İsmet

Established in the Sasanian Era, Arradjan is located on the border of Khuzestan and Fars provinces. Today, Arradjan is a dilapidated area near Behbahan in Southwestern Iran. The city was established by the Sasanian ruler Kavad I and was called Amida Kavad because of the war prisoners brought from Amida and Silvan. Arradjan has also been known as Ram-Kavad, Beram-Kavad, and Abar-Kavad. During the Sasanian and Islamic periods, the city became famous with the name Arradjan. As far as can be determined from the works of Islamic geographers and historians, Isfahan at the time was to the north and northeast of Arradjan, the Persian Gulf was to the south, Darak was to the southwest, Ramhormoz was to the northwest, Shahpour was to the east, and Ardashir-Khwarrah was to the southeast.While the northern part of the city remained cool year-round due to the Zagros Mountains, the southern part had a warm climate due to the Persian Gulf. For this reason, the majority of the people living in the south built underground houses to protect themselves from the heat. The Tab River, which gave life to the city and defines the borders of Fars and Khuzestan, travels a long way to reach Arradjan, passing through Reishahr and pours into the sea at the ancient port of Siniz.Arradjan had a developed trade network due to its geopolitical location. Located on the busy trade routes, the city had connections to both maritime trade and regions far from the land route. Trade was carried out with India and Far Eastern countries, especially through the Port of Mahruban, which had an international character. Road trade continued uninterruptedly through the bridges built in the Sasanian and Islamic periods. Located between Khuzestan and Fars, the city had the distinction of being the Farsi gateway to Mesopotamia. The road from Isfahan to Shiraz by way of Ahwaz and Susa, which was used between Baghdad and Fars, passed through Arradjan. Undoubtedly, the passing of these three roads through Arradjan contributed to the development of the city. Being on the main trade routes and having abundant water resources and fertile lands, the people of this city lived a very prosperous life in times of stability. Arradjan was also directly affected by the political and economic developments in Iran due to its location.Arradjan was an important stop on the Persian royal road during the Sasanian Era and was also a significant settlement center in that era’s first centuries. The local dynasties that emerged as a result of the deterioration in the Abbasid State occupied the lands under Abbasid rule, and one of these was the Saffarid dynasty, During the Yaʿkub b. al-Layth period, they captured Fars and Khuzestan and became the neighbor of the caliphate. Ya‘kub’s son Amr b. al-Layth then continued his father’s policy and constantly struggled with the Abbasid caliphate. He minted coins in his name in Arradjan and its affiliated cities.&nbsp;After the collapse of the Saffarid dynasty, the Abbasid State dominated Arradjan again. The Buyid dynasty, which had adopted the Shia school that emerged in Daylam in the first half of the 10th century, came to Fars under the leadership of ʿImad al-Dawla. Here, al-Dawla struggled with the local Abbasid administrators. Following this struggle, al-Dawla took Shiraz and then Arradjan under his rule. After ʿImad al-Dawla took over Fars, he seized the treasures of the Saffarid and Mohammad b. Yaqut. ʿImad al-Dawla became economically stronger and commissioned his brother Muʿizz al-Dawla to seize Khuzestan. In this process, Arradjan was used as a military base. After ʿImad al-Dawla’s death and due to not having had his own son, Rukn al-Dawla’s son Adud al-Dawla was appointed heir. During the reign of Adud al-Dawla, Arradjan gave special importance to this Khuzestan due to the high tax income. For this reason, wars took place between them and the Bakhtiyar for control of the city. The period of Adud al-Dawla’s sons Sharaf al-Dawla, Samsam al-Dawla and Baha alDawla is when Arradjan started to collapse socioeconomically. The Buyid brothers, who’d been fighting each other for about 20 years, created devastating damage in Arradjan that was difficult to recover from. Due to the city constantly changing hands during this period, the people who’d been crushed by heavy taxes were forced to migrate to other cities. The struggle between Abu Kalidjar’s sons Malik al-Rahim and Fulad Sutun paved the way for the collapse of the Buyids and facilitated the spread of the Saldjukids in the Buyid lands. Their struggle for power turned Arradjan into a battlefield, causing its economic structure to further deteriorate. In addition to the political conflicts during the Buyid era, disasters such as severe earthquakes, drought, and epidemics also accelerated the collapse of the city.The Saldjukids dominated Arradjan during the reign of Tughril Beg I. In this period, the city was given to Hazarasb, one of Tughril I’s most important assistants, in return for sending taxes to the central government every year. When Arradjan came under the rule of the Saldjukids, the social structure of the city was completely destroyed. When examining the sources, they are not seen to mention Arradjan except for the Batinid activities. At the beginning of the 12th century, the Batinids, who belonged to the Ismailiyya branch of Shiism, ruled Arradjan. They captured the fortified castles in Arradjan and carried out terrorist activities from these castles. For this reason, the local people were very nervous. Thereupon, Sultan Berkyaruq sent Emir Chavli to fight the Batinids. Although Emir Chavli eliminated a significant portion of the Batinids, Arradjan was no longer able to attain its former prosperity.&nbsp;

Orta Çağın Yitik Şehri: Müslümanlar Tarafından  Fethinden XII. Yüzyıl Başlarına Kadar Errecân

Esen

XVIII. Yüzyılda İstanbul Esirci Esnafı: Kefalet Sistemi Üzerinden  Bir Değerlendirme

Ömerül

Assoc. Prof.

Not enough is known about the production potential of Ottoman mines, and regular and serial data on this subject are very limited. Finding any such information and following the long-term course of the increases and decreases in production are quite difficult. However, some source groups have proven to be quite generous in this respect, with the Ottoman Imperial Mint registers being one of these. Information about silver production from the Ottoman mines in particular is abundant in the Imperial Mint registers. The main reason for this was that the mines were one of the most important sources feeding the Ottoman Imperial Mint during its coin production. This research aims to reveal the silver production capacity of Ottoman mines and the place of the Ottoman Imperial Mint in money emission based on a group of Ottoman Imperial Mint registers that shed light on the years between 1766 and 1802.According to the results, the Ottoman Imperial Mint converted over 3,091 tons of silver into coins during this period, of which approximately 941 tons had been obtained by melting foreign coins and 1,918.6 tons by melting old Ottoman coins. The amount coming from local mines was 231.9 tons, which makes up 7.5% of the total. According to these results, the silver production of the Ottoman mines was quite limited compared to the silver that came to Ottoman lands as a result of foreign trade. When considering the data in the registers, the second half of the 18th century is when a significant portion of the output from silver producing mines came from Anatolia, and these mines were exceeded the output from the Rumelia mines. While Rumelia appeared to only have two active silver mines, Anatolia was seen to have many mines in operation, among these the Keban and Ergani mines in particular draw attention. Nearly 213.5 of the 231.9 tons (more than 92%) of the silver produced in Ottoman mines between 1766-1802 were mined from the Keban, Ergani, and Gümüşhane mines, while the Sidrekapsi mine produced 6.25 tons of silver, and Kratova’s production was close to 2 tons. The capacity of the Rumelia mines was nowhere near that of the Anatolian mines. When looking at the other mines, the Bereketli mine was seen to have produced almost 644 kg of silver, the Bozkır mine almost 462 kg of silver, and the Balya and Bigadiç almost 210 kg of silver. In addition, many of the mines in regions such as Kazdağı, Nif, Üsküfçü, Gümüşdağı, Uyum, and Gümüş were actively being worked. However, the annual production of some of these was quite low. Compared to the first half of the 18th century, however, Ottoman mining can be said to have experienced a downward trend in terms of silver production in the second half of that century.&nbsp;Despite the limited amount, having the Ottoman Imperial Mint convert the silver obtained from the mines into coins was very profitable. 25.6 million coins were minted out of the 231.9 tons of silver, with the revenue being around 12.47 million kuruş. The average profit generated from this minting was 48%. As a result, the silver from local mines was a low-cost, high-income raw material for the Ottoman Imperial Mint. This profitability was possible due to the policy the state followed in the mining field.&nbsp;A fiscal policy was effective in the Ottoman Empire’s mining policies, as well as in its general economic and financial policies. The empire attempted to reinforce the power of the army and the treasury, and in this regard benefited as much as possible from the opportunities the mines provided. With the impact of its fiscal policies, the empire followed a more centralized policy regarding mine management in the 18th century. In 1736, the Maadin-i Hümâyun Emaneti consisted of mines such as the Keban, Ergani, Gümüşhane, and Espiye mines and was affiliated with the Imperial Mint. The administration of mines under the control of the Imperial Mint was maintained throughout the 18th century. While the mines were more closely affiliated with the central government through the Imperial Mint, they were protected from local administrators’ interventions through the application of the serbestiyet usulü. The maden emini [mine manager] was strengthened against the local administrators and more firmly connected to the nazır of the Imperial Mint.&nbsp;

Osmanlı Madenciliğini Darphane Defterleri Üzerinden  Okumak: XVIII. Yüzyılın İkinci Yarısında Osmanlı  Devleti’nde Gümüş Üretimi

Cemil

Remarkable historical events such as the conquest of Istanbul and the transfer of the caliphate to the Ottomans enabled the political and diplomatic relations between the Ottoman Empire and Indian dynasties to increase. One of the prominent political actors in this process was undoubtedly the Nizams of Hyderabad. They maintained their existence as an independent Islamic state in the region until 1948, when India gained its independence from the British. Due to this feature, a more systematic and long-term contact had been established between the Nizams of Hyderabad and the Ottoman Empire.Mutual interactions occurred between the two regions in the fields of politics, culture, art, and education. For example, Fazluddin Khan Bahadur was the prime minister of the sixth Nizam and in 1898 asked the Ottoman administration to send samples of manuscripts and printed books found in Istanbul libraries. Some books on tafsir, hadith and history were copied by competent people for this purpose.The intense contact between the two regions was experienced during the Ottomans’ struggles against foreign forces. The people of Hyderabad prayed for the victory of the Turkish army and made calls for help. Common religious and cultural values and the respect shown to the institution of the caliphate had an undeniable impact on the emergence of such an attitude. The funds collected through the efforts of many influential figures, including leaders such as Salar Junk and Muhammed Badi, who served at the highest level of the Hyderabad Nizam, were sent to the Ottoman Empire to be delivered to the wounded Turkish soldiers and the orphaned children of the soldiers.Regular telegrams were received from the war zone regarding Ottoman soldiers’ conditions through the special organizations established in Hyderabad, thereby informing the public. Through such efforts carried out under the leadership of the Nizams of Hyderabad, an awareness is understood to have been created in the eyes of the people of the region toward the Ottomans. This is why the Nizam of Hyderabad provided financial support to Al-Akhtar, a newspaper published by the Ottoman Empire, so that it could continue its publishing life.The Hejaz Railway project was one of the significant events that strengthened the relations between Hyderabad and the Ottoman Empire. Some of the Indian Muslim intellectuals came together and established a society called Anjuman Khuddam-i-Kaaba [Society of the&nbsp;Servants of Kaaba] to support the project. The fact that a person such as Molla Abdulqayyum with important administrative duties in education and transportation in the Hyderabad State had assumed the position of honorary secretariat of the Hejaz Railway project in South India concretely reflects this support. Meanwhile, the capital of Istanbul showed sensitivity toward this noble behavior and decided to give the Hamidiya Hejaz Railway Medal to the people from Hyderabad who’d sent aid.The Ottoman Empire’s involvement in the Balkan Wars and then World War I was closely followed in the Hyderabad region. Muslim leaders living in Hyderabad and the surrounding regions forwarded messages of support to the Ottoman Empire. One article written in Arabic in 1913 is a concrete piece of data reflecting this situation. This article stated that Muslims should give their full support to the Ottomans and also mentioned that the Ottoman Empire should make a military expedition to take back the pieces of land that had been lost, especially the Balkans. Warnings were also given to some of the Muslim people who were trying to leave the Ottoman Empire with their feelings of nationalism. The article emphasized that Turks should be vigilant against the insidious ambitions of foreign powers.The Hyderabad Red Crescent Society performed an important function in the process of conveying information on the health status of the Ottoman Empire to the people of the Hyderabad region. The society also undertook the task of conveying the financial aid collected from Indian volunteers to the Ottoman Empire. The people of Hyderabad demanded that this aid should be spent to fulfill the basic needs of the relatives of martyrs and veterans, orphaned children, and the Turkish soldiers fighting at the front. The society transferred the donations to the London branch of the National Bank of India to be delivered to the Grand Viziership. The documents found in the Ottoman Achieves testify that whether these donations had reached the relevant authority and whether it had been spent right away were closely followed.The defeat of the Ottoman Empire in World War I and the occupation of Istanbul by the Allied Forces on March 16, 1920 were met with sadness in the Hyderabad region as well as in the rest of India. Some of the meetings held by the pioneers of the Indian Khilafat Movement were organized in Hyderabad. However, the last Nizam of Hyderabad, Mir Osman Ali Khan, is understood from the historical records to have cautiously approached the activities of such organizations, which had a religious-political appearance, and to have evaluated these kinds of activities from multiple perspectives.Mir Osman Ali Khan closely followed Turkey’s successful and selfless struggle against the occupying states. He issued an edict in 1923 regarding financial aid to the needy people in Turkey. He appointed the editor of Sahifa, Muhammed Akbar Ali, to organize drives for this support. The available documents show Mir Osman Ali Khan to have issued an edict on August 2, 1923 right after the Treaty of Lausanne, an edict that established a one-day official&nbsp;holiday in Hyderabad due to the victory of Turkey as a result of the war of independence. Moreover, in order to celebrate this victory of the Turks, he gave orders to distribute various awards to his people and to illuminate the prominent mosques of the city with oil lamps. Another concrete indication of the close interest the Nizam of Hyderabad had with the Ottoman Empire and the Turkish people is the financial support it provided to the last Caliph Abdulmejid II who’d been forced to go abroad after the abolition of the caliphate in 1924.Mir Osman Ali Khan expressed his decision with these words: “Sultan Abdulmejid’s financial situation is not very good these days, and since he currently resides in Europe, his expenses there are quite high. I consider it a religious duty to help him as much as I can, in accordance with the religious principle of one Muslim is the sibling to another Muslim.” In response to Mir Osman Ali Khan’s positive attitude, Abdulmejid II wrote a letter saying, “Your noble decision has reached me through Nawaz Junk Bahadur. I express my heartfelt gratitude and appreciation to you for supporting Muslims.” All these data demonstrate that the Nizam had deep sympathy for the Turkish people and the diplomatic and cultural relations between the two regions with their strong historical background that has continued up to recent times.&nbsp;

Hindistan’da Kurulan Haydarabad Nizamlığı’nın  Osmanlı Devleti’ne Verdiği Destek

Tuba

Assist. Prof.

