Mehmet

Ayşegül

Uzman

This study seeks to develop a valid, reliable metric for holistically measuring the scope and depth of interpersonal social relations.Interpersonal relations constitute an important field of study in modern social psychology. Humans are social creatures who interact with their environment through various means. The quality of these interactions also impacts other aspects of human life. According to Leary (2004), 20th-century studies delving into human nature shifted their focus from the individual self to one’s relationships with others. Humans have an innate need to form intimate relations with others and are able to satisfy their basic needs and perpetuate their existence through these relations (Bilgin, 2003). Humans interact and build relationships with others for various reasons such as needing to love and be loved, satisfying physical and social needs, achieving a sense of belonging, minimizing fear and anxiety through cohabitation, relieving loneliness, and developing personal identity (Adler &amp; Towne, 1996).The relations people establish with their environment and the types of interpersonal relations in which they are involved are important predictors of their quality of life and life satisfaction levels at the individual level (Tunç &amp; Kaygas, 2016). Understanding this reveals the importance of evaluating the scope and depth of the relations individuals have with their immediate and wider surroundings, as doing so will shed light on two fundamental components of what makes one human: quality of life and life satisfaction.Just as social relations can be evaluated using comprehensive scales, so can they also be scrutinized using a few items. Studies in the literature even exist in which social relations are evaluated with one single question (i.e., how often does one meet up with friends, relatives, or coworkers?; Güler &amp; Gül, 2021; European Social Survey [ESS], 2018). A study conducted by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD, 2020) examining social relations looked at life satisfaction in this way. OECD’s study addressed social support, time spent engaged in social interactions, and satisfaction with interpersonal relations all through one question each. Social interaction is a quality-of-life indicator as prepared by Eurostat (2018) and comprises such elements as social support, interpersonal relations, and satisfaction with these relations. Studies on social interaction evaluate social interaction levels by measuring how often one meets up with family, relatives, and friends.A large number of studies are found in the literature focusing on relation styles and components when evaluating interpersonal or social relations. Likewise, numerous scales are found to have focused mainly on the private sphere, such as the relationships between friends and family members or in closed environments such as the relationships that occur in school. Accordingly, a study seeking to develop a scale able to holistically evaluate the scope and depth of social relations that takes into account all personal&nbsp;and social spheres would make an excellent contribution to the literature. As such, this scale development study has been designed to take into account all the social relations an individual has with family members, close and distant relatives, neighbors, circles of friends, and social groups as well as with society at large. Given the importance afforded to relatives and neighbors in Turkish culture, the current study noteworthily includes these in its scope. As such, the basic aim of this study is to develop a usable metric for determining how individuals perceive the scope and depth of their social relations.The scale’s developmental phase first surveyed the scales present in the literature that are used to evaluate interpersonal and social relations, after which the components of social relations were determined that the scale should incorporate. The scale consists of 23 items dealing with the individuals or groups with whom the respondent considers to be in close contact. The item pool was developed after organizing and realizing a focus group composed of 12 field experts in the educational sciences, sociology, psychology, and educational assessment. After the focus group, the group of experts decided that a 10-item form should be used for substantiating the scale’s content validity. As a result, a data collection study was implemented over university students and young adults aged 25–29 in order to examine the draft scale’s psychometric properties. EFA and CFA were conducted to examine the scale’s structural properties. After conducting the EFA on all the data sets to identify the scale’s structural properties, the scale’s validity and reliability were tested separately for university students and for young adults aged 25–29.This study was conducted with two separate research groups. Differences in developmental stages, knowledge, skills, perceptions, attitudes, and values require the scale’s validity and reliability to be tested individually for each group and their psychometric properties to be substantiated separately. Two separate groups composed of individuals at different developmental stages were formed to test psychometric adequacy for the scale’s usability with other age groups. The first group was comprised of 973 university students, whereas the second was composed of 1,158 young adults between the ages of 25 and 29 years.&nbsp;The study’s data collection phase was performed online due to the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic. After testing the assumptions necessary for analyzing the data, the EFA and CFA were performed to test the scale’s structural properties. After conducting the EFA to ascertain the scale’s structure, no need was found to make any changes to the items contained in the scale. The CFA was then conducted on the same data set to confirm the scale’s structure, after which Cronbach’s alpha was calculated and the correlation values between the scale’s subdimensions were ascertained to examine the scale’s reliability.&nbsp;

Sosyal İlişkiler Ölçeği’nin Geliştirilmesi ve Psikometrik Özellikleri

Barış

Assist. Prof.

