Ayşe

Prof.

Tomas

Şeref

Medical dissertations composed in Latin by Ottoman authors have been largely neglected in historical research. Dr. Marcus Marchand’s De Peste Orientali has been discovered as one of these published theses. Marcus Marchand (b. Istanbul, 1807 – d. Istanbul, 1879) attended the Vienna University Medical Faculty between the years 1824 and 1830, and received his Doctoris Medicinæ degree on January 29, 1831 by defending his inauguration thesis on the so-called “Oriental plague”, titled De Peste Orientali. In his concise text comprised of 13 sections, Marchand reviews the nosology and pathology of the bubonic plague as observed in epidemics prevalent in the Levant and Eastern Europe, relying on current lœimology (i.e. related to plague and pestilential/infectious diseases) literature and etiological concepts, with emphasis on clinical conditions and therapeutics. De Peste Orientali was printed in the same year at the Mechitarist Congregation Press in Vienna in a slim (5,600-word, 34-page) booklet. Six extant copies of the publication are catalogued in library holdings. The copy of the thesis the authors have been able to study herein is from a private collection and bears the author’s dedication and the library stamp of Dr. Constantinos Caratheodory (1802-1879), professor of obstetrics and surgery at the Imperial Military Medical Academy in Istanbul.Marc Marchand attended the St. Petersburg Academy (Académie Impériale des Sciences) after completing his studies in Vienna. On his return to Istanbul, he opted to collaborate in the sanitary reform efforts of Sultan Mahmud II (r. 1808 –1839) and was appointed member of the General Health Council (Meclis-i Umur-ı Sıhhiye) in 1839. Marchand was known as Marshan Effendi within bureaucratic circles, and as Μάρκος Μαρσάν [Markos Marsan]&nbsp;within his Greek Catholic community. Subsequently, Dr. Marchand became one of the founding members of the La Société impériale de Médecine de Constantinople (later the Turkish Medical Society, est. 1856) and was elected president of the society in 1860. Marc Marchand was also among the initial board of the of Ottoman Red Crescent (est. 1868). Marchand fulfilled a life-tenure in the capacity of Sanitary Intendant (intendant sanitaire des quarantaines de l’Empire Ottoman) on the International Quarantine Board. In 1872, Dr. Marshan Effendi participated as the Ottoman delegate in the International Conference on Rinderpest (cattle plague) that convened in Vienna. In secondary sources, the name of Dr. Marchand is mentioned erroneously as a French or European representative on the Quarantine Board.In his introduction to De Peste Orientali, Marc Marchand states that “the reason he felt impelled to choose the subject matter for his medical thesis, was that the disease [pest] itself, had been an implacable foe of his homeland, that had not been able to be quelled up to that time”. Marchand’s personal observations are highlighted throughout the text with the remark “novi ipsemet Constantinopoli” [as known by myself in Constantinople]. Marchand then re-expresses his views on quarantining and protection with the comment: “by commenting that when the plague raged in Constantinople, families [who had] avoided company with the infected remained unharmed” (“… si sententia nostra alicujus esse posset ponderis, perbene scimus, tempore quo pestis Constantinopoli saevit, familias consortium cum infectis vitantes, incolumes manere”). References Marchand cites in his thesis include Daniel Samoïlowitz’s (Самойлович), Mémoire sur la Peste de Moscou, qui, en 1771, ravagea l’Empire de Russe (1783), and Dominique-Jean Larrey’s Relation historique et chirurgicale de l’Expédition de l’Armée d’Orient en Egypte et en Syrie (1803). Marchand quotes the latter title for descriptions of post-mortem findings of plague victims that were conducted in Ottoman Palestine as early as 1799, during the Napoleonic campaigns in the Eastern Mediterranean.Dr. Marchand was a staunch proponent of contagionism and stood, in particular against the European physicians who opposed maritime quarantine on mercantile grounds. He published polemical articles in the Gazette médicale de Paris and the Gazette médicale d’Orient (Istanbul) challenging their position. In 1842, Dr. Marcus Marchand, together with Drs. Antonio Pezzoni and André Leval of the International Quarantine Board, presented a memorandum to the Académie des Sciences in Paris outlining their epidemiological studies titled: Recherches relatives à la Question de Contagion de la Peste et au Système des Quarantaines, that disputed anti-contagionist claims. Marc Marchand’s conclusions with regard to the contagiousness of the plague and the effectiveness of quarantining for containing of epidemics were to become emblematic for cholera, as well as other communicable diseases.In his thesis, Marchand subdivides the “cure” for the bubonic plague into three sections (viz. direct, vital, and symptomatic), and attributes the diversity of expert opinions to the confusing and elusive character of its symptomatology. The armamentarium of procedures and remedies mentioned in De Peste Orientali for treating the plague amount to a materia medica, none of which are deemed specific to the plague (Pharmacon absolutum non datur, Thesis V).The present study gives a biography of Dr. Marc Marchand based on his published obituary and archival records, followed by a reading and Turkish translation of his thesis De Peste Orientali.

Türkiye Tıp Tarihinin Latince Kaynakları: Dissertatio Inauguralis Medica De Peste Orientali,… Marcus Marchand, Constantinopolitanus (1831)

Özgür

Prof. Dr.

Although plague epidemics which killed millions of people, ceased to be a problem for Western Europe from the beginning of the 18th century on, outbreaks continued to be seen in the Ottoman Empire. In the 19th century, while the plague was thought to have disappeared, it continued to be seen in different parts of the empire, albeit regionally, and continued to be a worry for the state and the medical community. After a long break in the first half of the century, the first place where the plague occurred in 1858 was Benghazi. The Benghazi epidemic emerged after disasters such as drought, famine, and mass animal deaths that continued for three to four years, in which living conditions were shaken to the core. This epidemic which effected the rural areas where the Bedouins lived, was important in several respects. First, it overturned the prevailing belief in the medical circles that the plague had lost its devastating effects in the Ottoman Empire in the first half of the 19th century, and showed that the disease plague was not over yet. The second feature was the geography where the plague occurred. Its appearance in the south of the Mediterranean, such as the Tripoli Province, and between Egypt and Europe caused concern and forced the introduction of strict quarantine measures for a while for the safety of both Istanbul and the navigation in the Mediterranean. Another feature of this epidemic was its relatively short-term effect in the site where it appeared, without spreading around and then dying out. In this respect, the Benghazi plague of 1858 represents a typical example of “plague epidemics with regional effects” that emerged in the 19th century.The Ottoman government took several measures in order to fight against the epidemic. First of all, priority was given to Istanbul: Strict quarantine measures were taken to ensure the sanitary safety of the city. As Benghazi was quite far from the capital, the State’s intervention came, albeit late for taking the outbreak under control. For this reason, the Ottoman government, through the Tripoli Province administration, sent orders to the officials of the places where the epidemic was effective, and asked for the implementation of the sanitary measures and security. The most important step taken by the government was undoubtedly the sending of physicians affiliated to the Ottoman Sanitary Administration, from Istanbul to Benghazi to determine the nature of the disease and control the outbreak.&nbsp;As first commission the physicians sent to Benghazi were Dr. Bartoletti (1808-1894) and Dr. Amadeo. Their short-term mission to Benghazi not only revealed the nature of the disease, but also guided the measures to be taken in the future. His short inspection revealed that more physicians were needed to control the disease in the regions and to carry out the necessary studies. Therefore, a commission consisting of five physicians, headed by Dr. Amadeo as an inspector-physician, was formed and sent to the region. However, it is unclear whether commission was active in the places where it served, especially in Benghazi. Since the inadequacy of this second commission caused complaints from the health authorities in Istanbul, this commission was dismissed and third commission headed by Dr. Barozzi was sent to the region. During Barozzi’s inspectorship, the epidemic lost its power and disappeared. Barozzi has been a successful inspector: He effectively combat the obstacles faced by physicians who went to the region before, and to “scientifically” examine the epidemic in detail in accordance with the expectations of the health authorities in Istanbul”.Previously, there was uncertainty about the type of disease afflicting Benghazi. It seems that this uncertainty arose primarily from the wrong decisions taken by the physician in charge of Benghazi regarding the disease, as well as from the belief that the plague had completely disappeared because it had not occur for a long time. On the other hand, since the plague would bring strict quarantine measures, the official announcement of the disease in Benghazi created undesirable conditions in terms of “local interests”. Therefore, it was only about three months after the appearance of first cases that the disease was officially declared to be a plague and the necessary measures started to be taken. In this process, doubts about “nature of the disease” were removed after the investigations of competent and experienced physicians sent to the region, and it was accepted that the disease was plague.

Kuraklık ve Kıtlıkla Gelen Felaket: Osmanlı Sıhhiye İdaresi Hekimlerine Göre 1858-1859 Bingazi Veba Salgını

Şefik

Hanging as a form of execution has been practiced as a punishment for centuries and continues to be practiced in many countries today. Undoubtedly, this tragic method of punishment has attracted the attention of artists for centuries. Giotto (d. 1337), Ambroggio Lorenzetti (d. 1348), Leonardo da Vinci (d.1519), Andrea del Sarto (d. 1531), Annibale Carracci (d. 1609), and Pisanello (c.1395-c.1455) are among the first examples that come to mind. Executed figures are also frequently encountered in the depictions of hell in Italian frescoes. The first thing that comes to mind here in terms of medical history is to make an evaluation about whether artists had seen a real execution or not and how realistically they conveyed what they had seen.Depictions of hangings in art are generally used as a symbol for the provision of justice. Images of hanging have often been depicted in relation to law, war, suicide, punishment, and lynching throughout history. In Christian iconography, depictions of executed figures can be found regarding the lives of martyrs and also in scenes of hell. The depiction of a hung Judas also frequently appears in scenes of hell. In the Late Middle Ages, the concepts of justice and judgment reached lay people as images through the depictions of the Last Judgment and Hell. The death penalty was certainly frequently among these descriptions as a method of punishment. For example, a group of executed figures is seen in Giotto’s Last Judgement scene in the Arena Chapel in Padua. These figures were hung on the gallows, as a reminder of the punishment for which they’d been executed. For example, liars were hung from their tongues, adulterous clergy and women were hung their genitals. Undoubtedly, these are symbolic hangings, as the organs cannot possibly carry the weight of the whole body. However, the depiction of the positions of the feet of executed figures corresponds to reality from the perspective of forensic medicine. The execution scenes found in the frescoes of Taddeo di Bartolo (c.1363-1422) in San Gimignano can be counted among examples to be given in this regard.Executed figures can also be found in Italian frescoes regarding descriptions of secular subjects. Some secular frescoes contain execution scenes as symbols of justice. Perhaps the most well-known depictions of executions regarding secular subjects is Ambrogio Lorenzetti’s Allegories of Good and Bad Government in City and Country in the Palazzo Pubblico in Siena, Tuscany.Pisanello (Antonio Pisano, c.1395-c.1455) is known as an Italian painter and medalist. He is thought to have likely been from Pisa and is known to have spent his first years as an artist in Verona. Because of his successful works, he went on to worked in the Vatican and the palaces of northern Italy. Unfortunately, most of his works have not survived. The Annunciation and St. George and the Princess of Trebizond frescoes, as well as other fresco fragments and sketches, are all that remain of his limited works that have survived to the present day. Pisanello is also known as the most important portrait medalist of the entire Renaissance period. Sources generally state that his success was based on his sharp observation skills. Pisanello went to Ferrara in 1438 and also made the medallion of the Byzantine emperor Johannes Paleologus (1392-1448), who was in the city due to the Ferrara Council that had gathered to unite the Eastern and Western churches. Sources mention Pisanello’s career as a medalist to have started with this work. Pisanello also made medallions for Gianfrencesco Gonzaga (1439-1440), Filippo Maria Visconti (1440), Francesco Sforza (1442), Lionello d’Este (1441-1443), Sigismond Pandolfo Malatesta (1445), Ludovico III and Cecilia Gonzaga (1447), Lodovico Gonzaga, Novello Malatesta, and Alfonso of Aragon. However, Pisanello most surely identified himself as a painter, as his name is mentioned on his medallions as PISANUS PICTOR. The artist died in 1455, with no documented work occurring after 1449.Pisanello’s depiction of hangings located in the back left corner of the Saint George and the Princess of Trebizond fresco in the Pellegrini Chapel in the Church of Sant’Anastasia, Verona, North Italy constitutes the subject of the study. The sketches of the hanging scenes Pisanello prepared for this fresco have survived to the present day. These sketches and drawings consist of six executed bodies with two figures drawn on a single page and are found in the collection of the British Museum. Pisanello drew the figures from different angles and used them in the upper section of the Saint George and the Princess of Trebizond fresco. After being executed, the corpses of prisoners were known to exhibited on the scaffold for a while. Some of the sketches mentioned above are known to have been made after a certain period of time had passed due to the decomposition of the corpses. It is difficult to distinguish whether these two figures on the fresco represent the same prisoners drawn on the single page mentioned above. The hands of the figures in the drawings are tied behind their backs. Today, this position is defined as full judgment in forensic medicine terminology. In other words, this serves as another indication that the executed had been executed as a result of a given punishment. The position of the feet of these executed figures also corresponds to reality. The placement of the rope on the neck of the figure on the left in the fresco corresponds to an atypical hanging, while the situation of the figure on the right corresponds to a typical hanging. This shows that Pisanello had seen the executed figures in real life and had had very strong observation skills. Another drawing by Pisanello, found in the Frick Collection also includes executed figures. Taking off the clothes of those sentenced to death and exposing their naked bodies to the public before the execution was also practiced from time to time as a part of the punishment.&nbsp;In the Middle Ages, local courts in cities such as Florence and Siena could issue sentences for humiliating the convicted person by walking them around naked in public. The trousers of the figures in Pisanello’s drawings and frescoes were partially peeled off. This may have been done with the aim of dishonoring people as part of the punishment, as well as suggesting that they had been convicted of a crime such as rape, incest or homosexual intercourse. The presence of symbols related to the punishment of the executed persons in the hanging depictions makes us think that this option was also likely to have occurred.