World War I was loosened upon the Palestine front in November 1914 as a result of the British attack on the port of Aqaba, and Djemal Pasha quickly went to Damascus. The Pasha’s task was primarily to control the war in Syria and Palestine, stop Britain’s advance in Egypt, and maintain law and order. However, Djemal Pasha had to deal with another delicate situation in Syria. In order to alter the course of the war, the Pasha’s agenda involved implementing a policy against the nationalism-based movements that had begun emerging at the beginning of the 19th century, progressed through their cultural stages, and fostered the ideal of independence. Thanks to the relations the Pasha established with Arab tribal leaders, Djemal Pasha gained some political experience regarding the nationalist delusions during his governorship of Baghdad. However, a different discipline was required in Damascus and Beirut, where this ideal had arisen. The ideal of Arab independence without regard to any religion or sectarianism ideology had spread from the intellectual class to the social classes and begun to gain wide support among the Syrian and Lebanese populations. One of the groups that required careful policies in this regard was the Druze community.The Druze’s devotion to the Ottoman Empire and their attitude toward Arab nationalism were more evident than with other non-Sunni and non-Muslim sects in the region. Although some Druze members had joined the Arab nationalism-based Syrian Scientific Society in 1857, some of the reactions arising from the “Dual Governorship System” that had been implemented in Lebanon between 1845-1860 had clearly triggered this participation. Prior to World War I, however, the Druze in Havran had started a revolt against Sultan Abdul Hamid II, but their lack of support for the uprising from the Druze in Lebanon highlighted the balance between the parameters in their relationship with the state and with communal ties.The Druze are an esoteric group that emerged from the Ismaili branch of Shiism in the 11th century. The Druze are considered a non-Sunni group who believe in the divinity of the 6th Caliph of the Fatimid state, al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah. After the Ottoman Empire conquered Bilad al Sham in 1516, the Druze became a part of the Ottoman nation and gained political and legal autonomy to the extent of their loyalty to the empire. Although the Druze revolted against the empire from time to time due to tax revolts, the Ottoman Empire did not question their divinity beliefs or legal structures. Thus, the Druze, who had their own rulings on marriage, divorce, and inheritance according to their own legal systems, managed to preserve their identity despite not being part of the nation system.When World War I broke out, Djemal Pasha first benefitted from the Druze’s political activities in Syria and Lebanon and then granted the Druze certain privileges. The Druze who’d been exempted from military service formed volunteer units under the leadership of Shakib Arslan and joined the Ottoman army. Djemal Pasha acknowledged that the Druze might gain the privilege of not being drafted into the military. However, he took a different step in his policy of Islamic unity than his predecessors, one that clearly showed his intention to keep the Druze community under the auspices of the Sunni Ottomans. Due to their active presence in Syria and Lebanon as well as their military capabilities, the warrior Druze were a backbone of society despite gradually losing power as a result of internal conflict. Therefore, uniting the Druze in terms of their legal identities was also critical in terms of maintaining the delicate balances. Such a legal union would also show the effect of Djemal Pasha’s personal strategies. The issue of the Druze community’s practices regarding Sharia law had previously been brought before the Sublime Porte and the Meshihat numerous times, but the State had always dismissed their practices. Eliminating this privilege of the personal status did increase the impact of Pasha’s authority in this regard.The primary essence of the legal identity crisis that started between Djemal Pasha and the Druze was revealed with the appeal the Deputy Governor of the Syrian Province sent to the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Although the deputy stated being aware of the Council of State’s decision taken in 1912, he mentioned some details about an amendment to that decision. Accordingly, the Druze were registered as Muslims because they were recognized as prostate Muslims. They also had no churches and temples like other non-Muslims, nor was any case present of them building a new temple or repairing an old one. Therefore, the Druze had to be treated like other Muslims in personal matters involving inheritance, testament, marriage, and divorce. In other words, the place for Druze trials was in the Sharia courts.This unexpected decision led the Druze religious leaders to gather and send their objections to the Ministry of Internal Affairs. In November 1915, more than 40 religious leaders asked why the Shaykh al-Aql who had previously been authorized by the Empire was no longer permitted to hear cases. Meanwhile, they emphasized that their community was not like that of the Ismailis and Nusayris and that they had settled inheritance and testament cases among themselves with laws recognized by the Ottoman State. The petition sensitively emphasized the depth of the Druze’s loyalty and devotion to their Ottoman identity and the caliph. However, they did not want to apply Hanafi fiqh. For this reason, the Meshihat was requested to not retract the previous decision.Talat Pasha forwarded the issue to both the Meshihat and the Command of the Fourth Army. Djemal Pasha’s answer was delivered to Talat Pasha quicker than the Meshihat’s. According to Djemal Pasha, although the Druze were Muslims, they were exempted from conscription. Making exceptions in personal cases would have opened the door to their independence. Therefore, having their own courts for their own cases was an unnecessary exception. For Djemal Pasha, the decision the State had made was thus wrong from the very beginning. The custom was for the Meshihat to leave the final decision to the Sublime Porte, which had faced the issue of the legal identity of the Druze community many times before the war had removed the choice of abstaining. Shortly after Djemal Pasha’s reply to Talat Pasha, Shaykh al-Islam Mustafa Hayri Efendi stated that he considered upholding the decision to be appropriate, thus ending the last solution for the Druze.One of the most important backgrounds regarding Djemal Pasha’s policy of legal allegiance with the Druze undoubtedly involved the likelihood that they would otherwise attempt independence. The demographic conditions for this were created in the environment of war. In addition to the nation-state understanding of the strict approach that had appeared in state policy during the war, benefit is had in dwelling on the situation that was being faced with England beyond the front. England’s policy toward the Druze throughout the 19th century had been to ensure the loyalty of Druze tribal leaders and to spread Protestantism among the community through missionary activities. In this context, the Islamic identity was considered important in terms of preventing Arab nationalists’ national ambitions, because for the Pasha, the Sherif Hussein bin Ali had dealt a great blow to the Islamic world by attempting to separate the two brotherly Muslim nations of the Turks and Arabs. For this reason, Muslim siblinghood was important for preventing any Druze revolt. However, Djemal Pasha’s idea for establishing legal unity was actually one of the political approaches that had shaken this siblinghood. As a matter of fact, even though living under Ottoman rule was one of the prescriptions of Islam for the Druze, this was valid only so long as they preserved their legal identity. However, the traditional understanding of law required abolition due to the conditions of the war, whereas the legal identity of the Druze who lived under the Ottoman rule had been the most important factor that enabled them to live in the Ottoman mosaic.&nbsp;

“Devletçe İslam”: Birinci Dünya Savaşı’nda Dürziler ve  Hukuki Statüleri

Yahya

Prof.

İngiliz Subayı Guy Warneford Nightingale’in Mektuplarına Göre Çanakkale Cephesindeki İngiliz Askerlerinin Psiko-Sosyal Durumları

Arzu

Prof. Dr.

Sami

Assist. Prof. Dr.

In Islamic book culture, the copyright record is where the authors sign their signatures at the end of the text. In contrast, the istinsah record is where the signature of the copyist (müstensih), who creates a new copy by reproducing the text, is affixed. On the other hand, the ferag or ketaba record is used to express a common term for both. In addition to providing information about the place and time of the composition of the finished text or the copy of the completed manuscript, ketaba records also bear individual traces of the author and the scribe, which opens the door to analysing ketaba records from a different perspective. For example, it is possible to make inferences and interpretations about the personal/social life of the author, the scribe, or the communication networks they were a part of from the prayer sentences they made for themselves or others. For instance, we can trace the scribe’s genealogical information such as father, grandfather, and great-grandfather, their relations, their nicknames, and sometimes even their occupations through the ketaba records; or we can trace the places and times of copy production through the ketaba records.The fact that some scribes or copyists describe the place or location they were in at the time as if they were sketching it and mentioning geographical and local characteristics is a virgin area for urban history researchers to extract new sources and meanings. A noteworthy element in the ketaba records is the phonetic harmony between the names of the cities and the prayer sentences. This indicates that the prayers were written as a religious ritual with aesthetic concerns. The content of the prayers included in the ketaba records is also an essential subject of analysis. These prayers generally pray to protect cities from disasters, epidemics and turmoil. For example, prayers such as “Protect the city of Istanbul from earthquakes and floods” or “Protect the city of Bursa from fire and famine” appear frequently. As can be seen, the prayer phrases can be closely related to the specific situation of that city.This is where the prayer mentioned above gives historiography a special meaning. Instead of making a general prayer for the city in which the author and the annotator have finished composing or copying a work of history, another meaning should be sought underneath the prayer for the city to be protected from fire, earthquake, or fitnahs. As witnesses of the period in which they lived, the scribes and the copyists bear the social memory of the city in the prayers they make for the cities in their ketaba records.Based on this fact, this article traces the prayers made by the scribes and the annotators for the cities they lived in in their ketaba records. It has been observed that prayers were made to protect the cities from seditions and social events. Prayers for protecting these cities or their inhabitants from disasters and calamities such as earthquakes and epidemics are noteworthy in the ketaba records recorded in Damascus, Istanbul, Edirne, Erzincan, and Amasya. Looking back at the relevant dates, it can be seen that the cities faced disasters that&nbsp;needed to be protected in the period close to the period in which the ketebe records were written. A similar situation applies to social events. In the ketebe records, the most crucial factor to be avoided from cities and their inhabitants was fitna. In the prayers for cities such as Edirne, Adana, Maraş, Zile, Bursa, Amasya and Erzincan, the fear of sedition is rampant. As in the section on disasters, we have returned to the relevant dates when the prayers were made and checked from different sources whether the events that were thought to be the basis for the prayers took place on the relevant dates. Thus, in a way, the concerns in the ketaba records have been verified. In this comparison, it has been observed that the events in historical sources can be traced through extra-textual elements and even through prayer sentences, which are some of them. For example, the projections of the Jalali rebellions and the Suhte uprisings can also be read in prayer sentences. During the Jalali uprisings, many authors and manuscript writers must have suffered from the uprisings in their cities or neighbouring cities as they prayed to keep the fitnah away from their cities.&nbsp;&nbsp;To summarise, the article proposes that the prayer sentences in the ketebe records not only wish well for the cities but also reflect the individual or social reflexes of the scribe and the annotators, carry traces of historical events and that the prayer, as mentioned above sentences can be used as a source in historiography in this respect. The aforementioned proposal of the article gains a precious meaning in the absence of historical documents to confirm these concerns for cities in prayer sentences. In this way, the events that nurture these anxieties and fears hidden in the prayers in the ketaba records, even if they are not included in historical sources, will indicate that similar experiences have taken place in those cities in the recent past. In doing so, the sources used in the article were identified after a severe screening, carefully read and classified according to the city and prayer topics, and the data were processed to reveal a new and original subject. Although the methodology and perspective used in the study will contribute to new and original results, there will likely be some shortcomings and unforeseen differences in interpretation because it is one of the first of its kind. In conclusion, Ketebe records provide important data for historians researching various fields such as urban, social, and cultural history. These records can be used to learn about the state of cities in the past, to analyse the political and social atmosphere at that time, and to investigate the cultural values of cities. While manuscripts are the carrier of knowledge as they are texts, the non-textual elements of the manuscript also mediate this transfer of knowledge; it has been observed that the non-textual aspects of the prayer sentences in the ketebe records can also become a direct or indirect source in historiography.