The position of soldiers and the army in society and the state bureaucracy in Turkey and the intensity of military operations are not reflected in the literature in the same way. Sociological studies have been the field most affected by this academic drought. This article includes theoretical and conceptual debates on the military profession and attempts to quantify how society and soldiers in Turkey perceive it in order to facilitate these studies. The study seeks to answer the following questions: Is military service a profession; what features distinguish it from other professions, is the view of the military profession in Turkey different from other countries, and do civilians and soldiers have divergent or convergent views about the military profession? A descriptive survey of the military profession was conducted on military and civilian groups in order to answer these questions. The study was additionally supported by unstructured interviews in order to increase the reliability of the survey results and enable a more profound analysis.Survey studies were carried out with 398 soldiers and 297 civilians between September and October of 2021 using the remote access method due to the COVID-19 pandemic. The distinctive questions on the survey involve the perception of the military profession and whether it is a profession, lifestyle, or duty. The sample, in particular the civilian group, was obviously insufficient; this undermines the reliability of the study but nevertheless opens the door to an understanding of the military profession for further research.The first issue in sociologically analyzing the military profession is how the concepts of profession and military service are used in Turkey beyond or in different ways than in the West. First of all, even academic studies lack clarity regarding ranks (e.g., captain, major) and status (e.g., officer, non-commissioned officer). The conceptual ambiguity surrounding the military profession is additionally exacerbated by the fact that the word “profession,” which is most often employed in foreign languages, has a variety of connotations in Turkish. In Turkey, a profession not only refers to organized professional groups but is also used to characterize personal abilities. In other words, it is a descriptive term that encompasses both organizational and individual qualities. Lastly, the founding role of the military and the favorable attitude society has had toward the military in nearly every era have given it a significance beyond just being a profession.Another area of contention is the definition of a professional soldier. In accordance with legal requirements, both society and soldiers classify all soldiers apart from conscripted ones as professionals. Thus, officers, non-commissioned officers, specialist sergeants, and contracted privates (i.e., groups having a voluntary long-term relationship with the army) are called professional soldiers. This approach opposes Huntington’s&nbsp;&nbsp;(1957) view of the professional military as a sphere designated exclusively for commanders responsible for the management of organized violence. Indeed, a similar approach is seen in research conducted in the United States of America after Huntington. As a result, the notion of the professional soldier has been modified to be more ambiguous yet at the same time more inclusive. This study suggests that a third criterion should be added to the criteria of “management of organized violence” and “commitment” Huntington put forth for the definition of a professional soldier. This new criterion emphasizes fulfilling the duty requirements and puts an ethical obligation on all soldiers, regardless of position or rank. Thus, after placing commanders as the direct managers of organized violence at the top of the professionalism pyramid, every other soldier who performs their duty to the best of their ability, regardless of rank or status, earns a place on the pyramid based on the degree to which they execute this duty.&nbsp;The requirements for classifying military service as a profession in Turkey seem to have been fulfilled in abundance. The army’s institutional roots and founding role have allowed it to implement its own legal and administrative regulations, exercise control over the theoretical and practical knowledge specific to the profession via military schools, demonstrate competence in regulating both the professional and private lives of its members, and form a strong organizational culture. The quality that comes to the fore among these features is that, apart from a few branches, candidates are educated in military schools. Since the 19th century, the military, having built advanced military schools and even developed a system large enough to assist the civilian education system, has been able to educate its personnel according to its own norms. The length of study at military schools is additionally often longer than in other nations, thus enabling a robust socialization process. Until the 2016 coup attempt, this term was 11-12 years on average and included military high school, war school, branch school, and the staff college. Additionally, this time excludes short-term courses. The army retains control, both during the school admission examinations and throughout the educational process. Thus, Downes’ (1985, pp. 147–148) requirements of “specified theoretical knowledge and control over the associated practical skills” as well as “long-term education training and assessment via official examinations” seem to have been more than fulfilled in Turkey.Despite possessing the required professional credentials, divergent views and perceptions are found regarding the military profession in Turkey. Although the Turkish military follows the same model as Western armies, the distinction between military service as a lifestyle and military service as a profession becomes more evident in the Turkish case. In the American example, which Moskos (1977b) tried to explain with the institution/occupation model, the military profession is stated to have experienced a similar orientation with other professions in the free market economy, especially with the transition to the professional army. For example, in this case, pay and career&nbsp;&nbsp;aspirations may take precedence over institutional values inherent in military service, such as sacrifice and courage. Did the rate at which professionalization increased in the Turkish military lead to a similar development in Turkey? In other words, is military service seen as a profession, or is it perceived as a lifestyle or a duty, resulting in institutional values having maintained their dominant position?According to the survey findings, civilians and soldiers in Turkey have varying perspectives on the military profession. While 77% of soldiers see it as a way of life, just 24% of civilians characterize it as such. Only 19% of soldiers describe it as a profession; in contrast, 44% of civilians see military service as a profession and 32% as a duty. Consequently, society and soldiers have contrasting perspectives about the military profession. Various reasons for this approach were listed in the in-depth interviews. First of all, military service is a life-or-death profession. Second, the frequent relocation of soldiers compared to other professions in Turkey, which places a great deal of strain on military families and soldiers, contributes to the military profession being viewed differently than other professions. Apart from these, the most important factor is the potential the institutional authority of the army has to influence and control not only soldiers’ professional life but also their family life. Military wives and children must also adhere to institutional requirements, as living in military-specific locations such as barracks, officer’s clubs, and army houses shape military families’ lives. In this case, the developed practices have become more of a way of life than a profession.In summary, the military profession is viewed as a combination of professioninstitution and private life. The soldiers’ emphasis on the lifestyle instead of as a profession shows the institution, profession, and private life to be fused. In this case, the fusion of institution and profession as suggested by Van Doorn (1965) for the Western armies has gone one step further and included private life in Turkey. However, although civilians are aware of these practices, they do not interpret the degree of impact in the same way. This situation naturally creates a difference in civilians’ and soldiers’ perspectives toward the profession.The surveys and interviews have revealed the old generation of soldiers’ perceptions toward the new generation to be incorrect. The interviews reveal retired soldiers to believe that the current generation of soldiers “do not see military service as a way of life, but rather as an ordinary job in a free-market economy.” However, this belief diametrically opposes the survey findings. As much as 84% of the new generation of soldiers (20-30 age group) defined military service as a lifestyle, which is even more than the retired soldiers. One might argue that this contrasting attitude is linked to the political and ideological climate that developed after the coup attempt. This superficial explanation, however, is deemed insufficient. Although its origins are unknown, one of the perceptions that has grown into a near-tradition is that each military school graduation class views those who enter the profession after them as insufficient or doesn’t refer to them as full professionals. This concept, which is often portrayed lightheartedly, seems to stress the significance of rank (i.e., hierarchy). As a result, one should note that Moskos’ (1977b) institution/occupation model has yet to become a viable theory in Turkey. In other words, values such as self-sacrifice, heroism, and commitment, which still stand out as institutional values in Turkey, have more weight than wages and similar personal interests, which Moskos had put forward as occupational characteristics.&nbsp;

Türkiye’de Profesyonel Askerliğin Sosyolojik Bir İncelemesi:  Meslek, Görev ya da Yaşam Tarzı?

Hasan

Prof.

Adem

Psychometric Evaluation of the Factors for University Choice  Scale in a Military Academy