Pisanello’da Ası (İdam)

Gülten

Trachoma is an infectious eye disease and was a significant public health issue in terms of the history of Turkish medicine. Trachoma was endemic to Southeast Anatolia until World War I, when it then spread all over the country and caused vision loss and blindness in many people. The Turkish Republic had three million trachoma patients (70% of the population) when it was founded in 1923. Although the Ottoman government had listed trachoma among the diseases to be reported since 1915, the systematic fight against trachoma in the country didn’t begin until after the proclamation of the Turkish Republic. Starting in 1925, the Ministry of Health and the Department of Public Hygiene initiated work to eradicate trachoma as well as other infectious diseases such as malaria, tuberculosis, and syphilis. The Trachoma Control Program was implemented first, and laws and regulations to fight trachoma were also enacted. Due to the success of this program, trachoma cases decreased in number over the years, and the work of the institutions diminished with time.The region including Adıyaman and Malatya, was one of the areas with the greatest number of trachoma cases, which made the struggle most difficult. For this reason, the war against trachoma was started in 1925 by establishing trachoma hospitals in Adıyaman (20 beds) and Malatya (10 beds), as well as opening dispensaries in both cities. At the same time, specialist doctors, nurses, secretaries, health officers, and caregivers were appointed. Treatment included both surgical interventions and medication.After the decision was made to combat trachoma, ophthalmologist Dr. Vefik Hüsnü Bulat was sent to the region to conduct an inspection. Vefik Hüsnü prepared a report on trachoma that he then presented at the National Turkish Congress of Medicine in Ankara in 1927. The report included information about the spread of the disease in Türkiye, its characteristics, and the ways through which it had entered the country.The fight against trachoma was given a prominent place in the Public Health Law of 1930. The fight continued in the 1930s with the creation of institutions, including the trachoma institute, hospitals, dispensaries, and village treatment houses. Mobile teams consisting of&nbsp;physicians and health officers who traveled in the region first on horseback and later on motorized vehicles carried out highly efficient work to eradicate the disease. The number of hospitals, dispensaries, and beds in affected regions gradually increased, with the number of hospitals and dispensaries growing to 120 by 1933.&nbsp;Separate schools were established for children infected with trachoma. Between 1933 and 1934, 25 such schools were found across the country that educated students with trachoma. Efforts were also made to inform the public about the measures to be taken in order to avoid the disease. Free movie viewings were organized, informative posters and brochures were distributed, and books and magazines were published.The trachoma war zone expanded over the years to include nine provinces. By 1950, 16 trachoma hospitals with a total of 225 beds had been placed into operation, as well as 40 trachoma dispensaries and 115 trachoma village treatment houses. During this time, the World Health Organization (WHO) occasionally sent experts to help prepare annual work programs, with UNICEF also contributing in the fight against trachoma by sending motor vehicles, drugs, and other materials. In Malatya, the combat against trachoma continued intensively through hospitals, dispensaries, and courses, until the end of the 1930s when positive results began being obtained.&nbsp;In 1951, the fight against trachoma was run by three regional directorates situated in Adana, Diyarbakir, and Malatya.&nbsp;&nbsp;The provinces of Malatya (Adıyaman), Bingöl, Erzincan, Erzurum, and Tunceli were affiliated with the Malatya regional directorate. As a result of these establishments, trachoma gradually ceased being a serious health problem, especially in the city center of Malatya with the development of urbanism and social life. In 1966, one dispensary was closed due to the decreased rate of trachoma in the city. The Malatya regional directorate for trachoma continued to function until the early 1980s, with the last hospital and dispensary closing in 1984.

Cumhuriyet Dönemi Trahom Mücadelesi ve Malatya Örneği

Sarper

Until recently, some university medical faculties and state-funded teaching hospitals in Türkiye had more than one clinic / department (presently called Anabilim Dalı) for the same medical or surgical specialty. Thus, in the example of a surgical department, these clinics would be named the 1st, 2nd, or 3rd surgical clinics. These departments were administratively independent from one another, under the direction of a chief, and had deputies and clinical research assistants as staff. The decisions that led to the formation of second and third departments and the eventual abolition or merging of these departments constitutes a part of institutional and academic history and deserves comprehensive study. The objective of the present study is to shed light on the establishment and evolution of the Second Surgical Clinic (II. Cerrahi Kliniği) at Ankara University Medical Faculty.Originally, the Ankara Medical Faculty had two surgical departments: I. Cerrahi Kliniği [First Surgical Clinic] had been composed of the staff from the Surgery Department of Gülhane Military Hospital, which had transferred from Istanbul to Ankara in 1941. This department was located at the Cebeci Military Hospital in Ankara under the chair of Professor Kamil Sokullu (1903-1957). The II. Cerrahi Kliniği [Second Surgical Clinic] of the Medical Faculty was located at the Ankara Numune Hospital of the Ministryof Health and Social Assistance under the chair of Professor Eduard Melchior (1883-1974), a wellknown senior German surgeon who had worked at the same hospital since 1936. Located in separate hospital buildings distant from each other, these two departments started to work independently in a relatively uncoordinated manner from the very beginning. Following its foundation in 1945, the Second Surgical Clinic of the Ankara University Medical Faculty enjoyed working within the surgical clinic of Ankara Numune Hospital. However, when Prof. Melchior, the only professor of the department, retired and returned to his native country in 1954, problems began to arise around the administration and status of the department. In the&nbsp;end, the Second Surgical Clinic was transferred to the premises of Cebeci Hospital where the First Surgical Clinic operated. Evidently, re-establishing relations between these surgical clinics was far from uneventful, and following this reorganization, things became even more complicated. The Second Surgical Clinic experienced a number of troubles that seemed to have never faded away, being the newcomer at the hospital and lacking any reputable department head, at least at the beginning. Belonging to either the First or Second Surgical Clinic was a particularly serious matter, even after the clinics united in later years. Apart from the aloof nature of their relationships, the main point of concern for the Second Surgical Clinic after moving to Cebeci Hospital was always the lack of adequate work space within the surgical building. This issue became worse in 1959, and the problems encountered when electing a chair for the Second Surgical Clinic gave rise to the Third Surgical Clinic (III. Cerrahi Kliniği). Fortunately, this incident did not precipitate into a further fracture among the existing surgical departments.The Second Surgical Clinic of Ankara University Medical Faculty was founded and directed by Dr. Melchior for about nine years. Melchior himself seems to have mastered a strong and novel surgical tradition in his department, which was greatly appreciated by his colleagues and students, in addition to being a very prolific author who’d written numerous academic texts and articles. Following his retirement, the members of the department continued to perform special surgical procedures and upheld the academic standards of publication. For instance, the first surgical treatment of an abdominal aortic aneurysm in Turkey with the employment of a synthetic vascular graft was accomplished by Dr. Osman Akata (b. 1923), a member of the Second Surgical Clinic. However, many recent publications dealing with the history of the General Surgery Department (Genel Cerrahi Anabilim Dalı) established by the merging of the three surgery departments in 1974 have tended to ignore the significant contributions from the Second Surgical Clinic and from its founder Dr. Eduard Melchior, instead attributing the majority of achievements to the First Surgical Clinic. Therefore, past circumstances need to be addressed and revised for the sake of investigating what actually happened in the surgical field. This article is fortunate to have had the help of centenarian Dr. Akata, a witness to the history of the Second Surgical Clinic of Ankara University Medical Faculty.

Yok Sayılan Bir Bölüm: Ankara Üniversitesi Tıp Fakültesi İkinci Cerrahi Kliniği

Res. Assist. Dr.