Şehrin Geçmişi Müellif/Müstensihin Duası: Ketebe Kayıtlarında Şehirlere Yapılan Duaların İşaret Ettikleri Üzerine

Mehmet

Hacer

Res. Assist.

One of the most significant outcomes of administrative and fiscal changes in the Ottoman Empire during the 17th and 18th centuries was the inclusion of the local notables known as âyân into the provincial administrative system. This group gained power and wealth and became involved in various military and administrative roles in the provinces, becoming partners of the government from the 17th century onwards. During this period, prominent families such as the Karaosmanoğulları, Çapanoğulları, Caniklizâdeler, and Pazvandoğulları wielded extensive power, while numerous smaller-scale households also asserted authority within districts and sub-districts. Among these, the Hasançavuşzâdes dominated the sancak (sub-province) of Menteşe throughout the 18th century.This article presents the story of Hasançavuşzâde family’s four generations, spanning from the 1690s to the 1810s, focusing on their rise and fall within a sociopolitical context related to the crises faced by the empire and the political and fiscal solutions it generated in response. The family’s story offers instances of how âyân families arose and expanded their influence, contributing to the scholarly discussion about the dynamics between Ottoman provincial elites and the central authority, their regional duties, and their alliances locally and on an imperial scale.&nbsp;The family’s origins trace back to Hamzaoğlu Ahmed, a subaşı in the kaza (district) of Köyceğiz in the late 17th century, whose influence stemmed from his military and administrative roles, especially as a tax collector. His participation in imperial military campaigns also elevated his status. His son, Hasan Çavuş, fortified the family’s local prominence, becoming the mütesellim (deputy governor) of Menteşe in 1735-36. His collaboration with the muhassıls and governors of Aydın and Menteşe, especially in securing the region against bandits, significantly boosted his stature as a local notable.Hasan Çavuş’s son, Hacı Ahmed Ağa, epitomized the family’s most influential era. After his initial role as the serdar of district in the 1730s, he served as the mütesellim of Menteşe in 1745, maintaining a crucial position in the sub-province’s power balance until he died in 1787. Ahmed Ağa and then his son Ebubekir also undertook various tasks of kalyon (imperial ship) construction in the dock of Bodrum for the Ottoman Imperial Navy. During Ahmed’s tenure, the family’s territory expanded significantly, extending from Dalaman to Çine at the north part of the sancak. Despite being outlawed several times in the late 18th century, Ahmed Ağa’s strong ties with imperial elites and support from pasha-ranked patrons&nbsp;prevented his permanent downfall. Holding the title of kapıcıbaşı (imperial gatekeeper), Hacı Ahmed Ağa balanced compliance and resistance to Istanbul’s demands and played critical roles in defending Western Anatolia, particularly during the 1768-1774 Russo-Turkish wars.Ebubekir Ağa, the last influential member of his family in the 18th century, became the mütesellim of Menteşe following his father’s death amidst the challenging circumstances of the wars against Austria and Russia between 1787 and 1792. He expanded the family’s domain as far as Rhodes. However, towards the end of the century, the central government’s shift in approach to increase control over provincial administration and financial resources affected the family’s regional power. During the war, when attention was focused on the front and provincial oversight weakened, the notables, burdened by the central authority’s severe military and logistical demands, neglected the orders sent to them, taking advantage of the lax supervision, yet they undeniably suffered financially from this burden. In the post-war period, it was typical for such negligence to be punished with dismissal and confiscation. Like his father, Ebubekir Ağa faced detention after the war and lost his possessions, failing to devise strategies suitable for the new era and ultimately paying with his life at the onset of the Nizam-ı Cedid reforms.&nbsp;The family’s power was primarily built on military capacity, which also underpinned their administrative and fiscal responsibilities. Their ability to manage relations with imperial bureaucrats and local powers also allowed the family to extend power over a century. The Hasançavuşzâde family’s wealth is tied to the Menteşe region’s rural economy, marking them as the rural elite. Their assets mainly comprised vineyards, gardens, mansions, and farms across the sancak’s districts. Their limited number of hans, hamams, and storehouses indicated a rural rather than urban commercial infrastructure based on their location and quantity. Additionally, it is indirectly documented that the family engaged in small-scale commercial activities, including smuggling, leveraging their position in the Eastern Mediterranean and experience in shipbuilding.

18. Yüzyılda Bir Âyân Ailesi: Hasançavuşzâdeler

Ayşegül

Assoc. Prof. Dr.

Hasan

19. Yüzyıl Fransız Araştımacıların Eserlerinde Müridizm ve İmam Şamil: Depping And Dulaurier

Emel

Sultan Abdülaziz’in İngiltere’de Karşılanması, Ağırlanması ve Uğurlanması

Kerim

The modern teacher training system in the Ottoman Empire was established during the Tanzimat Period. The first teacher school, Dârülmuallimîn-i Rüşdîye, was opened in Istanbul in 1848 to meet the teaching needs of the rüştiye schools (junior high school). Following this institution, teacher schools were established in the capital to train male and female teachers for various levels of education. The first teacher schools in the provinces began to open after 1875.&nbsp;At Dârülmuallimîn-i Rüşdîye, students were provided with a stipend of 30 kuruş when education commenced. Efforts by Ahmet Cevdet Efendi, appointed as the director in 1850, resulted in an increase of the stipend to 80 kuruş in 1851. It’s evident that Ahmet Cevdet Efendi aimed to save the students from traditional madrasah habits, attract successful youth to the school, and ensure they complete their education without financial concerns by increasing student stipends. The stipend program was also continued at Dârülmuallimîn-i Sıbyan (Teacher Training School for Sıbyan Schools), which was opened in 1868 to train qualified teachers for elementary education, and students at the school began to receive 30 kuruş stipends. The Regulations of General Education (Maarif-i Umumiye Nizamnamesi ) issued in 1869 introduced provisions linking stipends to a specific system. Under these regulations, it was decided to provide 80 kuruş stipends to rüştiye section students, 100 kuruş to idadi (first stage of secondary school) section students, and 120 kuruş to sultani (second stage of secondary school) section students within the teacher schools to be gathered under the Büyük Darülmuallimin. Graduates were required to teach for a minimum of five years in return for the stipends received. The same rule applied to graduates of Dârülmuallimât, which trained female teachers for elementary and rüştiye schools. Stipends of 30 kuruş were provided to 25 students in the sıbyan section and 60 kuruş to the same number of students in the rüştiye section. It was also decided that if graduates refused to continue their service after graduation, the stipends they received would be reclaimed.By 1888, the stipend system in teacher schools in Istanbul began to yield positive results, leading to increased interest in these schools. Consequently, the government decided to suspend stipends for existing students at Darülmuallimin-i Rüştiye from March and announced that new students who want to enroll will be accepted to the school, provided that they do not request a scholarship. This decision sparked one of the first student boycotts. Students protested the decision, stating that they would boycott the school if stipends were not reinstated, and they would directly address the issue to the Sultan, the highest authority. In response to the escalating situation, the government reinstated stipends for students.In 1891, a regulation was introduced for teacher schools in Istanbul, restructuring the stipend system. Initially, the number of muvazzaf (stipend recipients) students was increased to expand the number of students receiving stipends. For example, the number of active students, initially set at 100 in the Regulations of General Education, was increased to 140. With the new regulation, efforts were made to address the imbalance among student stipends. Stipends for rüştiye section students at Darülmuallimin were reduced from 80 to 75 kuruş, those for aliye section students were reduced from 100 to 80 kuruş, and those for ibtidai section students were increased from 30 to 50 kuruş. Mandatory service obligations remained for stipend recipients, and penalties were introduced for those who did not fulfill them, including deprivation of rights and privileges for the teaching staff and the obligation to repay stipends received during their education.Important aspects of the stipend system need to be clarified. Students at teacher schools were admitted in two categories: muvazzaf (stipend recipients) and gayr-i muvazzaf (nonstipend recipients). Over the years, decisions were made to alter the number of muvazzaf students at various levels. The Council of Education sometimes reduced stipend amounts to accommodate more students or shifted allocated stipend funds within Darülmuallimin branches. Consequently, there were fluctuations in the stipend amounts. For instance, in 1901, stipends for ibtidai students were reduced to 40 kuruş, rüştiye students to 60 kuruş, and aliye students to 80 kuruş to accommodate more students. Moreover, it’s noted that student stipends in Istanbul’s teacher schools were not provided throughout the year. Stipends were only given on days when education was conducted, and they were halted during holiday periods. Students on leave did not receive stipends for those days. However, students unable to attend due to illness continued to receive stipends upon providing evidence of their condition.The first teacher schools in the provinces began operating in 1875 in Bosnia, Crete and Konya. After 1880, with the appointment of education directors to the provinces, many darülmuallimins started to open. Unlike in Istanbul, there was no official decision regarding stipends for students in provincial schools. The government did not undertake such a financial burden. Provinces willing to provide stipends for their students did so from local education revenues. However, provinces unable to afford stipends faced challenges. They struggled to recruit students for darülmuallimins and could not retain enrolled students for long. Additionally, without stipends, there was no legal obligation to direct graduates to teaching positions, leading to ongoing shortages of teachers in these provinces. Hence, many documents reflect the efforts of these provinces to secure funding from the central government.During the Second Constitutional Period, efforts were made to convert provincial Darülmuallimins into boarding schools (leyli). All expenses of teacher schools were covered by allocations sent by the treasury. Stipends were discontinued for students in boarding schools as they received free education. However, stipends continued for non-boarding day&nbsp;schools (nehari). With the enactment of the new provincial law in 1913, granting provinces the right to allocate special budgets, all expenses of teacher schools were entrusted to provincial special administrations.

Osmanlı Modernleşme Dönemi’nde Öğretmen Okullarında Burs Uygulamaları

Fahriye

An Irish academic, diplomat, and politician Viscount James Bryce, was one of the prominent propagandists, who helped to create a serious public opinion on the Armenian Question and hostility towards Turks. Lord Bryce not only labeled the Armenian Question a life goal but also followed the process from the emergence of the Armenian Question with the Berlin Treaty of 1878 to the events of 1915. He gradually contributed to the formation of Armenian propaganda. Specializing in the field of law, Bryce worked as a lawyer in London for a while during his youth and then continued his academic career at Oxford University as a professor of Civil Law for many years. His first work, “The Holy Roman Empire”, published in 1864, is important for Bryce’s recognition in the field of history and for presenting his views on the conflicts between the Christian and Muslim worlds. Like many aristocrats living during the reign of Queen Victoria, 28-year-old Bryce appears to evaluate Eastern culture from an Orientalist perspective in this work.James Bryce started the 1870s with the abroad trips he dreamed of, and in 1876, he crossed Mount Ararat from Russia and visited, in his own words, “Armenia”. Bryce furthered his impressions during this trip and published his work “Transcaucasia and Ararat: Being Notes of a Vacation Tour in the Autumn of 1876”, which is the main reference source that will form the basis of his approach to issues related to the Ottoman Empire. Bryce, who believed in a racial hierarchy within the Ottoman Empire, stated that the Turks ruled all subjects with military oppression “by the force of the sword”, rejecting the principle of equality. He claimed that in such a system, “Muslim administrators who are far from civilization are met with hatred in the regions of Christians.” These discourses, strengthened by liberal political practices, formed the background of Bryce’s thoughts on the Armenian Question. Bryce, who began to put these views into action in the 1890s, published works in support of the Armenians with a much harsher rhetoric in 1915.Lord Bryce continued to communicate intensively with Armenians until the mid-1890s. He tried to create a perception in the British public that Armenians were oppressed under Ottoman rule. For example, in his article for the Christian Union, he found the uprisings of the Armenians both legitimate and believed that “No nation that is in the sympathy of the British and Americans, as Christians and lovers of freedom, can claim more rights than&nbsp;your nation (Armenia), which has endured misfortunes for centuries with such uninterrupted determination.” In 1893, Professor Bryce founded the Anglo-Armenian Association to “ensure the implementation of Article 61 of the Treaty of Berlin with the friends of Armenia”. In 1894, James Bryce took office as President of the Board of Trade in the new cabinet of liberal Lord Rosebery. During this government period, which would last for approximately 2 years, the Armenian riots at Sason became one of the most important agenda items of British foreign policy. While the armament of Armenians continued intensively, the idea that European powers, especially Britain, would intervene and support the Armenians was also effective in this organization. Claiming that “Sultan Abdülhamid II further provoked the chaos by refusing to publish and implement the reform laws”, Bryce launched the rebellions as the “Armenian Revolutionary Movement” at the British Parliament.&nbsp;&nbsp;As a result of his fame in diplomacy and the Armenian Question, Bryce served as the British Ambassador to America from 1907 to 1913. Bryce seemed to believe that America would play a critical role through its missionaries in the region. Bryce stated that Armenians educated in America “will give the expected struggle for the entire Armenian nation, together with their friends in Britain, without resorting to physical force”, and evaluated America’s support as “an encouragement to the justified moral reasons of the rebellion.” James Bryce returned to Britain upon his retirement and continued his politics in the House of Lords, receiving the title of Viscount. During this period, which coincided with the eve of the First World War, Germany published pamphlets and posters, aiming to legitimize its entry into the war and trying to influence important actors such as America. In response to these psychological warfare strategies, Bryce was invited to work for the Wellington House, also known as the Propaganda War Office. Britain, which started to search for a new policy after the Gallipoli defeat in the late spring of 1915, started to create new propaganda activities on the Armenians. Bryce has undoubtedly been the most important name in this regard since 1876. Bryce, who was reluctant to prepare the report on Germany, had no hesitation in working on the Armenians. Bryce, who started working as if he had been waiting for this moment for 40 years, collaborated with Arnold J. Toynbee, one of the young historians of the period, to present to the British Parliament and Sir Edward Grey, “The Treatment of Armenians in the Ottoman Empire 1915-1916”, popularly known as the Blue Book. This work was a breaking point in the Armenian Question. While the publication in question became the holy book of the theses about the Armenians’ denigration of the Turks, it also managed to provide the expected support from the British and American public opinion. Lord Bryce continued his propaganda activities in cooperation with Wellington House and the Armenian Bureau on Regent Street in London. Bryce was also disturbed by the national struggle of the Turks, and in many of his speeches in the parliament, he targeted the leader Mustafa Kemal, described the Turkish military units as a “gang” and claimed that they would “carry out a massacre” on the Armenians. The role and effectiveness of Lord James Bryce should not be ignored&nbsp;in the transformation of Armenian claims, which started with the Treaty of Berlin in 1878 and reached the level of propaganda after the deportation, into elements of political and psychological pressure even today.

