent and alleviate homelessness are minimal. Understanding the societal view of homelessness is intertwined with the cultural importance of a “home.” In Turkish culture, a home is much more than just a place of shelter—it is the heart of the family identity and social bonds, rendering social, emotional, and symbolic significance. It is a space for traditional practises that foster family connections. The definitions and understanding of homelessness impact the approach towards solutions. It is crucial to acknowledge that the prejudices faced by homeless individuals compound their hardships.Analysing discussions on homelessness requires grasping the cultural significance of what we consider home. For a comprehensive understanding of the breadth of societal policies and the narratives surrounding homelessness, we must appreciate the diverse nuances associated with the notion of home. The Turkish culture illustrates how intricately the ideas of home and family are woven together. Home is seen as the bedrock of the familial ethos, epitomising the essence of social connections. It integrates a range of social transactions and tangible practises like sharing meals as a family, visiting relatives, partaking in holiday celebrations, preserving traditional home setups, enjoying Sunday breakfasts together, and sharing evening television viewing experiences, each of which strengthens the family bonds. The home is more than just a secure sanctuary; it is imbued with profound societal, emotional, and symbolic connotations. The emotional capital and social significance of space play a critical role in individuals’ lives. Various categories of homelessness and associated research methodologies directly shape the way we approach this issue and design strategies to address it. The definitions of homelessness subsequently set the scale of the problem and the attendant policies. Further complicating this issue is the prejudice faced by people without homes, which greatly influences their lived experience of homelessness.Discourse theory serves as a methodological tool for exploring overarching perceptions and representations. It sees language as inextricably linked to societal dynamics, power structures, and ideologies. Such ideologies, beliefs and notions justify, produce and reproduce themselves via language. The current study seeks to decipher discourses concerning homelessness in Turkey to identify key narratives on the issue. This will illuminate why assistance for the homeless remains minimal and why there appears to be no forthcoming strategy for a comprehensive social policy to alleviate the issue.&nbsp;The findings illustrate that homelessness is frequently seen as a personal challenge. This reflects findings from studies around the globe, yet in Turkey, homelessness is overly personalised through stigmatisation or by pathologizing those without a home. The strong connections between homelessness and the absence of a home are worth mentioning. In Turkish society, the deep ties between the ideas of home and family influence how those without homes are understood and seen. The homeless in Turkey have very limited and insufficient access to social support and services. Across the nation, the aid provided to the homeless, such as shelter during winter, minimal financial help, clothing, and food, encompasses all the available assistance. Homelessness is primarily seen as the person’s own issue and this belief is largely held; therefore, no wide-ranging policy has been established to tackle what is seen as an individual problem.&nbsp;This study effectively illustrates the complex connection between our social identity and the social groups to which we belong, with a special focus on the issue of homelessness. The investigation’s consequences highlight how the state of homelessness becomes an identity in itself, shaped through individualised, normalised, criminalised, objectified, and emotional discourses. These five discourse recurrently portray homeless individuals.The research unveils the discouraging truth that homelessness is not sufficiently acknowledged as a societal issue in Turkey. Instead, it is turned into a personal matter, tied to individual specific situations and private troubles. Such depictions imply that homelessness is detached from structural elements such as economic conditions, job shortages, migration, and the informal job market. These significant causative factors of homelessness are, unfortunately, frequently disregarded.The critical discourse methodology applied in this study concludes that our social identities are crafted through the dichotomy of “us” and “the other.” Homeless individuals are typically categorised as ‘the others’—those dissimilar from us. The condition of homelessness is often attributed to the unique circumstances of ‘the other’, with society and institutional bodies failing to make sufficient efforts to address this issue, which is frequently framed as an individual problem. The dominant narrative surrounding this topic is persistently perpetuated through media outlets and public institutions, thereby achieving a level of normalcy. What is key to remember is that these dialogues are generated by non-homeless individuals, which results in the perpetuation of portraying the homeless as “the other.”In the field of poverty studies, public perceptions are often made between those deemed deserving of assistance and those who are not, a principle that applies equally to the homeless population in Turkey. Determining whether a homeless individual is deserving of aid largely hinges on specific circumstances. During severe weather&nbsp;conditions, all homeless individuals are considered deserving of social support. However, certain groups, such as homeless families, frequently receive prioritised attention to help them escape their current living conditions. Emergency aid measures and support systems are readily available for these families and are often highlighted in emotionally charged discourses. By approaching relevant organisations, necessary assistance can be secured for these families, with appeals for public support through media platforms being a common method. Yet, a deeper examination of prevalent discussions reveals a lack of consideration for structural issues such as poverty, population migration, ineffective social policies, economic downturns, insufficient social services for former convicts, and employment challenges as causes of homelessness. This oversight indicates a neglect of fundamental structural factors, highlighting a key reason why social policies and services designed to address homelessness are notably lacking in Turkey. Homelessness is beyond the capacity of individuals to overcome independently; it is a significant societal issue requiring institutional focus. However, the current representations of the homeless mitigate the societal and institutional responsibilities associated with this social problem.

Türkiye’deki Evsizlerin Temsili ve Algılanışı: Bir Söylem Analizi Çalışması

Fatma

Temmuz

Nowadays, the frequency and effects of natural events such as climate change, fire, flood, earthquake, etc. are increasing in relation to each other, and therefore the subject of disaster has attracted the attention of many disciplines. Considering this interest, this article is a review study focusing on how the interpretations, meanings, and connotations of disaster direct social dynamics from a critical sociology perspective. The aim of the study is to examine the concepts of disaster and natural disaster by following the discussions within the hazards paradigm, the vulnerability paradigm and critical approaches and to try to support the claim that disasters are not natural but social phenomena. For this purpose, it is first shown how discourse produces knowledge and meaning, how discourse, which is surrounded by ideology, is shaped by social institutions and how it can make one type of knowledge visible while concealing others. It is then emphasised that the discourse inherent in language determines which words/terms are chosen, and that language can thus, on the one hand, construct meaning and, on the other, erroneously support oppressive social norms.Disaster cannot be understood separately from society and culture, because historically, different meanings have been attributed to disaster in every culture and belief. The fact that it is understood together with natural phenomena has deepened the belief that disasters have astrological and divine causes. Over time, the expert knowledge that accompanies explanations of physical phenomena largely replaced this belief. Since disaster research has developed in the West and found the opportunity to be researched in the West, it is a field in which Western terminology dominates to a great extent. Today, researchers from many countries are trying to contribute to the field of disaster, but Western terminology continues to dominate the field. This is controversial because there are no words in other languages that can fulfil the nuances of English and the meaning may change. Along with the debates, the terms and definitions used have changed over time. In this study, to trace the historical process, the sociological literature on disasters is utilised and the change of meaning accompanying the definitions of disasters in two main paradigms and the criticisms directed to these paradigms are traced.The hazards paradigm developed in the United States in the 1950s, shaped by the Cold War, and dominated early disaster sociology. In order to observe the civilian reactions to a nuclear attack, the United States of America encouraged the research conducted during this period. With expert knowledge, the focus is more on civil defence and first response. Within the hazards paradigm, disaster is defined as a violent natural external factor and the population is considered passive beings despite this violence. Later researchers criticised the hazard paradigm for considering disasters as limited by time and space. Criticisms of the hazards paradigm led to the popularisation of the vulnerability paradigm in the 1980s.The vulnerability paradigm emphasised that the hazard-centred approach should be abandoned and argued that disaster is not related to geographical processes but to poverty, inequality and other related factors. With this approach, the definition of disaster has also changed and it is stated that disaster cannot be mentioned unless vulnerabilities and hazards interact. In this period, concepts such as vulnerability, resilience and risk began to accompany disaster research, and disaster sociology broke away from the positivist tradition. According to the vulnerability paradigm, while the hazard may be natural, the disaster is social. In the case of different groups, the same hazard may turn into a disaster in one group and not in the other, depending on which group is vulnerable. Depending on the circumstances, one group may be more vulnerable than another. Women, blacks, the poor, the homeless, etc. can become more vulnerable when they do not have access to the regular resources and means of protection available to members of the upper classes. Therefore, vulnerability points to how inequality is distributed within society. However, the rulers can label some groups as vulnerable and use the resulting situation for their own interests. In this study, the first focus of the discussions gathered under a separate heading as critical approaches is on the production of the vulnerability of some groups with the discourse of vulnerability. According to critics, sovereigns first make a part of the population vulnerable and then develop aid policies that work in their own interests within the discourse of tropicality, developmentalism or vulnerability. In most cases, these policies are far from serving the actual population at risk. Vulnerability will only be called vulnerability when there is something against it, when it has a cause. Communities need the distribution of food and shelter to survive. When the conditions are not equalised, vulnerabilities are created.Disaster policies and the discourse of naturalness attributed to disasters can conceal the real causes, just like developmentalism and tropicality. Critical researchers support their claim that natural disasters are not natural by emphasising that populations are made vulnerable by social, political and economic relations. The concept of natural disasters paves the way for labelling one part of the world as dangerous for the rest. In this way, various interventions are legitimised that are far from being in the best interest of those in real need. On the other hand, the questioning of the naturalness of disaster is continued by emphasising that in many cases, the danger that is considered a disaster for one part of the world does not mean the same for another.&nbsp;When the definitions of natural disasters are examined in this study, it is seen that people and institutions are positioned in a war against nature and it is evoked that institutions and people have little to do when it comes to strong nature. Nevertheless, the concept of “natural disaster” continues to be used by the media, decision makers, and researchers. The term “natural disaster” continues to be used to distinguish between natural and man-made hazards or to increase its popularity. However, this basically&nbsp;harbours two risks: Nature, which is constructed as dangerous, being a force that can only be dealt with by a state with experts, and the development of a disaster industry dominated by the free market.Researchers who argue that natural disasters are not natural also face various criticisms. The first is that the occurrence of disasters cannot be predicted and prevented with modern technology, and therefore it is inconvenient to attribute blame to nature. However, in this criticism, disaster is handled as a physical phenomenon, contrary to what is supported in the study. The second criticism is that human beings are also a part of nature and therefore there is no harm in using the concept of “natural disaster”. However, this criticism also renders social sciences meaningless as a whole. The last criticism comes from those who argue that a distinction should be made between natural hazards such as earthquakes and man-made hazards such as nuclear explosions. However, this distinction ignores the fact that disaster is a social phenomenon.Instead of using the concept of “natural disaster”, critical researchers have also made different suggestions for its use. The concept of a socio-natural disaster to express the intersection of a natural hazard and a socially constructed disaster is one of these suggestions. There are researchers who completely reject the use of the term disaster, regardless of whether it is natural or social, and propose to use the concept of risks, and there are also researchers who propose to use only the concept of disaster without adding naturalness to disaster.In disaster research, just like in the social sciences, not all concepts have clear definitions. However, the concepts chosen and used may paradoxically lead to the concealment of social problems or trivialisation by remaining in the background. Adopting a critical perspective and participating in new discussions will contribute to the development of the field by adopting a critical perspective in order to expand definitions in order to address and examine locality, culture and social structure in research and to reveal hidden meanings.&nbsp;

Afetler Doğal Olmayabilir mi?: Afetlerin “Doğallığı” Üzerine Sosyolojik Bir Tartışma

Res. Assist.

Fundamental debates about the subject in the social sciences have been evaluated and discussed with different conceptualizations, considering different social and individual dynamics. The newest of these discussions in social sciences for a while is German philosopher of Korean descent Byung-Chul Han’s conceptualisation of performance. Han conceptualises today’s subject as performance and today’s social structure as a performance society. Digital information technologies, as both a result and a cause of our neoliberal system, have been evaluated as an essential factor in the emergence of performance conceptualisation. However, it is not expressed as the sole reason for the concept. The performance subject and society are faced with a crisis of reality. The social dimensions of the crisis have been reflected in the individual’s world of thought and, accordingly, in their attitudes and behaviours, helping the neoliberal system produce strong arguments to create itself. The impact of the dynamics produced by the structure on the individual has resulted in the individual exploiting himself more than ever before. The success-oriented system transforming the individual into a performance subject has also transformed the structure into a performance society. Therefore, a solid structure-agency dialectic has emerged. Han analysed this emerging situation in detail using different social typologies.&nbsp;All social typologies that Han claims to reveal the concept of performance refer to social structures that systematically complement each other, emerge from each other, and do not contradict each other. First, transparency means that the individual reaches an inherent point in the system. The basic necessity of this is to eliminate the roughness and negativity that are a part of human nature and simultaneously eliminate the cult value in things. The persistent tendency towards the positive, the struggle to eliminate the negative, and the lack of cult values pave the way for an environment of rapid exposure and revelation. The easy accessibility of the individual to what exists within him/herself means that behavioural and spiritual guidance is also easy. This state, which describes a situation inherent in the system for the subject, has produced a tired society in which the will is disabled and the movement of emotion and thought disappears. The fact that the person-giving the order and the person executing the order are the same individuals damages the subject’s consciousness and emotional movement. Han states that in a society of transparency, the slave-master dialectic changes form, and the order coming from the master and the slave and the execution of the action are the product of the same person. However, the subject’s constant confrontation with these orders and the attitudes and behaviours of implementing them have led to the emergence of a narcissistic and depressive personality. The performance subject was narcissistic and depressive. As a member of the fatigue society, the performance subject is indexed to success. Therefore, the subject of performance is the late-modern animal 2 labour. Han redefined the conceptualisation used by Arendt according to today’s subject.&nbsp;The late-modern animal latrons subject protects her ego by indexing herself to performance and higher levels of the active and excludes herself from the passive. Moreover, the performance subject is a homo-liber subject. Homoliber is a conceptualisation contrasted with Arendt’s concept of homosacer. Homoliber is an expression of the master–slave dialectic. Homoliber describes the individual who is dominant over himself. All these conceptualizations formed the framework of Han’s fatigue society. The fatigue that the individual feels to achieve what s/he desires and the desire to remove the systematic pain caused by fatigue has turned today’s subjects into subjects addicted to antidepressants. Ultimately, the individual has transformed from part of the fatigue society to part of the palliative society. The individual who cannot tolerate pain and pain faces the mental problems of being deprived of pain. Han draws attention to the importance of pain for the individual’s world of emotion and meaning. This loss of meaning in today’s subject has caused the individual to be defined by the conceptualisation of performance.Another characteristic feature that reveals the subject of performance is power relations. Han stated that the neoliberal devices that indicate society’s performance deprive the individual of basic facts such as the other, negative, and eros, which are a part of his nature. Essentially, the absence of these facts has put the performance subject into a crisis of freedom and turned the individual into an object of the system. Having lost the other, the performance subject becomes a part of the same ones, devoid of communication. Han evaluates one of the biggest problems of today as the subject of not making room for others in their life. In a place where there is sameness, the subject has become an output of stereotypes, devoid of meaning and lost in the self-cycle. In addition, the more the performance subject reduces negativity, the higher the productivity level will be. However, trying to increase productivity is a significant cause of fatigue. Finally, the absence of eros deprived the performance subject of his ability to think deeply. The depressive and narcissistic performance subject, whose quantified characteristics have turned into numbers and who propagates non-existent freedom by being trapped in the ego cycle, has become a member of the performance society with all these features. However, although Han’s approaches to today’s subject and society are appropriate, we should not ignore the fact that he displays a wholesale approach towards all social groups.Today’s social structure and the individual have sociological differences that cannot be evaluated only by conceptualising performance. Although Han’s assessments of today’s subject are correct, those who give up on a lifestyle focused on success and performance constitute another group in society. Social suicide, which is the main subject of the study, represents individuals who have lost their effort and power to be a subject of performance. At the same time, the concept attempts to define individuals who wish to remain outside the system. Therefore, social suicide is the result of the &nbsp;strong desire for arguments that are part of human nature, such as the other, the negative, and eros, which reveal the subject of performance. The social suicide subject describes individuals who withdraw from public and social relations, where the performance subject struggles to exist, and who do not perform any performance through social networks. In this respect, the subject of social suicide is the performance subject of a period. The living space is still a performance society but does not show any performance. This article defines the subject of social suicide as distance and the act of being. While evaluating today’s subject, Han overlooked the next stage of the performance subject. Although some studies regard this concept as social loneliness, social isolation and hikikomori for specific reasons, particular essential distinctions show that the conceptualisation of social suicide has a unique structure.&nbsp;