Şükrü

Because the institutions of the military and the family demand commitment, loyalty, energy, and time from their members, both institutions have features in common with what Coser refers to as “ambitious institutions.” Because ambitious institutions are able to survive through individual commitment and loyalty, they want individuals to spend their time and energy on their own institution and struggle for this.Ambitious families’ adaptation to and satisfaction with military life affect the soldiers’ professional careers. This is because family happiness is very important for soldiers in the military. Soldiers who consider their family to be unhappy may leave their military duty prematurely. This causes the military to lose qualified and experienced personnel. The task motivation decreases in soldiers who are unable to leave the military. These soldiers cause administrative casualties, especially in the battlefield.Military service is a difficult and risky profession by its nature. Soldiers have to serve in all kinds of terrain and environments in both times of war and peace. While performing their military duty, what is demanded from the soldiers also gets imposed on the families of the soldiers. The main challenges of the military profession are risk of injury/death, separation, relocation, and living abroad.Families experience separation as a result of assignment or deployment to garrisons where families are not allowed. These duties affect family members’ physical health, mental health, marital satisfaction, and attitudes toward the military. The aim of this study is to measure the effects these duties that cause soldiers serving in the Turkish military who have recently served in different geographies to separate from their families have on their spouses and to offer suggestions to increase family satisfaction with the military lifestyle.A military family has a structure that consists of spouses or couples living together, with or without children, perhaps with adopted children who reside in the same place where at least one of the partners has a job in the military. The families of those performing compulsory military service are not included in this definition.Militaries make various demands from their soldiers in order to fulfill the tasks assigned to them. These demands directly or indirectly put pressure on the soldiers’ families because the family is expected to support the military in adapting to military institutions’ demands and expectations and fulfilling the responsibilities imposed on the soldier. However, changes in society and the family structure have made this adaptation process problematic for families. Increased work-family conflicts within the family as a result of women becoming more involved in business life and the increase in the number of married soldiers have revealed the need for militaries to take steps in regard to military families.&nbsp;Military families are located at the intersection of military and family. The military asks soldiers to fulfill their duties and responsibilities, as well as to meet what is expected from them in their role as the military parent in the family. In particular, the military family expects the soldier to be with the family at special times and for the soldier to spend energy and time on the family.The military differs from other institutions in terms of its expectations from soldiers and their families. This is because the military is one of the rare institutions that fully requests other institutions to fulfill the different demands they want their members to fulfill. Although the frequency and severity of the difficulties experienced during the military profession may vary, the personnel and their families will experience them all throughout the process. The possibility military personnel will get injured or die during duty, get relocated, and get relocated due to assignments, become separated from family due to duty, or have to live in different countries are the things the military requests from soldiers and their families.Military personnel serving in the military are separated from their families at regular intervals for a period of time as a result of things such as their duties, courses, or exercises. This separation process is experienced for various reasons during peacetime and may last from a few days to a year; this can be much longer during wartime.Soldiers having to be separated from their families due to assignments or other similar reasons has serious effects on the lives of military spouses. The separation process and the reunion of the family after personnel return from duty are seen as great sources of stress in the lives of military families. While most military spouses are able to overcome the difficulties of this period, some may experience these difficulties more than others.MethodThis study uses the survey design, a quantitative research design, in order to examine the effects the difficulties of the military profession have on military spouses’ physical health, mental health, and general satisfaction and to determine spouses’ attitudes toward the military.Sample The Turkish Armed Forces has approximately 200,000 officers, non-commissioned officers, and specialist non-commissioned officers in service. The universe of this study consists of the spouses of officers, non-commissioned officers and specialist non-commissioned officers serving in the Land, Naval, and Air Forces, and determining the universe is not possible. Sampling was used because the entire universe in the study is formed of the spouses of soldiers, and accessing the entire universe is too difficult. The sample size has been calculated as 316 people at a 95% confidence interval and a 0.05 margin of error.&nbsp;Data Collection Tools A data collection tool was developed for gathering the data. The data collection tool consists of four parts. The first part asks questions to soldiers’ spouses about demographic information. The second part asks soldiers’ spouses questions adapted from the questionnaire applied to the wives of the soldiers serving in the US military by the Walter Reed Army Institute of Research. This section asks military spouses to answer questions about their experiences during deployments where families were unable to be taken. The third section and fourth sections use the Patient Health Questionnaire- Somatic, Anxiety and Depression Symptoms, whose validity and reliability studies were conducted by Yazıcı Güleç et al.FindingsParticipants’ Demographic CharacteristicsWhen examining the 316 participants’ distribution according to age groups, 7 (2.2%) were determined to be between 18-19 years old, 43 (13.6%) to be between 20-24, 109 (34.5%) to be between 25-29, 77 (24.4%) to be between 30-34, 57 (18.0%) to be between 35-39, and 23 (7.3%) to be 40 or older. When examining the participants’ distribution according to education level, 2 (0.6%) are seen to be literate but did not finish any schooling, 5 (1.6%) to be primary school graduates (5th grade), 13 (4.1%) to be secondary school graduates (8th grade), 77 (24.4%) to be high school graduates (or GED), 190 (60.1%) to be college or faculty graduates (BA), and 29 (9.2%) to have master’s or doctorates. When analyzing participants’ distribution according to employment status, 111 (35.1%) were determined to have paid jobs, 4 (1.3%) to be self-employed, 25 (7.9%) to be unemployed and looking for work, 6 (1.9%) to be students, 1 (0.3%) to be retired, and 141 (44.6%) to be housewives, while 28 (8.9%) chose “other”. When examining the participants’ distributions according to their spouses rank and branch of armed forces, 137 (43.4%) are seen to be married to specialist sergeants, 106 (33.5%) to noncommissioned officers, and 73 (23.1%) to officers; 238 (75.3%) are spouses of members of the Turkish Land Forces, 46 (14.6%) to members of Turkish Naval Forces, and 32 (10.1%) to members of the Turkish Air Force. Of the participants, 229 (72.4%) are married to spouses assigned to garrisons where families cannot be taken, and 87 (27.6%) to spouses not assigned to garrisons where families cannot be taken.The difference between the somatic symptoms scale averages of the groups was not significant (t = 1.23; p = .218). The somatic symptoms of the group whose spouses had been assigned to garrisons where families could not be taken were seen to resemble those of the group whose spouses had not been assigned to such garrisons.The differences between the groups’ averages for the scale regarding symptoms of depression (t = 5.33; p = .000) and symptoms of anxiety (t = 6.31; p = .000) were found to be significant. The anxiety and depression levels of those whose spouses were assigned to garrisons that could not take families were found to be significantly higher than those whose spouses were not assigned to such garrisons.As a result of the analyses, the difference between these groups’ mean marital satisfaction levels (t = -3.80; p = .000) was found to be significant. The marriage satisfaction levels of individuals whose spouses had not been assigned to garrisons that cannot take families were found to be significantly higher than those whose spouses had been assigned to such garrisons.Results and RecommendationsWhen examining the answers soldiers’ spouses gave to the patient health questionnaire used in the research, the somatic symptoms of the group whose spouses had been assigned to garrisons where families could not be taken and was seen to resemble that of the group whose spouses had not been assigned to such garrisons. When examining the studies in the literature, one study obtained data from 130 military spouses and compared the somatic symptoms of one group whose spouses had been assigned to garrisons where families could reside (62 military spouses) with another group whose spouses were garrisoned but could not take families (68 military spouses). That study found the somatic symptoms scores of those whose spouses were soldiers assigned to garrisons where families were not taken to be higher than those whose spouses had not been assigned to such garrisons. A study conducted by the USA Military determined that women whose spouses had been assigned to garrisons where families could not be taken showed somatic symptoms such as fatigue, headache, menstrual pain (menses), sleep problems, and eating disorders. A similar study conducted with data obtained from the wives of 346 soldiers concluded the physical health of women whose spouses had been assigned to garrisons where families could not be taken to have deteriorated. Contrary to the literature, the similarity of somatic symptoms between the two groups in this study is attributed to the fact that the spouses of some of the women in the sample had returned from their assignment and these women’s physical health had improved.When examining the data obtained from the sample, the anxiety and depression levels of those whose spouses had been assigned to non-family garrisons were found to be significantly higher than those whose spouses had not been assigned to such garrisons. These duties start the separation process in the family and are seen to negatively affect the mental health of military spouses. During this time, the problems family members experience reduce the motivation of military personnel. Studies are found in the literature that support this research result. One study conducted with 8,056 military spouses compared the mental health of women whose spouses were on nongarrisoned duty, women whose spouses had recently returned from non-garrisoned duty, and women who belonged to neither group. The mental health of spouses of soldiers who’d been separated more frequently due to non-garrisoned duty was worse than the others. A study conducted with the spouses of 940 soldiers assigned to Iraq and Afghanistan determined that 182 of these spouses met the criteria for major depression and anxiety disorder.As a result of the data obtained from the research sample, the marital satisfaction levels of those whose spouses were not assigned to garrisons not able to take families were higher than those whose spouses were assigned to such garrisons. Marriage satisfaction and marital quality were measured in a study conducted with the wives of 100 soldiers deployed to Egypt as part of the peace support operation of the US military between 1994-1995. These measurements were made with data obtained from the spouses before, during and after the assignment. The researchers found the spouses’ marital satisfaction to decrease during the assignment but to have no overall long-term change; in other words, no significant change occurred in the quality of the marriage over time. The rate of couples remaining married for those who’d had problems in their relationships before the assignment was low.Military families should be the first priority of militaries that want to keep soldiers long-term within their own structure. Military families’ harmony, satisfaction, and quality of life are directly related to the importance the military attaches to families as well as the policies they implement. Family happiness and well-being is important for soldiers. Soldiers who think their families are happy also have long careers in the military. Having leaders in units who take care of the families of the military personnel under their command and try to solve their problems increases the morale and motivation of the personnel; this support also positively affects the success of the union.&nbsp;