James Bryce’ın Ermeni Sorunu’ndaki Rolü

Haşim

Lecturer

A Review of “Kiliseye Çevrilen Türk Eserleri: The Turkish Monuments Converted into Churches” by Mehmet Emin Yılmaz

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Vural

It is well known that many Iranian scholars and intellectuals traveled between Ajam and Rum towards the end of the 15th century, in order to secure wealthy and benevolent patrons. The reason for the mobility of scholars, which can be traced back to the reign of Murad the Second (1421-1451), was undoubtedly related to the changes occurred across the Islamic world. Of these changes, the conquest of Istanbul was the most important. Adding “the protector of Islam” to his extant titulatures with this conquest, Sultan Mehmed the Conqueror, proclaimed that he was the only representative of the Islamic world. The second reason was the decline of Timurid Empire after the demise of Shahrukh (d. 1447) who were the reputed patron of science and art like&nbsp;his father towards the second half of the 15th century. By exiling scholars and crafters from newly conquered lands to his capital Samarqand, Timur created a Renaissance era and bequeathed this cultural heritage to his successors. Timurid princes’ fights for the throne perpetuated in Iraq, Fars, Mazandaran, Mawara al-Nahr and Khurasan, and several handovers and plunders of Samarqand and Herat precipitated the exodus of Timurid scholars and craftsmen in order to secure wealthy patrons and safe places, after the demise of Shahrukh. This chaotic atmosphere pervaded in Iran and on the other hand Ottoman sultans’ patronage of science and art made the Ottoman lands a safe and inviting shelter for Iranian scholars and literary men. Based on the claims that they were the only representative of Islam, the Ottomans’ superiority over the Aqquyunlus who presented themselves as Timur’s licit heirs, led this competition to another phase. Reputed with his wealth, benevolence and power, Sultan Mehmed the Conqueror made his capital Istanbul a center of attraction for Iranian scholars and poets.&nbsp;His patronage of science and art had spread across Iran so much so that his palace was replete with Iranian scholars and encomiasts at the very beginning of his reign. Along with scholars and bureaucrats such as Şemseddin Fenârî, Molla Gürânî, Mevlana Şeyh Ebu İshak Tebrizî and Ali Kuşçu, encomiasts and man of letters such as Ma’âlî, Kâşifî, Hamidî, and Kabûlî presented their works to Sultan Mehmed and, made contributions to sultan’s imperial image from the viewpoint of Ajamness. It is also well known that Sultan Mehmed endeavored to take famous Iranian scholars under his patronage and, for this purpose he sends them enticing gifts.&nbsp;Benevolent and wealthy image of Sultan Mehmed the Conqueror and, his capital’s hallmark as a center for a multi-cultural junction, attracted another Ajam known as Riyâzî. He was less known among the Ajams in Sultan’s palace. Neither contemporary chroniclers nor collection of the biographies of poets mention him. Beside his Persian epistle, which he penned on the occasion of Sultan Mehmed’s conquest of Akçahisar and constitutes the subject of the present study, there are at least three copies of his Divan survived to this date. None of these primary sources provide any information concerning his migration from Ajam to Rum and his residence in Istanbul. According to his Divan, his full name was Mawlana Riyâzî-i Samarqandî. This specifies the fact that he was native of Timurids’ cultural center Samarqand. Most probably in order to escape the political chaos and seeking a new patron, he headed towards Istanbul, after the decline of the Timurid Empire in Iran and Mawara al-Nahr. In the patrimonial states of the 16th-century Islamic world, scholars and craftier were more depended on court patronage. Because of that sultans were the only resorts. When the scholars fell from the grace of their patron(s), they set on a journey seeking for welfare and patronage in another sultan’s court.&nbsp;Riyâzî’s venture was not different from the scholars and bureaucrats who lost their patronage and set out to secure a new one in 15th and 16th centuries Islamic world. Although it is not known how and when he managed, he might have come to Istanbul and secured Sultan Mehmed’s patronage prior to 1479. Beyond the Sultan Mehmed’s personal interest to attract many Iranians, this phenomenon should be supported with the role which sultan played himself. Eventually, patronizing Muslim scholars and craftsmen was an indispensable source of legitimacy for the sultan who had claims for superiority in the Islamic world.&nbsp;&nbsp;Although his contemporaries Ma’âlî and Kabûlî gave huge details on their journeys, observations on the palace and how they managed to secure Sultan’s patronage, neither in his Persian epistle presented to Sultan Mehmed nor in his Divan replete with poems of love and separation Riyâzî-i Samarqandî does not provide any information about himself and his personal experiences. In contrast to Ma’âlî, Kabûlî, and Hamidî, he has never presented a panegyric to his patron. The only information about his life in Istanbul was his disease, which he could not recuperate and finally died in 884/1479-80. Though he did not relate his observations on the palace and the Sultan, and how he behaved, accounts of other Ajam’s provide details about the perception of Ajamness in the Ottoman palace, which we can further elaborate on. Furthermore, it is well known that there was a competition of superiority between highly-educated Ajams and their rival Rumîs in Sultan Mehmed’s palace.Riyâzî-i Samarqandî penned his Persian epistle entitled with Risâle-i Tehniyet-i ‘Iyd ve Nevrûz Berây-ı Ebu’l-feth Sultan Mehmed or Tehniyet-i ‘Iyd ve Fethnâme-i Akçahisar in 1479 on the occasion of the conquest of Akçahisar in Albania and presented to the Sultan. The seal of Sultan Mehmed on the folios verifies that the epistle was accepted to the personal library of Sultan. The coincidence of Sultan Mehmed’s conquest of Akçahisar with Nawruz feast was a double occasion for Riyâzî to present himself to the Sultan. Unlike his fellows in this genre, he merely confined his epistle to create an imperial image for the Sultan with titles and titulatures, which he formulated for him. He furthermore explained the reason for giving these titles to the Sultan under each titulatures. It should also be specified that this Persian epistle penned and presented to the Sultan to proclaim Ottoman dynasty’s superiority over the other dynasties such as Aqquyunlu and Mamluk, and to show them how Ottomans were the only protectors of Islam.As a wealthy, powerful, benevolent and just sultan, Mehmed the Conqueror took many Iranian scholars, encomiasts, and craftsmen under his patronage. Thus, he commenced “Eastern Renaissance” which would last in his successor’s reign Bayezid the Second (1481-1512). Thanks to this cultural mobility, those who came from Ajam, penned and presented many epistles and panegyric to the Sultan. It should not be forgotten that Iranian shahnama-writers had major contributions for the creation of the imperial image of Sultan Mehmed, which would be imitated in Bayezid the Second’s reign as well. It can be concluded that like his Iranian contemporaries’ pieces, Riyâzî-i Samarqandî’s Persian epistle was also a contribution to create an imperial image for the Sultan from the viewpoint of an Ajam.

FATİH’İN EMPERYAL İMAJINA BİR ACEM’İN KATKISI: RİYÂZÎ-İ SEMERKANDÎ

Arda

The efforts for founding an Israeli state in Palestine, which gained momentum with the Balfour Declaration issued in the end of World War I, constituted one of the most important problems causing instability in the Middle East during the interwar period. In this process, when Jewish immigration to Palestine increased and Arabs and Jews began to have serious conflicts in the region, Turkey did not get involved in the developments in Palestine. The conflicts became bitterer following World War II when the victorious USA began to back up the efforts for the establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine. The ambitions of Western countries and the Jews for Palestine became the prominent issue for Arab countries after World War II. Arab nationalists gathered around anti-Westernism and the Palestine issue.&nbsp;&nbsp;Unlike its passive position in the interwar period, Turkey began to take more active involvement in the Palestine issue after the war. Turkey’s increasing interest in the issue following 1945 was due to its convergence with Arab nations, rather than religious or nationalist considerations. Turkey was left alone against the Soviet Union by Western nations. With no alternative but to create stronger bonds with the states in the region against the Soviet threat, Turkey approached its Arab neighbours and realized that the Palestine issue was the first item on their agenda. When the Palestine issue was brought to UN, Turkey supported Arab nations due to its sense of solidarity with Arab nations and its concern that a Jewish state to be founded in the area might cause instability. Turkey’s support to Arab nations for the Palestine issue would come to an end with the improvements in Turkey’s relations with Western nations and the outbreak of the First Arab-Israeli War.As a result of its strategic alliance with Western nations against the Soviet Union threat, Turkey felt the need for acting in concert with its allies in the international area. Meanwhile, it became clear to Turkey during the First Arab-Israeli War that military alliance with Israel would be more beneficial than with Arabs. At this stage, the UN decided to set up a Conciliation Commission for resolution of the Palestine issue. Acting uniformly with Western nations in the Conciliation Commission and carrying out missions together with the USA and France, Turkey made it clear that it would no longer take an approach supporting Arab theses in the Palestine issue.The UN Conciliation Commission for Palestine was important in that it was the first multilateral attempt for resolution and Turkey’s first critical alliance with Western nations following World War II. Turkey was included in the conciliation commission with the USA and France due to its support for Arab countries in the conflict, but it did not maintain its support in the works of the commission. Commission membership increased Turkey’s diplomatic contact with Israel, and as a result&nbsp;of these interactions Turkey’s concerns over Israel disappeared and led Turkey to become the first Muslim country to recognize Israel.&nbsp;The Conciliation Commission was set up with great expectations and strong international support. At the time the Commission made serious efforts for resolution of the problem, the disagreement between the two parties was new and so there were suitable grounds for resolution. However, the biggest disadvantage of the Commission was its Western identity which caused lack of trust with Arab nations. France, a member of the Commission that aimed to provide suitable conditions for lasting peace following the First Arab-Israeli War, was known for its colonial past among Arab nations. Turkey’s membership was also met with mistrust due to memories from the Ottoman Empire period and the Hatay issue, which was seen as a conspiracy set against Arab countries by Turkey and Western nations. The USA was the only nation with no colonial past from the point of view of Arab nations. However, the USA’s strong support for the founding of a Jewish state in Palestine following World War II was known by the Arab public. For these reasons, the Commission’s neutrality was questioned by Arab nations.&nbsp;Between the Commission’s most active years of 1949 and 1952, Arab nations were devoid of strong governments that could sign a peace treaty with Israel, as they were struggling with political and military depression caused by the First Arab-Israeli War. Israel, on the other hand, had seen the weaknesses of Arab troops during the War, and aimed to extend and strengthen its boundaries through further conflicts rather than make peace with Arab nations. The works of the Conciliation Commission failed as they were trying to reconcile those with no power for making peace and those with no intention of doing so. After the Paris Conference of 1951, the Commission acknowledged that it would be unable to reach its aim of ensuring a peace accord, and decided to focus on the resolution of the problems of Arab refugees. However, it failed to gain effective results in its smaller targets because the parties of the Arab-Israeli conflict adopted more uncompromising attitudes as the Cold War began to influence the Palestine issue. During the course of the work of the Commission after 1952, the relations between some of the Arab nations that were expected to be made better through the joint efforts of the members, namely Turkey, the USA, and France, became even worse. With Arab nations being supported by the Soviet Union, and Israel by the USA in the international area, the parties of the conflict began to manifest their uncompromising attitudes more comfortably, which put the Conciliation Commission in a situation where it could no longer function.&nbsp;The Conciliation Commission was an unsuccessful experience on the part of Turkey. Turkish foreign policy pursued until the 1960s did more harm than good on&nbsp;the works of the Conciliation Commission. During the 1950s, Turkey formed closer economic and political relationships with Israel, while its relations with important Arab nations such as Egypt and Syria deteriorated. Such direct conflicts between Western and Arab nations as the Suez Crisis did not only worsen the relations between Western and Arab nations in the Conciliation Commission, but also caused Turkey to lose its role of mediator. With Cold War and the Soviet Union becoming more influential over Middle East, Turkey’s policies on Arab nations, especially Egypt and Syria, became stricter. When Turkey and Syria were on the brink of war in 1957, the two nations had no chance of cooperation and resolution under the Conciliation Commission. Egypt and Syria also sharpened their irreconcilable attitudes against Turkey both in terms of regional policies and of international relations with the support they received from the Soviet Union. Because Egypt perceived a Muslim state’s contribution to the resolution of the Palestine issue as interference in the internal affairs of Arab nations at a time when it saw itself as the protector of Arab nations, it did not support Turkey’s efforts for conciliation. The Conciliation Commission for Palestine was imbedded in history as another UN initiative that failed to provide solutions to international relations under the existing structure of the UN.