This article provides a modest contribution to the history of the General Directorate of Public Assistance of Constantinople (Müessesat-ı Hayriye-i Sıhhiye Müdiriyeti), which formed an important step in Türkiye’s social policy history. With the Second Constitutional Era and the Young Turks Revolution (II. Meşrutiyet), the reorganization of health organizations (teşkilat-ı sıhhiye) became necessary due to many reasons such as institutions’ financial conditions, corruption in hospitals and institutions, mismanagement, dysfunction in Istanbul’s health organizations, the new government’s need for caderization. Following the Second Constitutional Era, health workers had great expectations that the order would change, and the Constitutional administration quickly began to purge the cadres from the Abdul Hamid II era (tensikat); however, the expectations did not bear fruit, and civilian physicians began to protest in front of the Ministry of Health (Sıhhiye Nezareti). Many articles emphasized the financial and moral statuses of municipal physicians in the provinces. In the meantime, the new government sent Dr. Muhittin Nuri and Dr. Ahmed Nureddin to Europe to inspect municipalities and health institutions and establish a new health administration specific to Istanbul (Müessesat-ı Hayriye-i Sıhhiye Müdiriyeti) for managing certain hospitals and charitable institutions there. The institutional structure of the directorate was modeled on the Assistance Publique organization in Paris, which transparently managed hospitals and charities from one location. Many debates occurred during the drafting of the regulations of the directorate, which was directly affiliated with the Istanbul municipal council (Cemiyet-i Umumiye-i Belediye) and indirectly with the Council of Civil Medicine and Public Health (Meclis-i Umur-ı Tıbbiye-i Mülkiye ve Sıhhiye-i Umumiye) and the Ministry of the Interior (Dahiliye Nezareti). An administration of 20 members, including a president and a general inspector, as well as deputy mayors, merchants, and physicians, took over and organized the budget, kept tenders free of corruption, and improved hospitals.&nbsp;Protracted disputes occurred between the directorate and the Council of Civil Medicine and Public Health, which wanted to take the appointment and dismissal of physicians working in the hospitals under its own authority, and this authority was eventually taken away from the directorate. The Istanbul municipality had been providing the budget for the directorate but suffered a financial crisis after the Second Constitutional Era and sought to borrow money. This loan was not used effectively, and the required payments were not transferred to the directorate. In addition to dealing with financial crises and austere policies, the directorate was subordinate to the Istanbul municipal council, which meant that many matters were difficult to resolve. Significant modernizations were made in almost all hospitals under the directorate’s administration; however, syphilis, tuberculosis, and cholera epidemics could not be prevented. In addition to this, the Toptaş Mental Hospital had received a new annex, thus increasing its patient capacity, and the Haseki Mental Observatory (Haseki Mecanin Müşahedehanesi) had been opened to serve mentally ill patients. The directorate experienced financial difficulties as a result of the subsidy non-payment, the cost of fighting the cholera epidemic that had broken out in 1910, and the opening of the Haseki Mental Observatory. The reasons for the directorate’s failure include the financial crisis, a lack of interinstitutional coordination, political struggles, and epidemics. Upon being accused of corruption and other charges, the director Dr. Muhittin Nuri Bey was suspended in June 1912. Finally, the Directorate was closed down in October 1912 at a meeting of the Cemiyet-i Umumiye-i Belediye [Municipal Council of Istanbul] that had been convened Istanbul, Mayor Dr. Cemil Topuzlu. In 1919, Dr. Abdullah Cevdet, the Director General of Health (Sıhhiye Müdir-i Umumisi), attempted to reestablish the directorate, but these attempts yielded no results. In general, the directorate had carried out important modernization activities in hospitals and made institutions functional with the instructions it had issued. In Türkiye’s social policy history, the directorate is one of the critical step toward institutionalization.

Tanıdık Bir Hikâye: Müessesat-ı Hayriye-i Sıhhiye Müdiriyeti / Direction Générale de l’Assistance Publique de Constantinople (1909-1912)

Erdem

World War II not only brought the horrors of war but also unimaginable medical atrocities and crimes against humanity. Along with the racist policies that eventually led to the Holocaust, terrible medical experiments had been carried out on prisoners in the name of the advancement of medicine and scientific research, with even the corpses of the executed being abused to that end. Institutionalized criminal medical practices in the name of public health, eugenics, and scientific research was one of the priorities of the Nazi regime. Medicine was diverted from the right path by the state, and political and social pressures had completely corrupted medical values. Without the apparent voluntary contributions of medical doctors, formulating, directing, implementing, and benefiting from Nazi policies would have been completely impossible. During the period between Nazi’s ascension to power and the start of World War II (1933-1939), the path to creating a new society consisting of individuals with pure Aryan blood who were physically healthy and productive and mentally committed to the National Socialist morality first occurred through inappropriate medical policies. In retrospect, German doctors had obviously not been forced into committing crimes. They had been very active, willing, and eager to participate in irrational acts and medical crimes under the guise of scientific research and served the Nazi ideology without question. They knew the experiments they were conducting violated every standard of moral research on humans.Although these medical crimes physicians committed are believed today to be unlikely to be repeated, reality may not be so. Today, physicians and other health personnel are known to exist who torture or direct the torture of detainees, especially those working with intelligence agencies. The horrors and medical crimes of World War II must be told and retold to honor and commemorate the victims of the Nazi regime in order to promote the basic humanism of medicine in a world where genocide and state-mandated and doctor-supervised torture and executions continue.As one member of the Nazi Party and a symbol of Nazi medical crimes, Dr. Max Clara (1899-1966) spent the last part of his life as a lecturer at Istanbul University. The present study examines the last period of Max Clara’s life in Istanbul (1950-1966), as well as his scientific activities, and shows that ethical violations continued even years after the war and the Doctors’ Trial in Nuremburg. Max Clara’s life in Istanbul was documented based on primary sources in the Istanbul University Archives. Archival documents have been supplemented by the existing literature on the history of Istanbul University, on refugee academicians in Turkey, on Max Clara’s life, and on an analysis of his publications.Carrying out medical procedures on dead bodies without the consent of the person or their relatives is an unethical medical crime, just as is conducting experiments on living people without their consent. Unbeknownst to prisoners who were to be executed, Clara had given them vitamin C beforehand and removed various organs immediately after the execution to conduct research on how vitamin C had been distributed in these organs in his laboratory. However, this mode of action in its mildest form involves cooperating with murderers and is morally reprehensible.Following the war, Clara moved to Istanbul in 1950 because he had been unable to find an academic position in Germany, thus bringing samples from the executed prisoners and continuing to work on them. The current study also attempted to access the histological and anatomical material that Clara had brought from Germany, but to no avail. Separated into three parts, the materials could not be accessed due to the reluctance of the universities and faculty members who currently own them. If the material had been able to be accessed, victims from the National Socialist period could have been identified as well.This work reveals in detail Clara’s involvement in unethical practices during the National Socialist era, such as medical experiments on prisoners and the use of unethically supplied bodies of the executed. In addition, the analysis of his academic publications reveals great inconsistencies and distortions to be present and these publications to not be as important as was thought.Max Clara left a strong long-lasting mark on Turkish medicine as an educator and scientist. Upon looking back 55 years after his death, however, he obviously was not the innocent, hard-working scientist he pretended to be. Perhaps Clara had not joined his colleagues in experiments in concentration camps, euthanasia killings, or racial hygiene implementations because he was a histologist. However, he has been revealed to have possessed the same mindset as them through the vitamin C research he had carried out on death row victims. Max Clara stands out as a historical figure who should be scrutinized for his careerist machinations and unethical research which has become more and more evident and concrete with the critical reading of his publications. What happened in Nazi Germany can happen anytime and anywhere, because science and medicine have never been apolitical.

İstanbul’da Bir Nazi Doktor: Max Clara - Tıp Terörü Kurbanlarının Peşinde

Fatma

Assoc. Prof. Dr.

Based on the study’s findings, the Tıbbiye (Darülfünun’s Medical School) in Istanbul evidently remained closed for the year in 1915, with students being enlisted for military service, resulting in no graduates during that period. Apart from the mandatory conscripts, no documentation could be found regarding students who voluntarily joined the war effort, nor any evidence contradicting this fact. The absence of school records from the investigated period appears to be the primary reason for this lack of information. Similarly, the lists of those who died in battle sheds insufficient light on the matter.Within the framework of the available information, Tıbbiye students were indeed involved in various fronts and served in different capacities during World War I, with some of them perishing in the battlefield. Therefore, medical students were very likely among the doctors who died during the Gallipoli Campaign. Given that the Ottoman Empire was engaged on multiple fronts during this period alongside the presence of epidemic diseases, the population of Anatolia had dramatically decreased, and many volunteers from Istanbul and nearby provinces had gone to the Gallipoli front. However, the claim of an entire class being lost overnight should be noted to not align with reality. The narrative of the 1915 Medical School martyrs constitutes a specific time frame within a certain context, one focused on May 18- 19, 1915. The narrative has been embedded within this temporal framework and gained its historical reality as a tragedy. Therefore, it is challenging to isolate and define the narrative separately from this context.Narratives of wartime events can evolve into myths within oral cultures over time and become ingrained in collective memory. One well-known example is the story of the 5th Norfolk Battalion that is said to have vanished during an attack on the Anafartalar battlefield in the later years of the Gallipoli Campaign. On August 9, 1915 following the Ottoman&nbsp;forces’ victory in the 1st Battle of Anafartalar under the command of Colonel Mustafa Kemal, General Hamilton was preparing an assault to capture Tekke Tepe. The 163rd Brigade, which included the 4th and 5th Norfolk Battalions, was scheduled to advance toward the hillsides the day before the attack. The area to be assaulted was defended by the 1st Battalion of the Ottoman 36th Regiment and the 3rd Battalion of the 35th Regiment. The Norfolk Battalion was ordered to move on August 12, 1915 and launched an attack toward the foothills of Tekke Tepe in Suvla. However, they suffered heavy casualties under intense machine gun fire while advancing into the forest and bushes.In a statement dated December 11, 1915, General Hamilton dramatically announced, “Among these brave soldiers was a platoon of volunteers from the Royal Sandringham Estate. The battalion plunged into the forest and disappeared; nothing was ever seen or heard from them again, none of them returned.” The inclusion of volunteers from the royal staff drew the special attention of King George V and the press. This example sheds light on the dynamics of oral tradition and how complex historical realities can be reduced to simple, believable, and magnificent myths.The narrative regarding the Tıbbiye students of 1915 is known to have originally been articulated by the 1922 graduates who remembered and had commemorated the students who did not return from the war in their medical school anthem for many years. Although none of the 1922 graduates are alive today, to doubt their sincerity would be unfair. When they expressed mourning for the previous year, they were more likely referring to 1915 rather than 1921, as these 1922 graduates had entered the Medical Faculty in 1916-1917, the year immediately after when students had been dispersed to the war fronts, when the school had been closed, and when no graduations had taken place. Their predecessors who never returned would always remain in their memories as their colleagues of that dreadful year of 1915.In conclusion, while difficulty is had in obtaining definitive information about Tıbbiye students in 1915, the available evidence suggests that students had participated in the war effort and that some of them had died. However, one should also consider how narratives undergo changes over time and transform into myths. Therefore, importance is had in evaluating historical narratives objectively and in investigating their accuracy.

1915 Çanakkale Savaşında Şehit Düşen Tıbbiye Sınıfı Miti

Şahap

Uzman Dr.