Aile Götürülemeyen Garnizon Dışı Görevlerin Asker Eşlerinin  Fiziksel Sağlığı, Ruh Sağlığı ve Evlilik Memnuniyeti  Üzerindeki Etkileri

Mustafa

Being isolated from social structures and physically separate, military structures have developed cultural habits, views, and behaviors different than civilians. As a sub-branch of sociology, the subject of civil-military relations for military sociology is aimed at addressing the areas where this subgroup (the military) differs from the upper group (society) using a holistic approach. The subject of the civil-military gap also takes its reference from here. Civil-military relations in Turkey have been analyzed through an assembly based on concessions and assumptions between civilians and soldiers by ignoring the social processes that have caused differences between the two groups. For this reason, our study attempts to explain the emergence and developmental stages of the civil-military gap debate as a missing dimension in the analysis of civil-military relations in Turkey.As a part of the modern bureaucratic structure, militaries must be strong and organized to protect societal interests but weak enough to not direct this power against the society they protect (Feaver, 1999, p. 215). Upon examining this statement, two main issues of the civil-military relations debates become visible: What is the relationship between civilians and soldiers, who have a duty to protect the society and are equipped with different values and armed forces than the civilians, and how can this relationship be carried out in favor of democratic procedures?One of the traditional concerns of civil-military relations is the military’s direct intervention in power where political authority is deprived of its powers. While this concern is the most serious point, another less worrying issue is that, even if a military does not destroy society, it will engage in a power struggle with the civilian authority and use its power to protect its own interests by not yielding to civilian superiority. Bernard Boëne (1990, p. 27) converted this into the following question: “How can society maintain a relationship of trust and harmony with those responsible for its security?” Answers to this question are grouped under three different designs of control: All the official laws and rules around the chain of command over which the military is accountable to society; integration of the military with social relations; sharing responsibility or providing cooperation through a division of labor among decision makers (Bland, 1999; Feaver, 2003; Huntington, 1957; Janowitz, 1961; Schiff, 1995).In addition to investigating the areas of differences or similarities between soldiers and society, the civil-military gap also examines the dynamics that separate military and political leaders from each other and cause problems in national security assessments, as well as the presence of a potential culture (attitudes, views, values) that negatively threatens the civil-military relationship (Rahbek-Clemmensen et al., 2012). The civil-military gap debate shows “the effects of society, including military activity, on the role, structure and culture of the armed forces” on one hand and “the consequences for the reputation and legitimacy of the behavior of the armed forces as an organization that fights on behalf of society” on the other (Dandeker, 2001, p. 4).&nbsp;Civil-military relations in military sociology include the processes of control over the army by the civilian authority and the state and also examine how society and other state institutions relate to the military using survey-type studies (Başpınar, 2012b, p. 130).Huntington (year) proposed an army of professional soldiers who are politically neutral, isolated from political processes, and fully focused on winning wars. In this direction, an absolute distinction is advocated between armed forces and social values and between the civilian and military spheres of influence in order to maintain military effectiveness and army functionality (Snider &amp; Carlton-Carew, 1995, pp. 3–4). Rejecting the separation of military officers from civil society and creating a different structure, Janowitz viewed the separation between civil and military fields as both unnecessary and impossible (Caforio, 2006, pp. 17–18). Being separate from society, armed forces will cause a loss of reputation and meaning by jeopardizing the social acceptance they need (Janowitz, 1971; Steinbrecher &amp; Biehl, 2021, p. 191). Janowitz additionally stated a dynamic relationship to exist between armed forces and society through personnel exchange (new recruits joining the army and retirees leaving the army).Revisiting the issue in the post-Cold War era, Ricks (1997) was concerned about the potential and dangerous consequence of the weakening of American soldiers’ propensity to represent the community and about the military possibly becoming a semi-autonomous organization too large to be accountable to those it serves. Ricks supported his argument using three changes he had observed in the conditions of civil society, the military, and security: The military power as an actor in political processes has the potential for scaling through (1) the increasing detachment from civilian values with the transition to voluntary forces in the army, (2) the increasing emphasis on liberal values being in conflict with military values in civil society, and finally (3) the encounter with a permanent army larger than in times of peace as a result of changes in the international security environment, thus having the nature of threats be reinterpreted by civilians. The lack of empirical data was eliminated with the project study prepared with the support of the Triangle Institute for Security Studies (TISS) under the editorship of Feaver and Kohn. Later on, a project titled The Civil-Military Gap in the United States: Does It Exist, Why, and Does It Matter was prepared by RAND Cooperation under the editorship of Thomas S. Szayna with the support of the USA Armed Forces and focused on the 9/11 attacks and the impact of the Iraq War on civilian control.The issue of the civil-military gap has also been on the agenda of European countries. Even though the abolition of compulsory military service and the transition to voluntary forces were discussed in the debate in France and Germany, due to the long history of voluntary military service in the UK, the debate involved the decline in the participation in the armed forces among the youth as well as the full inclusion of women, homosexuals, and ethnic minorities in the army (Kümmel, 2007; Strachan, 2010, Vennesson, 2010).&nbsp;The civil-military gap has been at the center of discussions on civil-military relations in the post-World War II era. Institutional approaches have emerged in this period and later turned into a multi-faceted debate over certain problem areas in the United States. Although the Turkish Armed Forces recruit human resources for its professional staff from certain segments of society, how they are distributed is unknown. Similarly, although the operation has expanded its sphere of influence to the international arena, which views are valid in political preferences and how the common values between soldiers differ from civilians are also unknown. Contrary to the political-military model of the past, the facts that significant differences exist in the democratic control processes of the modern period, that civil-military relations crises are experienced, and that solutions are needed in response to this suggest that civil-military gap studies in Turkey will increase.&nbsp;