Sosyal İntihar: Performans Öznesinin Sosyal Evrimi

Onur

Nesip

Hasan

IntroductionThe welfare of the society is related to the distribution of social resources among the members of the society. Questions about how social resources and services should be distributed among individuals are connected with the concept of social justice (Çoban Kaynak, 2017). John Ryan, an American Catholic priest, was the first one using the concept of social justice (Han ve Demirbilek, 2022). Ryan was also the first to use the concept of minimum wage. According to Ryan (1945), social justice is the regulation of the relations between individuals and the society for maintaining the collective good. In short, social justice can be expressed as the fair distribution of blessings and burdens in society. In this context, the presence of a social opinion that there is a fair share in the society is an indicator of the existence of social justice (Bell, 2007; Sunal, 2011).Smith (2018) stated that concepts such as social cohesion, equality and fairness come to the fore in ensuring social justice and that the concept of social justice can be approached from different points of view. At this point, it can be said that since individuals are not equal at the beginning, equal distribution of resources can maintain inequality among individuals, but distribution of resources at different levels (fairly) in line with the needs of individuals can eliminate the inequality among individuals over time (Smith, 2018). However, social justice is a concept that expresses more than the distribution of resources among individuals and emphasises community rather than individuality (Turhan, 2007).When the literature is examined, it is seen that the concept of social justice in education is tried to be explained by associating it with concepts such as multiculturalism, justice, equality and democratic society (Tomul, 2009). However, the difficulty in defining the concepts of justice and social justice is also seen in the definition of the concept of social justice in education. In general, social justice in education can be achieved if each individual has an education that is appropriate to his or her abilities and needs. (Polat, 2007). Social justice in education aims to reduce or eliminate the negative effects of individual differences on the success of students in the educational processes (Ocak &amp; Yamaç, 2011). Bates (2006) positioned social justice at the centre of educational processes and argued that social justice should also be at the centre of educational administration practises.When institutions are managed according to the principles of social justice, they are more adopted by people and people’s commitment to the institution increases. This is also true for universities. The higher education period is one of the most important phases of students’ life. The higher education period is not only a learning process but also a common living place where students experience and learn life as adults, have a profession, and interact with people from different cultures and environments. This common living place should be managed fairly and the resources should be shared fairly among the students. This can be possible with the establishment of social justice in all processes at the universities. Elimination of the negativities that may be caused by social injustice can only be possible with a good understanding of the concept of social justice.&nbsp;In a literature review of the available measures of social justice perception, it is noted that, although a limited number of scales have been developed to assess this perception, none of them appear to be intended to examine the social justice perceptions of university students towards their university. (Cırık, 2015; Demirdağ, 2017; Karacan, Bağlıbel &amp; Bindak, 2015; Turhan, 2007). For this reason, there is a need for a valid and reliable measurement tool to be used in scientific studies on the subject. In line with this need, this research aims to develop a valid and reliable measurement tool to determine the social justice perceptions of university students towards their university.MethodThis study was carried out with an exploratory sequential design in a mixed method in which qualitative and quantitative research methods were used together. In the exploratory sequential design, after the qualitative data are collected and analysed, the quantitative stage of the research is carried out based on the qualitative data (Creswell &amp; Plano Clark, 2018).&nbsp;The study was carried out with the data collected from two different samples. The first sample of the study consists of 602 and the second sample consists of 591 undergraduate and associate degree students studying at different faculties and colleges of Bingöl University. While determining both samples, convenient sampling method was used as it provides convenience in time, cost and data collection process (Büyüköztürk, Kılıç Çakmak, Akgün, Karadeniz, &amp; Demirel, 2014).&nbsp;&nbsp;In the development process of the items, the theoretical background of the concept of social justice was determined by examining the similar studies in the literature (Bell, 2007; Boyles, Carusi, &amp; Attick, 2009; Connell, 1993; Çetin, 2015; Çoban Kaynak, 2017; Demirbilek, Atila &amp; Korkmaz, 2021; Polat, 2007; Schulz, 2007; Todd, 2015; Torres Harding, Siers, &amp; Olson, 2012). In addition to these studies, other measurement tools aimed at determining the perception of social justice were examined (Cırık, 2015; Demirdağ, 2017; Karacan, Bağlıbel, &amp; Bindak, 2015; Ludlow, Enterline, &amp; CochranSmith, 2008; Torres Harding et al., 2012). Considering these studies, practises that could contribute to social justice in universities were determined and these were used&nbsp;in the preparation of the draft scale items. After the literature review, a draft scale consisting of 68 items was prepared. This form was simplified with expert reviews, and a final form consisting of 34 items was reached.&nbsp;Exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses were used to test the construct validity of the scale, and Cronbach’s alpha internal consistency coefficients were calculated for reliability.FindingsThe construct validity of the scale was first tested with exploratory factor analysis. Exploratory factor analysis was performed with 34 items and a sample of 602 students. The KMO and Bartlett tests were performed to check the sampling adequacy (KMO = .976; x2 = 19611.249; df = 561; p = .000). As a result of the factor analysis, a structure consisting of 19 items in three factors was reached, and these three factors explained 71.30% of the variance regarding the perception of social justice. The factor loadings of the items ranged from .58 to .87, the communalities of the items were between .58 and .83, and the item-total correlation values were between .54 and .82. These three factors were named as “equality”, “fairness” and “support”.As a result of the confirmatory factor analysis performed with the data of 591 students, the goodness of fit indices for the scale were reached as x2 /df = 3.942, p = .000, RMR = .08, SRMR = .04, GFI = .91, AGFI = .88, NFI = .94, NNFI = .95, CFI = .95, RMSEA = .06. When the achieved values are compared with the reference values for the goodness of fit indices in the literature, it can be said that the scale has high construct validity.&nbsp;The reliability of the scale was examined with Cronbach’s Alpha internal consistency coefficients calculated using both exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses data. The Alpha coefficients of the entire scale and its dimensions were calculated between .88 and .96. In this respect, these Alpha coefficients can be inferred as evidence of the scale’s reliability.ConclusionThis research aims to develop a valid and reliable scale to measure the social justice perceptions of university students towards their university. As a result of the analyses, significant results were reached regarding the validity and reliability of the scale. As a result, the Social Justice in Universities Scale was found to be a valid and reliable measurement tool that can be used to measure university students’ social justice perceptions regarding their universities.&nbsp;The increase in the scale scores is interpreted as the students’ perception of social justice is increasing, and the decrease in the scale scores is interpreted as the students’ perception of social justice is diminishing. There is no reverse-scored item or dimension in the scale.

Üniversitelerde Sosyal Adalet Algısı Ölçeğinin Geliştirilmesi: Geçerlik ve Güvenirlik Çalışması

Yüksel

This study aims to examine the contradictions and potentials of street social work practices carried out in urban public spaces, particularly those arising from neoliberal urbanization trends, through the lens of Lefebvre’s concepts of “the production of space” (2014) and “the right to the city” (2016).Street social work, characterized by low-threshold and advocacy-based practices, seeks to engage clients in public urban spaces with the goals of harm reduction, connection, and outreach. The social worker takes the initiative, actively seeking out clients (Diebeacker, 2020; Andersson, 2013; Gibson, 2011; Dynamo International, 2009). By emphasizing low-threshold, harm-reduction objectives, and flexibility, this practice moves away from the power and authority traditionally associated with social work. Instead, it centers the autonomy (self-determination) and dignity of the client. Moreover, the client-centered nature of street social work, combined with its demand-driven methodological requirements, acknowledges the struggles faced by marginalized groups—such as the homeless, migrants, sex workers, and drug users—not as individual misfortunes or personal choices, but as outcomes of social inequalities rooted in structural barriers. From this perspective, street social work can be seen as more than a method of outreach; it is a radical approach that upholds the ethical principles of social work in the field, positioning it as a crucial tool for achieving social justice and protecting the rights of disadvantaged populations.A distinctive feature of street social work is its use of space. The “space of intervention is the environment in which the client lives” (Galuske, 1998, p. 245), often in urban public spaces. In street social work, the various life worlds encountered in public urban spaces are experienced continuously, making it impossible to understand street social work without comprehending the dynamics of these spaces. Urban public spaces, as material and emotional environments where social boundaries and relations are negotiated, are often sites of conflict over the behaviors, ideologies, and values of different social groups (Gibson, 2011). In this regard, public urban spaces are spaces of power, domination, and struggle. Over the past three decades, neoliberalism’s hegemonic influence has been a defining factor in shaping the character and use of these spaces. Commercialization, privatization, securitization, and policies limiting access to urban public spaces have emerged as central regulatory strategies within neoliberal urban policies.All these strategies target individuals’ behaviors in urban public spaces, allowing some social activities while restricting others. This directly affects how the street population and other marginalized groups experience urban public spaces and, consequently, shapes the methodologies and everyday experiences of street social workers (Gibson, 2011, pp. 142-143). However, referring to Lefebvre, the transformation of urban public spaces under neoliberal conditions can be viewed as a political conflict zone. Urban public spaces are not static constructs but spaces where access, violation, resistance,&nbsp;and struggle continuously play out (Lefebvre, 2008; 2014; 2016). The “others” and the street population, rather than passively accepting what neoliberal urban transformation strategies impose on them, can manipulate urban public space and fight for the right to the city through new “tactics” developed in daily life (de Certeau, 2008) or by creating “social infrastructures” (Simone, 2004; 2015).Neoliberal urban trends related to commercialization, privatization, securitization, and access restrictions have profoundly impacted the nature of street social work. Two main challenges arise in this context. The first involves the adverse effects of neoliberal urban transformation strategies on the everyday life experiences of the street population and their right to the city. The second challenge relates to the professional ethical dilemmas arising from the instrumentalization of street social work within the discourse of security and order.Methodologically, the primary contradiction of street social work, designed as a strategy for outreach and connection, emerges from regulations either aimed at designing urban public space or directly governing the behaviors of street populations. The most evident consequence of these regulations for the street population is mobility and invisibility. While mobility renders the goals of street social work—access, relationshipbuilding, and availability—nearly impossible, invisibility distances the street population from the social conscience.The second ethical challenge in street social work relates to its dual role as a public practice. Social workers are often caught between the obligation to implement state policies and the mission to advocate for the rights of vulnerable groups. While social work seeks to promote social justice, it must also operate within state mechanisms constrained by neoliberal policies. Like law enforcement, street social workers can be positioned to align with policies governing the regulation of urban public spaces. This creates a tension within street social work, placing it between the duty to maintain public order and the responsibility to advocate for individuals and groups victimized by this order. Thus, as a public practice, social work is caught between serving as an instrument of social control and acting as a champion of social justice, leading to various challenges in practice.Ethical issues in street social work are tied to space, knowledge production, the goals of practice, and the professional roles of street social workers. To adhere to professional ethical principles, street social workers must continuously critically examine these contradictory positions and assess them through reflexive practices. In this way, it becomes possible to develop a social work practice that does not reproduce social inequalities and asymmetric power relations in public urban spaces.Lefebvre’s spatial triad, the production of space, and the right to the city provide street social workers with significant theoretical and conceptual frameworks in this critical&nbsp;and reflexive process. These frameworks offer the opportunity to evaluate the practice from different perspectives, its potentials, and contradictions, guiding the realization of the emancipatory potential of street social work. Lefebvre’s ideas on space and the right to the city create opportunities for street social workers to develop supportive and emancipatory practices. With such an approach, street social work can influence not only physical spaces but also social discourse and political processes, thereby contributing to broader and more sustainable social changes.By working directly in public spaces where disadvantaged groups live, street social work can create an independent space of intervention despite restrictive state policies. On the one hand, street social workers support individuals by meeting their immediate needs, helping them survive. On the other hand, they defend the rights of these individuals, giving voice to those excluded from or marginalized by the system. From the perspective of Lefebvre’s concept of the “right to the city,” street social work advocates for these groups’ rights to exist and transform urban space, creating a site of resistance against the spatial injustices produced by the neoliberal order. In this sense, street social work has the potential to both erode mechanisms of social control and to recreate urban space in a more equal and just manner (Finn &amp; Jacobson, 2003). However, activating this potential is only possible through a critical, reflexive, and self-reflective approach.