Fatih

The article delves into the relationship between Emil Kraepelin (1856-1926), a prominent figure in modern psychiatry, and Ottoman-Turkish psychiatry circles during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. It explores Kraepelin’s influence on the development of psychiatric practices and classifications in the Ottoman Empire.The development of psychiatry in modern Turkey traces back to the mid-19th century, during the period of Tanzimat Reforms (1839-1876), which aimed to modernize the Ottoman State and institutions. Luigi Mongeri senior (1815-1882), known as the Pinel of Constantinople, played a significant role in reforming the Süleymaniye Bimarhanesi, the largest mental asylum in the Ottoman Empire. Mongeri abolished the practice of chaining patients, implemented reforms in patient care, and published statistical data and case studies on insanity. He emphasized the importance of treating mental illness within a medical framework and influenced the perception of insanity and mental hospitals in society. Mongeri later transferred the asylum from Süleymaniye to Toptaşı and prepared the first regulation on mental asylums, which came into effect in 1876.The first generation of professionally trained neuropsychiatrists in the Ottoman Empire worked at the Süleymaniye and Toptaşı asylums. These physicians, including Luigi Mongeri, Avramino De Castro, and Avni Mahmud, followed the French school of psychiatry and adopted French terminology and classification in their diagnoses. They frequently referenced French psychiatrists like Philippe Pinel, Jean-Étienne Dominique Esquirol, and Bénédict Morel in their work. In the early 20th century, the classification system developed by Régis gained prominence. Until the end of the 19th century, the limited resources on psychiatry and neurology in Turkey heavily relied on the French school.During the late 19th and early 20th centuries, a Franco-German rivalry emerged in the field of medicine in the Ottoman Empire. Medical school graduates started being sent to Germany, in addition to France, due to the growing interest of the Prussian state and the political response of Wilhelm II to Abdulhamid II’s policies. This period witnessed the establishment of psychiatry clinics at the Gülhane Academic Military Hospital and the military medical school Mekteb-i Tıbbiye-i Şahane, which brought in teachers from Austria and Germany. Raşit Tahsin [Tuğsavul] and his student Mazhar Osman [Uzman] played key roles in introducing Emil Kraepelin, a prominent figure in modern psychiatry, to OttomanTurkish psychiatry. The historical context allowed Kraepelin’s ideas to gain acceptance in the Ottoman Empire.Emil Kraepelin was a German psychiatrist who played a crucial role in shaping the field of psychiatry of the late 19th century. He emphasized research, observation, and experimentation in psychiatry, considering it a branch of medical science. Kraepelin focused on investigating the physical causes of mental illnesses and laid the foundation for the modern classification of mental disorders. His major distinction was between “manic-depressive” illness, characterized by affective elements, and “dementia praecox” (later known as schizophrenia), without affective elements. Kraepelin’s classification of mood disorders and his approach to psychiatric diagnosis had a lasting impact on psychiatric thought and clinical practice.Luigi Mongeri junior established contact with Emil Kraepelin and sent several letters to him from Istanbul, discussing topics such as postpartum madness and seeking guidance on treatment methods. In 1895, Kraepelin visited Istanbul and was guided by Mongeri. Their paths continued to cross, and Kraepelin expressed admiration for Mongeri’s work in improving mental healthcare in the Ottoman Empire. Kraepelin’s influence on OttomanTurkish psychiatry was further strengthened through his seminal work, Psychiatrie: Ein Lehrbuch für Studierende und Ärzte (4 vols., 1909-1915, Psychiatry: A Textbook for Students and Physicians), which was widely translated and read across Europe.Emil Kraepelin’s influence on Ottoman-Turkish psychiatry was significant during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. His emphasis on research, classification, and a scientific approach to psychiatry resonated with some of the emerging psychiatric practitioners in the Ottoman Empire. Pioneers like Mazhar Osman played a crucial role in introducing and integrating Kraepelin’s concepts into the Ottoman-Turkish psychiatric discourse. They recognized the importance of research, classification, and a scientific approach to psychiatric diagnosis. The impact of Kraepelin’s ideas on Ottoman-Turkish psychiatry was reflected in the publications and research conducted during that period. Many psychiatrists began adopting Kraepelin’s diagnostic categories and classification system. His influence can be observed in the works of prominent Ottoman-Turkish psychiatrists such as Raşid Tahsin and Mazhar Osman. However, it is important to acknowledge that various psychiatric approaches coexisted during this period, and the influence of the French school of psychiatry continued. The development of Ottoman-Turkish psychiatry was shaped by a combination of international influences and local factors, ultimately contributing to the evolution of mental healthcare in modern Turkey.To conclude, Emil Kraepelin’s impact on Ottoman-Turkish psychiatry during the late 19th and early 20th centuries was profound. His emphasis on research, classification, and a scientific approach resonated with emerging psychiatric practitioners in the Ottoman Empire. Through the work of pioneers like Mazhar Osman, Kraepelin’s ideas were introduced and integrated into the Ottoman-Turkish psychiatric discourse, influencing diagnoses, classifications, and the overall approach to mental healthcare.

Osmanlı-Türk Psikiyatrisinde Kraepelin

Emre

Ottoman citizens started earning PhDs in chemistry in 1876. Eight doctoral theses had been completed in various countries up to 1918, such as Joseph Zanni, Mehmed Arif [Beylikçi], Mustafa Azmi [Sümen], Osman Nuri [Somer], and Avni Refik [Bekman] who received their doctorate degrees in Germany; Halil Edhem [Eldem] and Kyriakos Leonidas Syngros who received theirs in Switzerland; and Gabriel Statiropoulos who received his in the United States of America. All had first graduated from the Bachelor’s program in chemistry before earning their doctorate in the field. Chronologically, Kyriakos Leonidas Syngros (1869-1955) was the fourth person to earn a doctorate degree in chemistry in Ottoman Türkiye. He was born in Istanbul in 1869 to a family originally from Chios. After completing his primary and secondary education in Istanbul, he enrolled in 1888 in the Eidgenössischen Polytechnikum [Federal Polytechnic School, Zurich], from which he graduated as an engineer in chemistry. He received his PhD from the University of Zurich in 1892 by defending his dissertation under the supervision of Prof. Dr. Heinrich Jacob Goldschmidt. His thesis was on the complex compounds hydroxylamine makes with various metals, which was a new research topic at that time. The working method involved precipitating the metal complex by first adding hydroxylamine hydrochloride to the metal chloride solution and then to the sodium carbonate solution. Thus, hydroxylamine complexes for zinc, cadmium, and iron metals were obtained. However, hydroxylamine complexes for nickel and manganese could not be obtained, nor were reproducible results obtained in the experiments with cobalt. During his studies abroad, Leonidas K. Syngros was supported financially by his uncle, Andreas Kyriakos Syngros (1830-1899), who had been a banker in Istanbul and later on in Greece.When Kyriakos Syngros returned to Istanbul, he started working in the chemical analysis laboratory of Pierre Apéry (1852-1918). In 1896, he was appointed as Chemist to His Majesty the Sultan, also referred to as Chemist to the Imperial Palace, by Sultan Abdul Hamid II and then established his own private chemical analysis laboratory. Here he partnered with Oseb Celâlyan (1870-1936), a chemistry teacher at the Civil Medical School. At the beginning of 1907, a campaign was launched to shut down Syngros’ laboratory because it was unlicensed, and the campaign continued until he finally obtained a license. Correspondence among ministries had started after a notification on the matter, and although this seemed to cover all chemical analysis laboratories in Istanbul, it soon focused on Syngros’ laboratory. Due to no legal regulation on the opening of chemical analysis laboratories being in existence, the correspondence among the various ministries yielded no results after a year, and in 1908, he was dismissed from his position at the Palace.Kyriakos Syngros was among the founders of the Arslan Ottoman Joint Stock Company, which had been established in 1910 to produce cement and water lime. The Eskihisar Cement and Water Lime Factory started operating in 1911 and later went bankrupt due to a lack of capital. Following this, the Arslan and Eskihisar Unified Cement and Water Lime Factories Joint Stock Company was established in 1920. From 1910 to 1922, Syngros was a member of the board of directors of these companies. He also ran a pharmaceutical warehouse in Tepebaşı (Beyoğlu, İstanbul), a second business alongside a partner in the early 1900s.Kyriakos Syngros left Türkiye and settled in Athens in 1922, probably due to his support of Greece in the Turkish War of Independence during the Armistice period. Upon leaving Türkiye, he left his private laboratory to his partner, Oseb Celâlyan, who would operate it until his death. In Greece, Kyriakos Syngros started working at the Greek Chemical Products and Fertilizer Industry Joint Stock Company, which was commonly known as Lipasmata and located in the Drapestona region of Piraeus. Among the founders of this factory were his classmate Nikola Kanellopoulos from the Eidgenössischen Polytechnikum in Zürich and other engineers whod graduated from the same school. He later became the manager of the factory and held this post until 1930. He pioneered the founding of the Association of Greek Chemists, became its vice-president in the first elections in 1925, and was re-elected to the same post in the elections a year later. Syngros worked as a chemist in various public and private institutions after 1930. He retired in 1945 and died in Athens on October 23, 1955. This article aims to present his biography with a particular focus on his doctoral thesis and activities as a chemist.

Kimyager-i Hazret-i Şehriyârî Mühendis Kimyager Dr. phil. Kyriakos Leonidas Syngros (1869 – 1955)

Panagiotis

İstanbul Fener Rum Ortodoks Lisesi’nin Foucault Sarkacı: İstanbul’da Bir İlk mi?

Experiment and experimentation are doubtlessly essential components of scientific research and science teaching. The cooperation between artisans and natural philosophers in Europe in the 17th century went on to produce various kinds of scientific instruments that paved the way for scientific discoveries and inventions. Experimentation made its way into classrooms over time, and the production of didactic scientific instruments increased accordingly. In the 19th century, many European high schools and universities were endowed with physics cabinets, the instruments of which are presently regarded as part of the scientific heritage.As an introduction to the subject matter, this paper will first take a glance at the optical experiments described by the 16th-century scholar Taqi al-Din and at Ottoman ambassadors’ encounters with scientific demonstrations in Paris and Vienna in the 18th century. This paper will also examine the meaning and use of the term tecrübe, which is used for experimentation and testing. The paper will then focus on the emergence of experimentation in the Ottoman educational institutions that were created in Istanbul in the 19th century and on the familiarity Istanbul residents had with experiments through public conferences.Little is known about experimentation in Ottoman institutions (i.e., at the imperial palace and educational military institutions) prior to the 19th century. However, the 16th-century ottoman scholar Taqi al-Din, the founder of the Istanbul observatory, placed special emphasis on experimentation by describing about 50 experiments in optics in his Kitabu Nûr [Book of Light]. He was a follower of al-Haytham’s (11th c.) experimental studies on optics. Ottoman diplomats of the 18th century working in Paris and Vienna found the opportunity to witness experiments and demonstrations in European cabinets and observatories and expressed their astonishment in their embassy reports. Among these diplomats were Yirmisekiz Mehmed Chelebi, Mehmed Said Efendi, and Mustafa Hatti Efendi.Ottoman students probably first encountered the notion of ‘proof by experiment (bi’ttecrübe ispat) in the 19th century through textbooks translated from French. Among the translators were Yahya Naci Efendi, a professor of the Imperial School of Engineering (Mühendishane-i Berri-i Hümayun). The two treatises on mechanics and electricity he penned in 1809 and 1812 respectively are fully based on experiments. Ishak Efendi, a professor at the same school, treated several physics experiments in one chapter of his four-volume science encyclopedia of 1832-34. Despite the emphasis given to experimentation, no evidence is found that they had conducted experiments in the classroom.The Imperial School of Medicine (Mekteb-i Tıbbiye-yi Şahane) had been reformed by Viennese physicians in 1838 and had a splendid physics cabinet (hikmethane) according to travelers who visited the school in 1848. The instruments of the cabinet were often used by Derviş Pasha, who was in charge of teaching physics and chemistry during the 1842-43 school year. A graduate of the Engineering School of Istanbul, Derviş Pasha also studied for a few years at École des Mines in Paris. He captured the attention of authorities both for his successful experimental teaching and for the experiments his students performed at the graduation ceremonies in the presence of Sultan Abdulmejid (r. 1839-1861). As Turkish had become the teaching language of the school, the physics teacher Antranik Gırcıkyan translated Adolphe Ganot’s Traité élementaire de physique expérimentale et appliquée into Turkish in 1876. This translation indicates that experimentation was still on the educational agenda.The Military School (Mekteb-i Harbiye) had an electrostatic machine in 1835 when Sultan Abdulmejid visited the school. Derviş Paşa and the two French experts who were charged with reforming the school’s curriculum in 1845 had presumably called attention to the need for scientific instruments for teaching purposes. In fact, archival documents and the witness accounts of travelers who visited the school in 1846, as well as a photograph taken in the late 19th century, confirm the presence of a rich cabinet of scientific instruments (Âlât-ı fenniye salonu). Experiments on physics and chemistry were conducted at the graduation ceremonies, as was the case in the medical school.A good number of scientific instruments were purchased from France in 1858 for the teacher’s training school (Darülmuallimin) in Istanbul and were kept in a college (Darülmaarif) where students could examine them under the supervision of their teachers. A few years later, these instruments were transferred to the House of Sciences (Darülfünun), where they were used in 1863 by Derviş Pasha during public courses and conferences on physics and chemistry. A large public gathering attended these courses and considered the experiments as strange and odd doings (umur-i garibe). On this occasion, Derviş Pasha compiled a book on experimental physics in Turkish in 1864, the first of its kind published in Türkiye. Darülfünun was moved to the Nuri Pasha Mansion in 1864, which was devastated a&nbsp;year later by a fire that wiped out all the instruments. Although a list of scientific instruments had been made by Hoca Tahsin, the director of Darülfünun when it reopened in 1870, and the purchase was sanctioned by the sultan, these instruments did not find their way to Istanbul.Lycée impérial de Galata-Sérai (Mekteb-i Sultani) was a high school created in 1867 under Ottoman-French cooperation and received 34 boxes of teaching materials, including scientific instruments. Science courses were given by French teachers during the first three years when the school operated under French administration. They presumably conducted experiments with the instruments purchased from Paris.The scarcity of the lists of received instruments kept in the Ottoman Archives and the nonconservation of instruments render making a full assessment difficult. The present article is introductory in nature, and future research on instruments ordered for Ottoman secondary schools (idadis) in Istanbul and Anatolia as well as on the collections kept in non-Muslim schools in the Empire will surely provide a greater picture.&nbsp;