Askerî Sosyolojide Sivil-Asker Mesafesi Tartışmaları

Umut

Propaganda is viewed as an indispensable element of modern war and has been used as an effective tool since people lived in communities. Propaganda activities carried out during both war and peace times appear as an element that enables societies to act together in line with a specific purpose. Definitions made about the content of propaganda focus on the motives for influencing a group by means of indoctrination. In this process, the owners of the discourse generally attempt to convince any group of the correctness and validity of their ideas without resorting to violence. When looking at the history of propaganda, similar efforts are seen to even have been made in the context of ruler-andruled relations in ancient times. Although such initiatives were not called propaganda in those times, they can be said to have served similar purposes in terms of content and application. Governments in ancient times attempted to transfer their ideas and experiences to society using propaganda-type activities for both political and military purposes. One encounters the means of propaganda to differ at this point. In fact, various tools have been used for this purpose in line with the technical possibilities possessed in the different divisions of civilization. Despite propaganda activities carried out verbally and in writing having quite different techniques, their aims can be said to meet on more or less the same point. In times of war, aims such as providing the motivation war requires by involving society in the process and neutral groups in the struggle or by alleviating suffering from troubles can be said to come to the fore; however, those in power in times of peace can be said to resort to such activities with the intention of ensuring their own legitimacy and strengthening their power.Many examples of propaganda activities being carried out by means of monuments, mausoleums, or inscriptions located at the hub of social life were present in ancient times. Such structures are undoubtedly tools that have left traces on the imagination of the society to which they had visual appeal. These types of structures, especially those in the center of social life in communities with a settled life, ensure that everyone in that group can easily receive the message. In this respect, studies on the history of propaganda have felt the need to search for the first examples of such efforts in ancient Greek sites. Based on this view, these types of activities associated with the art of governing have been sought predominantly in settled societies. In addition to the Greek example, units of ancient civilization as China and Egypt have been referenced as regions where similar efforts had been made. The activities carried out by the church, especially in the Middle Ages, have been evaluated in the context of propaganda after the examples indicative pf very early times. The papal attempts at organizing the Crusades have been frequently mentioned in this context. In 1622, when Pope Gregory XV established the official propaganda office of the Catholic Church under the name of Sacra Congregatio Christiana Nomini Propaganda, the concept began to appear frequently in the literature with its own original content. Propaganda involving predominantly religious discourse became widespread in the West after this date.&nbsp;&nbsp;Technological developments, the spread of mass media, and the acceleration of printing activities in particular have greatly expanded propaganda activities and their sphere of influence. Similar efforts were made in almost every region as an indispensable element of war times, with propaganda beginning to be institutionalized following World Wars I and II. Having gained more systematic usage in modern times, propaganda has appeared with rich content in terms of historical examples. The elements of psychological warfare that can be evaluated within the framework of propaganda are an application that almost every society has resorted with quite a variety of techniques. In this respect, even contemporary propaganda researchers do not hesitate to talk about ancient Chinese example of psychological warfare and Sun-Tzu.Propaganda and psychological warfare practices in history are not limited to settled communities, as current studies are intensely processing. Such efforts have also been seen in the steppe societies since very early times. The methods used by the Mongols with regard to psychological warfare in particular have been frequently mentioned. In addition, the inscriptions belonging to the Göktürk era, known as the Orkhon Inscriptions, also have a narrative that can be evaluated within the framework of propaganda. These inscriptions were erected by the Göktürk leaders and are on a mausoleum complex in terms of their location. This had appealed to the Göktürk society of the period both in terms of content and image. The Khans who prepared the inscriptions stated wanting the texts there to be known by everyone and thus erected them in places everyone could access. The events in the inscriptions are not just a simple battle narrative. The various experiences of the Göktürks and the wars they waged were conveyed in a focused literary language. In this respect, the texts appear quite far removed from a haphazard historical source. The Göktürk state rulers faced their society and ancestors through the inscriptions. They often felt the need to give advice. What should be paid attention to in terms of the survival of the restored state is emphasized over and over again with great complexity. Among the issues raised, particular attention was drawn to the hostile elements. At this point, China comes to the fore more compared to the communities mentioned in the context of hostility in the inscriptions. The inscriptions were erected during the Second Turkic Khaganate, and the information at hand shows the people around Ilterish Qaghan, who’d revived the state, to have been educated people since Tonyukuk. Tonyukuk prepared the first inscriptions and was a statesman who’d grown up in China. Tonyukuk, who knew China and its politics well, advised both Ilterish and his son Bilge Khagan as a consultant. China was where the Göktürks had experienced the most difficult struggles and is evaluated in the inscriptions from a different perspective. Although the Göktürks had light relations with China during the time of Bilge Khagan, the ancient point of view had not changed, and China’s negative aspects were emphasized. While warning society using examples from the past, the Khans also described how China thought from time to time and decorated the inscriptions with the bad events that could happen if they were to be fooled by their policies.&nbsp;One important detail in the Orkhon Inscriptions is the intensity of military terminology. These terms are observed to be repeated in many lines of the Tonyukuk, Kul-Tegin, and Bilge Khagan Inscriptions that we’ve examined. Some of the prominent concepts in the work have been evaluated in the context of military propaganda. However, the military terminology in question has allowed us to make some explanations about the Göktürk army structure. The literary language used while conveying the events in the inscriptions containing military terms is consistent, and the narrative is strengthened with certain similes and belief motifs. Expressions such as “The enemy’s soldier is like a sheep, and my father is like a wolf” are seen as types that would have positively affected the society’s warrior motivations. The extraordinary efforts of the Göktürk khagans in times of war have also ben conveyed very impressively.Apart from the elements that we evaluate within the framework of military propaganda, many statements about the legitimacy of the Orkhon administrative family are understood to be present in the inscriptions. Propaganda is not only seen to have been a method used in times of war throughout history but to also have served as a tool of power for the rulers. Similarly, the Orkhon Inscriptions also have references to the sanctity of the ruling family. Such situations are interpreted together with the concepts of kut [happiness/fortune] and töre [customs] in old Turks within the work. Tonyukuk must be noted as having constructed a different discourse in terms of legitimacy compared to the three inscriptions we’ve evaluated. While describing both his military and administrative activities in the inscriptions he prepared, Tonyukuk lists his own efforts on behalf of the Göktürk community. Some of the struggles observed between the ruling family may also be traced in this narrative, because Bilge Khagan is mentioned only in 2 places in this inscription, while Kul-Tegin’s is not at all. A calmer portrait also stands out in the discourse on enemies. The Kul-Tegin and Bilge Khagan Inscriptions have discourses that become a little sharper. Perhaps this denotes a harsher discourse to occur with the title of khagan.This study has evaluated the narratives in the Orkhon Inscriptions within the context of propaganda and is also important in terms of showing the implements the steppe khagans had regarding state administration. Through their discourse in the inscriptions, the khagans appear to have been people who knew their society and were knowledgeable about the policies of those they struggled against. Of course, inscriptions were not texts erected only for the khagans’ legitimacy or for military purposes. However, all the subtleties of the art of administration can be seen in these texts, which also have the quality of a policy book. The parts that we’ve compared with modern propaganda techniques show the Orkhon rulers during the ancient period to have developed a discourse construction that would not fail to fill the shoes of its contemporary elements.&nbsp;

Köktürk Yazıtlarının “Askerî Propaganda” Bağlamında  Değerlendirilmesi

Halil

Res. Assist.