Mekânın Neoliberal Dönüşümü ve Sokak Sosyal Hizmet

Hicran

In this study, which aims to define housing as a social security tool to overcome homelessness, homelessness is seen as both a social risk and a human rights violation that limits access to the social security system. At the heart of this approach is the extreme commodification of labour through precarious jobs and housing through high-interest mortgages. This is because extreme commodification has brought with it plans for subsequent dispossession through housing capitalism. This makes society, especially people on fixed incomes who have no other source of livelihood than their labour, vulnerable to the risk of homelessness. In addition, while the right of homeless people to access social security services is the same as that of everyone else, their limited access to job security and regular employment opportunities presents clear difficulties and additional support assistance in accessing these services. Even in the exercise of the right to information, bureaucratic procedures requiring address declaration, submission of documents or the use of e-Government applications from the application process onwards create obstacles for homeless people to access data on their social security rights and obligations. In view of this problem, the functionalization of housing as a public right in the social security system can be considered a prerequisite for adequate housing and the elimination of the risk of homelessness.If we examine the background of the problem in Türkiye, we see that the planned development movement was initiated with the Republican period, the population in the cities increased with the development moves, and although land planning was attempted to respond to the urbanisation process and the need for housing, this could not be achieved at the targeted level. While the need for new settlement areas has made the construction sector the locomotive of the economy, the subsequent unplanned construction has paved the way for urban inequalities, with slums on one side and luxury residences on the other. In a linear pattern to unplanned construction, a period of permanent inequalities has begun in terms of opportunities to use social security and housing rights between those who have access to full-time and registered employment and those who do not. This picture has deepened poverty and precariousness for those who try covering their living expenses and high rent debts with the minimum wage or pension they earn.Looking at practises around the world that define housing within the social security system, the ‘housing first’ approach and the ‘treatment first’ approach come to the fore. Examples of good practise where the housing-first approach makes a significant difference in ending homelessness permanently attract attention. Depending on the social, cultural and economic conditions, it can be observed that the strategies adopted by countries to combat homelessness are diverse, including voluntary and civic initiatives, and are aimed at meeting the complex support needs of the homeless people. Policies aimed at overcoming prejudices and discriminatory attitudes towards homeless people seem to focus on social responsibility for sustainable recovery by investing in&nbsp;social awareness and sensitization. In general, it can be seen that governments are trying to address the issue of homelessness through efforts to improve new and existing collaboration between local providers and housing providers.Although governments in Türkiye have adopted policies and legal arrangements to ensure the functionality of the right to housing in the social security system, it is difficult to say that comprehensive and permanent solutions have been achieved in managing the risk of homelessness. Housing subsidies, public housing and migrant houses have enabled the integration of settlements that can be called social housing in urban areas at affordable prices, but the steps taken have not developed into a stable housing policy. In recent years, it can be seen that housing areas have been renewed within the framework of urban transformation practises, but the new projects built for high-income groups in order to provide capital flow do not contain a solution against the risk of homelessness and deepen the risk with mortgage debt, high rents and fees. For this reason, it is necessary to develop rights-based policies that guarantee everyone’s access to permanent independent housing in urban life within the social security system by prioritising variables such as unemployment, disability, chronic illness, low income and informal employment in managing the risk of homelessness.&nbsp;The starting point of these policies is that central and local government service units eliminate the risks that can lead to the loss of rights by defining procedural steps that structure the application and follow-up processes for beneficiaries who declare themselves homeless, according to their needs. People living in shelters, temporary accommodation centres and on the streets may be entitled to income, pension or drug treatment services including rights arising from insured relatives or from the period of employment, but which the homeless person is deprived of due to lack of sufficient information. Removing this deprivation (e.g. by activating a widow’s orphan’s pension or health insurance) is a step that can significantly improve the homeless person’s life. In this direction, social security institutions should lead this step by conducting field studies and developing practises that support access to the right to social security. As a practical suggestion, it can also be considered to offer options to homeless people who are below a certain limit in terms of the number of days of premium payment or the amount of premium payment through community benefit work programmes to complete the missing days or pay the premium debt. In this way, serious and lasting improvements can be made in the life of a homeless person who will have a pension and health care. With these concrete action steps and undoubtedly many more, in the Republic of Türkiye, which has entered its second century, housing shouldbe one of the instruments of a settlement order that enables everyone to exercise their right to shelter under conditions befitting human dignity and that subjectivises and liberates human beings. One way to make this order possible is to be able to read and establish the linear relationship between housing and social security policies.

Evsizlikten Kurtulmada Bir Sosyal Güvenlik Aracı Olarak Konut

Meriç

It is possible to speak of the existence of a middle-class backlash in contemporary societies, which Mills diagnosed in the USA in the 1950. Mills (1969, p. 249) explained this decline in middle-class power, which he defined as the “status proletarianization” of the white-collar strata, in terms of the structural changes in working life at the time, such as rationalization, the decline in the importance of white-collar workers’ education and experience, the decline in their incomes relative to the working class and their incorporation into the unemployed class, and the expansion of the middle-class labor market. Similar conditions seem to apply to the Turkish middle class today. Despite definitional problems, the middle class in Türkiye is estimated at 10-15 million people, and their living conditions are becoming more difficult by the day. In particular, low- and middle-income groups, whose purchasing power has decreased and who do not own a home, face the problem of housing precarity. In terms of housing costs, Türkiye is now above the European and OECD averages.&nbsp;Although housing, a fundamental human right, has become precarious in a way that includes the middle class in a volatile economic atmosphere, the (new) middle class has received less attention in recent urban studies than the lower or upper classes (McEwan, 2021). When it is studied, it is presented as a success story as a class that invades the city, displacing lower income groups and gentrifying or even discriminating against other social groups (Atkinson, 2006; Saraçoğlu, 2009; Şen, 2011). This study aims to fill this gap in research on the middle class by exploring housing precarity and the possibility of homelessness, the structural changes that underlie them, and ways out of them. In studies of homelessness in Türkiye, issues such as social services, (Acar et al., 2022; Balun &amp; Şişman, 2022; Doğan &amp; Pekasıl, 2021; Kanlı &amp; Efe, 2021; Yeter, 2018), urban renewal as a process of “de-housing” (Baydar &amp; Karakız, 2018, p. 154) and different homeless groups such as the elderly or middle-aged men (Gürel, Karaman &amp; Yaman, 2024; Kaya Kılıç &amp; Aslantürk, 2019) come to the fore. However, the issue of housing inadequacy and precariousness of the middle class has not been thoroughly investigated.&nbsp;This paper accepts homelessness not as a situation, but as a dynamic process (Lee, Shinn &amp; Culhane, 2021) and looks at its before and after in terms of the middle class. This study, inspired by personal housing experiences, firstly situates the problem of the housing precarity of the declining middle class in the international literature. The study collects academic work on housing precarity, the middle class and homelessness. A total of 82 documents are used, including 29 English articles, which have been refined according to relevance, date and number of citations from Web of Science; 12 Turkish articles from Google Scholar; company data and statistical news bulletins (6); newspaper news and columns (16); and encyclopedia entries, congress presentations, book articles and books (19). The information gathered from these documents is analyzed thematically.&nbsp;Precarity is a human condition that is not limited to housing, but affects many social spheres, such as working life. This concept, which generally means “a general, pervasive ontological condition of vulnerability, displacement, and insecurity”, is in some ways associated with capitalism and its neoliberal phase (Kasmir, 2018). In the first quarter of the twenty-first century, a “precarity turn” has been spoken of, particularly in the field of labor geography (Bergan, Gorman-Murray &amp; Power, 2021, p. 1208). However, the concept of housing precarity is a more recent use (Debrunner, Hofer, Wicki, Kauer &amp; Kaufmann, 2024). Clair, Reeves, McKee &amp; Stuckler (2019, p. 16) define housing precariousness as “a state of uncertainty which increases a person’s real or perceived likelihood of experiencing an adverse event, caused (at least in part) by their relationship with their housing provider, the physical qualities, affordability, security of their home, and access to essential services”.&nbsp;The meaning of housing, classically conceived as “long-term and stable tenure, a site of reprieve from work, and a location of privatized family relationships” (Bergan et al., 2021, p. 1217) and an important place in people’s lives as a living space that provides well-being, life satisfaction and quality (Bobek, Pembroke &amp; Wickham, 2021), is changing rapidly in today’s conditions. At the same time, a shift towards tenancy in traditional homeowner societies is being observed (Kemp, 2015; Waldron, 2023). Waldron (2023, p. 181) explains “generation rent”, i.e., people being trapped in tenancy more and for longer, and the associated expansion of the rental market with the commodification and financialization of housing after the 2000s, changing the tacit middle-class social contract based on home ownership. The result of all this is what Bobek et al. (2021) call as “non-linear housing careers” (Bobek et al., 2021, p. 1365), i.e., prolonged tenancy, not leaving or returning to the family home, known as “boomerang children” or “parasite singles” (Bobek et al., 2021, p. 1367), and horizontal or downward housing mobility such as house sharing.&nbsp;The works that deal with housing precarity within the system do not question the ideal of home ownership on which middle class dreams (e.g., the suburban house, the car and the nuclear family as in the American dream) are based, dependent on meritocracy and provided by the capitalist system. The works that approach the issue by challenging the neoliberal city of the capitalist system, which causes housing precarity along with many other problems, look for housing concepts and types outside the systemic proposals. In doing so, these studies adopt more collective (communal), solidarity-based, care-oriented, anarchist or feminist approaches, leaving the liberal framework aside. House sharing, which is presented as an alternative in some studies, is criticized as a product of the system in others. This contradiction shows that sharing alone may not be sufficient to create an anti-capitalist housing alternative. Some commonalities found in the literature include themes such as the rise of renting over home ownership, people’s growing search for a housing alternative, and a critique of the victimization of the displaced and the homeless. This study contributes by pointing to the potential of concepts of the urban commons (Stavrides, 2018), the feminist city (Kern, 2020) and social infrastructure (Latham &amp; Layton, 2022) as supporting mechanisms in the search for alternative housing.&nbsp;Finally, as an exit strategy suggestion for the issues of homelessness and housing, which have increasingly become a site of power relations and contestation between family and other groups, the study suggests that the counter-argument be properly framed, the data properly interpreted, housing activism and social housing production expanded.&nbsp;

Orta Sınıfın Evsizlik Kaygısını Besleyen Konut Güvencesizliğinden Çıkış Senaryoları Üzerine Bir Deneme