Bi’t-tecrübe İsbât: On Dokuzuncu Yüzyıl İstanbul’unda Deney ve Fizik Aletleri Üzerine Notlar (1809-1876)

Kenan

Assist. Prof. Dr.

This paper aims to analyze Ahmed Cevdet Pasha’s (d. 1895) review of Ahmed Midhat Efendi’s (d. 1912) unpublished work titled Tarih-i Ulûm. A draft of this review is preserved in the Ottoman Archives in Istanbul. The review deserves attention for several reasons. First, it brings together contributions Cevdet Pasha and Ahmed Midhat made to the history of science. While Ahmed Midhat is known to have written a history of the sciences through his correspondence with Fatma Aliye Hanım (d.1936), Cevdet Pasha’s daughter, the review contains specific references to the introductory section Cevdet Pasha was sent, thus providing further information about Midhat Efendi’s work. Secondly, the review contains Cevdet Pasha’s brief account of the history of science and his warnings on historiography that are still relevant. Cevdet Pasha’s brief mention of the rise and decline of sciences in Islamic history and their growth in Europe indicates that he continued to hold to a similar account he had provided in his translation of the sixth chapter of Ibn Khaldun’s (d.1406) Muqaddimah, which contain the translator’s original additions.Cevdet Pasha criticized Midhat’s Tarih-i Ulûm (1) for not being inclusive enough, (2) for misusing concepts, (3) for not making use of some important sources, and (4) for improperly using the Turkish language. As for the first, Cevdet Pasha pointed out how Ahmed Midhat’s history of late Ottoman science was not comprehensive as it lacked mention of some important figures who had played a role in the transmission and development of modern science in the Ottoman domain, including İsmail Gelenbevî (d. 1791), Hüseyin Rıfkı Tamânî (d. 1817), Şânîzâde Mehmed Atâullah (d. 1826), and Hüseyin Tamânî’s son Emin Pasha (d. 1851), as well as Hoca İshak Efendi (d. 1836) whom Ahmed Midhat had noted. Cevdet spends most of the review on the second critique, pointing out some problematic uses of concepts such as ‘ilm [science/knowledge], fann [discipline], ma‘ârif [knowledge of particulars], san‘at [crafts], and sinâ‘at [arts]. Cevdet vehemently rejected a division of sciences into religious&nbsp;and worldly sciences, pointing out that he had never heard of such a division and that it was inconsistent due to religious sciences including worldly matters and worldly sciences such as metaphysics including religious matters such as discussions on the existence of the Necessary Existent and matters of the afterlife. Also, a noteworthy analysis of the concept of ‘ilm is that this concept terminologically refers to the sciences, while ordinarily signifying knowledge in general. Thus, Cevdet warned Midhat, as well as the reader, against confusing these two meanings of ‘ilm, which has commonly occurred to refer to science in modern times when interpreting religious texts that contain the word ‘ilm in reference to knowledge. Cevdet’s analysis of the words san‘at and sinâ‘at also showed again how the modern period uses the first meaning in place of the second, which has since become a well-established misuse in Turkish. Nevertheless, Cevdet painstakingly pointed out that san‘at refers to occupations, while sinâ‘at refers to crafts that require knowledge.Although Cevdet’s notes on the third critique on significant sources for history or science and on the fourth critique on the proper use of Turkish and Turkification of scientific terminology take up less room in his review, both are items that he had dwelled on in his previous work on the history of the sciences. On two occasions, Cevdet’s review emphasizes al-Filāḥa l-Nabaṭiyya, as a crucial source for the history of ancient sciences, particularly regarding the 19th-century obsession with the origins of science. In this regard, Cevdet believed India to be the cradle of civilization, while giving precedence to Babylon over Egypt regarding the development of civilization. As for the proper use of language, Cevdet praised Turkish for its fine features and suggested inventing scientific terms by benefitting from Arabic lexicons while also hinting at reforming Ottoman Turkish script for better dictation.All in all, Cevdet’s review of Midhat’s ultimately unpublished work titled Tarih-i Ulûm shows that book reviews have contained substantial narratives on the history of the sciences. This is not the only review in which Cevdet provided an account of the sciences. As noted in the paper, several of Cevdet’s laudatory reviews (takrîz) actually include narratives on the history of the sciences. As a result, these reviews all show that Cevdet had made use of such occasions to propagate his narrative on the development of sciences. Hence, I argue that these book reviews should be included in the Turkish literature on the history of science and mined for their succinct accounts of developments.

İslam ve Osmanlı Dönemi Bilim Tarihi Yazımı için İhtarlar: Ahmed Midhat Efendi’nin Tarih-i Ulûm’una Cevdet Paşa’nın Tenkitleri

Mustakim

Esra

This article aims to study the concept of new in the medical literature between 1650- 1750. The study’s main resources are books written by physicians and non-physicians who worked in medical application and preparation of pharmaceuticals. Although studies have been made on this topic, their main focus was on the definition of new as a term in medicine and drug treatment. In other words, these studies highlighted the meaning of the concept of new in iatrochemistry without taking into consideration other uses of this term in other domains. Indeed, new had multiple interpretations as a term in various disciplines during the period under study. In this context, new as a term can be classified in three layers. However, one should note that these layers are not severe classifications and occasionally overlap. The present article will examine the concept of the new in geography, in the works of contemporary and later scholars (muta’akhkhirūn), and in terms of the medical paradigm and literature (e.g., perspectives, diseases, plants, units of measurement, practices, pharmaceutical equipment, physician’s offices). The article will also examine new in the literature such as changes that occurred with regard to book titles, the order of encyclopedic works (tertīb-i jadīd), and translations (tarjamat), as well as regarding juridical (fiqh) issues that have emerged since the founders of Islamic schools of thought (madhhab).The new world refers to the American continent as well as the new in a geographical sense. The new world was discussed in medical writings in terms of plants that had been imported from the continent and employed in medicine. The phrases that correlate to new (muta’akhkhir) as a term in a chronological sense were typically employed in respect to people or scholars who lived after the so-called old (mute’addim) period. The geographical and historical contexts are not irrelevant to what was considered new in terms of the medical paradigm and literature. This was due to the fact that, beginning in the 16th century, new diseases, new plants, new pharmaceutical ingredients, novel approaches and instruments for producing medications, new therapies, and fresh perspectives had entered the medical literature. This study specifically explores whether the so-called new concepts found in Ottoman medicine were incorporated into and justified within the pre-existing medical paradigm or if they contributed to the search for a new paradigm. The study’s hypothesis is that what had been deemed new in 17th-century Ottoman medicine led to a shift in the paradigm’s content by incorporating it within and modifying old medicine. To investigate how Paracelsian medicinal texts had been incorporated into Ottoman medicine through translations by Ibn Sallūm would be feasible from this perspective. Recent research has revealed that the passages that attacked humoral pathology and those of Paracelsus’ medicine that dealt with astrology and occult science had not been extant in the original text and were only integrated during the translation process. Ibn Sallūm was instrumental in these translations and said that Paracelsus had plundered from ancient chemistry and philosophy rather than creating the&nbsp;new chemical medicine. As a result, the idea of Paracelsianism is seen as a slippery term in the secondary literature. In conclusion, Paracelsus only had an impact on Ottoman medicine in terms of the usage of chemical drugs, which were then modified and utilized in humoral pathology. The theory of humoral pathology additionally offered a basis for new ailments and new plants that weren’t mentioned in the old texts. For instance, humoral pathology was employed to convey the pathophysiology of diseases and the characteristics of plants. The article’s subsequent sections cover what was regarded as new and what was influenced by it with regard to fiqh discussions, the dissemination of new knowledge in medical clinics, and novel methods of writing. The article also addresses the new pharmacological equipment and measurement units. This research has led to the suggestion that, rather than being a brandnew paradigm, this concept of new medicine in the Ottoman Empire was often confined to modern information being added to traditional medical knowledge. More specifically, the terms adm and jadd in the 17th and 18th centuries were used exclusively to denote antique medicine (an older framework) in which new materials had been assimilated.