Islamic Propaganda by the French During the Occupation of  Egypt (1798-1801)

Sedat

How can a connection be established between the philosophical theory of war and peace and its sociological explanations? For instance, one may pose the question, “Through which variables can a potential link be established between Kant’s text on perpetual peace and the current literature on military sociology?” While Kant does have a philosophical essay on perpetual peace, he does not have a separate text on war; on the other hand, the current military psychology is considered the specific sociological discipline on military service, the military, and war in which peace is viewed as an incidental theme. Despite the relationships philosophy has with the social sciences in general and sociology in particular appear disconnected, some points of contact are still identifiable. This article is based on the assumption that significant direct and indirect connections are present apart from the limited points of contact, especially in the case of Kant.Kant’s critical philosophical project has evolved as a philosophical basis for legitimate science, secular morality, and perpetual peace, both nationally and internationally. Due to the political arena involving perpetual peace ultimately coming face to face with the historical world, however, this field can neither be characterized by moral principles not be the subject of scientific knowledge. Kant identified perpetual peace as a conceivable hope. Not only did European history witness events while Kant was alive that would show this hope to be practically impossible, some of Kant’s contemporaries and disciples appeared more inclined to develop a theory of possible absolute warfare. This situation resulted in Kant’s views on peace coming to a standstill as a frustrated utopia; in terms of the social sciences, the subject was stuck within the framework of political science and international relations. Historians are accepted from the sociological point of view to record individual wars in terms of what occurred, while philosophers explore the nature of war. In terms of sociology, war accordingly can first and foremost be explained or understood in terms of these individual events being social phenomena. In terms of our hypothesis, this scenario is a problematic distinction that was established in the 19th century.In the conditions under which sociology emerged as an autonomous science, it possessed the claim of producing scientific knowledge about “that which is social” in the broadest sense. Since the first founding methodological studies of sociology, however, various sociological approaches have emerged in light of the nature of what is social and the conditions of knowledge, namely the issue of the object and meaning specific to sociology. The categories prominent in terms of the issue of object have perpetuated as social relations, social phenomena, social interactions, and social action. In terms of the issue of meaning, the basic distinction emerges between explanation and understanding. These similar alternatives that propel and govern a prospective research practice are clearly consistent with philosophical theories. In fact, the studies that began under the conditions of World War II in Europe and America and gained momentum since the 1970s have added a detailed critique of the methodological issues in sociology to projects in regard to the general restructuring of the social sciences. However, no adaptation of these criticisms to military sociology has been observed nor the tendency of any study questioning the methodological foundations in military sociology. On the contrary, military sociology presents itself as a discipline that has emerged under the conditions of World War II.The philosophical theories of war and peace within the self-presentation of military sociology clearly have not been able to find room within the discipline. Moreover, the assumption that archaic topics such as military service, the military, and war first came together in specific research within military sociology implicitly neglects classical sociology. In fact, military sociology has presented itself problematically as an autonomous discipline by seeking concrete, practical solutions regarding the issues within the US military since World War II. To accept the self-presentation of military sociology means to implicitly narrow sociology to the boundaries of specific research practices in accordance with American sociology. However, constructing a solid general framework for this discipline cannot be done by simply looking at military sociology studies, as the theoretical and social sources of the discipline are older. The closer one gets to these sources, the clearer the possible links become between the philosophical theories of peace and military sociology.War is a relational notion that operates within a certain dynamic of change and continuity in terms of historical-social relations. The moment a war emerges within historical space, it cannot be positioned between the past and future by considering the war as a concrete object a researcher can hold or oppose with respect to its internal or external borders. For this reason, a given historical moment can by no means be characterized by a certain phenomenon with reference to an obligatory choice between a state of war and peace. However, current ideas have developed in the following directions: (i) historical warfare against an ahistorical ideal of peace, (ii) the historical incarnation of the ahistorical opposition of war and peace, and (iii) the historical dialectic and displacement between war and peace. The ahistorical category of these alternatives in moral and legal character also being essentially historical (i.e., the place of meaning being determined historically) shows the deep relationship among the three possibilities. Kant was the one to establish this relationship for the first time; this is because history as is known in Western thought parallels the relevant modernity, and Kant was the first to declare the original ahistorical context illegitimate by way of historically identifying the place meaning has in relation to the object of research. Thus, both sides of the historical and ahistorical (ideological) distinction in the social sciences are essentially based on a historical-relational ultimate basis in the sense of the “here and now.” The result of Kant’s attempt was the derivation of historical and&nbsp;&nbsp;ahistorical categories from within what is historical contained in the logic of the sciences. The distinction between historical and ahistorical in sociology is seen between positivism and historicism in particular. However, this distinction is fictional, and the prevalent ahistorical category is actually ideological. Namely, this distinction is primarily embedded in a limited historical context through America during and after World War II in terms of contemporary military sociology.The purpose of this article is to attempt to answer the research question using Kant’s text Perpetual Peace. The article first points out the opening of the basic connection between philosophical theory and sociological explanation in general and then the interrelationship between the philosophical theory of perpetual peace and social analysis in particular. As a result, the searches for solutions to the highly diversified concrete, practical problems of military sociology have been conducted over a deep structure composed of theoretical and social sources, and this structure is problematic from a metatheoretical point of view.&nbsp;

Ebedi Barış ve Askeri Sosyoloji İlişkisi Üzerine Bir İnceleme

Salih

Assoc. Prof.

Furkan

Militarizasyon MENA Ülkelerinde Çevresel Kirliliği Nasıl  Etkiliyor?