“Homeless” is a person who has no home and/or a fixed, regular and suitable place to stay. Homeless people live in streets, terminals, under bridges, hospitals, parks, shelters or with friends/acquaintances (Aynacı, 2024, p. 30). The Arabic term “bîmekân” and the Persian term “hane-harab” are concepts used to describe homelessness, encompassing meanings such as “spaceless” and “dwelling-less” (Ottoman Turkish Dictionary, 2023). European Federation of National Organisations Working with the Homeless [FEANTSA] has classified the homeless according to the criteria of exclusion by dividing them into social, physical and legal dimensions and has described them as “roofless” (çatısız), “houseless/shelter people/secondary homeless” (konutsuz), “individuals living in inadequate” (yetersiz) and/or “insecure housing” (güvensiz) (FEANTSA, 2005). However, there are different types of homeless according to the duration of homelessness (temporary, cyclical and/or chronic homeless), the cause of homelessness (internal and/or external homeless), the characteristics of the homeless (children, youth, women, men, elderly, migrant homeless) and the place of residence (street and/or shelter homeless).Research on homelessness dates back to the early 19th century. Engels’ (1845) Condition of the Working Class in England is seen as a reference source for homeless people and homeless shelters. In Park, Burges &amp; McKenzie The City (1967), one of the representatives of the Chicago School, homelessness was defined as a social problem. The second half of the 20th century (1960-1970) was the period when homelessness research intensified. In this period, individual inadequacies in homelessness were focused on and social policies for homelessness were developed and public and non-governmental organizations were established (Hope &amp; Young, 1986, p. 170).Nowadays, many disciplines and professions provide services to disadvantaged and vulnerable groups. Social work, which is one of these disciplines, produces programs to eliminate the problems they experience, increase their functionality and empower them with the services it provides to homeless people (International Federation of Social Work [IFSW], 2014). The fact that homelessness as a phenomenon is a social problem and homeless people as a disadvantaged group are deprived of their rights, their individual and social functionality is weakened and they have to deal with many problems at the same time makes social work relational to homeless people (Çabuk &amp; Atamtürk, 2023, p. 11).The natural relationship between the homeless and social work requires the examination and criticism of the studies conducted in this field and the dissemination of scientific studies. The aim of this research is to make a bibliometric analysis of the&nbsp;studies on the concept of “homeless” in the field of social work. In this way, it will be revealed how the studies on the concept of homeless have followed a course from past to present. As part of the originality of the research, a search was first carried out in all fields using ‘homeless*’ in the Web of Science (WoS) database, which yielded a total of 27,552 studies. Then, the ‘All Fields’ option was selected and a joint search was made with the words ‘homeless*’ + ‘bibliometric analysis’. Five studies (Mbabil Dok-Yen et al., 2023; Picado-Valverde et al., 2023; Aliyeva, 2020; Calvo et al., 2019; Okano, 2019) were accessed and it was found that these studies were not included in the social work category. The fact that there is no study based on mapping the concept of homelessness within social work as a discipline can be considered as an original aspect of this research. The research questions identified for the data set mapped in order to achieve the main objective of the research are as follows:1. Keyword analysis:1.1. What are the most frequently used keywords?1.2. Which keywords are used together?1.3. What is the frequency of use of keywords by year?2. Country analysis:&nbsp;2.1. Which countries have the most publications? 2.2. What is the publication frequency of countries by year? 2.3. Which are the most cited countries? 2.4. What is the citation frequency of countries by year?3. Institution/university analysis: ,3.1. Which institutions/universities publish the most? 3.2. Which are the most cited institutions/universities? 4. Author analysis: 4.1. Who are the most published authors? 4.2. What is the publication frequency of the authors by year? 4.3. Who are the most cited authors? 5. Article analysis: 5.1. Which are the most cited articles? 5.2. Which themes did the articles focus on?In designing the research, the four stages of bibliometric research identified by Öztürk (2021, p. 35) (determination of the purpose, creation of the data set, analysis and visualization, interpretation of the results and findings) were used. The unit of&nbsp;analysis for this research comprises scientific studies retrieved from the WoS database. The dataset of the research was created on 15.03.2024. The following systematic steps were employed to curate the research dataset:Step 1: The word “homeless” was typed into the WoS search engine and the symbol “*” was added to the end of the word. These symbols are called “wildcards”. With wildcards, suffixes or words that come at the end of the searched words are also included in the search. For example, when “homeless*” was entered into the search engine, words such as “homelessness”, “homeless youth”, “homeless people”, “homeless services”, “chronic homelessness” were also searched.Step 2: A search with the keyword ‘homeless*’ using ‘All Fields’ and the SSCI, SSCI-Expanded, ESCI and AHCI indices yielded 27,552 results. Within these studies, scientific publications such as articles, books, book chapters, conference abstracts, meeting abstracts were found. When articles were selected from these scientific publications, the number decreased to 21,627.Step 3: Among the articles, the field of ‘social work’ was selected and the number of 2710 was reached. Those 2710 articles (as of 15 March 2024) were defined as the data set to be subjected to bibliometric analysis. The bibliometric analyses conducted as part of this study were systematically mapped, yielding the following key findings:<ul><li>Homelessness as a field of study and homeless people as a disadvantaged group are natural subjects of study and groups in the discipline of social work. Although homelessness studies in social work do not show a regular increase, they have been carried out since the 1980s. Since 2014 there has been a significant increase in research. The increased visibility of homelessness and the increase in the number of homeless people has led to an increase in homelessness research in the field of social work. In particular, the number of research studies on homelessness has increased significantly with the publication of COVID-19 in 2019.&nbsp;</li><li>“Mental health”, “housing”, “homeless youth”, “poverty”, “foster care”, “housing first”, “substance abuse”, “women”, “substance use” and “qualitative research” are the most common keywords used in the studies. Mental health, housing/shelter, substance abuse, substance use and poverty stand out as themes related to the reasons for homelessness and the difficulties experienced by homeless people. Social group-oriented studies of homeless youth and homeless women are studies of a specific group. The frequent use of the word qualitative in research means that qualitative research is more likely to be used in studies of homeless people.&nbsp;</li><li>The frequency of use of keywords varies between years. While the words mental illness, substance abuse, alcohol addiction, children, child abuse, street youth&nbsp;were in the forefront between 2012-2014, the words foster care, shelter and quality of life were used more frequently between 2014-2016. In 2016-2018 there is a trend towards social support, housing and supportive housing. Similarly, in 2018-2020, words such as housing first, permanent housing support, housing insecurity, housing instability and homeless services came to the fore. In particular, the frequent repetition of similar words in the 2014-2020 period shows that housing services for homeless people are often studied. After 2020, homelessness was associated with the words COVID-19, Corona virus, pandemic, and homeless people were mentioned with the topics burnout, secondary trauma stress and food insecurity.</li><li>The countries with the highest number of publications and citations are the USA, Canada and the UK, respectively. The most important reason for the high number of publications and citations in these countries is that homelessness is defined as a social problem and the number of homeless people is high. These countries have contributed to the formation and enrichment of the homelessness literature. In addition, in recent years, there has been an increase in homelessness research in European countries such as Australia, Spain, the Netherlands, Portugal, Norway and Wales.</li><li>Leading institutions in homelessness research, such as the University of Toronto, the University of Denver, and the University of Southern California, have consistently produced the highest number of publications. The high number of publications and citations of the universities is due to the fact that the authors who have published and cited the most on homelessness work at these universities and the high number of homeless people in the cities where these universities are located. The authors who have published and cited the most on homelessness and the publications produced by universities and the citations they receive overlap with each other.</li><li>The three most cited works are Pecora et al. (2006), “Educational and employment outcomes of adults formerly placed in foster care: Results from the Northwest Foster Care Alumni Study”, Kuhn &amp; Culhane’s (1998) “Applying cluster analysis to test a typology of homelessness by pattern of shelter utilization: results from the analysis of administrative data” and Kendall-Tackett (2002), “The health effects of childhood abuse: Four pathways by which abuse can influence health” (The health effects of childhood abuse: Four pathways by which abuse can influence health”.</li><li>Pecora et al. (2006) focused on the impact of foster care on adult functioning in their study and mentioned that negative foster care experiences can cause homelessness. They emphasized that the two most important components that&nbsp;will prevent homelessness are positive experiences and the ability to have independent life preparation skills. Kuhn &amp; Culhane (1998) focused on the themes of preventive and protective services for the homeless. Accordingly, they emphasized that preventive and resettlement assistance for transient homeless people, temporary housing and residential treatment for episodic homeless people, and supported housing and long-term care programs for chronic homeless people would yield more effective results. Kendall-Tackett (2002) found that childhood abuse puts people at risk of depression and posttraumatic stress disorder, participating in harmful activities, experiencing difficulties in relationships, and having negative beliefs and attitudes towards others, each of which increases the likelihood of developing health problems and are interrelated. The three most cited works focused on themes such as child/youth homelessness and foster care services for the homeless. These themes emerged in line with the most used keywords.</li><li>As a result of the research, it was seen that the most frequently used themes in the analyzed articles were the challenges experienced by homeless people (housing, mental health, mental illness, substance abuse, poverty), homeless social groups (homeless children, homeless youth, homeless women) and services for homeless people (foster care, housing support, housing first, shelter). Especially in the last 10 years, there has been an interest in foster care services for the homeless (shelter, staircase model, housing-first). On the other hand, themes such as recovery from homelessness and formerly homeless people and the number of studies with experimental methods are very few.</li></ul>

Sosyal Hizmet Alanında “Evsiz” Kavramını İçeren Araştırmaların VOSviewer ile Bibliyometrik Analizi

Tolga

The Future of Digital Education: Artificial Intelligence, the Metaverse, and the Transformation of Education

Esmée

João

Geri Çekilen Makale: The Role of Polycentric Governance, Public-Private-Civil Partnerships, and Citizen Science as Developed by the C2IMPRESS Project in Building Disaster Resilient Societies

@JOURNAL_BOX_CURRENT

Alexander

Prof.

Tradition, Morality and Solidarity in Durkheim’s Theory

Çağrı

Assoc. Prof.

Since the 1950s, environmental sociology is hardly accepted despite existing social-environmental issues. These problems have been generated by the rapid industrialization and urbanization causing pollution in the post-war era. Environmental sociology was established in the 1970s when environmental problems gained public attention and the environmental movement emerged. The theories of sociologists Durkheim, Weber, who introduced the rationalization concept, and Marx, who introduced the theory of metabolic rift, were welcomed in environmental sociology. However, Durkheim was criticized that his methodological dictum was excluding society-environment interaction. There are two explanations for the association between Durkheim and societyenvironment interaction. On the one hand, the industrialism of his era caused the exclusion of environment from sociology. On the other hand, Durkheim’s works have significant references to environment that indicate a potential for environmental sociology. This paper aims to examine Durkheim’s sociological approach in terms of society-environment interaction. First, the foundation of environmental sociology is summarized. Then, both examples showing the exclusion of environment and societyenvironment interactions in Durkheim’s studies are shown. The paper concludes with the assessment of Durkheim’s contribution to current environmental sociology challenging ecological crisis that threatens society. Although the first years of sociology were marked by geographical and biological determinism, sociologists favoring a “world view” of development, progress, and modernism in later years ignored environment as an issue (Hannigan, 2006). After a century, when environmental problems had surfaced and threatened industrialized Western societies, environmental concerns and movement were accepted in society and from the cultural perspective. Two pioneers of environmental sociology, Dunlap and Catton (1978) criticized human exceptionalism paradigm of causing the exploitation of nature and Durkheim’s methodological dictum (Madappalli, 2016). The paradigm assumes nature as an endless resource and that the human progress is limitless, while human existence is unique as a result of its developed culture (Catton &amp; Dunlap, 1978) that “covers the dependence of human societies to biophysical environment” (Rice, 2013, p. 238). However, environmental problems and restrictions in the 1960s shook this paradigm and Durkheim’s methodological dictum that reportedly ignored society-environment interaction. Hence, environmental parameters were included in sociological researches. In fact, the New Ecological Paradigm (NEP) scale, developed by environmental sociologists, introduced “environmental facts” against the social facts of Durkheim. The paradigm aims to consider the effects of&nbsp;environmental problems like resource scarcity on main sociological research issues like stratification (Catton &amp; Dunlap, 1978). Hence, environmental sociologists, by using the New Ecological Paradigm, challenge Durkheim’s methodological dictum by accepting the effect of environment on society (Dunlap &amp; Catton, 1979). Durkheim was criticized for excluding the impact of the environment on sociology with his methodological dictum. Sociology, a social discipline excluding environment (Foster, 1999, p. 367), was positioned out of “psychology, biology, economics, and geography” by Marx, Weber, and Durkheim, the three fathers of sociology (Buttel, Dickens, Dunlap, &amp; Gijswijt, 2002, p. 5). However, Marx and Weber were applauded for their concepts, the metabolic rift and rationality, in environmental sociology, unlike Durkheim who was criticized for his methodological dictum that was believed to be against the use of biophysical parameters in sociology (Lidskog, Mol, &amp; Oosterveer, 2015). Durkheim defined social facts only with other social facts, ignoring the biophysical environment (Dunlap, 2016), and implied examination of social systems without using environmental parameters (Norgaard, 1997, p. 159). Durkheim developed a social reductionism to resist biological reductionism (Benton, 1991, as cited in Konak, 2010). Hence, traditional sociology following Durkheim’s approach excluded biophysical environment (Hoyen, 2013). To objectify society within a scientific discipline (Durkheim, 2016, pp. 58, 59, 168), Durkheim defended the use of social facts and collective consciousness against biology and psychology (Hannigan, 2006, p. 5), that social facts can only be explained by social facts (Buttel, 2002) that have power over individuals and are different from non-human and organic facts (Durkheim, 2016). As a result, the methodological dictum made Durkheim and sociologists ignore biological and physical parameters (Dunlap, 1997; Dunlap &amp; Catton, 2007). The exclusion of physical reality by Weberian and Durkheimian authors (Ritzer 1975; Choldin 1978, as cited in Dunlap &amp; Catton, 2007) should be seen as a constructive approach in the early years of sociology (Buttel, 2002). The exclusion of environment was dominant and environmental parameters were ignored in other subdisciplines like rural sociology until the 1970s; these subdisciplines are the foundation of environmental sociology (Dunlap &amp; Martin 1983, as cited in Dunlap, 2002). Durkheim implied the static position of nature throughout history while society changes and evolves (Durkheim, 2010; Gross, 2000; Jarvikoski, 1996). Durkheim separated the concept of evolution, originated from ecology and biology, from nature and integrated it into the social sphere (Durkheim, 2014). Furthermore, he put a sharp distinction between human society and animals, as they lack of morality and collective consciousness (Durkheim, 2010) and they are static unlike human societies (Durkheim, 2014). Although sociological theorists Durkheim, Weber, and Marx did not directly examine society-environment interaction; their studies indirectly included this issue (Hannigan, 2006, p. 5). Hence, Durkheim should be comprehended through the extensive framework of human-nature systems instead of narrow anthropocentricism (Rosa &amp; Richter, 2008). In fact, Durkheim did not deny the importance of biological and physical parameters in sociology (Jarvikoski, 1996). Moreover, Durkheim followed the example of natural science during the exploration of social reality (Durkheim, 2016). Despite a strong and common prejudice in traditional sociology, Durkheim’s studies involve many references to the environment. However, the methodological dictum of Durkheimian scholars reinstructed sociology (Catton, 2002), resulting in Dunlap and Catton, two founders of environmental sociology, strongly criticizing the Durkheimian theory. Contrarily, the limited prevalence of social facts and the emphasis on the environmental parameters in Durkheim’s studies are important objections to their critique (Rosa &amp; Richter, 2008). Çelebi (2007, p. 159) highlighted the importance of the balance between population and land as social facts that affect society. Durkheim considered the effects of the position of sun and the condition of the atmosphere to people, and his social morphology notion had other environmental insights like the use of land (Gross, 2000). He also implied the coevolution of nature and society in his work of Pragmatism and Sociology (Foster, 1999). According to him, nature is not the reverse of society, but a part, the highest representation, and complex form of nature (Durkheim 2010; Jarvikoski, 1996). Moreover, Durkheim (2016) implied similarities between “physical environment” and society and defined society as part of nature. Durkheim often referred to nature in his classical study of totemism. Tribe members lean toward plants, animals, and rocks in understanding their society. They imitate animals in their religious rituals. Safety and domination of nature make up their religion (Durkheim, 2010). Durkheim often used biological terms like species, population density, and resource scarcity in his explanation of social evolution and solidarity concepts (Buttel, 2002). He implied that division of labor exists in all living organisms, and transfers society from nature (Durkheim, 2014). On the other hand, his notion of competition and division of labor undermined environmental concerns like pollution and resource scarcity in urbanization (Lenski, 1984, as cited in Buttel &amp; Humprey, 2002). This paper aims to examine Durkheim’s sociological approach in terms of societyenvironment interaction. The construction process of sociology as a distinct discipline excluded environmental parameters. However, urbanization and industrialization in the 1950s have caused environmental concerns and movements in Western societies.&nbsp;The foundation of environmental sociology was challenged in the 1970s by the methodological dictum of Durkheim. Although some of his studies strongly separate society from environment like social facts, he often referred to environmental concepts like population, balance, organism, and resource scarcity. Durkheim also implied metabolic interaction between society and environment, and that society is a complex part of nature.

Durkheim’da Toplum-Çevre Etkileşimi: Dışlayıcı Toplumsal Olgulara Karşı Çevreci Potansiyel

@JOURNAL_BOX_FEATURED

Eric

Assist. Prof.