FİLİSTİN UZLAŞTIRMA KOMİSYONU VE TÜRKİYE

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Gökhan

Known as the Neo-Babylonian Chronicles, the cuneiform texts were compiled (copied) by Babylonian scribes and mostly concern the historical events of both the recent and distant past. Recorded concisely and chronologically, they detail events starting from the Babylonian king Nabunassar era in 747-734 BC and continue to the period just after the capture of Babylonia by the Persians in 539 BC. In this study, the records concerning the illnesses and disabilities of the Mesopotamian and Elamite kings in these chronicles will be discussed. We will attempt to determine the historical importance of these medical problems of the kings with regards to the medical history of Mesopotamia. Some assessments will be made concerning the relations between these records and the political, religious, and traditional aspects of Babylonian historiography. Additionally, other pieces of information in other chronicles such as Esarhaddon, Weidner, and Chronicle of Early Kings will be referred to when needed. Although numerous Babylonian and Assyrian kings are mentioned concerning political events in the Neo-Babylonian Chronicles, the only king whose illness is mentioned is the Neo-Assyrian king Esarhaddon (681- 669 BC). The king fell ill during one of his campaigns and subsequently died. There is not much detailed information about the king’s illness in the relevant chronicles. Similarly, the chronicles do not mention the illnesses of the Babylonian kings in much detail. While the Neo-Babylonian king Nabunassar (747-734 BC) died after becoming sick in his palace, another Babylonian king Nabonidus (555-539 BC) was also ill but recovered. In brief, it is observed that the medical backgrounds of some of the numerous Babylonian and Assyrian kings are mentioned in the Neo-Babylonian Chronicles and that these references are only superficial. However, it is very clear that the illnesses and disabilities of the Neo-Elamite kings, who reigned during the 1st millennium BC, are mentioned in more detail by the chronicle scribes. What is the reason behind the fact that no detailed information is given about the illnesses of the Assyrian and Babylonian kings, while the health situations and deaths of their contemporary Neo-Elamite kings include more details? There might be more than one answer to this question. One answer might be that the scribes could not find sufficient information in the ancient sources about these issues while compiling the chronicles. In addition, statements indicating that the demise of the kings did not result from an illness and particularly that some of them “died in the palaces” are either proof of&nbsp;the fact that there is not sufficient information about the cause of death of these kings or it is possible that these individuals were accepted as “well-remembered figures” in Babylonian history. However, another answer (and one which is the main focus of the study) should be sought in the relation between the medical knowledge and tradition of Babylonian historiography, in which political and religious ideologies are dominant. It is possible to find pieces of information about the health problems of kings such as Esarhaddon and Nabonidus in other cuneiform sources such as the royal inscriptions and correspondence. However, only in the chronicles is it possible to encounter details about the illnesses of the Elamite kings. The records of the death of two Neo-Elamite kings following a stroke and/or paralysis can be considered as an example of the reflection of a pro-Babylonian attitude towards historiography. It is certain that the scribe or scribes, who mentioned these pieces of information, are eager to leave no stone unturned about information and the details concerning the disabilities or deaths of the Elamite kings. It should be considered that a conscious preference in deciding which pieces of information to be recorded might be related to the world views of the scribes, the relevance of the kings, the form of the illnesses to be mentioned, divine background, and the political/ideological aspects of historiographical tradition. Similarly, this relation is conspicuous in the health problems of the Sargon of Akkad and Isin king Erra-imitti written in the records of the Chronicles of the Early Kings and Weidner as well.It is possible that some of the details concerning the illnesses of the kings might contain fabrications, exaggerations, or personal comments. However, even if these details are supported by information from other cuneiform sources or even if it is medically possible, it doesn’t change the possible views asserted in the study about the intentions behind adding them to the chronicles. Sometimes concise and sometimes relatively longer, the information provided by the chronicle writers about the illnesses of the Assyrian, Babylonian, and Elamite kings, and even about the Isin king Erra-imitti contribute to our knowledge about the medical history of ancient Mesopotamia. Independent from the individuals, since these medical cases (such as stroke, paralysis, fever, insomnia, and respiratory problems) are common in royal correspondence and literary texts and particularly in medical texts, they have no particular privilege. However, these medical details in the chronicles are important with regards to Babylonian historiography. It is observed in the chronicles that only the health problems of the kings are detailed with interest. However, some kings like the Neo-Babylonian King Nabonidus (who recovered after the illness), or kings who died without getting sick, are also discussed. Particularly in the latter case, it was also relevant that some of the scribes did not have knowledge about the causes of deaths of the kings. Additionally, it was recorded that some of the kings (like the Babylonian king Nabunassar) died in the palaces, even without getting sick. The Babylonian scribes were probably informed about the details of the illness of the Neo-Assyrian king Esarhaddon; however, they did not mention it. In fact, Esarhaddon was a Neo-Assyrian king, who was trying to revive the city of Babylonia and return it to its old magnificent days after his father, Sennacherib, wrathfully devastated the city. It can be considered that these kings were not remembered with ill feelings by later generations. However, this interpretation can involve problems, since it is a result of an overall general view about the whole life of the individual. It is also possible that they were punished with illnesses resulting in death by the gods due to their misconduct in any period of their kingdom or in any issue that might annoy (!) the gods.Therefore, all of these examples have great importance since they reflect the dominant understanding concerning the ancient Mesopotamian historiography: a religious belief that the illness is a divine punishment arising from the faults of an individual. The common trait of almost all of the kings, about whom the chronicles give detailed information concerning their illnesses, is that they were all remembered negatively with regards to the history of Babylonia. It is possible that there was an attempt to create a perception that the patron deity of the city of Babylon Marduk (Bel) punished these kings who were in the wrong. Illnesses and deaths related with these situations were remarkable events since they demonstrated the proof of the relation between the crime and the punishment. Thus, the motives behind the intention to abstain from recording the known or fabricated medical causes of deaths of some kings should not be examined, to a large extent, in the epistemological concerns. These motives should be investigated in the relations between historiography and its political, religious, and traditional aspects. For example, mentioning the insomnia problems of Sargon of Akkad doesn’t have a medical or historical importance in itself. This record reaches significance when there is an attempt to establish relations between the current ideologies and compilation of literary narratives, whose “reality is suspicious”, that are dated to the 1st millennium BC. It might also be mentioned that, sometimes while narrating, the role and influence of these relations are behind the inclusion of the themes and contents, which are thought to arouse curiosity and interest, with a high potential of speculation.

TIBBİ BİLGİNİN İDEOLOJİK KULLANIMI ÜZERİNE OKUMALAR: YENİ BABİL KRONİKLERİNDE HASTALIKLAR VE BABİL TARİH YAZICILIĞI

Ebru

The Last Penetration of The Crusader Armies into the Seljuḳ Territory of Anatolia: Emperor Friedrich Barbarossa’s Crusade (1089-1190)In the 12th century, Anatolia witnessed the great struggles between the Crusaders and the Turks, and the Crusaders penetrated into Seljuḳ territory for the last time during the Third Crusade (1189–1192). By conquering Jerusalem in 1187, the Egyptian-Syrian ruler, Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn, put an end to the Crusaders’ domination in Jerusalem, which lasted 88 years. It was at this point that German Emperor Friedrich Barbarossa, who had accompanied his uncle Conrad III, King of Germany during the Second Crusade, once again agreed to participate in the Crusade—this time as a 70-year-old ruler. He formed an immense army with the goal of capturing Jerusalem from Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn. While the English and French kings traveled by sea to the Holy Land with their forces, Friedrich tried to reach the East through Anatolia. This paper discusses the march of the German Crusaders under the command of Friedrich Barbarossa in Anatolia, and the Seljuk-Crusader relations in this period.&nbsp;Emperor Friedrich, who started to prepare for the expedition after accepting the cross, sent ambassadors to Hungarian King Bela III, Byzantine Emperor Isaakios Angelos II, and Seljuk Sultan Ḳilidj Arslan II to ask for permission to pass through their countries. In response, Emperor Isaakios said that the Crusaders would be allowed to enter the territory of the empire if they promised not to take any action against the Byzantine State. When this stipulation was accepted by Friedrich, the Byzantine emperor agreed to provide guidance and suitable markets to the Crusaders during the transition from Anatolia. After that, Emperor Isaakios took the necessary measures in accordance with the agreement reached; however, Barbarossa’s contact with the enemies of Byzantine Serbs and Seljuks increased Isaakios’s concerns. Faced with such danger, Isaakios found it appropriate to contact Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn for the interest of his country. According to Ibn al-Asir, when Isaakios learned of the German emperor’s movement, he sent an envoy to Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn and promised that he would prevent Friedrich from passing through the Byzantine land.After the year-long preparations, Friedrich finally moved from Regensburg to the East in May 1189. His enormously large and well- organized army seemed almost invincible. Barbarossa passed Hungary, where he was welcomed by King Bela, and by crossing the Danube near Belgrade, he entered the Byzantine territory in 1189. The Crusader army was said to have 50,000 horsemen and 100,000 infantrymen. Meanwhile, the Serbs and Bulgarians’ attempt to form an alliance with the German emperor destressed the Byzantines.Because of the events in the Balkans, the relations between the two sides became so bad that Friedrich even contemplated attacking Istanbul. Eventually, Friedrich, who intended to arrive in Palestine after spending the winter months in Adrianople, went to Gallipoli in March 1190, and by crossing through the Dardanelles into Anatolia, he entered the path that Alexander the Great had followed about 15 centuries prior. After crossing the Granikos Stream and the Angelokomites River, the Crusaders followed a Byzantine military road between Miletopolis and today’s Balikesir (Akhyraous), and they moved southward through Balikesir-Ala Shehir before heading toward Seljuḳ territory after the Byzantine border town of Laodiceia (Denizli). The German emperor thought that he would easily pass from Anatolia, in accordance with the old friendship and the agreements between Ḳilidj Arslan II and him. In the last two years, he sent ambassadors to the sultan several times, and he stated that his intention was to go to Jerusalem. When the German army was in Adrianople, Sultan Ḳilidj Arslan and his son Malik Shah’s envoys had gone to Friedrich and promised to help him. Meanwhile, the Anatolian Seljuk State had lost its political unity. Sultan Ḳilidj Arslan did not actually have power. The feuds for the throne had begun among the Maliks soon after he allocated the country between his 11 sons in 1187. Because of these circumstances, the Turks were not in a position to openly fight against this enormous army, but they also did not want to let them pass through Anatolia. As a result, they followed the German Crusader army and harassed them. In the meantime, the Turkmens, who acted on their own at the borders, also pursued the Crusaders along the road from Denizli. The Turkmens initially retreated to the mountains and grazed large herds of animals (around 5,000) along the Germans’ way and therefore condemned the horses of the Crusaders to starvation. Then they suddenly attacked the Crusaders, who were devastated by fatigue and starvation. As&nbsp;a result of these attacks in the mountains and passages in the Uluborlu region, the Germans suffered great losses. While the attacks of the Turkmens continued along the way, the Germans were forced to carry out a series of fierce battles (from April 28 to May 18). The Turks also continued their activities around the Crusader camp at nights, shouting and shooting arrows until the morning, causing the Germans sleepless and troubled nights. In the meantime, under the rain of arrows that pierced the tents, the Crusaders were sometimes killed while they were asleep. For this reason, most of the Crusaders were unable to remove their armor at night for weeks. This situation created an exasperating impact on them. Also, the water resources along the way of the Crusader army were rendered unusable, all kinds of foodstuffs were destroyed, cities were evacuated, and the people hid in the forests and mountains.As a result of the war tactics applied by the Turks, the German army, which was miserable because of both the lack of food and water and the constant Turkish attacks, suffered heavy losses. They set Aḳshehir on fire and marched toward Iconium (Konya). After a fierce battle, Emperor Friedrich finally managed to enter Iconium by force on May 18th. However, after leaving Iconium, Friedrich drowned while crossing the Saleph River (Silifke /Salūḳiya). As a result of this, the German army disbanded (June 10, 1190), and only a small part of the army, led by his son Friedrich VI of Swabia, reached Acre.