Birol

The work Sodom and Gomorrah appeared before readers in 1928 and tells of the events that took place between the Allied occupation of Istanbul and the National Struggle. One of the themes of the work is the encounter between self and other on the axis of East and West. This encounter has the occupation forces representing the West, in particular the British and the French, some of the local people who acted alongside these soldiers, the non-Muslim subjects of the Ottoman Empire, and the Turks who still believed in independence and did not want to accept this invasion.The Introduction discusses the relationship between self and other and the East-West plane of this relationship. The first heading of the text, which is examined under four main headings, is “The Domination of Foreign Soldiers: The Slave-Master Relationship;” its subject deals with the foreign soldiers’ encounters with Turkish people and is based on Hegel’s master and slave dialectic. In the novel, Captain Jackson Read, who was in Istanbul for the Occupation, had military and administrative duties, and been raised with military discipline, is described as the “master.” The first hero the British officer encounters is the manicurist girl. The girl is attracted to Jackson Read. But the British officer has no feelings for the girl who comes up to his feet to give a manicure. For him, the existence of the girl consists of meeting his own needs. Sami Bey, who hosted Jackson Read at the beginning of the novel, is merely the enslaved type. Retired from Düyun-u Umumiye, Sami Bey has a European style and meets up with Jackson Read thanks to his wide circle in Beyoğlu; after two or three meetings, he invites him to his home and aims to gather benefits. Sami Bey, who opened the doors of his house to the occupation forces until the end, is not disturbed by the fact that his daughter Leyla is seen with foreign soldiers and is also pleased with the situation. After all, at the end of the novel, Sami Bey is seen to have not believed in the National Struggle; he doesn’t think he’ll succeed and feels Istanbul will again be under the domination of the Turks. Sami Bey acts with the reflex of unconditional obedience as one whose self-consciousness has been erased and sees the British as the masters. Necdet opposes the occupation forces in the book and is depicted as an enemy of the British; he hates the foreign soldiers in general for their occupation of Istanbul, as he is particularly interested in Leyla more than Jackson Read. Realizing the situation, the occupation forces try to erase Necdet’s self-awareness as they view themselves as the master (i.e., capable of dominating anyone they want). Necdet is seen to lose the fight to the occupation forces, who are shown as the “self” at this point because his anti-British sentiment did not turn into action; as a result, he evolved to having a slave mentality and was marginalized before he could reach self-awareness. In addition, features such as the French organization of a concert for the injured French soldiers in the Çanakkale Front and its advertisement in the newspapers for days, and the printing of invitations in English and French for Leyla’s invitation, and the marginalization of Istanbul’s Turkish identity indicated that the occupation forces acted with the consciousness of master and that some people like Leyla had accepted the slave mentality.&nbsp;When coming to the final stages of the occupation, Captain Jackson Read and George Marlow make an account of the loss of their struggle with the Turks. Here Jackson Read is seen to belittle the Turks’ victory and to still consider himself the master despite losing this war. Seeing the rest of the world as slaves who are obliged to serve them, the Captain wants to return to his homeland as soon as possible to benefit from this abundance. But Marlow says it’s a sick view. According to him, the British people marginalized everywhere and everyone except themselves. Partial acceptance appears in the letter Jackson Read wrote to his mother near the end of the occupation regarding the lost struggle against the Turks, who are seen as the “other.” For the Captain, who is glad to leave these lands despite the lost war, the Turks should be under the rule of his “self”. In the continuation of the letter, he mentions the Turks’ hatred toward the British. Jackson Read, who takes the shape of the “self” with these expressions, changes the method of struggle and purposes that the other is unable to achieve self-consciousness by always retaining a dependent mentality.Necdet is the only hero to overcome the slavery mentality and create a new consciousness in the novel. He cannot tolerate foreign soldiers persecuting the Turks. Witnessing insults to a crippled soldier on the tram is the particular beginning of Necdet’s self-awareness. Leyla was the reason for Necdet’s lack of self-consciousness at the beginning of the novel. By being isolated from Leyla, he grew to want to remove the othering in his own country and enslaved environment, and even entered a new struggle with the enemy forces.The section Foreign Soldiers as Others, being the second heading of the study, involves the Occidental views of Cemil Kâmi and Necdet from among the heroes of the novel. The most distinctive feature of Necdet is that he had a grudge against the occupation forces, especially the British, and saw them as the other and strangers to the city. The narrator attributes the roots of Necdet’s hostility toward the English to the ideas he’d received from Heine as a result of his education in Germany followed by the invasion of the country. Necdet’s grudge is defined as Anglophobia. The elements that make up Necdet’s “self” are his determination to struggle, self-sacrifice, honor, and patriotism. Cemil Kami, on the other hand, is disturbed by the foreign soldiers he encounters in Istanbul, having returned after a long time away. The identity that forms Cemil Kami’s “self” are racial characteristics such as the language and appearance that are part of this identity. Apart from these, the countenances he encounters and the language he hears appear to him as the “other.”The third heading, The Manifestation of Western Consciousness: Foreign Soldiers and Women, addresses the perspective of women and their attitude toward foreign soldiers in the context of the soldiers’ romances with the women from the perspective of the “self” and the “other.” Leyla stands out from among these women. When Jackson Read is with Leyla, he emphasizes her otherness and expresses his admiration for her exoticism, dark skin, and black eyes. Fearing that falling in love with a Turkish girl in Istanbul, the place he’d come to invade, would cause him disgrace in London, the Captain questions his relationship with Leyla. This is because his tradition encounters everything outside his own race and culture as the “other.” Leyla is depicted as an English enthusiast in the novel; she is a subject of the West who’s been estranged from the society in which she lives, is curious about modern life and a fan of the English, enjoys showing this, appears snobby and snooty in the presence of strangers, runs about from evening tea to morning strolls, and has no livelihood. Leyla’s modern passion for life and European lifestyle are the most important things connecting her to Jackson Read. Leyla has no element that reveals her Turkish identity because she consciously been assimilated. Azize Hanım [Lady Azize] and Madam Jimson show similar characteristics. The only difference between Azize Hanım and Madam Jimson is religion. Although both are members of this society, they are of the type who reject their identity, try to get a high-ranking occupation officer despite being married, and act like Westerners who claim no chastity.The last heading, Imaginary Other, discusses the traces of the image of the Imaginary East as created by the West in the Orientalist discourse. With no experience of the East, the West has made it an object of desire in its mental world, denigrated it when appropriate, and shaped it through the whims of its prejudices. Eastern women, sultans, harems, sexual fantasies, concubines, hamams [bathhouses], sheikhs, and pashas occupy important places in this imagining. In the novel, foreign soldiers use Westernproduced images of the East while describing each of them negatively. The depiction of the Imaginary East is processed through Captain George Marlow in particular. For example, Marlow likens Jackson Read to an Ottoman pasha while expressing his lassitude and relationship with women. In Marlow’s perception of the East, a pasha involves a lazy sexual element of one who is surrounded by beautiful concubines, has a large harem, lays down with a new woman every night, and smokes hash and hookahs. The idea of the Imaginary East is generally presented through Captain George Marlow, stemming from his desire to realize his sexual perversions and fantasies in the geography of the “other.” The traces of the sultan myth from A Thousand and One Nights are seen in Jackson Read’s encounter with Şehnaz Sultan. According to this myth, the “sultan princess,” or Sultana, is beautiful, adorned with various jewels, lives in the palace, is fairy-tale-like, and an object of desire whose husband suddenly chases after due to her inviting demeanor. The Sultana in the novel is the niece of the sultan and wife of Nail Pasha. Jackson Read considers the encounter “an adventure” because he knows the Sultana is married. He emphasizes her mystery by calling her a woman whose “skin has not seen the sun.” Jackson Read carefully examined the palace where the Sultana lived, her clothes and behavior, and then exited the fairy-tale world. Both Marlow and Jackson Read realized that the reality they encountered in Istanbul did not match the East of their dreams.&nbsp;

“Ben ve Öteki” Bağlamında Yakup Kadri’nin Sodom ve  Gomore Romanında Yabancı Askerler

Revisiting Institutional/Occupational Model in Turkish Military

İsmail

Prof. Dr.