Durkheim and the Nation

Bjørn

From Holism to Participation: Three Phases in Durkheim’s Work

@JOURNAL_BOX_MOSTREAD

Makale gönderimi İstanbul Üniversitesi Yayınevi Yönetim Sistemi üzerinden yapılmaktadır. 

Dergimiz 2023 yılından itibaren özel temalı sayı düzenine geçmiştir. Bu sebeple tema dışındaki konulardan yapılacak başvurular değerlendirme süreçlerine alınmayacaktır. İlgili yılın temalarını dergi ana sayfasından "Duyurular" altındaki makale çağrısı sekmesinden takip edebilirsiniz.

İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyoloji Dergisi, 1914’te kurulan ve Türkiye’de sosyolojinin bilimsel disiplin olarak gelişmesine önemli katkılar sağlayan İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Sosyoloji Bölümü bünyesinde yayımlanmaktadır. İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyoloji Dergisi, İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi ve Sosyoloji Bölümü geleneklerinden beslenmekte ve bu kurumlarda oluşan birikimin yeni bakışla ve ürünlerle sürdürülmesini önemsemektedir.

İlk sayısı 1917 yılında basılan ve Türkçedeki ilk sosyoloji dergisi olan İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyoloji Dergisi, hâlihazırda yılda iki kez (Haziran ve Aralık) yayımlanan hakemli akademik bir dergidir. Yayın dili Türkçe, İngilizce, Fransızca, Almanca’dır. Derginin basılı versiyonu 2022 itibariyle durdurulmuştur; dergi yayın hayatına e-dergi olarak devam etmektedir. 

İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyoloji Dergisi, yaklaşık 100 yıllık yayın döneminde Türkiye’de sosyoloji disiplinini şekillendiren tartışmalara kaynaklık eden akademik standardı yüksek kuramsal ve uygulamalı araştırmalar yayınlayarak sosyoloji alanının öncü ve önemli dergilerinden birisi olmuştur.

İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyoloji Dergisi, sosyoloji alanında çalışan akademisyenlerin yanı sıra, antropoloji, istatistik, ekonomi, eğitim, tarih, siyaset bilimi gibi diğer sosyal bilim alanlarında çalışan bilim adamlarının sosyolojik perspektiften hazırlanmış katkılarına da açıktır. Dergi ayrıca değerlendirme yazıları, konferans, sempozyum ve atölye raporlarına da yer vermektedir. Dergide ayrıca belli konulara ayrılmış periyodik özel sayılar da yayınlanmaktadır.

Derginin tüm giderleri İstanbul Üniversitesi tarafından karşılanmaktadır. Dergide makale yayını ve makale süreçlerinin yürütülmesi ücrete tabi değildir. Dergiye gönderilen ya da yayın için kabul edilen makaleler için işlemleme ücreti ya da gönderim ücreti alınmaz. Açık Erişim İlkesi ve Telif Hakkında bilgi için: http://istanbul.edu.tr:8080/journal/iusd/information/politikalar                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                             

İsmail

ProQuest

Emerging Sources Citation Index (ESCI)

EBSCO

ERIH PLUS

TR Dizin

DOAJ

SOBIAD

Gale Cengage

Ulrichsweb

@METRIC_VOLUMES

@METRIC_ISSUES

@METRIC_ARTICLES

@METRIC_OPENACCESS

İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyoloji Dergisi

@INFO_TAB_ABOUT

Editor in Chief

Co Editor in Chief

Guest Editor

Section Editor

Scientific Secretariat

Language Editor

Editorial Relations Manager

Statistics Editor

Book Review Editor

Methodology Editor

Publicity Manager

Editorial Assistant

Technical Specialist

Ethics Editor

Editorial Board Member

@INFO_TAB_BOARDS

İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyoloji Dergisi, 1914’te kurulan ve Türkiye’de sosyolojinin bilimsel disiplin olarak gelişmesine önemli katkılar sağlayan İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Sosyoloji Bölümü bünyesinde yayımlanmaktadır.İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyoloji Dergisi, İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi ve Sosyoloji Bölümü geleneklerinden beslenmekte ve bu kurumlarda oluşan birikimin yeni bakışla ve ürünlerle sürdürülmesini önemsemektedir. İlk sayısı 1917 yılında basılan ve Türkçedeki ilk sosyoloji dergisi olan İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyoloji Dergisi, hâlihazırda yılda iki kez (Haziran ve Aralık) yayımlanan hakemli akademik bir dergidir.İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyoloji Dergisi, yaklaşık 100 yıllık yayın döneminde Türkiye’de sosyoloji disiplinini şekillendiren tartışmalara kaynaklık eden akademik standardı yüksek kuramsal ve uygulamalı araştırmalar yayınlayarak sosyoloji alanının öncü ve önemli dergilerinden birisi olmuştur.

Amaç ve Kapsam

<ul><li>Web of Science Emerging Sources Citation Index (ESCI)</li><li>TÜBİTAK ULAKBİM TR-Dizin</li><li>EBSCO Sociology Source Ultimate</li><li>EBSCO SocINDEX (with Full Text)</li><li>DOAJ</li><li>ProQuest CSA Sociological Abstract</li><li>Erih Plus</li><li>SOBİAD</li><li>Gale Cengage</li><li><a href="https://about.proquest.com/en/products-services/Ulrichsweb/" target="_blank" style="font-size: 14.6667px;">Ulrichsweb</a> </li>  </ul>

Dizinler

Dergi yayın etiğinde en yüksek standartlara bağlıdır ve <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a> ve <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> tarafından yayınlanan etik yayıncılık ilkelerini benimser; Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing başlığı altında ifade edilen ilkeler için: <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a> Gönderilen makaleler derginin amaç ve kapsamına uygun olmalıdır. Orijinal, yayınlanmamış ve başka bir dergide değerlendirme sürecinde olmayan, her bir yazar tarafından içeriği ve gönderimi onaylanmış yazılar değerlendirmeye kabul edilir. Makale yayınlanmak üzere Dergiye gönderildikten sonra yazarlardan hiçbirinin ismi, tüm yazarların yazılı izni olmadan yazar listesinden silinemez ve yeni bir isim yazar olarak eklenemez ve yazar sırası değiştirilemez.İntihal, duplikasyon, sahte yazarlık/inkar edilen yazarlık, araştrma/veri fabrikasyonu, makale dilimleme, dilimleyerek yayın, telif hakları ihlali ve çıkar çatışmasının gizlenmesi, etik dışı davranışlar olarak kabul edilir. Kabul edilen etik standartlara uygun olmayan tüm makaleler yayından çıkarılır. Buna yayından sonra tespit edilen olası kuraldışı, uygunsuzluklar içeren makaleler de dahildir.İntihal Ön kontrolden geçirilen makaleler, iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal/kendi kendine intihal tespit edilirse yazarlar bilgilendirilir. Editörler, gerekli olması halinde makaleyi değerlendirme ya da üretim sürecinin çeşitli aşamalarında intihal kontrolüne tabi tutabilirler. Yüksek benzerlik oranları, bir makalenin kabul edilmeden önce ve hatta kabul edildikten sonra reddedilmesine neden olabilir. Makalenin türüne bağlı olarak, bunun oranın %15 veya %20'den az olması beklenir.Çift Kör Hakemlikİntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir. Editör, makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakemlikten geçmesini sağlar ve makale biçimsel esaslara uygun ise, gelen yazıyı yurtiçinden ve /veya yurtdışından en az iki hakemin değerlendirmesine sunar, hakemler gerek gördüğü takdirde yazıda istenen değişiklikler yazarlar tarafından yapıldıktan sonra yayınlanmasına onay verir.

Politikalar

Dergi açık erişimlidir ve derginin tüm içeriği okura ya da okurun dahil olduğu kuruma ücretsiz olarak sunulur. Okurlar, ticari amaç haricinde, yayıncı ya da yazardan izin almadan dergi makalelerinin tam metnini okuyabilir, indirebilir, kopyalayabilir, arayabilir ve link sağlayabilir. Bu <a href="https://www.budapestopenaccessinitiative.org/translations/turkish-translation" target="_blank">BOAI</a> açık erişim tanımıyla uyumludur. Derginin açık erişimli makaleleri Creative Commons Atıf-GayrıTicari 4.0 Uluslararası (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.tr" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) olarak lisanslıdır.

Derginin tüm giderleri İstanbul Üniversitesi tarafından karşılanmaktadır. Dergide makale yayını ve makale süreçlerinin yürütülmesi ücrete tabi değildir. Dergiye gönderilen ya da yayın için kabul edilen makaleler için işlemleme ücreti ya da gönderim ücreti alınmaz.

Yazarlar dergide yayınlanan çalışmalarının telif hakkına sahiptirler ve çalışmaları  Creative Commons Atıf-GayrıTicari 4.0 Uluslararası (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.tr" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) olarak lisanslıdır. CC BY-NC 4.0 lisansı, eserin ticari kullanım dışında her boyut ve formatta paylaşılmasına, kopyalanmasına, çoğaltılmasına ve orijinal esere uygun şekilde atıfta bulunmak kaydıyla yeniden düzenleme, dönüştürme ve eserin üzerine inşa etme dâhil adapte edilmesine izin verir.

Editörler, yayınlanan makalede, bulguları, yorumları ve sonuçları etkilemeyen küçük hatalar tespit edilirse düzeltme yayınlamayı düşünebilirler. Editörler, bulguları ve sonuçları geçersiz kılan büyük hatalar / ihlaller söz konusu olduğunda, makaleyi geri çekmeyi düşünmelidir. Yazarlar tarafından araştırma veya yayını kötüye kullanmaya yönelik olasılık söz konusu ise; bulguların güvenilir olmadığına ve yazarların kurumlarının olayı soruşturmadığına dair kanıtlar var veya olası soruşturma haksız veya sonuçsuz görünüyor ise, editörler endişe ifadesi yayınlamayı düşünmelidir. Düzeltme, geri çekme veya endişe ifadesi ile ilgili olarak <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/flowcharts/complete-set-english" target="_blank">COPE</a> ve <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/" target="_blank">ICJME</a> yönergeleri dikkate alınır.Geri ÇekmeDergi geri çekme durumunda <a href="https://publicationethics.org/sites/default/files/retraction-guidelines-cope.pdf" target="_blank">COPE Retraction Guidelines</a>’ı izler. Editör, aşağıdaki durumlarda bir makaleyi geri çekme hakkına sahiptir: <ul><li>Büyük bir hata (örn. yanlış hesaplama veya deneysel hata), uydurma öğeler  (örn. veri) veya tahrifat (örn. görüntü manipülasyonu) gibi bulguların güvenilmez olduğu sonucunu çıkarmaya dair açık kanıtlar varsa; </li><li>İçerikte intihal varsa; </li><li>Uygun atıf yapılmadan başka bir yerde yayınlanmışsa;</li><li>Kullanım izni olmayan materyal veya veri içeriyorsa;</li><li>Telif hakkı ihlali veya başka bir ciddi yasal sorun varsa;</li><li>Etik olmayan araştırma içeriyorsa; </li><li>Hakem değerlendirme sürecinin bozulduğuna veya manipüle edildiğine dair kanıt varsa;</li><li>Yazar(lar), editörün görüşüne göre, çalışmanın yorumlanmasını veya editörlerin ve hakemlerin tavsiyelerini önemli derecede etkileyebilecek, kritik bir çıkar çatışmasını açıklamamış ise.</li></ul>Geri çekme durumunda aşağıdaki adımlar izlenir:<ul><li>Makale başlığını da içeren geri çekme bildirimi derginin bir sonraki sayısında yayınlanır. Geri çekme bildirimi  içindekiler tablosunda sayfa nosu verilerek listelenir. </li><li>Elektronik versiyonda geri çekme bildirimi ile orijinal makale arasında link sağlanır. </li><li>Online makaleden önce geri çekme bildirimini içeren sayfa gelir; okuyucu daha sonra makalenin kendisine geçebilir.</li><li>Orijinal makale, her sayfadaki .pdf üzerinde “geri çekildiğini” belirten bir filigran dışında değişmeden kalır.</li></ul>Yasal Nedenlerle Makalenin KaldırılmasıAşağıdaki durumlarda, üst veriler (başlık ve yazarlar) hariç olmak üzere, makale metni kaldırılır ve makalenin yasal nedenlerle kaldırıldığını bildiren bir sayfa makalenin yerini alır. <ul><li>Makalenin karalayıcı içerik ihtiva ettiği veya başkalarının yasal haklarını ihlal ettiği tespit edilir ve geri çekmenin yeterli bir çözüm olmadığı düşünülürse;</li><li>Makale bir mahkeme kararına konu olmuşsa veya olacağına dair makul bir neden varsa;</li><li>Kamu sağlığı açısından önemli bir risk söz konusu ise;  </li></ul>

Dergide yayınlanan tüm yazıların korunmasını ve kalıcı olarak erişilebilir olmasını sağlamak için makaleler, ulusal bir arşiv sitesi olarak hizmet veren ve aynı zamanda LOCKSS'in içeriği toplamasına, korumasına ve sunmasına izin veren Dergipark'ta saklanmaktadır.Ek olarak, yazarların kendilerinin makalelerinin son PDF sürümünü Open Archives Initiative (<a href="https://www.openarchives.org/" target="_blank">https://www.openarchives.org/</a>) standartlarına uygun açık elektronik arşivlerde arşivlemeleri önerilir. Yazarlar, yayınladıkları arşiv versiyonundan, İ.Ü. Yayınevinin dergi web sitesinin URL'sine bağlantı sağlamalıdır.