HAÇLI ORDULARININ ANADOLU’DA SELÇUKLU TOPRAKLARINA SON GİRİŞİ: İMPARATOR FRIEDRICH BARBAROSSA’NIN HAÇLI SEFERİ (1189-1190)

@JOURNAL_BOX_MOSTREAD

Tarih Dergisi (Turk J Hist), İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi’nin çift-kör hakemli açık erişimli bilimsel yayın organıdır. Dergi Şubat, Haziran ve Ekim aylarında olmak üzere, yılda üç sayı olarak yayınlanır. Yayın dili Türkçe ve İngilizce’dir.
Tarih Dergisi (Turk J Hist); ulusal, bölgesel tarih ve dünya tarihiyle ilgili her konuyu kapsayan araştırma makalesi ve çeviri makaleler yayınlamaktadır. Dergide aynı zamanda eleştiri ve değerlendirme yazılarına da yer verilmektedir.
Tarih Dergisi (Turk J Hist); ulusal, bölgesel tarih ve dünya tarihiyle ilgili her konuyu kapsayan nitelikli makaleler yayınlayarak, literatüre katkıda bulunmayı amaçlar. 
Tarih Dergisi (Turk J Hist); ulusal, bölgesel tarih ve dünya tarihiyle ilgili araştırma makalesi ve çeviri makaleler yayınlamaktadır. Dergide aynı zamanda eleştiri ve değerlendirme yazılarına da yer verilmektedir.

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Tarih Dergisi (Turk J Hist); ulusal, bölgesel tarih ve dünya tarihiyle ilgili her konuyu kapsayan nitelikli makaleler yayınlayarak, literatüre katkıda bulunmayı amaçlar. Tarih Dergisi (Turk J Hist); ulusal, bölgesel tarih ve dünya tarihiyle ilgili araştırma makalesi ve çeviri makaleler yayınlamaktadır. Dergide aynı zamanda eleştiri ve değerlendirme yazılarına da yer verilmektedir.

Amaç Kapsam

SCOPUSWeb of Science Emerging Sources Citation Index (ESCI)TÜBİTAK ULAKBİM TR Dizin  EBSCO Historical AbstractsEBSCO Historical Abstracts with Full TextDOAJERIH PLUSSOBİAD

Dizinler

Dergi yayın etiğinde en yüksek standartlara bağlıdır ve <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a> ve <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> tarafından yayınlanan etik yayıncılık ilkelerini benimser; Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing başlığı altında ifade edilen ilkeler için: <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a> Gönderilen makaleler derginin amaç ve kapsamına uygun olmalıdır. Orijinal, yayınlanmamış ve başka bir dergide değerlendirme sürecinde olmayan, her bir yazar tarafından içeriği ve gönderimi onaylanmış yazılar değerlendirmeye kabul edilir. Makale yayınlanmak üzere Dergiye gönderildikten sonra yazarlardan hiçbirinin ismi, tüm yazarların yazılı izni olmadan yazar listesinden silinemez ve yeni bir isim yazar olarak eklenemez ve yazar sırası değiştirilemez.İntihal, duplikasyon, sahte yazarlık/inkar edilen yazarlık, araştrma/veri fabrikasyonu, makale dilimleme, dilimleyerek yayın, telif hakları ihlali ve çıkar çatışmasının gizlenmesi, etik dışı davranışlar olarak kabul edilir. Kabul edilen etik standartlara uygun olmayan tüm makaleler yayından çıkarılır. Buna yayından sonra tespit edilen olası kuraldışı, uygunsuzluklar içeren makaleler de dahildir.İntihal Ön kontrolden geçirilen makaleler, iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal/kendi kendine intihal tespit edilirse yazarlar bilgilendirilir. Editörler, gerekli olması halinde makaleyi değerlendirme ya da üretim sürecinin çeşitli aşamalarında intihal kontrolüne tabi tutabilirler. Yüksek benzerlik oranları, bir makalenin kabul edilmeden önce ve hatta kabul edildikten sonra reddedilmesine neden olabilir. Makalenin türüne bağlı olarak, bunun oranın %15 veya %20'den az olması beklenir.Çift Kör Hakemlikİntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir. Editör, makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakemlikten geçmesini sağlar ve makale biçimsel esaslara uygun ise, gelen yazıyı yurtiçinden ve /veya yurtdışından en az iki hakemin değerlendirmesine sunar, hakemler gerek gördüğü takdirde yazıda istenen değişiklikler yazarlar tarafından yapıldıktan sonra yayınlanmasına onay verir. *Akademik alanda herhangi bir üniversiteye mensubiyeti olmayan yazarların ve lisansüstü eğitimi devam eden öğrencilerin çalışmalarına dergide yer verilmemektedir. *Dergide yazısı yayınlanan bir yazarın iki seneden önce başka bir makalesine yer verilmemektedir.

Politikalar

Dergi açık erişimlidir ve derginin tüm içeriği okura ya da okurun dahil olduğu kuruma ücretsiz olarak sunulur. Okurlar, ticari amaç haricinde, yayıncı ya da yazardan izin almadan dergi makalelerinin tam metnini okuyabilir, indirebilir, kopyalayabilir, arayabilir ve link sağlayabilir. Bu <a href="https://www.budapestopenaccessinitiative.org/translations/turkish-translation" target="_blank">BOAI</a> açık erişim tanımıyla uyumludur. Derginin açık erişimli makaleleri Creative Commons Atıf-GayrıTicari 4.0 Uluslararası (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.tr" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) olarak lisanslıdır.

Derginin tüm giderleri İstanbul Üniversitesi tarafından karşılanmaktadır. Dergide makale yayını ve makale süreçlerinin yürütülmesi ücrete tabi değildir. Dergiye gönderilen ya da yayın için kabul edilen makaleler için işlemleme ücreti ya da gönderim ücreti alınmaz.

Yazarlar dergide yayınlanan çalışmalarının telif hakkına sahiptirler ve çalışmaları  Creative Commons Atıf-GayrıTicari 4.0 Uluslararası (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.tr" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) olarak lisanslıdır. CC BY-NC 4.0 lisansı, eserin ticari kullanım dışında her boyut ve formatta paylaşılmasına, kopyalanmasına, çoğaltılmasına ve orijinal esere uygun şekilde atıfta bulunmak kaydıyla yeniden düzenleme, dönüştürme ve eserin üzerine inşa etme dâhil adapte edilmesine izin verir.

Editörler, yayınlanan makalede, bulguları, yorumları ve sonuçları etkilemeyen küçük hatalar tespit edilirse düzeltme yayınlamayı düşünebilirler. Editörler, bulguları ve sonuçları geçersiz kılan büyük hatalar / ihlaller söz konusu olduğunda, makaleyi geri çekmeyi düşünmelidir. Yazarlar tarafından araştırma veya yayını kötüye kullanmaya yönelik olasılık söz konusu ise; bulguların güvenilir olmadığına ve yazarların kurumlarının olayı soruşturmadığına dair kanıtlar var veya olası soruşturma haksız veya sonuçsuz görünüyor ise, editörler endişe ifadesi yayınlamayı düşünmelidir. Düzeltme, geri çekme veya endişe ifadesi ile ilgili olarak <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/flowcharts/complete-set-english" target="_blank">COPE</a> ve <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/" target="_blank">ICJME</a> yönergeleri dikkate alınır.

Dergide yayınlanan tüm yazıların korunmasını ve kalıcı olarak erişilebilir olmasını sağlamak için makaleler, ulusal bir arşiv sitesi olarak hizmet veren ve aynı zamanda LOCKSS'in içeriği toplamasına, korumasına ve sunmasına izin veren Dergipark'ta saklanmaktadır.Ek olarak, yazarların kendilerinin makalelerinin son PDF sürümünü Open Archives Initiative (<a href="https://www.openarchives.org/" target="_blank">https://www.openarchives.org/</a>) standartlarına uygun açık elektronik arşivlerde arşivlemeleri önerilir. Yazarlar, yayınladıkları arşiv versiyonundan, İ.Ü. Yayınevinin dergi web sitesinin URL'sine bağlantı sağlamalıdır.

Tarih Dergisi (Türk J Hist), yayın etiğinde en yüksek standartlara bağlıdır ve <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a> ve <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> tarafından yayınlanan etik yayıncılık ilkelerini benimser; Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing başlığı altında ifade edilen ilkeler için: <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a> Gönderilen tüm makaleler orijinal, yayınlanmamış ve başka bir dergide değerlendirme sürecinde olmamalıdır. Her bir makale editörlerden biri ve en az iki hakem tarafından çift kör değerlendirmeden geçirilir. İntihal, duplikasyon, sahte yazarlık/inkar edilen yazarlık, araştrma/veri fabrikasyonu, makale dilimleme, dilimleyerek yayın, telif hakları ihlali ve çıkar çatışmasının gizlenmesi, etik dışı davranışlar olarak kabul edilir.Kabul edilen etik standartlara uygun olmayan tüm makaleler yayından çıkarılır. Buna yayından sonra tespit edilen olası kuraldışı, uygunsuzluklar içeren makaleler de dahildir.

Etik

Tarih Dergisi araştırma etiğinde en yüksek standartları gözetir ve aşağıda tanımlanan uluslararası araştırma etiği ilkelerini benimser. Makalelerin etik kurallara uygunluğu yazarların sorumluluğundadır.<ul><li>Araştırmanın tasarlanması, tasarımın gözden geçirilmesi ve araştırmanın yürütülmesinde, bütünlük, kalite ve şeffaflık ilkeleri sağlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma ekibi ve katılımcılar, araştırmanın amacı, yöntemleri ve öngörülen olası kullanımları; araştırmaya katılımın gerektirdikleri ve varsa riskleri hakkında tam olarak bilgilendirilmelidir.</li><li>Araştırma katılımcılarının sağladığı bilgilerin gizliliği ve yanıt verenlerin gizliliği sağlanmalıdır. Araştırma katılımcıların özerkliğini ve saygınlığını koruyacak şekilde tasarlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma katılımcıları gönüllü olarak araştırmada yer almalı, herhangi bir zorlama altında olmamalıdırlar.</li><li>Katılımcıların zarar görmesinden kaçınılmalıdır. Araştırma, katılımcıları riske sokmayacak şekilde planlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma bağımsızlığıyla ilgili açık ve net olunmalı; çıkar çatışması varsa belirtilmelidir.</li><li>Deneysel çalışmalarda, araştırmaya katılmaya karar veren katılımcıların yazılı bilgilendirilmiş onayı alınmalıdır. Çocukların ve vesayet altındakilerin veya tasdiklenmiş akıl hastalığı bulunanların yasal vasisinin onayı alınmalıdır.</li><li>Çalışma herhangi bir kurum ya da kuruluşta gerçekleştirilecekse bu kurum ya da kuruluştan çalışma yapılacağına dair onay alınmalıdır.</li><li>İnsan öğesi bulunan çalışmalarda, “yöntem” bölümünde katılımcılardan “bilgilendirilmiş onam” alındığının ve çalışmanın yapıldığı kurumdan etik kurul onayı alındığı belirtilmesi gerekir.</li></ul>

Makalelerin bilimsel ve etik kurallara uygunluğu yazarların sorumluluğundadır. Yazar makalenin orijinal olduğu, daha önce başka bir yerde yayınlanmadığı ve başka bir yerde, başka bir dilde yayınlanmak üzere değerlendirmede olmadığı konusunda teminat sağlamalıdır. Uygulamadaki telif kanunları ve anlaşmaları gözetilmelidir. Telife bağlı materyaller (örneğin tablolar, şekiller veya büyük alıntılar) gerekli izin ve teşekkürle kullanılmalıdır. Başka yazarların, katkıda bulunanların çalışmaları ya da yararlanılan kaynaklar uygun biçimde kullanılmalı ve referanslarda belirtilmelidir.Gönderilen makalede tüm yazarların akademik ve bilimsel olarak doğrudan katkısı olmalıdır, bu bağlamda “yazar” yayınlanan bir araştırmanın kavramsallaştırılmasına ve dizaynına, verilerin elde edilmesine, analizine ya da yorumlanmasına belirgin katkı yapan, yazının yazılması ya da bunun içerik açısından eleştirel biçimde gözden geçirilmesinde görev yapan birisi olarak görülür. Yazar olabilmenin diğer koşulları ise, makaledeki çalışmayı planlamak veya icra etmek ve / veya revize etmektir. Fon sağlanması, veri toplanması ya da araştırma grubunun genel süpervizyonu tek başına yazarlık hakkı kazandırmaz. Yazar olarak gösterilen tüm bireyler sayılan tüm ölçütleri karşılamalıdır ve yukarıdaki ölçütleri karşılayan her birey yazar olarak gösterilebilir. Yazarların isim sıralaması ortak verilen bir karar olmalıdır. Tüm yazarlar yazar sıralamasını <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/BCBF605901234F42B7485526E85D55E1" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formunda</a> imzalı olarak belirtmek zorundadırlar.Yazarlık için yeterli ölçütleri karşılamayan ancak çalışmaya katkısı olan tüm bireyler “teşekkür / bilgiler” kısmında sıralanmalıdır. Bunlara örnek olarak ise sadece teknik destek sağlayan, yazıma yardımcı olan ya da sadece genel bir destek sağlayan, finansal ve materyal desteği sunan kişiler verilebilir.Bütün yazarlar, araştırmanın sonuçlarını ya da bilimsel değerlendirmeyi etkileyebilme potansiyeli olan finansal ilişkiler, çıkar çatışması ve çıkar rekabetini beyan etmelidirler. Bir yazar kendi yayınlanmış yazısında belirgin bir hata ya da yanlışlık tespit ederse, bu yanlışlıklara ilişkin düzeltme ya da geri çekme için editör ile hemen temasa geçme ve işbirliği yapma sorumluluğunu taşır.

Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden,  uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirir. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar. Gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalacağını garanti eder. Baş editör içerik ve yayının toplam kalitesinden sorumludur. Gereğinde hata sayfası yayınlamalı ya da düzeltme yapmalıdır.Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemlerin araştırmayla ilgili, yazarlarla ve/veya araştırmanın finansal destekçileriyle çıkar çatışmaları olmamalıdır. Değerlendirmelerinin sonucunda tarafsız bir yargıya varmalıdırlar. Gönderilmiş yazılara ilişkin tüm bilginin gizli tutulmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar. Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir. Bazı durumlarda editörün kararıyla, ilgili hakemlerin makaleye ait yorumları aynı makaleyi yorumlayan diğer hakemlere gönderilerek hakemlerin bu süreçte aydınlatılması sağlanabilir.

Daha önce yayınlanmamış ya da yayınlanmak üzere başka bir dergide halen değerlendirmede olmayan ve her bir yazar tarafından onaylanan makaleler değerlendirilmek üzere kabul edilir. Gönderilen ve ön kontrolü geçen makaleler iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir.Seçilen makaleler en az iki ulusal/uluslararası hakeme çift taraflı kör hakemlik ile değerlendirmeye gönderilir; yayın kararı, hakemlerin talepleri doğrultusunda yazarların gerçekleştirdiği düzenlemelerin ve hakem sürecinin sonrasında baş editör tarafından verilir.

Hakemlik Hakkında

Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirirler. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar. Gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalacağını garanti eder. Baş editör içerik ve yayının toplam kalitesinden sorumludur. Gereğinde hata sayfası yayınlamalı ya da düzeltme yapmalıdır. Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemler, araştırma, yazarlar ve/veya araştırmaya fon sağlayanlarla çıkar çatışması içinde olmamalıdır. Hakemler değerlendirmelerinin sonucunda tarafsız bir yargıya varmalıdırlar. Gönderilmiş yazılara ilişkin tüm bilginin gizli tutulmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar. Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir. Bazı durumlarda editörün kararıyla, ilgili hakemlerin makaleye ait yorumları aynı makaleyi yorumlayan diğer hakemlere gönderilerek hakemlerin bu süreçte aydınlatılması sağlanabilir.

Daha önce yayınlanmamış ya da yayınlanmak üzere başka bir dergide halen değerlendirmede olmayan ve her bir yazar tarafından onaylanan makaleler değerlendirilmek üzere kabul edilir. Gönderilen ve ön kontrolü geçen makaleler iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir.Baş Editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirir. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar.Seçilen makaleler en az iki ulusal/uluslararası hakeme değerlendirmeye gönderilir; yayın kararı, hakemlerin talepleri doğrultusunda yazarların gerçekleştirdiği düzenlemelerin ve hakem sürecinin sonrasında baş editör tarafından verilir.Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemlerin değerlendirmeleri objektif olmalıdır. Hakem süreci sırasında hakemlerin aşağıdaki hususları dikkate alarak değerlendirmelerini yapmaları beklenir.-Makale yeni ve önemli bir bilgi içeriyor mu?-Öz, makalenin içeriğini net ve düzgün bir şekilde tanımlıyor mu?-Yöntem bütünlüklü ve anlaşılır şekilde tanımlanmış mı?-Yapılan yorum ve varılan sonuçlar bulgularla kanıtlanıyor mu?-Alandaki diğer çalışmalara yeterli referans verilmiş mi?-Dil kalitesi yeterli mi?Hakemler, gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar. Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir.

Dil Dergide Türkçe ve İngilizce makaleler yayınlanır. Gönderilen makalelerde makale dilinde öz, İngilizce öz olmalıdır. Yazıların Hazırlanması ve Gönderimi Makaleler sadece <a href="https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/iutarih" target="_blank">https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/iutarih</a> adresinde yer alan derginin online makale yükleme ve değerlendirme sistemi üzerinden gönderilebilir. Diğer mecralardan gönderilen makaleler değerlendirilmeye alınmayacaktır. Gönderilen makalelerin dergi yazım kurallarına uygunluğu ilk olarak Editoryal Ofis tarafından kontrol edilecek, dergi yazım kurallarına uygun hazırlanmamış makaleler teknik düzeltme talepleri ile birlikte yazarlarına geri gönderilecektir. Yazarların; <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/BCBF605901234F42B7485526E85D55E1" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu’nu</a> ilk gönderim sırasında online makale sistemine yüklemeleri gerekmektedir. Tarih Dergisi’ne gönderilen tüm yazılar, A4 boyutunda MS Word uyumlu programda Times New Roman yazı karakterinde 11 punto olarak yazılmalıdır.Türkçe hazırlanan makalelerde TDK yazım kılavuzu esas alınır. <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/F358B490D3384A8383B44DD531C9EF9B" target="_blank">Kapak sayfası</a>: Gönderilen tüm makalelerle birlikte ayrı bir kapak sayfası da gönderilmelidir. Bu sayfa; • Makalenin başlığını ve 50 karakteri geçmeyen kısa başlığını, • Yazarların isimlerini, kurumlarını ve eğitim derecelerini, • Yazarların ORCID numaralarını • Finansal destek bilgisi ve diğer destek kaynakları hakkında detaylı bilgiyi, • Sorumlu yazarın ismi, adresi, telefonu (cep telefonu dahil), faks numarası ve e-posta adresini, • Makale hazırlama sürecine katkıda bulunan ama yazarlık kriterlerini karşılamayan bireylerle ilgili bilgileri • Makale daha önceden bir bilimsel toplantıda sunulduysa, ilgili bilimsel toplantının detaylı bilgilerini içermelidir. Özet: Özgün araştırma makalelerinde 80-100 kelime Türkçe ve İngilizce özet bulunmalıdır. Özet bölümü alt başlık içermeyecek şekilde hazırlanmalıdır.İngilizce genişletilmiş özet: Türkçe yazılan makalelerin uluslararası platformda görünürlüğü ve atıf oranını arttırmak amacıyla, yalnızca araştırma makaleleri için 1.000 kelimelik İngilizce geniş özet hazırlanıp sisteme yüklenmelidir. İngilizce geniş özet makalenin hipotezini, çıkarımlarını ve yorumların kapsamlı bir biçimde özetleyecek şekilde hazırlanmalıdır. Anahtar Sözcükler: Araştırma makaleleri en az 3 en fazla 6 anahtar kelimeyle birlikte gönderilmelidir. Anahtar kelimeler İngilizce ve Türkçe olarak hazırlanıp ilgili özetin altına yazılmalıdır. Makale Türleri Araştırma Makalesi: Ana metin, araştırmanın konusuna uygun şekilde alt başlıklara ayrılmalıdır. Alt başlıklar konusunda yazarlar serbest bırakılmışlardır. Çeviri: Çeviri türündeki yazılarda, orijinal makalenin yazarından alınan izin ile orijinal makalenin bir kopyası ve asıl metnin tam bibliyografik künye bilgilerini içeren dosyalar da online makale sistemine yüklenmelidir. Tablolar Tablolar ana dosyaya eklenmeli, kaynak listesi sonrasında sunulmalı, ana metin içerisindeki geçiş sıralarına uygun olarak numaralandırılmadır. Tabloların üzerinde tanımlayıcı bir başlık yer almalı ve tablo içerisinde geçen kısaltmaların açılımları tablo altına tanımlanmalıdır. Tablolar Microsoft Office Word dosyası içinde “Tablo Ekle” komutu kullanılarak hazırlanmalı ve kolay okunabilir şekilde düzenlenmelidir. Tablolarda sunulan veriler ana metinde sunulan verilerin tekrarı olmamalı; ana metindeki verileri destekleyici nitelikte olmalılar Resim ve Resim Altyazıları Resimler, grafikler ve fotoğraflar (TIFF ya da JPEG formatında) ayrı dosyalar halinde sisteme yüklenmelidir. Görseller bir Word dosyası dokümanı ya da ana doküman içerisinde sunulmamalıdır. Alt birimlere ayrılan görseller olduğunda, alt birimler tek bir görsel içerisinde verilmemelidir. Her bir alt birim sisteme ayrı bir dosya olarak yüklenmelidir. Resimler alt birimleri belli etme amacıyla etiketlenmemelidir (a, b, c vb.). Resimlerde altyazıları desteklemek için kalın ve ince oklar, ok başları, yıldızlar, asteriksler ve benzer işaretler kullanılabilir. Makalenin geri kalanında olduğu gibi resimler de kör olmalıdır. Bu sebeple, resimlerde yer alan kişi ve kurum bilgileri de körleştirilmelidir. Görsellerin minimum çözünürlüğü 300DPI olmalıdır. Değerlendirme sürecindeki aksaklıkları önlemek için gönderilen bütün görsellerin çözünürlüğü net ve boyutu büyük (minimum boyutlar 100x100 mm) olmalıdır. Resim altyazıları ana metnin sonunda yer almalıdır. Makale içerisinde geçen tüm kısaltmalar, ana metin ve özette ayrı ayrı olmak üzere ilk kez kullanıldıkları yerde tanımlanarak kısaltma tanımın ardından parantez içerisinde verilmelidir. Tüm kaynaklar, tablolar ve resimlere ana metin içinde uygun olan yerlerde sırayla numara verilerek atıf yapılmalıdır. Revizyonlar Yazarlar makalelerinin revizyon dosyalarını gönderirken, hakemlerin istediği düzeltmeleri ve hakemlerin sorularına yanıtlarını ana metin içerisinde renklendirerek belirtmelidir. Revize makaleler karar mektubunu takip eden 30 gün içerisinde dergiye gönderilmelidir. Makalenin revize versiyonu belirtilen süre içerisinde yüklenmezse, revizyon seçeneği iptal olabilir. Yazarların revizyon için ek süreye ihtiyaç duymaları durumunda uzatma taleplerini ilk 30 gün sona ermeden dergiye iletmeleri gerekmektedir. Yayına kabul edilen makaleler dil bilgisi, noktalama ve biçim açısından kontrol edilir. Yayın süreci tamamlanan makaleler, yayın planına dahil edildikleri sayıyla birlikte yayınlanmadan önce erken çevrimiçi formatında dergi web sitesinde yayına alınır. Kabul edilen makalelerin baskıya hazır PDF dosyaları sorumlu yazarlara iletilir ve yayın onaylarının 2 gün içerisinde dergiye iletilmesi istenir.