Tıbb-ı Cedîd Ne Kadar Yenidir? Osmanlı Tıbbında Yenilik Tartışmaları ve Yeninin Mahiyeti (1650-1750)

Eyüp

Pharmacies were first established in Samsun in the 1880s by non-Muslim Ottoman pharmacists. Samsun’s first Turkish pharmacist, Ali Rahmi Taşan, didn’t open the pharmacy called Osmanlı Şifa Eczanesi until 1908. Following the proclamation of the Constitutional Monarchy, a pharmaceutical society was established in 1910 in Samsun, which had 20 pharmacies. It was called Osmanlı Eczacılar İttihad Cemiyeti [Society for the Union of Ottoman Pharmacists]. The society decided that pharmacies would be closed on Sundays and would implement shift work.In the later years of the Turkish War of Independence (1919-1923), more precisely on October 5, 1922, pharmacists in Samsun leagued together once again to establish the Anadolu Türk Eczacı Birliği [Turkish Pharmacists Union of Anatolia]. The Turkish War of Independence, which had started in 1919, should have encouraged its establishment. The founding President of the Union was Lieutenant Colonel Eyüp Sabri Bülgin, Chief Pharmacist of the Third Army Corps in Sivas. Its Secretary General was pharmacist Emin Refik Bey. Having Anatolia and Turkish embedded in the name of the union was done to support the initiatives that had been undertaken toward becoming a nation-state. Emphasis was placed on having the association involve all Turkish pharmacists in Anatolia. Any pharmacist with a diploma could become a member without discrimination, regardless of if one was a freelance, public, or warehouse pharmacist. The union also had a representative in Istanbul.Soon after the union’s founding, Fridays were declared a holiday, and shift work was introduced. Requests were made to the Ministry of Health and Social Welfare on issues concerning all the pharmacists in Anatolia. The union aimed to increase pharmacists’ professional knowledge in light of scientific developments and to develop the rules members of the profession were to follow. In order to serve this purpose, a publication was launched in May 1923 titled Genç Eczacı (Young Pharmacists). At least four issues of this monthly were published. The publisher and director of the periodical was Emin Refik Bey, the founding Secretary General of the Union. The headquarters of the monthly was Kamer Eczanesi [The&nbsp;Pharmacy of Kamer] and was owned by Ahmet Cevat Akıska, who would later be elected Secretary General.Founded in 1909 in Istanbul, Devlet-i Osmaniye Eczacılar Cemiyeti [Pharmacists’ Society of the Ottoman Empire] had not been shut down during the Balkan Wars or World War I, but was unable to operate. After the Turkish Pharmacists Union of Anatolia was founded in Samsun, the members of the society in Istanbul changed its name in 1922 to Türkiye Eczacıları Cemiyeti [Pharmacists’ Society of Türkiye] in nationalistic solidarity as a result of the expansion of the Turkish War of Independence. The change in name started a legitimacy discussion between the Turkish Pharmacists’ Union of Anatolia and the Pharmacists’ Association of Türkiye. The main issue of the discussion was which association represented all pharmacists in Türkiye. Despite heavy correspondence and bilateral meetings, members were unable to reach a definitive conclusion. As these discussions went on, Turkish pharmacists in Izmir founded an association called Türk Eczacılar Cemiyeti [Society of Turkish Pharmacists] on June 1, 1923. The pharmacists of İzmir may have taken the union founded in Samsun as an example. The society in İzmir fostered ideas similar to the unions that had been established in Samsun and İstanbul.Whether the Turkish Pharmacists’ Union of Anatolia was shut down or not is unknown. According to local newspapers in Samsun, however, the association is known to have been active in 1926, with no information after this date being found. The establishment of Türk Farmakoloğ Birliği [Turkish Union of Pharmacology] was established in 1930 and involved pharmacists from all over the country. It functioned as a professional association for a while, which indicates that the Turkish Pharmacists’ Union of Anatolia had stopped its activities between 1926-1930.The Turkish Pharmacists’ Union of Anatolia was the first pharmacist association founded solely by Turkish pharmacists, as well as the first pharmaceutical association bearing the epithet of Turkish in its name. According to its regulations, the association stipulated that only Turkish pharmacists could become members. Also, all Turkish pharmacists with a diploma in Turkey were welcomed as members.

Milli Mücadele Döneminde Samsun’da Kurulmuş Bir Eczacı Derneği: Anadolu Türk Eczacı Birliği (1922)

Elif

Diabetes involves a group of metabolic dysfunctions characterized by high blood sugar levels caused by the body’s inability to produce insulin, insulin resistance, or a combination of both. Nutrition undisputedly has one of the most significant roles in managing diabetes. In planning a nutritional schedule for a diabetic individual, personal factors such as body weight and lifestyle can be effective alongside developments in health technologies. The first scientific findings about medical nutrition therapy regarding diabetes intensified in the early period of the 20th century. However, the literature on dietary recommendations and clinical practices during this time were quite limited. The current study investigates medical nutrition therapy regarding diabetes from a century ago using information obtained from the booklet What Should Diabetics Eat? written in Ottoman Turkish in Istanbul in 1929. The authors were Dr. Mehmet Kâmil, an internist at the Şişli Etfal Hospital, and Dr. Muzaffer, the physician of the Galatasaray High School. The diabetes booklet includes nutritional recommendations about what diabetics should follow. Accordingly, the physicians from this period recommended changes to nutrition in order to treat their patients with diabetes and the accompanying obesity, weakness, and stomach, intestine, liver, and kidney diseases. However, physicians were considered not likely to be able to convey the details of a diet to patients, to have patients note these down or remember it, or to write down a diet in line with the conditions of the period. Dr. Kâmil and Dr. Muzaffer stated that they had written the diabetes booklet to eliminate these challenges.This diabetes booklet briefly presents the main topics in the table of contents. The booklet has seven sections that define diabetes and its types, etiology, physiology, and the conditions requiring diet therapy in an easily understandable way. The items patients are allowed to eat and drink are described in the first five sections. The first section deals with fresh meat, offal, meat preserves, and other nitrogenous foods, as well as fresh fish, fish preserves, fish-derived foods and edible sea creatures, eggs, oils, cheeses, green vegetables, fruits, dried fruits, canned vegetables, spices, pickles, soups, and beverages. The second section&nbsp;addresses essential oils and olive oils, while the third section discusses vegetables and raw fruits with less starch. The fourth section covers foods equivalent to 10 g of wheat bread, and various examples of the amount of food to be consumed in a day. The fifth section deals with some general opinions about offal, fish dishes, meat and vegetables, salads and snacks, personalized treatments, special rules about drinks, how to serve meals, and meal schedules. The sixth section provides some special diets such as the urinalysis diet, a vegetable diet, and an oat diet, as well as some complementary information on foods containing gluten and sugar-free fruits. The seventh chapter finishes with some recommendations for diabetics and a summary of the booklet.In order to evaluate the diabetic medical nutrition therapy the authors recommended, this article compares the contents of the booklet with the scientific literature of the period as well as with current practices. This comparison highlights the changes that have occurred in clinical nutrition therapy regarding diabetes from the 1930s up to the present day. This article also transliterates the full text of the booklet from Ottoman Turkish written with Arabic characters into Turkish with Latin characters. Brief information is also given about the two medical doctors who authored the book.This study is offered to the centennial of the Republic of Türkiye in commemoration of all Republican physicians who, similar to Dr. Mehmet Kâmil Berk and Dr. Muzaffer Şevki Yener, made contributions to medical treatment with great zeal.

Diyabette Beslenmenin Bir Asırlık Serüveni: Dr. Mehmet Kâmil ve Dr. Muzaffer Beylerin Şekerliler Ne Yemelidir? Adlı Eseri - Değerlendirme ve Çeviriyazı

Berrin

İkinci Dünya Savaşı Yıllarında İstanbul Üniversitesi Eczacı Okulu Öğrencisi Nahide Bursa (Torolsan)’dan Anılar ve Heybeliada Florası Herbaryum Defteri

Mustafa

Sergi – Deney ile Eğitmek: İstanbul Saint-Joseph Lisesinde Deneysel Fizik (5 Nisan – 28 Mayıs 2023)

Abdüssamet

Modern Bilimin Küresel Kökenleri

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@JOURNAL_BOX_EARLYVIEW

İki Dünya Savaşı Arasında Türkiye’de Zehirli Gazlardan Korunma Kursları ve Yasal Düzenlemeler

Derya

Osmanlı Donanması Askerlerinin Tayyarelerde Görevlendirilmek Üzere Yetiştirilmesi

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Res. Assist.

Nilüfer

Assoc. Prof.

Operatör Doktor Ömer Vasfi Aybar ve Ankara’da Yayımladığı Türk Hekimi Dergisi

Osmanlı ve Cumhuriyet Türkiyesi’nde Eczacı Kalfalarının Örgütlenme Girişimleri (1912-1949)

@JOURNAL_BOX_MOSTREAD

İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Bilim Tarihi Bölümü’nün yayın organı olan Osmanlı Bilimi Araştırmaları (Studies in Ottoman Science) dergisi, yılda iki kez yayımlanan hakemli ve uluslararası bir dergidir. 1995 yılında yayına başlayan dergi, Türkiye’de bilim tarihi alanında yayımlanan ilk akademik dergidir.

Osmanlı Bilimi Araştırmaları dergisi, bilim, teknoloji ve tıp tarihi konularında hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmiş, Türkçe ve İngilizce dillerinde yazılmış orijinal araştırma makaleleri, derleme makaleler, çeviri makaleler yanında, araştırma notları, katkılar, kitap tanıtımları ve toplantı raporları yayımlar.

Derginin kapsadığı konular arasında, özellikle bilim, teknoloji ve tıp alanında etkin olmuş kurumlarının tarihi; değişik bilim dallarının ve tekniklerin gelişimi; bilimsel ve teknik bilginin toplumlar arasında aktarımı; bilim ve teknik kitapların çevirileri; bilim eğitimi tarihi; bilim insanlarının özgeçmişleri ve ilgili konular yer almaktadır. Eczacılık tarihiyle ilgili yazılar da kabul edilmektedir. Osmanlı İmparatorluğu döneminde Türkiye’deki bilimsel etkinliklerin tarihi (14-20.yüzyıllar) özellikle dergi kapsamı içinde olup, Cumhuriyet dönemi Türkiyesi’ndeki (1923’ten sonra) bilimsel etkinlikleri inceleyen yazılar da yayımlanmaktadır. Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nun yayılmış olduğu bölgelerdeki (Ortadoğu ve Balkanlar) bilimsel faaliyetlerle ilgili yazılar da kabul edilmektedir.

Kaan

Assist. Prof.

Scopus

EBSCO

ERIH PLUS

TR Dizin

DOAJ

SOBIAD

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@METRIC_ISSUES

@METRIC_ARTICLES

@METRIC_OPENACCESS

Osmanlı Bilimi Araştırmaları

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Editor in Chief

Co Editor in Chief

Editorial Management Board Member

Language Editor

Editorial Board Member

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Osmanlı Bilimi Araştırmaları - Studies in Ottoman Science, bilim, teknoloji ve tıp tarihi konularında hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmiş, Türkçe ve İngilizce dillerinde yazılmış orijinal araştırma makaleleri, derleme makaleler, çeviri makaleler yanında, araştırma notları, katkılar, kitap tanıtımları ve toplantı raporları yayımlar. Ocak ve Temmuz aylarında yayınlanır.Derginin kapsadığı konular arasında, özellikle bilim, teknoloji ve tıp alanında etkin olmuş kurumların tarihi; değişik bilim dallarının ve tekniklerin gelişimi; bilimsel ve teknik bilginin toplumlar arasında aktarımı; bilim ve teknik kitapların çevirileri; bilim eğitimi tarihi; bilim insanlarının özgeçmişleri ve ilgili konular yer almaktadır. Eczacılık tarihiyle ilgili yazılar da kabul edilmektedir. Osmanlı İmparatorluğu döneminde Türkiye’deki bilimsel etkinliklerin tarihi (14-20.yüzyıllar) özellikle dergi kapsamı içinde olup, Cumhuriyet dönemi Türkiyesi’ndeki (1923’ten sonra) bilimsel etkinlikleri inceleyen yazılar da yayımlanmaktadır. Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nun yayılmış olduğu bölgelerdeki (Ortadoğu ve Balkanlar) bilimsel faaliyetlerle ilgili yazılar da kabul edilmektedir.