Yapay Zeka konusundaki gelişmeler ve akademik yayıncılıkta görülen uygulamalar dikkate alınarak oluşturulan Yapay Zeka Politikası, yazarların, hakemlerin ve editörlerin bu türden teknolojilerin kullanımında uymaları gereken editöryal ve etik ilkeleri içerir. Yapay Zeka politikasının oluşturulmasında, aşağıdaki kaynaklar dikkate alınmıştır:Committee on Publication Ethics <a href="https://publicationethics.org/guidance/cope-position/authorship-and-ai-tools" target="_blank">(COPE) - Authorship and AI tools</a>; International Committee of Medical Journal Editors <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/browse/roles-and-responsibilities/defining-the-role-of-authors-and-contributors.html#four" target="_blank">(ICMJE) - Artificial Intelligence (AI)-Assisted Technology; World Association of Medical Editors  (WAME) Chatbots, Generative AI, and Scholarly Manuscripts</a><a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/browse/roles-and-responsibilities/defining-the-role-of-authors-and-contributors.html#four"></a>Yapay Zeka destekli teknolojiler (Büyük Dil Modelleri [LLM'ler], sohbet robotları veya görüntü oluşturucular gibi), metin, görüntü, ses ve sentetik veriler dahil olmak üzere çeşitli içerikler geliştirebilmekte ve üretebilmektedir. Bu yetenekleri etik ve güvenli bir şekilde kullanıldığında üretkenliği artırabilir ve yeniliği teşvik edebilir; ancak insan yönlendirmesi olmadan kullanımında doğru olmayan ve taraflı sonuçlar; atıf verme konusunda eksikler ve hatalar; gizlilik ve fikri mülkiyet haklarının korunmasında eksiklikler; yazar ve yayıncıların haklarının potansiyel ihlali gibi riskler taşımaktadır. IUPress, Yapay Zeka kullanımı konusunda söz konusu riskleri bertaraf etmeyi amaçlayan aşağıdaki temel ilkeleri benimser:  <ul><li>İçerik üretiminde kullanılan (metin, şekiller, resimler ve kod dahil ancak bunlarla sınırlı olmamak üzere) her türlü Yapay Zeka ile ilgili ayrıntılar çalışmanın uygun bölümünde (bilgi notu olarak ve/veya metod kısmında) beyan edilmeli ve net biçimde açıklanmalıdır. </li><li>Hiçbir Yapay Zeka aracı hiçbir bilimsel çalışmada yazar olarak listelenemez. </li><li>Yazarlar, herhangi bir şekilde Yapay Zeka kullanımı durumunda da çalışmalarının doğruluğu, bütünlüğü ve özgünlüğünden sorumludur; başkalarının fikirleri, verileri, kelimeleri veya diğer materyallerini doğru referanslama ve atıf ile sunmakla yükümlüdürler. </li><li>Hakemler ve editörler gönderilen çalışmayı tamamen ya da kısmen hiçbir üretken Yapay Zeka uygulamasına yükleyemez. </li></ul>IUPress yayınlarının editöryal süreçlerinde, Yapay Zeka ile üretilmiş içerikleri tespit eden yardımcı araçlar editörlerin kullanımındadır. Öte yandan okunurluğu, dil ve grammeri iyileştirme ve geliştirme konusunda önerilerde bulunan Yapay Zeka araçlarının kullanılması yaygındır ve IUPress  yayınlarında bu türden Yapay Zeka araçları editörlerin ve yazarların gözetiminde kullanılabilir.

Yapay Zeka Politikası

<ul><li>Yazarlar, gönderdikleri çalışmayı oluştururken <a target="_blank">Yapay Zeka destekli teknolojiler (Büyük Dil Modelleri [LLM'ler], sohbet robotları veya görüntü oluşturucular gibi) </a>kullandılarsa, bunu  beyan etmekle yükümlüdür. </li><li>Yazarlar hem ön yazıda hem de sunulan çalışmanın uygun bölümünde (bilgi notu olarak ve/veya metod kısmında), hangi Yapay Zeka aracını ve hangi versiyonunu ne amaçla kullandıklarını açıklamalıdır. </li><li>Yapay Zeka destekli teknolojilerden yararlanılarak oluşturulan içeriğin ve alıntıların doğruluğu, geçerliliği ve uygunluğunun sağlanması, olası hata, tutarsızlık ve taraflı sonuçların giderilmesi yazarların sorumluluğundadır. </li><li>Yazarlar, Yapay Zeka destekli teknolojiler ile üretilmiş metinlerde intihal potansiyeli olduğunu dikkate alarak, olası intihali bertaraf etmek için orijinal kaynakları mutlaka kontrol etmelidir. Kontrol ettiğini ve kaynakların orijnal kaynaklar olduğunu teyid etmelidir.  </li><li>Yapay Zeka destekli araçlar (ChatGPT gibi) yazar olarak listelenemez çünkü çalışmanın doğruluğundan, bütünlüğünden ve orijinalliğinden sorumlu olamazlar ve bu sorumluluklar yazarlık için şarttır. Bu nedenle, Yapay Zeka destekli teknolojilerin kullanımını içeren tüm materyallerden yazarlar sorumludur. Yazarlar, makalede yer alan ve çalışmanın hipotezlerini, yorumlarını, sonuçlarını, sınırlamalarını ve çıkarımlarını bildiren tüm ifadelerin kendi fikirlerini temsil ettiğinden emin olmalıdırlar.  </li><li>Yazarların, Yapay Zeka araçlarını temel araştırmacı ve yazar sorumluluklarının yerini alacak, aşağıdaki şekillerde kullanarak oluşturdukları çalışmalar bilimsel yayıncılık ve yayın etiği ilkelerine aykırıdır ve bu türden çalışmaların yayınlarda yer almasına izin verilmez: <ul><li>Titiz revizyon olmadan metin veya kod oluşturma, </li><li>Sağlam bir metodoloji olmadan eksik verileri ikame etmek için sentetik veri üretimi,  </li><li>Özetler veya ek materyaller de dahil olmak üzere her türlü hatalı, sentetik içerik oluşturulması </li><li>Yapay Zeka kullanımı ile görüntü ve şekillerin (resimler, çizelgeler, veri tabloları, tıbbi görüntüler, görüntü parçacıkları, bilgisayar kodları ve formüller) veya orijinal araştırma verilerinin oluşturulması ve manipüle edilmesi (bir görüntü veya şekil içinde belirli bir özelliğin artırılması, gizlenmesi, taşınması, kaldırılması veya eklenmesi).</li></ul></li></ul>

Hakem sürecinde gizliliğin korunması, değerlendirilen çalışmanın bu süreçte paylaşılmaması veya kullanılmaması esastır.  <a></a><a href="https://publicationethics.org/sites/default/files/ethical-guidelines-peer-reviewers-cope.pdf" target="_blank">(COPE – Ethical Guidelines for Peer Reviewers</a>) <ul><li>Hakemler, kendilerine değerlendirme için gönderilen bir makaleyi veya herhangi bir bölümünü gözden geçirme, değerlendirme veya karar verme sürecine yardımcı olması için üretken Yapay Zeka araçlarına veya Büyük Dil Modellerine yüklememelidirler; zira hakemlerin bu türden Yapay Zeka araçlarına içerik yüklemesi yazarların gizlilik ve mülkiyet haklarını ihlal eder.  </li><li>Bilimsel bir makalenin incelenmesi, yalnızca insanlara atfedilebilecek sorumluluktur. Hakem değerlendirmesi için gereken eleştirel düşünme ve orijinal değerlendirme bu teknolojinin kapsamı dışındadır ve teknolojinin makale hakkında yanlış, eksik veya önyargılı sonuçlar üretme riski vardır. Hakem raporu ve karar mektupları, hakemlerin ve editörlerin gönderilen içeriğe ilişkin kişisel değerlendirmelerini yansıtmalıdır. Hakem, raporunun içeriğinden sorumludur ve hesap vermekle sorumludur. </li><li>Yapay Zeka araçları, hakem değerlendirmesi ile bağlantılı olarak hakem değerlendirme raporu dilinin kalitesini artırmak için (çeviri veya dil düzenlemesi için) sınırlı bir şekilde kullanılabilir. Böyle bir kullanım olduğunda, hakem raporu iletirken, kullanımı beyan etmelidir. </li><li>Bir başvuruda üretken Yapay Zekanın uygunsuz veya açıklanmamış kullanımından şüphelenen hakemler, endişelerini dergi editörüne bildirmelidir. </li></ul>

Editörler dergiye gönderilen makalelerin değerlendirme sürecinde gizliliğinin korunmasını sağlamakla yükümlüdürler, değerlendirilen çalışmanın bu sürece dahil olan taraflar dışında paylaşılmaması veya kullanılmaması esastır <a href="https://publicationethics.org/files/Code_of_conduct_for_journal_editors_Mar11.pdf" target="_blank">(COPE – Code of Conduct and Best Practice Guidelines for Journal Editors)</a>.<ul><li>Editörler, yazarların gizlilik ve mülkiyet haklarını ihlal edebileceğinden, gönderilen bir makaleyi veya herhangi bir bölümünü gözden geçirme, değerlendirilme veya karar verme sürecine yardımcı olması için üretken Yapay Zeka  araçlarına veya Büyük Dil Modelleri'ne yüklememelidir. </li><li>Bilimsel bir makalenin editoryal değerlendirmesini yönetmek, yalnızca insanlara atfedilebilecek sorumluluklar anlamına gelir. Üretken Yapay Zeka veya Yapay Zeka destekli teknolojiler, editörler tarafından bir makalenin değerlendirme veya karar verme sürecine yardımcı olmak için kullanılmamalıdır, çünkü bu iş için gereken eleştirel düşünme ve orijinal değerlendirme bu teknolojinin kapsamı dışındadır ve teknolojinin makale hakkında yanlış, eksik veya önyargılı sonuçlar üretme riski vardır. Editör, editoryal süreçten, nihai karardan ve bunların yazarlara iletilmesinden sorumlu ve mesuldür.</li><li>Editörler, karar mektupları veya yayınlanmamış araştırmaların özetlerini oluşturmak için üretken Yapay Zeka aracı kullanmamalıdır. </li><li>Editörler, uygun hakemleri bulma konusunda yardımcı olması için üretken Yapay Zeka araçlarını kullanabilir.</li><li>Editörler, gönderilen bir makalede veya gönderilen bir hakem raporunda üretken Yapay Zeka kullanıldığından şüphelenirse konuyla ilgili editoryal bir değerlendirme yapmalı ve politikayı göz önünde bulundurmalıdır. </li></ul>

İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyoloji Dergisi, yayın etiğinde en yüksek standartlara bağlıdır ve <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a> ve <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> tarafından yayınlanan etik yayıncılık ilkelerini benimser; Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing başlığı altında ifade edilen ilkeler için adres: <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a>Gönderilen tüm makaleler orijinal, yayınlanmamış ve başka bir dergide değerlendirme sürecinde olmamalıdır. Yazar makalenin orijinal olduğu, daha önce başka bir yerde yayınlanmadığı ve başka bir yerde, başka bir dilde yayınlanmak üzere değerlendirmede olmadığını beyan etmelidir. Uygulamadaki telif kanunları ve anlaşmaları gözetilmelidir. Telife bağlı materyaller (örneğin tablolar, şekiller veya büyük alıntılar) gerekli izin ve teşekkürle kullanılmalıdır. Başka yazarların, katkıda bulunanların çalışmaları ya da yararlanılan kaynaklar uygun biçimde kullanılmalı ve referanslarda belirtilmelidir. Her bir makale editörlerden biri ve en az iki hakem tarafından çift kör değerlendirmeden geçirilir. İntihal, duplikasyon, sahte yazarlık/inkar edilen yazarlık, araştırma/veri fabrikasyonu, makale dilimleme, dilimleyerek yayın, telif hakları ihlali ve çıkar çatışmasının gizlenmesi, etik dışı davranışlar olarak kabul edilir.Kabul edilen etik standartlara uygun olmayan tüm makaleler yayından çıkarılır. Buna yayından sonra tespit edilen olası kuraldışı, uygunsuzluklar içeren makaleler de dahildir.

Etik

İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyoloji Dergisi araştırma etiğinde en yüksek standartları gözetir ve aşağıda tanımlanan uluslararası araştırma etiği ilkelerini benimser. Makalelerin etik kurallara uygunluğu yazarların sorumluluğundadır.<ul><li>Araştırmanın tasarlanması, tasarımın gözden geçirilmesi ve araştırmanın yürütülmesinde, bütünlük, kalite ve şeffaflık ilkeleri sağlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma ekibi ve katılımcılar, araştırmanın amacı, yöntemleri ve öngörülen olası kullanımları; araştırmaya katılımın gerektirdikleri ve varsa riskleri hakkında tam olarak bilgilendirilmelidir.</li><li>Araştırma katılımcılarının sağladığı bilgilerin gizliliği ve yanıt verenlerin gizliliği sağlanmalıdır. Araştırma katılımcıların özerkliğini ve saygınlığını koruyacak şekilde tasarlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma katılımcıları gönüllü olarak araştırmada yer almalı, herhangi bir zorlama altında olmamalıdırlar.</li><li>Katılımcıların zarar görmesinden kaçınılmalıdır. Araştırma, katılımcıları riske sokmayacak şekilde planlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma bağımsızlığıyla ilgili açık ve net olunmalı; çıkar çatışması varsa belirtilmelidir.</li><li>İnsan denekler ile yapılan deneysel çalışmalarda, araştırmaya katılmaya karar veren katılımcıların yazılı bilgilendirilmiş onayı alınmalıdır. Çocukların ve vesayet altındakilerin veya tasdiklenmiş akıl hastalığı bulunanların yasal vasisinin onayı alınmalıdır.</li><li>Çalışma herhangi bir kurum ya da kuruluşta gerçekleştirilecekse bu kurum ya da kuruluştan çalışma yapılacağına dair onay alınmalıdır.</li><li>İnsan öğesi bulunan çalışmalarda, “yöntem” bölümünde katılımcılardan “bilgilendirilmiş onam” alındığının ve çalışmanın yapıldığı kurumdan etik kurul onayı alındığı belirtilmesi gerekir.</li></ul>