Yazım Kuralları

Referans Stili ve Formatı Yayınlara atıf yapılırken en son, en güncel yayınlar tercih edilmelidir. Kaynakların doğruluğundan yazar(lar) sorumludur. Referanslar dip not sistemine uygun olarak belirtilmelidir. Metin içi referansları ve kaynakça bölümü için dikkat edilmesi gereken detaylar aşağıda belirtilmiştir. Metin içi referanslar üst simge ile 1’den başlayarak gösterilmelidir. Dipnotlar, Times New Roman yazı karakterinde, 9 punto tek aralık yazılmalıdır. Tüm noktalama işaretlerinden sonra bir boşluk bırakılmalı ve tüm dipnotların sonuna, mutlaka nokta konulmalıdır. Metin içindeki atıflar sayfa altına dipnot şeklinde 1’den başlayarak numaralandırılmalıdır. Bunun dışında metin içinde atıf yapılmamalıdır. Dipnotlarda kaynaklar verilirken, kitap ve dergi ismi italik olmalı, makale isimleri tırnak içerisinde düz olarak verilmelidir. Dipnotlarda, ilk geçtiği yerde yazar ismi ve kaynak künyesi tam olarak verilmeli, daha sonra sadece yazar soyadı ve a.g.e., a.g.m., veya a.g.t. gibi yazarın belirlediği kısaltmalarla yazılmalıdır. Bir yazarın birden fazla kitap ve makalesi kullanılıyorsa ikinci eserin ilk kullanımından sonra, yazarın soyadı, sonra kitap veya makalenin kısaltılmış adı verilmelidir. Çok yazarlı kaynakların ilk geçtiği yerde yazarların tümü yazılmalı, daha sonrakilerde kısaltılarak verilmelidir. Dipnotlarda makale, kitap içinde bölüm veya ansiklopedi maddesinin tamamına yönelik bir atıf mevcutsa, başlangıç ve bitiş sayfaları gösterilmelidir. Örnekler: Kitap: Mübahat S. Kütükoğlu, Menteşe Sancağı 1830 (Nüfus ve Toplum Yapısı), TTK Yay., Ankara 2010, s. 115. Sonraki atıflarda: Kütükoğlu, a.g.e., s. 123 ya da Kütükoğlu, s. 123. Bir yazarın birden fazla yayınına atıf yapılacak ise, ilk atıfta tam künye verilmeli; daha sonra yine kullanılacaksa nasıl kısaltılacağı parantez içerisinde gösterilmelidir: Arzu Terzi, Hazine-i Hassa Nezareti, TTK Yay., Ankara 2000, s. 98 (Terzi, Hazine-i Hassa). Eserin cildine işaret etmek için (cilt ya da c. yazılmadan) sadece Romen rakamıyla cilt sayısı yazılmalıdır: Hoca Sa‘deddin Efendi, Tâcü’t-tevârîh, I, İstanbul 1279, 25. Tayyâr-zâde Atâ, Osmanlı Saray Tarihi Târîh-i Enderûn, haz. Mehmet Arslan, Kitabevi, III, İstanbul 2010, 138. Çeviri eserler: Philippe du Fresne-Canaye, Fresne-Canaye Seyahatnamesi 1573, çev. Teoman Tunçdoğan, İstanbul 2009, s. 51. Ansiklopedi maddeleri: Feridun M. Emecen, “Başmukataa Kalemi”, DİA, V, 135. Bir yazarın iki ayrı çalışması aynı dipnotta peş peşe gösterilecekse: Mustafa Akdağ, Celali İsyanları, 1550-1603, Anlara 1963, s. 110; keza büyük kaçgunluk için bk. ayn. yzr. ya da ayn.mlf., “Celâlî İsyanlarından Büyük Kaçgunluk, 1603-1606”, Tarih Araştırmaları Dergisi, II/2-3 (Ankara 1964), 1-50. Birden çok yazarlı bir eser kullanılacaksa: Robert Anhegger-Halil İnalcık, Kānūnnāme-i Sultānī Ber Mūceb-i ‛Örf-i ‛Osmānī, II. Mehmed ve II. Bayezid Devirlerine Ait Yasaknāme ve Kānūnnāmeler, TTK Yay., Ankara 2000, s. 25. Aynı eser daha sonraki kullanımlarda sadece yazar soyadlarına yer verilmelidir: Anhegger-İnalcık, a.g.e., s. 36. Makale: Mübahat S. Kütükoğlu, “Osmanlıdan Günümüze Yer Adları”, Belleten, LXXVI/275 (2012), 149. Bekir Kütükoğlu, “Ahmed Cevdet Paşa, Ma‘rûzât”, Güney-Doğu Avrupa Araştırmaları Dergisi, sayı 10-11, İstanbul 1983, s. 251. Mücteba İlgürel, “Şer‘iyye Sicillerinin Toplu Kataloğuna Doğru”, Tarih Dergisi, sayı 28-29 (1975), s. 164.Kitap İçinde Bölüm:Ayten Altıntaş, “Dârüşşifâlar Hakkında”, Karşılıksız Hizmetin Muhteşem Abideleri İstanbul Şifahaneleri, haz. Abdullah Kılıç, İstanbul 2009, s. 19-38.Christoph K. Neumann, “XVIII. Yüzyıl Osmanlı Saray Mutfağında Baharat”, Soframız Nur Hanemiz Mamur, Osmanlı Maddi Kültüründe Yemek ve Barınak, ed. Suraiya Faroqhi - Christoph K. Neumann, İstanbul 2016, s. 145-183.İdris Bostan, “Osmanlı Bahriyesinde Sağlık Hizmetleri”, Osmanlılarda Sağlık, ed. Coşkun Yılmaz-Necdet Yılmaz, İstanbul 2006, c. I, s. 111-115.Sempozyum Tebliğleri: İdris Bostan, “Kuyûd-ı Mühimmat Defterlerinin Osmanlı Teşkilât Tarihi Bakımından Önemi”, OsmanlıTürk Diplomatiği Semineri, 30-31 Mayıs 1994, İstanbul 1995, s. 145. Birden çok yazarlı bir makale: Kayhan Orbay-Hatice Oruç, “Sultan II. Murad’ın Edirne Câmi‘-i Şerîf ve Dârü’l-hadîs Vakfı (1592-1607)”, Tarih Dergisi, sayı 56 (2012/2), İstanbul 2013, s. 10. Aynı makalenin daha sonraki kullanımlarında sadece yazar soyadlarına yer verilmelidir: Orbay-Oruç, a.g.m., s. 15. Çeviri yazıları: Géza Dávid, “XVI. Yüzyılda Osmanlı-Habsburg Mücadelesinin Bir Kaynağı Olarak Mühimme Defterleri”, çev. Özgür Kolçak, Tarih Dergisi, sayı 53 (2011/1), İstanbul 2012, s. 295-349. Aynı soyadlı iki yazarın makalelerinin gösterilmesi: Mübahat S. Kütükoğlu, “Osmanlıdan Günümüze Yer Adları”, Belleten, LXXVI/275 (2012), 149. Bekir Kütükoğlu, “Ahmed Cevdet Paşa, Ma‘rûzât”, Güney-Doğu Avrupa Araştırmaları Dergisi, sayı 10-11, İstanbul 1983, s. 251. Daha sonraki kullanımlarda: M. S. Kütükoğlu, a.g.m., s. 160 ya da B. Kütükoğlu, a.g.m., s. 250. Tez atıflarında; tezi yapan, tez adı (italik), kurum ismi sırasıyla verilmelidir: Sinem Serin, Yıldız Çini/Porselen Fabrikası, İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Tarih Anabilim Dalı Osmanlı Müesseseleri ve Medeniyeti Tarihi Bilim Dalı, Yayınlanmamış Yüksek Lisans Tezi, İstanbul 2009, s. 146.Arşiv Belgelerinin Kullanımı: Arşiv belgeleri dipnotta kullanılırken öncelikle arşivin adı, sonra tasnifin adı, dosya ve evrak numarasına sırasıyla yer verilecektir. Tasnif için arşivlerin kullandıkları kısaltmalar kullanılabilir. Kaynakçada bunların açılımı yapılmalıdır. Mesela: BOA, A.MKT, nr. 145/629. Arşivden defter tasnifinden bir bilgi kullanılacaksa: BOA, Maliyeden Müdevver Defterler (MAD), nr. 9146, s. 200. BOA, Mühimme Defteri, nr. 120, s. 103, h. 250. Kaynakça: Makalelerde kullanılan kaynak ve araştırmalar makale sonunda bu başlık altında gösterilmelidir. Kaynakça, bu başlık altında yeni bir sayfadan başlamalı ve 11 punto yazılmalıdır. Sadece dipnotlarda kullanılan kaynaklar yer almalı ve yazarların soyadına göre alfabetik olarak düzenlenmelidir.  Kütükoğlu, Mübahat S., Menteşe Sancağı 1830 (Nüfus ve Toplum Yapısı), TTK Yay., Ankara 2010.Hoca Sa‘deddin Efendi, Tâcü’t-tevârîh, I-II, İstanbul 1279-80.Birden çok yazarlı bir esere yer verilecekse:Anhegger, Robert -Halil İnalcık, Kānūnnāme-i Sultānī Ber Mūceb-i ‛Örf-i ‛Osmānī, II. Mehmed ve II. Bayezid Devirlerine Ait Yasaknāme ve Kānūnnāmeler, TTK Yay., Ankara 2000.Sadece editör veya yayına hazırlayanlar var ise bu isimler kitap adından sonra yer almalıdır:Osmanlı Uygarlığı, yay. haz. Halil İnalcık-Günsel Renda, Kültür Bakanlığı Yay., I-II, Ankara 20093.Kitap içinde bölüm olarak geçen makaleler: Terzi, Arzu, “II. Abdülhamid’in Emlakı ve Irak Petrolleri”, Sultan II. Abdülhamid ve Dönemi, ed. Coşkun Yılmaz, İstanbul 2014, s. 181-188.Çeviri eserler:Fresne-Canaye, Philippe du, Fresne-Canaye Seyahatnamesi 1573, çev. Teoman Tunçdoğan, İstanbul 2009.Kitabın kaçıncı baskısı olduğunu belirtmek üzere basım tarihinin üzerine üst simge şeklinde basım sayısı yazılmalıdır:Terzi, Arzu, Sultan Abdülhamid’in Mirası, Petrol ve Arazi, Timaş Yayınları, İstanbul 20142.Kaynakçada yer alan makalelerde makalenin başlangıç ve bitiş sayfalarına yer verilmelidir:Kütükoğlu, Mübahat S., “Osmanlıdan Günümüze Yer Adları”, Belleten, LXXVI/275 (2012), 147-165.Sempozyum Tebliğleri: Bostan, İdris, “Kuyûd-ı Mühimmat Defterlerinin Osmanlı Teşkilât Tarihi Bakımından Önemi”, Osmanlı-Türk Diplomatiği Semineri, 30-31 Mayıs 1994, İstanbul 1995, s. 143-163.Ansiklopedi maddeleri: Emecen, Feridun M., “Başmukataa Kalemi”, DİA, V, 135.Kaynakçada teze yer verirken; tezi yapan, tez adı (italik), kurum ismi sırasıyla verilmelidir:Arşiv Belgelerinin Gösterilmesi:Kaynakçada dipnotlarda kullanılan arşiv tasnifleri açık bir şekilde yazılır, kısaltma kullanıldıysa bunlar parantez içinde belirtilir. Farklı arşivlerden kaynak çalışması var ise bu arşivler tasniflenir. Dipnotlarda kullanılan arşiv belgelerinin numaraları burada sıralanmalıdır. Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi (BOA)Cevdet Bahriye Evrakı (C.BH), 123/3500; 350/8560.Şura-yı Devlet (ŞD), 21350; 103953.Deniz Tarihi Arşivi (DTA)Bahriye Nezareti (BN), 180/4050; 181/4063; 333/11830.Makale dipnotlarında kullanılacak kısaltmalarTürkçe makaleler için:                                        çev.     :         çeviren                                        trc.      :         tercüme eden                                        yay.     :         yayınlayan                                        haz.     :         hazırlayan                                        sad.     :         sadeleştiren                                        nşr.     :         neşreden                                        ed.      :         editör                                        a.g.e.   :         adı geçen eser                                        a.g.m.  :         adı geçen makale ya da madde                                         a.g.t.    :         adı geçen tez                                        ayn.yzr.         :     aynı yazar                                        ayn.mlf.         :     aynı müellifYabancı Dildeki makaleler için:                                        id.        :         aynı yazar                                        ibid., loc.cit, op.cit., passim      : aynı yerdea.g.e., s. 27; a.g.m., s. 28; a.g.t., s. 29 şeklinde kullanılmalıdır.

Aşağıdaki listede eksik olmadığından emin olun:<ul><li>Makalenin türünün belirtilmiş olduğu</li><li>Başka bir dergiye gönderilmemiş olduğu</li><li>Sponsor veya ticari bir firma ile ilişkisi varsa, bunun belirtildiği</li><li>İngilizce yönünden kontrolünün yapıldığı</li><li>Referansların derginin benimsediği sistemin kurallarına uygun olarak düzenlendiği</li><li>Yazarlara Bilgide detaylı olarak anlatılan dergi politikalarının gözden geçirildiği</li></ul>● <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/BCBF605901234F42B7485526E85D55E1" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a>● Daha önce basılmış materyal (yazı-resim-tablo) kullanılmış ise izin belgesi● <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/2315C9D1C8BB44849A41C6542283288A" target="_blank">Kapak sayfası</a><ul><li>Makalenin kategorisi</li><li>Makale dilinde ve İngilizce başlık</li><li>Yazarların ismi soyadı, unvanları ve bağlı oldukları kurumlar (üniversite ve fakülte bilgisinden sonra şehir ve ülke bilgisi), e-posta adresleri</li><li>Sorumlu yazarın e-posta adresi, açık yazışma adresi, iş telefonu, GSM, faks nosu</li><li>Tüm yazarların ORCID’leri</li><li>Finansal destek (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Çıkar çatışması (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Teşekkür (varsa belirtiniz)</li></ul>● Makale ana metni<ul><li>Önemli: Ana metinde yazarın / yazarların kimlik bilgilerinin yer almamış olması gerekir.</li><li>Makale dilinde ve İngilizce başlık</li><li>Öz: 80-100 kelime</li><li>Anahtar Kelimeler: 3-6 adet makale dilinde ve 3-6 adet İngilizce</li><li>İngilizce Genişletilmiş Özet (Extended Summary) 800-1000 kelime (İngilizce olmayan makaleler için)</li><li>Makale ana metin bölümleri</li><li>Kaynaklar</li><li>Tablolar-Resimler, Şekiller (başlık, tanım ve alt yazılarıyla)</li></ul>

<div><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/BCBF605901234F42B7485526E85D55E1" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/39CA4BB00C8447BFB6DE791FDFF2B4AA" target="_blank">Kapak Sayfası</a></div>

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