Amaç ve Kapsam

<ul><li>SCOPUS</li><li>TÜBİTAK-ULAKBİM TR Dizin </li><li>DOAJ</li><li>ERIH PLUS</li><li>EBSCO Academic Search Ultimate</li><li>EBSCO Central &amp; Eastern European Academic Source</li><li>SOBİAD</li></ul>

Dizinler

Dergi yayın etiğinde en yüksek standartlara bağlıdır ve <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a> ve <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> tarafından yayınlanan etik yayıncılık ilkelerini benimser; Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing başlığı altında ifade edilen ilkeler için: <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a> Gönderilen makaleler derginin amaç ve kapsamına uygun olmalıdır. Orijinal, yayınlanmamış ve başka bir dergide değerlendirme sürecinde olmayan, her bir yazar tarafından içeriği ve gönderimi onaylanmış yazılar değerlendirmeye kabul edilir. Makale yayınlanmak üzere Dergiye gönderildikten sonra yazarlardan hiçbirinin ismi, tüm yazarların yazılı izni olmadan yazar listesinden silinemez ve yeni bir isim yazar olarak eklenemez ve yazar sırası değiştirilemez.İntihal, duplikasyon, sahte yazarlık/inkar edilen yazarlık, araştrma/veri fabrikasyonu, makale dilimleme, dilimleyerek yayın, telif hakları ihlali ve çıkar çatışmasının gizlenmesi, etik dışı davranışlar olarak kabul edilir. Kabul edilen etik standartlara uygun olmayan tüm makaleler yayından çıkarılır. Buna yayından sonra tespit edilen olası kuraldışı, uygunsuzluklar içeren makaleler de dahildir.İntihal Ön kontrolden geçirilen makaleler, iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal/kendi kendine intihal tespit edilirse yazarlar bilgilendirilir. Editörler, gerekli olması halinde makaleyi değerlendirme ya da üretim sürecinin çeşitli aşamalarında intihal kontrolüne tabi tutabilirler. Yüksek benzerlik oranları, bir makalenin kabul edilmeden önce ve hatta kabul edildikten sonra reddedilmesine neden olabilir. Makalenin türüne bağlı olarak, bunun oranın %15 veya %20'den az olması beklenir.Çift Kör Hakemlikİntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir. Editör, makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakemlikten geçmesini sağlar ve makale biçimsel esaslara uygun ise, gelen yazıyı yurtiçinden ve /veya yurtdışından en az iki hakemin değerlendirmesine sunar, hakemler gerek gördüğü takdirde yazıda istenen değişiklikler yazarlar tarafından yapıldıktan sonra yayınlanmasına onay verir.

Politikalar

Dergi açık erişimlidir ve derginin tüm içeriği okura ya da okurun dahil olduğu kuruma ücretsiz olarak sunulur. Okurlar, ticari amaç haricinde, yayıncı ya da yazardan izin almadan dergi makalelerinin tam metnini okuyabilir, indirebilir, kopyalayabilir, arayabilir ve link sağlayabilir. Bu <a href="https://www.budapestopenaccessinitiative.org/translations/turkish-translation" target="_blank">BOAI</a> açık erişim tanımıyla uyumludur. Derginin açık erişimli makaleleri Creative Commons Atıf-GayrıTicari 4.0 Uluslararası (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.tr" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) olarak lisanslıdır.

Derginin tüm giderleri İstanbul Üniversitesi tarafından karşılanmaktadır. Dergide makale yayını ve makale süreçlerinin yürütülmesi ücrete tabi değildir. Dergiye gönderilen ya da yayın için kabul edilen makaleler için işlemleme ücreti ya da gönderim ücreti alınmaz.

Yazarlar dergide yayınlanan çalışmalarının telif hakkına sahiptirler ve çalışmaları  Creative Commons Atıf-GayrıTicari 4.0 Uluslararası (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.tr" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) olarak lisanslıdır. CC BY-NC 4.0 lisansı, eserin ticari kullanım dışında her boyut ve formatta paylaşılmasına, kopyalanmasına, çoğaltılmasına ve orijinal esere uygun şekilde atıfta bulunmak kaydıyla yeniden düzenleme, dönüştürme ve eserin üzerine inşa etme dâhil adapte edilmesine izin verir.

Editörler, yayınlanan makalede, bulguları, yorumları ve sonuçları etkilemeyen küçük hatalar tespit edilirse düzeltme yayınlamayı düşünebilirler. Editörler, bulguları ve sonuçları geçersiz kılan büyük hatalar / ihlaller söz konusu olduğunda, makaleyi geri çekmeyi düşünmelidir. Yazarlar tarafından araştırma veya yayını kötüye kullanmaya yönelik olasılık söz konusu ise; bulguların güvenilir olmadığına ve yazarların kurumlarının olayı soruşturmadığına dair kanıtlar var veya olası soruşturma haksız veya sonuçsuz görünüyor ise, editörler endişe ifadesi yayınlamayı düşünmelidir. Düzeltme, geri çekme veya endişe ifadesi ile ilgili olarak <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/flowcharts/complete-set-english" target="_blank">COPE</a> ve <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/" target="_blank">ICJME</a> yönergeleri dikkate alınır.

Dergide yayınlanan tüm yazıların korunmasını ve kalıcı olarak erişilebilir olmasını sağlamak için makaleler, ulusal bir arşiv sitesi olarak hizmet veren ve aynı zamanda LOCKSS'in içeriği toplamasına, korumasına ve sunmasına izin veren Dergipark'ta saklanmaktadır.Ek olarak, yazarların kendilerinin makalelerinin son PDF sürümünü Open Archives Initiative (<a href="https://www.openarchives.org/" target="_blank">https://www.openarchives.org/</a>) standartlarına uygun açık elektronik arşivlerde arşivlemeleri önerilir. Yazarlar, yayınladıkları arşiv versiyonundan, İ.Ü. Yayınevinin dergi web sitesinin URL'sine bağlantı sağlamalıdır.

Osmanlı Bilimi Araştırmaları- Studies in Ottoman Science, yayın etiğinde en yüksek standartlara bağlıdır ve <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a> ve <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> tarafından yayınlanan etik yayıncılık ilkelerini benimser; Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing başlığı altında ifade edilen ilkeler için adres: <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a>Gönderilen tüm makaleler orijinal, yayınlanmamış ve başka bir dergide değerlendirme sürecinde olmamalıdır. Yazar makalenin orijinal olduğu, daha önce başka bir yerde yayınlanmadığı ve başka bir yerde, başka bir dilde yayınlanmak üzere değerlendirmede olmadığını beyan etmelidir. Uygulamadaki telif kanunları ve anlaşmaları gözetilmelidir. Telife bağlı materyaller (örneğin tablolar, şekiller veya büyük alıntılar) gerekli izin ve teşekkürle kullanılmalıdır. Başka yazarların, katkıda bulunanların çalışmaları ya da yararlanılan kaynaklar uygun biçimde kullanılmalı ve referanslarda belirtilmelidir. Her bir makale editörlerden biri ve en az iki hakem tarafından çift kör değerlendirmeden geçirilir. İntihal, duplikasyon, sahte yazarlık/inkar edilen yazarlık, araştırma/veri fabrikasyonu, makale dilimleme, dilimleyerek yayın, telif hakları ihlali ve çıkar çatışmasının gizlenmesi, etik dışı davranışlar olarak kabul edilir.Kabul edilen etik standartlara uygun olmayan tüm makaleler yayından çıkarılır. Buna yayından sonra tespit edilen olası kuraldışı, uygunsuzluklar içeren makaleler de dahildir.

Etik

Osmanlı Bilimi Araştırmaları- Studies in Ottoman Science araştırma etiğinde en yüksek standartları gözetir ve aşağıda tanımlanan uluslararası araştırma etiği ilkelerini benimser. Makalelerin etik kurallara uygunluğu yazarların sorumluluğundadır.<ul><li>Araştırmanın tasarlanması, tasarımın gözden geçirilmesi ve araştırmanın yürütülmesinde, bütünlük, kalite ve şeffaflık ilkeleri sağlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma ekibi ve katılımcılar, araştırmanın amacı, yöntemleri ve öngörülen olası kullanımları; araştırmaya katılımın gerektirdikleri ve varsa riskleri hakkında tam olarak bilgilendirilmelidir.</li><li>Araştırma katılımcılarının sağladığı bilgilerin gizliliği ve yanıt verenlerin gizliliği sağlanmalıdır. Araştırma katılımcıların özerkliğini ve saygınlığını koruyacak şekilde tasarlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma katılımcıları gönüllü olarak araştırmada yer almalı, herhangi bir zorlama altında olmamalıdırlar.</li><li>Katılımcıların zarar görmesinden kaçınılmalıdır. Araştırma, katılımcıları riske sokmayacak şekilde planlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma bağımsızlığıyla ilgili açık ve net olunmalı; çıkar çatışması varsa belirtilmelidir.</li><li>İnsan denekler ile yapılan deneysel çalışmalarda, araştırmaya katılmaya karar veren katılımcıların yazılı bilgilendirilmiş onayı alınmalıdır. Çocukların ve vesayet altındakilerin veya tasdiklenmiş akıl hastalığı bulunanların yasal vasisinin onayı alınmalıdır.</li><li>Çalışma herhangi bir kurum ya da kuruluşta gerçekleştirilecekse bu kurum ya da kuruluştan çalışma yapılacağına dair onay alınmalıdır.</li><li>İnsan öğesi bulunan çalışmalarda, “yöntem” bölümünde katılımcılardan “bilgilendirilmiş onam” alındığının ve çalışmanın yapıldığı kurumdan etik kurul onayı alındığı belirtilmesi gerekir.</li></ul>

Makalelerin bilimsel ve etik kurallara uygunluğu yazarların sorumluluğundadır. Yazar makalenin orijinal olduğu, daha önce başka bir yerde yayınlanmadığı ve başka bir yerde, başka bir dilde yayınlanmak üzere değerlendirmede olmadığı konusunda teminat sağlamalıdır. Uygulamadaki telif kanunları ve anlaşmaları gözetilmelidir. Telife bağlı materyaller (örneğin tablolar, şekiller veya büyük alıntılar) gerekli izin ve teşekkürle kullanılmalıdır. Başka yazarların, katkıda bulunanların çalışmaları ya da yararlanılan kaynaklar uygun biçimde kullanılmalı ve referanslarda belirtilmelidir.Gönderilen makalede tüm yazarların akademik ve bilimsel olarak doğrudan katkısı olmalıdır, bu bağlamda “yazar” yayınlanan bir araştırmanın kavramsallaştırılmasına ve dizaynına, verilerin elde edilmesine, analizine ya da yorumlanmasına belirgin katkı yapan, yazının yazılması ya da bunun içerik açısından eleştirel biçimde gözden geçirilmesinde görev yapan birisi olarak görülür. Yazar olabilmenin diğer koşulları ise, makaledeki çalışmayı planlamak veya icra etmek ve / veya revize etmektir. Fon sağlanması, veri toplanması ya da araştırma grubunun genel süpervizyonu tek başına yazarlık hakkı kazandırmaz. Yazar olarak gösterilen tüm bireyler sayılan tüm ölçütleri karşılamalıdır ve yukarıdaki ölçütleri karşılayan her birey yazar olarak gösterilebilir. Yazarların isim sıralaması ortak verilen bir karar olmalıdır. Tüm yazarlar yazar sıralamasını <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/A7D94EDE1BF14AA4A532AB7DE53B5128" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formunda</a> imzalı olarak belirtmek zorundadırlar.Yazarlık için yeterli ölçütleri karşılamayan ancak çalışmaya katkısı olan tüm bireyler “teşekkür / bilgiler” kısmında sıralanmalıdır. Bunlara örnek olarak ise sadece teknik destek sağlayan, yazıma yardımcı olan ya da sadece genel bir destek sağlayan, finansal ve materyal desteği sunan kişiler verilebilir.Bütün yazarlar, araştırmanın sonuçlarını ya da bilimsel değerlendirmeyi etkileyebilme potansiyeli olan finansal ilişkiler, çıkar çatışması ve çıkar rekabetini beyan etmelidirler. Bir yazar kendi yayınlanmış yazısında belirgin bir hata ya da yanlışlık tespit ederse, bu yanlışlıklara ilişkin düzeltme ya da geri çekme için editör ile hemen temasa geçme ve işbirliği yapma sorumluluğunu taşır.

Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirirler. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar. Gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalacağını garanti eder. Baş editör içerik ve yayının toplam kalitesinden sorumludur. Gereğinde hata sayfası yayınlamalı ya da düzeltme yapmalıdır. Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemler, araştırma, yazarlar ve/veya araştırmaya fon sağlayanlarla çıkar çatışması içinde olmamalıdır. Hakemler değerlendirmelerinin sonucunda tarafsız bir yargıya varmalıdırlar. Gönderilmiş yazılara ilişkin tüm bilginin gizli tutulmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar. Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir. Bazı durumlarda editörün kararıyla, ilgili hakemlerin makaleye ait yorumları aynı makaleyi yorumlayan diğer hakemlere gönderilerek hakemlerin bu süreçte aydınlatılması sağlanabilir.

Daha önce yayınlanmamış ya da yayınlanmak üzere başka bir dergide halen değerlendirmede olmayan ve her bir yazar tarafından onaylanan makaleler değerlendirilmek üzere kabul edilir. Gönderilen ve ön kontrolü geçen makaleler iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir.Seçilen makaleler en az iki ulusal/uluslararası hakeme çift taraflı kör hakemlik ile değerlendirmeye gönderilir; yayın kararı, hakemlerin talepleri doğrultusunda yazarların gerçekleştirdiği düzenlemelerin ve hakem sürecinin sonrasında baş editör tarafından verilir.

Hakemlik Hakkında

Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirir. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar. Gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalacağını garanti eder. Baş editör içerik ve yayının toplam kalitesinden sorumludur. Gereğinde hata sayfası yayınlamalı ya da düzeltme yapmalıdır.Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemlerin araştırmayla ilgili, yazarlarla ve/veya araştırmanın finansal destekçileriyle çıkar çatışmaları olmamalıdır. Değerlendirmelerinin sonucunda tarafsız bir yargıya varmalıdırlar. Gönderilmiş yazılara ilişkin tüm bilginin gizli tutulmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar.Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir. Bazı durumlarda editörün kararıyla, ilgili hakemlerin makaleye ait yorumları aynı makaleyi yorumlayan diğer hakemlere gönderilerek hakemlerin bu süreçte aydınlatılması sağlanabilir.

Daha önce yayınlanmamış ya da yayınlanmak üzere başka bir dergide halen değerlendirmede olmayan ve her bir yazar tarafından onaylanan makaleler değerlendirilmek üzere kabul edilir. Gönderilen ve ön kontrolü geçen makaleler iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir. Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirir. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar.Seçilen makaleler en az iki ulusal/uluslararası hakeme değerlendirmeye gönderilir; yayın kararı, hakemlerin talepleri doğrultusunda yazarların gerçekleştirdiği düzenlemelerin ve hakem sürecinin sonrasında baş editör tarafından verilir.Hakemlerin değerlendirmeleri objektif olmalıdır. Hakem süreci sırasında hakemlerin aşağıdaki hususları dikkate alarak değerlendirmelerini yapmaları beklenir.-Makale yeni ve önemli bir bilgi içeriyor mu?-Öz, makalenin içeriğini net ve düzgün bir şekilde tanımlıyor mu?-Yöntem bütünlüklü ve anlaşılır şekilde tanımlanmış mı?-Yapılan yorum ve varılan sonuçlar bulgularla kanıtlanıyor mu?-Alandaki diğer çalışmalara yeterli referans verilmiş mi?-Dil kalitesi yeterli mi?Hakemler, gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar. Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir.

Aksi belirtilmedikçe gönderilen yazılarla ilgili tüm yazışmalar ilk yazarla yapılacaktır. Makale gönderimi online olarak ve <a href="https://iupress.istanbul.edu.tr/tr/journal/oba/home" target="_blank">https://iupress.istanbul.edu.tr/tr/journal/oba/home</a> adresinden erişilen <a href="http://dergipark.gov.tr/login" target="_blank">http://dergipark.gov.tr/login</a> üzerinden yapılmalıdır. Gönderilen yazılar, makale türünü belirten ve makaleyle ilgili detayları içeren (bkz: Son Kontrol Listesi) <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/5564651367904C9793844598DB878B67" target="_blank">kapak sayfası</a>; editöre mektup, yazının elektronik formunu içeren Microsoft Word 2003 ve üzerindeki versiyonları ile yazılmış elektronik dosya ve tüm yazarların imzaladığı <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/A7D94EDE1BF14AA4A532AB7DE53B5128" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a> eklenerek gönderilmelidir. Yazıların üzerinde yazarların kimliğini gösteren herhangi bir bilgi (Ad, soyadı, kurum vs.) bulunmamalıdır.1. Yazılar, Türkçe ve İngilizce olarak hazırlanabilir. Yazıların, 10 000 kelimeyi (dipnotsuz) ve 120 dipnot sayısını aşmaması tercih edilir.2. Ana metin, çift aralıklı 11 punto ile Times New Roman fontlarıyla MS Word formatında elektronik dosya olarak hazırlanır. PDF dosyası gönderilmemesi rica olunur. Makale başlığı büyük harflerle ve 12 punto koyu; ara başlıklar küçük harflerle ve 11 punto koyu yazılır.3. İngilizce araştırma ve derleme makalelerinin, araştırma notu ve çeviri yazıların ilk sayfasına, 150-200 kelimelik (anahtar sözcükler hariç) İngilizce özet eklenir; opsiyonel olarak 150-200 kelimelik Türkçe özet de eklenebilir. İngilizce olmayan makalelerde, 150-200 kelimelik makale dilinde özet, 150-200 kelimelik İngilizce özet ve 600-800 kelimelik İngilizce genişletilmiş özet de eklenmelidir. Özetlerin sonunda, en fazla 10’ar adet makalenin dilinde ve İngilizce anahtar sözcük bulunmalıdır. Her anahtar sözcük birden fazla kelime içerebilir. Kitap ve toplantı tanıtımları ve editöre mektuplara özet ve bibliyografya gerekmez. Bunlar DergiPark’a yüklenirken “Özet” alanına yazının ilk paragrafı yüklenir.4. Ekler, ana metnin arkasına, kaynakçanın önüne yerleştirilmelidir. Eklerin kaynakları, ek başlığı altında ve ayrıca kaynakçada belirtilmelidir.5. Yüzyıllar ve tarihler açık ve tam yazılır: “Onbeşinci yüzyıl”, “29 Ekim 1923” gibi. İngilizce metinlerde BCE ve CE, Türkçe metinlerde MÖ ve MS kullanılması önerilir.6. Kısa alıntılar paragraf içinde çifte tırnak arasında verilir. Uzun alıntılar tırnak işaretleri kullanılmadan sadece soldan iki kez girinti (tab) yapılmış olarak ve 10 punto ile verilir.7. Resimler ve şekillerin altyazıları bulunmalıdır. Bu altyazılarda görselle ilgili açıklama ve kaynak verilmelidir. Altyazılarda verilen kaynaklar makale sonundaki kaynakçada yer almalıdır. Resimler, şekiller ve altyazıları metnin içine, yayımlanması istenilen yerlere yerleştirilmiş olmalı, hepsi metnin sonunda toplanmamalıdır. Ayrıca bütün resimler ve şekiller DergiPark sistemine ayrı ayrı yüklenmelidir. Resimler ve şekiller ayrı ayrı numaralandırılır. Alt yazıları 9 punto ile yazılır.8. Not ve bibliyografya derginin benimsediği ve Chicago Manual of Style 16’yı temel alan referans sistemine uygun olmalıdır (Bkz: Kaynaklar)9. Dipnotlar (8 punto) her sayfanın altında verilir. Dipnot numarası metin içinde üst simge ile belirtilir. Dipnot referans numaraları noktalama işaretlerinden sonra konulmalıdır (.35 veya ,23).10. Gönderilen metin ve özetler, kullanılan dilin (Türkçe ve İngilizce) dilbilgisi ve yazım kurallarına uygun olarak yazılmış olmadır. Editör, gönderilen metnin ve özetlerin Türkçe ve yabancı dil düzenlemesini yapmakla sorumlu değildir. Anadili İngilizce olmayan yazarlar, metin ve özetlerini dergiye göndermeden önce dil düzenleme hizmetlerinden faydalanmalıdır.11. Yayınlanmak üzere gönderilen makale ile birlikte yazar bilgilerini içeren <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/5564651367904C9793844598DB878B67" target="_blank">kapak sayfası</a> gönderilmelidir. Kapak sayfasında, makalenin başlığı, yazar veya yazarların bağlı bulundukları kurum ve unvanları, kendilerine ulaşılabilecek adresler, cep, iş ve faks numaraları, ORCID ve e-posta adresleri yer almalıdır (bkz. Son Kontrol Listesi).

Yazım Kuralları

<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/A564840AC87049A0AF62827E5AFCD62B" target="_blank">Kapak Sayfası</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/A7D94EDE1BF14AA4A532AB7DE53B5128" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/6ABEC8C924D746E5ACAB361930307428" target="_blank">Yazar Formu</a>

Makalenin türüBaşka bir dergiye gönderilmemiş olduğuİngilizce yönünden kontrolünün yapıldığıYazarlara Bilgide detaylı olarak anlatılan dergi politikalarının gözden geçirildiğiReferansların derginin benimsediği Chicago Manual of Style’ı temel alan referans sistemine uygun olarak düzenlendiği<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/A7D94EDE1BF14AA4A532AB7DE53B5128" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a> (Yazar, makale yayına kabul bilgisini aldıktan sonra göndermelidir.)<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/6ABEC8C924D746E5ACAB361930307428" target="_blank">Yazar Formu</a>Daha önce basılmamış materyal (yazı-resim-tablo) kullanılmış ise izin belgesi<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/709B69CBB2304F74A6F459F72465F294" target="_blank">Kapak sayfası</a><ul><li>Makalenin kategorisi</li><li>Makale dilinde ve İngilizce başlık</li><li>Yazarların ismi soyadı, unvanları ve bağlı oldukları kurumlar (üniversite ve fakülte bilgisinden sonra şehir ve ülke bilgisi de yer almalıdır), e-posta adresleri</li><li>Sorumlu yazarın e-posta adresi, açık yazışma adresi, iş telefonu, GSM, faks numarası</li><li>Tüm yazarların ORCID’leri</li></ul>● Makale ana metni<ul><li>Önemli: Ana metinde yazarın / yazarların kimlik bilgilerinin yer almamış olması gerekir.</li><li>Makale dilinde ve İngilizce başlık</li><li>Özetler: 150-200 kelime makale dilinde ve 150-200 kelime İngilizce</li><li>Anahtar Kelimeler: Maksimum 10 adet makale dilinde ve 10 adet İngilizce</li><li>Makale ana metin bölümleri</li><li>Teşekkür, Çıkar çatışması, Finansal destek belirtilmelidir</li><li>Kaynaklar</li><li>Tablolar-Resimler, Şekiller (başlık, kaynak ve alt yazılarıyla)</li></ul>

Sayı Türü	Regular
Editör(ler)	Ayşe Feza Günergun

Sayı Türü	Regular
Editör(ler)	Ayşe Feza Günergun

Osmanlı Bilimi Araştırmaları

CİLT 24, SAYI 2, 2023

CİLT 24, SAYI 1, 2023

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