Makalelerin bilimsel ve etik kurallara uygunluğu yazarların sorumluluğundadır. Yazar makalenin orijinal olduğu, daha önce başka bir yerde yayınlanmadığı ve başka bir yerde, başka bir dilde yayınlanmak üzere değerlendirmede olmadığı konusunda teminat sağlamalıdır. Uygulamadaki telif kanunları ve anlaşmaları gözetilmelidir. Telife bağlı materyaller (örneğin tablolar, şekiller veya büyük alıntılar) gerekli izin ve teşekkürle kullanılmalıdır. Başka yazarların, katkıda bulunanların çalışmaları ya da yararlanılan kaynaklar uygun biçimde kullanılmalı ve referanslarda belirtilmelidir.Gönderilen makalede tüm yazarların akademik ve bilimsel olarak doğrudan katkısı olmalıdır, bu bağlamda “yazar” yayınlanan bir araştırmanın kavramsallaştırılmasına ve dizaynına, verilerin elde edilmesine, analizine ya da yorumlanmasına belirgin katkı yapan, yazının yazılması ya da bunun içerik açısından eleştirel biçimde gözden geçirilmesinde görev yapan birisi olarak görülür. Yazar olabilmenin diğer koşulları ise, makaledeki çalışmayı planlamak veya icra etmek ve / veya revize etmektir. Fon sağlanması, veri toplanması ya da araştırma grubunun genel süpervizyonu tek başına yazarlık hakkı kazandırmaz. Yazar olarak gösterilen tüm bireyler sayılan tüm ölçütleri karşılamalıdır ve yukarıdaki ölçütleri karşılayan her birey yazar olarak gösterilebilir. Yazarların isim sıralaması ortak verilen bir karar olmalıdır. Tüm yazarlar yazar sıralamasını <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/E4B02593AB954F738F4F25A2A51326D4" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formunda</a> imzalı olarak belirtmek zorundadırlar.Yazarlık için yeterli ölçütleri karşılamayan ancak çalışmaya katkısı olan tüm bireyler “teşekkür / bilgiler” kısmında sıralanmalıdır. Bunlara örnek olarak ise sadece teknik destek sağlayan, yazıma yardımcı olan ya da sadece genel bir destek sağlayan, finansal ve materyal desteği sunan kişiler verilebilir.Bütün yazarlar, araştırmanın sonuçlarını ya da bilimsel değerlendirmeyi etkileyebilme potansiyeli olan finansal ilişkiler, çıkar çatışması ve çıkar rekabetini beyan etmelidirler. Bir yazar kendi yayınlanmış yazısında belirgin bir hata ya da yanlışlık tespit ederse, bu yanlışlıklara ilişkin düzeltme ya da geri çekme için editör ile hemen temasa geçme ve işbirliği yapma sorumluluğunu taşır.

Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirirler. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar. Gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalacağını garanti eder. Baş editör içerik ve yayının toplam kalitesinden sorumludur. Gereğinde hata sayfası yayınlamalı ya da düzeltme yapmalıdır. Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemler, araştırma, yazarlar ve/veya araştırmaya fon sağlayanlarla çıkar çatışması içinde olmamalıdır. Hakemler değerlendirmelerinin sonucunda tarafsız bir yargıya varmalıdırlar. Gönderilmiş yazılara ilişkin tüm bilginin gizli tutulmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar. Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir. Bazı durumlarda editörün kararıyla, ilgili hakemlerin makaleye ait yorumları aynı makaleyi yorumlayan diğer hakemlere gönderilerek hakemlerin bu süreçte aydınlatılması sağlanabilir.

Daha önce yayınlanmamış ya da yayınlanmak üzere başka bir dergide halen değerlendirmede olmayan ve her bir yazar tarafından onaylanan makaleler değerlendirilmek üzere kabul edilir. Gönderilen ve ön kontrolü geçen makaleler iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir.Seçilen makaleler en az iki ulusal/uluslararası hakeme çift taraflı kör hakemlik ile değerlendirmeye gönderilir; yayın kararı, hakemlerin talepleri doğrultusunda yazarların gerçekleştirdiği düzenlemelerin ve hakem sürecinin sonrasında baş editör tarafından verilir.

Hakemlik Hakkında

Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirirler. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar. Gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalacağını garanti eder.Baş editör içerik ve yayının toplam kalitesinden sorumludur. Gereğinde hata sayfası yayınlamalı ya da düzeltme yapmalıdır.Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemler, araştırma, yazarlar ve/veya araştırmaya fon sağlayanlarla çıkar çatışması içinde olmamalıdır. Hakemler değerlendirmelerinin sonucunda tarafsız bir yargıya varmalıdırlar. Gönderilmiş yazılara ilişkin tüm bilginin gizli tutulmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar.Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir. Bazı durumlarda editörün kararıyla, ilgili hakemlerin makaleye ait yorumları aynı makaleyi yorumlayan diğer hakemlere gönderilerek hakemlerin bu süreçte aydınlatılması sağlanabilir.

Daha önce yayınlanmamış ya da yayınlanmak üzere başka bir dergide halen değerlendirmede olmayan ve her bir yazar tarafından onaylanan makaleler değerlendirilmek üzere kabul edilir. Gönderilen ve ön kontrolü geçen makaleler iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir.Baş Editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirir. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar.Seçilen makaleler en az iki ulusal/uluslararası hakeme değerlendirmeye gönderilir; yayın kararı, hakemlerin talepleri doğrultusunda yazarların gerçekleştirdiği düzenlemelerin ve hakem sürecinin sonrasında baş editör tarafından verilir.Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemlerin değerlendirmeleri objektif olmalıdır. Hakem süreci sırasında hakemlerin aşağıdaki hususları dikkate alarak değerlendirmelerini yapmaları beklenir.-Makale yeni ve önemli bir bilgi içeriyor mu?-Öz, makalenin içeriğini net ve düzgün bir şekilde tanımlıyor mu?-Yöntem bütünlüklü ve anlaşılır şekilde tanımlanmış mı?-Yapılan yorum ve varılan sonuçlar bulgularla kanıtlanıyor mu?-Alandaki diğer çalışmalara yeterli referans verilmiş mi?-Dil kalitesi yeterli mi?Hakemler, gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar.Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir.

Genel Biçim Özellikleri<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/EB71013DC4F742EC8AC78EB353AD4C61" target="_blank">Yazım kuralları ile ilgili örnekler ve örnek makale şablonu için tıklayınız.</a>Yazı Tipi: Bütün metinde 10 punto Times New Roman yazı karakteri kullanılır. Tablo ve şekillerin nasıl hazırlanacağına dair ilgili bölüme bakınız.Sayfa Yapısı: A4 boyutlarındaki kâğıda üst, alt, sağ ve sol boşluk 2,5 cm (0.98 inç) bırakılarak, iki yana dayalı, satır sonu tirelemesiz şekilde olmalıdır. Çalışmalar tek sütun olarak hazırlanmalıdır. Paragraflarda ve başlıklarda girinti ve çıkıntı olmamalıdır.Paragraf Yapısı: Paragraf sekmesinde girintiler bölümünde; önce ve sonra alanı 0,6 nk satır aralığı 1,5 olmalıdır.Sayfa Sınırı: Yukarıdaki şablona göre hazırlanmış bir çalışma 20 sayfayı aşmamalıdır.Çalışma BölümleriBaşlık: Makale başlığı bold ve sola yaslı olmalıdır. Çalışma daha önce sunulmuşsa, bir projeden veya tezden üretilmişse vs. başlığın sonuna * dipnotu konularak açıklama yapılmalıdır.Yazar İsimleri: Yazar isimleri düz olmalıdır. Yazarın/yazarların tam adları, unvanları, çalıştıkları kurumlar, adres, telefon ve elektronik posta bilgileri belirtilmelidir.Öz: 150-200 kelime arasında olmalıdır. Özde atıf kullanılmamalıdır.Anahtar Kelimeler: 5-8 kelime arasında olmalıdır.Ana Metin: Nicel ve nitel çalışmalar Giriş, Yöntem, Bulgular ve Tartışma bölümlerini içermelidir.Yöntem kısmında mutlaka Örneklem/Çalışma Grubu, Veri Toplama Araçları ve İşlem alt bölümleri bulunmalıdır. Model alt bölümüne sadece özgün bir model kullanılmışsa yer verilmelidir.Derleme türü çalışmalar problemi ortaya koymalı, ilgili literatürü yetkin bir biçimde analiz etmeli, literatürdeki eksiklikler, boşluklar ve çelişkilerin üzerinde durmalı ve çözüm için atılması gereken adımlardan bahsetmelidir.Diğer çalışmalarda konunun türüne göre değişiklik yapılabilir, fakat bunun okuyucunun metinden faydalanmasını güçleştirecek detayda alt bölümler şeklinde olmamasına özen gösterilmelidir.Title: Makale başlığı bold ve sola yaslı olmalıdır. Çalışma daha önce sunulmuşsa, bir projeden veya tezden üretilmişse vs. başlığın sonuna * dipnotu konularak açıklama yapılmalıdır.Abstract: 150-200 kelime arasında olmalıdırKeywords: 5-8 kelime arasında olmalıdırExtended Abstract: 1000-1500 kelime arasında olmalıdırKaynakça: Hem metin içinde hem de kaynakçada Amerikan Psikologlar Birliği tarafından yayımlanan Publication Manual of American Psychological Association (APA) (6. baskı) adlı kitapta belirtilen yazım kuralları uygulanmalıdır.Tablo, Şekil ve EklerTablo ve Şekiller: Tablo, şekil, resim, grafik vb. unsurlar metin içerisinde yer almalıdır. Çalışmanın sonunda ayrıca verilmemelidir.Tablo ve şekillerde genel şablonun dışında 9 punto Times New Roman yazı karakteri kullanılır. Paragraf sekmesinde girintiler bölümünde;• önce ve sonra alanı 0 nk,• satır aralığı tek olmalıdır.Tablo ve şekiller sola dayalı olmalı ve metin kaydırma özelliği kapalı olmalıdır. Tablo gösterimi için Örnek Makaleyi inceleyiniz.Ekler: Her bir ek ayrı sayfalarda, kaynakçadan sonra verilmelidir.Diğer: p değeri sadece tablo dışında gösterilmelidir. Tablo içerisinde ayrı bir p sütunu oluşturulmamalıdır. Metin içindeki p değerleri italik olarak gösterilmelidir. Verilen sayılarda virgülden sonra sadece iki digit/basamak kullanılmalıdır.

Yazım Kuralları

Makaleyi göndermeden önce Yazarlara Bilgi’yi lütfen okuyun ve aşağıdakilerin eksik olmadığından emin olun:<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/212A9245455F402992EFD09FE4B51625" target="_blank">Yazım kuralları ile ilgili örnekler ve örnek makale şablonu için tıklayınız.</a>Editöre mektup<ul type="disc"> <ul type="circle"> <li>Makalenin türü</li> <li>Başka bir dergiye gönderilmemiş olduğu bilgisi</li> <li>Sponsor veya ticari bir firma ile ilişkisi (varsa belirtiniz)</li> <li>Kaynakların APA6’ya göre belirtildiği</li> <li>İngilizce yönünden kontrolünün yapıldığı</li> <li>Yazarlara Bilgide detaylı olarak anlatılan dergi politikalarının gözden geçirildiği</li> </ul> </ul><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/E4B02593AB954F738F4F25A2A51326D4" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a>Daha önce basılmış material (yazı-resim-tablo) kullanılmış ise izin belgesi<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/A889E731C7BA4220A543F0731EA124F3" target="_blank">Makale kapak sayfası</a><ul type="disc"> <ul type="circle"> <li>Makalenin kategorisi</li> <li>Makalenin Türkçe ve İngilizce başlığı</li> <li>Yazarların ismi soyadı, unvanları ve bağlı oldukları kurumlar (üniversite ve fakülte bilgisinden sonar şehir ve ülke bilgisi de yer almalıdır), e-posta adresleri</li> <li>Sorumlu yazarın e-posta adresi, açık yazışma adresi, iş telefonu, GSM, faks nosu</li> <li>Tüm yazarların ORCID’leri</li> </ul> </ul>Makalenin ana metni<ul type="disc"> <ul type="circle"> <li>Makalenin Türkçe ve İngilizce başlığı</li> <li>Özetler 150-200 kelime Türkçe ve 150-200 kelime İngilizce</li> <li>Anahtar Kelimeler: 5-8 arası Türkçe ve 5-8 arası İngilizce</li> <li>Makale Türkçe ise, İngilizce genişletilmiş özet (Extended Abstract) 1000-1500 kelime</li> <li>Makale ana metin bölümleri</li> <li>Teşekkür (varsa belirtiniz)</li> <li>Kaynaklar</li> <li>Tablolar-Resimler, Şekiller (başlık, tanım ve alt yazılarıyla)​</li></ul></ul>Ayrı Ayrı Yüklemeniz gereken dosyalar<ul type="disc"> <li><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/E4B02593AB954F738F4F25A2A51326D4" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a></li> <li>Resim, Tablo vb başka kaynaktan alındıysa izin belgesi</li> <li><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/A889E731C7BA4220A543F0731EA124F3" target="_blank">Makale Kapak Sayfası</a></li> <li>Makale Ana Metni Dosyası  (Bu dosya aşağıdaki unsurları içermelidir)</li> </ul><ul type="disc"> <ul type="circle"> <li>Makalenin Türkçe ve İngilizce başlığı</li> <li>Özetler 150-200 kelime Tükçe ve 150-200 kelime İngilizce</li> <li>Anahtar Kelimeler: 5-8 arası Türkçe ve 5-8 arası İngilizce</li> <li>Makale Türkçe ise, İngilizce genişletilmiş Özet (Extended Abstract)  1000-1500 kelime</li> <li>Makale ana metin bölümleri</li> <li>Teşekkür (varsa belirtiniz)</li> <li>Kaynaklar</li> <li>Tablolar-Resimler, Şekiller (başlık, tanım ve alt yazılarıyla)</li></ul></ul><ul type="disc"> </ul>

Derleme yazıları okuyucular için bir konudaki kaynaklara ulaşmayı kolaylaştıran bir araç olsa da, her zaman orijinal çalışmayı doğru olarak yansıtmaz. Bu yüzden mümkün olduğunca yazarlar orijinal çalışmaları kaynak göstermelidir. Öte yandan, bir konuda çok fazla sayıda orijinal çalışmanın kaynak gösterilmesi yer israfına neden olabilir. Birkaç anahtar orijinal çalışmanın kaynak gösterilmesi genelde uzun listelerle aynı işi görür. Ayrıca günümüzde kaynaklar elektronik versiyonlara eklenebilmekte ve okuyucular elektronik literatür taramalarıyla yayınlara kolaylıkla ulaşabilmektedir.Kabul edilmiş ancak henüz sayıya dahil edilmemiş makaleler Early View olarak yayınlanır ve bu makalelere atıflar “advance online publication” şeklinde verilmelidir. Genel bir kaynaktan elde edilemeyecek temel bir konu olmadıkça “kişisel iletişimlere” atıfta bulunulmamalıdır. Eğer atıfta bulunulursa parantez içinde iletişim kurulan kişinin adı ve iletişimin tarihi belirtilmelidir. Bilimsel makaleler için yazarlar bu kaynaktan yazılı izin ve iletişimin doğruluğunu gösterir belge almalıdır. Kaynakların doğruluğundan yazar(lar) sorumludur. Tüm kaynaklar metinde belirtilmelidir. Kaynaklar alfabetik olarak sıralanmalıdır.Referans Stili ve Formatıİstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyoloji Dergisi, metin içi alıntılama ve kaynak gösterme için APA (American Psychological Association) kaynak sitilinin 6. edisyonunu benimser. APA 6.Edisyon hakkında bilgi için:-    American Psychological Association. (2010). Publication manual of the American PsychologicalAssociation (6th ed.). Washington, DC: APA.-    <a href="http://www.apastyle.org/" target="_blank">http://www.apastyle.org/</a>Kaynakların doğruluğundan yazar(lar) sorumludur. Tüm kaynaklar metinde belirtilmelidir. Kaynaklar aşağıdaki örneklerdeki gibi gösterilmelidir.Metin İçinde Kaynak GöstermeKaynaklar metinde parantez içinde yazarların soyadı ve yayın tarihi yazılarak belirtilmelidir.Birden fazla kaynak gösterilecekse kaynaklar arasında (;) işareti kullanılmalıdır. Kaynaklar alfabetik olarak sıralanmalıdır.Örnekler:Birden fazla kaynak;(Esin ve ark., 2002; Karasar 1995)Tek yazarlı kaynak;(Akyolcu, 2007)İki yazarlı kaynak;(Sayıner ve Demirci 2007, s. 72)Üç, dört ve beş yazarlı kaynak;Metin içinde ilk kullanımda: (Ailen, Ciambrune ve Welch 2000, s. 12–13) Metin içinde tekrarlayan kullanımlarda: (Ailen ve ark., 2000)Altı ve daha çok yazarlı kaynak;(Çavdar ve ark., 2003)Kaynaklar Bölümünde Kaynak GöstermeKullanılan tüm kaynaklar metnin sonunda ayrı bir bölüm halinde yazar soyadlarına göre alfabetik olarak numaralandırılmadan verilmelidir.Kaynak yazımı ile ilgili örnekler aşağıda verilmiştir.Kitapa) Türkçe KitapKarasar, N. (1995). Araştırmalarda rapor hazırlama (8.bs). Ankara: 3A Eğitim Danışmanlık Ltd.b) Türkçeye Çevrilmiş KitapMucchielli, A. (1991). Zihniyetler (A. Kotil, Çev.). İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları.c) Editörlü KitapÖren, T., Üney, T. ve Çölkesen, R. (Ed.). (2006). Türkiye bilişim ansiklopedisi. İstanbul: Papatya Yayıncılık.d) Çok Yazarlı Türkçe KitapTonta, Y., Bitirim, Y. ve Sever, H. (2002). Türkçe arama motorlarında performans değerlendirme. Ankara: Total Bilişim.e) İngilizce KitapKamien R., &amp; Kamien A. (2014). Music: An appreciation. New York, NY: McGraw-Hill Education.f) İngilizce Kitap İçerisinde BölümBassett, C. (2006). Cultural studies and new media. In G. Hall &amp; C. Birchall (Eds.), New cultural studies: Adventures in theory (pp. 220–237). Edinburgh, UK: Edinburgh University Press.g) Türkçe Kitap İçerisinde BölümErkmen, T. (2012). Örgüt kültürü: Fonksiyonları, öğeleri, işletme yönetimi ve liderlikteki önemi. M. Zencirkıran (Ed.), Örgüt sosyolojisi kitabı içinde (s. 233–263). Bursa: Dora Basım Yayın.h) Yayımcının ve Yazarın Kurum Olduğu YayınTürk Standartları Enstitüsü. (1974). Adlandırma ilkeleri. Ankara: Yazar.Makalea) Türkçe MakaleMutlu, B. ve Savaşer, S. (2007). Çocuğu ameliyat sonrası yoğun bakımda olan ebeveynlerde stres nedenleri ve azaltma girişimleri. İstanbul Üniversitesi Florence Nightingale Hemşirelik Dergisi, 15(60), 179–182.b) İngilizce Makalede Cillia, R., Reisigl, M., &amp; Wodak, R. (1999). The discursive construction of national identity. Discourse and Society, 10(2), 149–173. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957926599010002002c) Yediden Fazla Yazarlı MakaleLal, H., Cunningham, A. L., Godeaux, O., Chlibek, R., Diez-Domingo, J., Hwang, S.-J. ... Heineman, T. C. (2015). Efficacy of an adjuvanted herpes zoster subunit vaccine in older adults. New England Journal of Medicine, 372, 2087–2096. http://dx.doi.org/10.1056/NEJMoa1501184d) DOI’si Olmayan Online Edinilmiş MakaleAl, U. ve Doğan, G. (2012). Hacettepe Üniversitesi Bilgi ve Belge Yönetimi Bölümü tezlerinin atıf analizi. Türk Kütüphaneciliği, 26, 349–369. Erişim adresi: http://www.tk.org.tr/e) DOI’si Olan MakaleTurner, S. J. (2010). Website statistics 2.0: Using Google Analytics to measure library website effectiveness. Technical Services Quarterly, 27, 261–278. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07317131003765910f) Advance Online Olarak Yayımlanmış MakaleSmith, J. A. (2010). Citing advance online publication: A review. Journal of Psychology. Advance online publication. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/a45d7867g) Popüler Dergi MakalesiSemercioğlu, C. (2015, Haziran). Sıradanlığın rayihası. Sabit Fikir, 52, 38–39.Tez, Sunum, Bildiria) Türkçe TezlerSarı, E. (2008). Kültür kimlik ve politika: Mardin’de kültürlerarasılık. (Doktora Tezi). Ankara Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, Ankara.b)Ticari Veritabanında Yer Alan Yüksek Lisans Ya da Doktora TeziVan Brunt, D. (1997). Networked consumer health information systems (Doctoral dissertation). Available from ProQuest Dissertations and Theses. (UMI No. 9943436)c) Kurumsal Veritabanında Yer Alan İngilizce Yüksek Lisans/Doktora TeziYaylalı-Yıldız, B. (2014). University campuses as places of potential publicness: Exploring the politicals, social and cultural practices in Ege University (Doctoral dissertation). Retrieved from Retrieved from: http://library.iyte.edu.tr/tr/hizli-erisim/iyte-tez-portalid) Web’de Yer Alan İngilizce Yüksek Lisans/Doktora TeziTonta, Y. A. (1992). An analysis of search failures in online library catalogs (Doctoral dissertation, University of California, Berkeley). Retrieved from http://yunus.hacettepe.edu.tr/~tonta/yayinlar/phd/ickapak.htmle) Dissertations Abstracts International’da Yer Alan Yüksek Lisans/Doktora TeziAppelbaum, L. G. (2005). Three studies of human information processing: Texture amplifica&#173;tion, motion representation, and figure-ground segregation. Dissertation Abstracts International: Section B. Sciences and Engineering, 65(10), 5428.f) Sempozyum KatkısıKrinsky-McHale, S. J., Zigman, W. B. &amp; Silverman, W. (2012, August). Are neuropsychiatric symptoms markers of prodromal Alzheimer’s disease in adults with Down syndrome? In W. B. Zigman (Chair), Predictors of mild cognitive impairment, dementia, and mortality in adults with Down syndrome. Symposium conducted at American Psychological Association meeting, Orlando, FL.g) Online Olarak Erişilen Konferans Bildiri ÖzetiÇınar, M., Doğan, D. ve Seferoğlu, S. S. (2015, Şubat). Eğitimde dijital araçlar: Google sınıf uygulaması üzerine bir değerlendirme [Öz]. Akademik Bilişim Konferansında sunulan bildiri, Anadolu Üniversitesi, Eskişehir. Erişim adresi: http://ab2015.anadolu.edu.tr /index.php?menu=5&amp;submenu=27h) Düzenli Olarak Online Yayımlanan BildirilerHerculano-Houzel, S., Collins, C. E., Wong, P., Kaas, J. H., &amp; Lent, R. (2008). The basic nonuniformity of the cerebral cortex. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 105, 12593–12598. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.0805417105i) Kitap Şeklinde Yayımlanan BildirilerSchneider, R. (2013). Research data literacy. S. Kurbanoğlu ve ark. (Ed.), Communications in Computer and Information Science: Vol. 397. Worldwide Communalities and Challenges in Information Literacy Research and Practice içinde (s. 134–140) . Cham, İsviçre: Springer. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-03919-0j) Kongre BildirisiÇepni, S., Bacanak A. ve Özsevgeç T. (2001, Haziran). Fen bilgisi öğretmen adaylarının fen branşlarına karşı tutumları ile fen branşlarındaki başarılarının ilişkisi. X. Ulusal Eğitim Bilimleri Kongresi’nde sunulan bildiri, Abant İzzet Baysal Üniversitesi, BoluDiğer Kaynaklara) Gazete YazısıToker, Ç. (2015, 26 Haziran). ‘Unutma’ notları. Cumhuriyet, s. 13.b) Online Gazete YazısıTamer, M. (2015, 26 Haziran). E-ticaret hamle yapmak için tüketiciyi bekliyor. Milliyet. Erişim adresi: http://www.milliyetc) Web Page/Blog PostBordwell, D. (2013, June 18). David Koepp: Making the world movie-sized [Web log post]. Retrieved from http://www.davidbordwell.net/blog/page/27/d) Online Ansiklopedi/SözlükBilgi mimarisi. (2014, 20 Aralık). Vikipedi içinde. Erişim adresi: http://tr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bilgi_mimarisiMarcoux, A. (2008). Business ethics. In E. N. Zalta (Ed.), The Stanford encyclopedia of philosophy. Retrieved from http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/ethics-business/e) PodcastRadyo ODTÜ (Yapımcı). (2015, 13 Nisan). Modern sabahlar [Podcast]. Erişim adresi: http://www.radyoodtu.com.tr/f) Bir Televizyon Dizisinden Tek Bir BölümShore, D. (Senarist), Jackson, M. (Senarist) ve Bookstaver, S. (Yönetmen). (2012). Runaways [Televizyon dizisi bölümü]. D. Shore (Baş yapımcı), House M.D. içinde. New York, NY: Fox Broadcasting.g) Müzik KaydıSay, F. (2009). Galata Kulesi. İstanbul senfonisi [CD] içinde. İstanbul: Ak Müzik.Yukarıda sıralanan koşulları yerine getirmemiş çalışma kabul edilmez, eksiklerinin tamamlanması için yazara iade edilir. Yayın Komisyonu tarafından kabul edilen yazılar basıma kabul sırasına göre yayınlanır. Baskı tashihleri yazarlar tarafından yapılır.

Aşağıdaki listede eksik olmadığından emin olun:●    Editöre mektup<ul><li>Makalenin türü</li><li>Başka bir dergiye gönderilmemiş olduğu bilgisi</li><li>Sponsor veya ticari bir firma ile ilişkisi (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Kaynakların APA6’ya göre belirtildiği</li><li>İngilizce yönünden kontrolünün yapıldığı</li><li>Yazarlara Bilgide detaylı olarak anlatılan dergi politikalarının gözden geçirildiği</li></ul>●    <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/E4B02593AB954F738F4F25A2A51326D4" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a>●    Daha önce basılmış materyal (yazı-resim-tablo) kullanılmış ise izin belgesi●    <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/A889E731C7BA4220A543F0731EA124F3" target="_blank">Kapak sayfası</a><ul><li>Makalenin kategorisi</li><li>Makale dilinde ve İngilizce başlık</li><li>Yazarların ismi soyadı, unvanları ve bağlı oldukları kurumlar (üniversite ve fakülte bilgisinden sonra şehir ve ülke bilgisi de yer almalıdır), e-posta adresleri</li><li>Sorumlu yazarın e-posta adresi, açık yazışma adresi, iş telefonu, GSM, faks nosu</li><li>Tüm yazarların ORCID’leri</li></ul>●    Makale ana metni<ul><li>Makale dilinde ve İngilizce başlık</li><li>Özetler 200-250 kelime makale dilinde ve 200-250 kelime İngilizce</li><li>Anahtar Kelimeler: 5 adet makale dilinde ve 5 adet İngilizce</li><li>İngilizce olmayan makaleler için (Örn, Almanca, Fransızca vd dillerdeki makaleler)</li><li>İngilizce genişletilmiş Özet (Extended Abstract) 600-800 kelime</li><li>Makale ana metin bölümleri</li><li>Teşekkür (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Finansal destek (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Çıkar çatışması (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Son notlar (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Kaynaklar</li><li>Tablolar-Resimler, Şekiller (başlık, tanım ve alt yazılarıyla)</li></ul>

<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/E4B02593AB954F738F4F25A2A51326D4" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/BC52482EF8BE495EA0FA24808A4A0321" target="_blank">Yazar Formu</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/A889E731C7BA4220A543F0731EA124F3" target="_blank">Kapak Sayfası</a>

İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyoloji Dergisi

ERKEN GÖRÜNÜM

Yeni Evrimsel Sosyoloji Perspektifinden Lévi-Strauss’a Bakmak: Doğa-Kültür İkiliği

Louise Glück’s “A Myth of Innocence” and the Myth of Persephone: A Structuralist Analysis through Lévi-Strauss

Mutfak Üçgeni

PAYLAŞ