Call for Papers Special Issue on “Subjectivities in the Digital Economy”

CALL FOR PAPERS-SPECIAL ISSUE

Istanbul University Journal of Sociology. Call for Papers-June 2025

Opening Pathways out of Homelessness

Ali Kamil Başar, “Governor of the Homeless”: “There was a very good atmosphere of solidarity and cooperation in the ‘Home for the Homeless’.”

Lynette

Paula

“If I get an ID card then maybe I might be able to find a job and move forward…” Barriers to exiting homelessness in Croatia

Hakan

Res. Assist. Dr.

BackgroundHomelessness represents a complex, multifaceted issue confronting modern societies, affecting a wide range of individuals due to inadequate housing, lack of social support, and various socio-economic factors. Beyond the obvious lack of stable housing, homelessness involves diverse challenges such as mental health issues, substance abuse, and social exclusion (Crane et al., 2006). Therefore, the strategies to address homelessness must be equally comprehensive, incorporating multidimensional approaches that aim to provide long-term solutions. These strategies must also address the socio-economic, psychological, and interpersonal dimensions of homelessness to achieve sustainable outcomes for affected individuals.One of the key strategies employed to combat homelessness is street work, which involves direct engagement with individuals living on the streets. Street work is crucial because it enables service providers to identify the immediate needs of homeless individuals, offer support, and create tailored interventions that address both their urgent and long-term requirements (Bodelan, 2016). This approach is particularly valuable because it allows service providers to meet homeless individuals where they are, literally and metaphorically, and develop relationships based on trust and understanding. However, recent research highlights that former homeless individuals may serve as a unique and underutilized resource in street work. Their lived experiences equip them with a profound understanding of street life, enabling them to empathize deeply with those currently experiencing homelessness and communicate more effectively (Watson &amp; Cuervo, 2017). Former homeless individuals can leverage their experiences to serve as guides, role models, and motivational figures for those still on the streets, facilitating their transition to stable housing. However, while the potential for former homeless individuals to contribute positively to homelessness interventions is significant, their involvement in such efforts also presents challenges and risks. This study aims to explore the specific roles that former homeless individuals can play in combating homelessness, the characteristics that make them suitable for these roles, and the risks associated with their participation in street work.MethodThis qualitative study seeks to answer the central research question: “How can former homelessness be utilized as a resource in combating homelessness?” The research focuses on understanding the characteristics of former homeless individuals, the specific roles they can play in street work, the potential risks they face, and the most effective ways to harness their contributions. Given the exploratory nature of this research, a qualitative methodology was deemed most appropriate, as it allows for an in-depth exploration of participants’ lived experiences and perspectives (Yıldırım &amp; Şimşek, 2018).The study involved conducting in-depth interviews with 11 participants who had professional or voluntary experience working in homelessness services. These participants were selected based on two criteria: their prior experience of homelessness and their current or past involvement in homelessness interventions, either as volunteers or professionals. The data were collected using a semi-structured interview format, allowing for flexibility in exploring participants’ experiences while ensuring that key topics were covered. The interviews were analyzed thematically, identifying key themes related to the roles, challenges, and contributions of former homeless individuals in street work.ResultsThe thematic analysis revealed several key findings regarding the roles of former homeless individuals in street work and the potential risks they face. First, the study found that former homeless individuals possess a deep and nuanced understanding of the dynamics of street life, which enables them to empathize with current homeless individuals in ways that service providers without such experiences may struggle to do. This insight allows them to anticipate the needs of those still living on the streets and engage in communication that is both effective and sensitive to the challenges these individuals face. Additionally, former homeless individuals were found to be well-equipped to serve as role models and guides for current homeless individuals. Their successful transitions from homelessness to stable housing provide them with credibility and relatability, enabling them to offer both practical guidance and motivational support. Their lived experiences allow them to demonstrate to others that overcoming homelessness is possible, instilling hope and motivation in those still struggling.However, the study also identified several risks associated with involving former homeless individuals in street work. The most significant risk is re-traumatization, as returning to the streets—an environment that once caused them great distress—may trigger past emotional and psychological pain. The experience of homelessness is inherently traumatic, involving exposure to violence, neglect, and instability (Goodman et al., 1991). Thus, even after securing housing, former homeless individuals may carry deep psychological scars. Engaging in street work, particularly when working directly with current homeless individuals, may exacerbate these scars, leading to emotional setbacks.Another potential risk is that former homeless individuals may struggle to manage their desire to help, leading them to overstep boundaries in their relationships with&nbsp;current homeless individuals. The strong empathy they feel for those still on the streets may cause them to blur the lines between professional support and personal involvement, which could compromise the effectiveness of their interventions and lead to emotional burnout (Breyer, 2020). Moreover, there is a risk that former homeless individuals may project their own experiences onto others, assuming that the path they followed out of homelessness is the only valid approach. This can result in a lack of flexibility and sensitivity to the diverse needs and experiences of current homeless individuals.Finally, there is the potential for abusing, where former homeless individuals might misuse their position to prioritize personal gain over the well-being of those they aim to help. In some cases, individuals may exploit their past experiences of homelessness to gain social or financial advantages, undermining the integrity of the support they provide. This risk is particularly pronounced in situations where former homeless individuals are not adequately supported or monitored, as the power dynamics between them and the homeless individuals they work with can be easily manipulated (Potter, 2006).To mitigate these risks, the study suggests that the involvement of former homeless individuals in street work should be carefully managed. It is recommended that their role in such work not be based solely on having secured housing but also on their psychosocial recovery. Moreover, former homeless individuals should receive training in psychological resilience, communication skills, and crisis management before engaging in outreach work. Continuous support should be provided to them throughout their involvement in street-level work to ensure they are emotionally and mentally equipped to handle the challenges. The study also suggests that former homeless individuals can contribute in roles beyond direct street outreach. They could serve as consultants to those working in the field, helping professionals better understand the dynamics of street life. Additionally, they could play an active role in raising public awareness about homelessness, leveraging their personal experiences to educate and inform the broader community.Conclusion﻿The experiences of former homeless individuals offer a valuable resource in the fight against homelessness. Their empathy, communication skills, and deep understanding of street life can make them highly effective in helping current homeless individuals. However, their involvement in street work must be managed carefully to prevent the risks associated with re-traumatization, boundary violations, and exploitation. By providing appropriate training, ongoing support, and carefully defined roles, former homeless individuals can make a unique and meaningful contribution to homelessness interventions, helping to build trust, motivate change, and offer hope to those still struggling on the streets.

The Power of Experience: Utilizing Former Homelessness as a Resource to Combat Homelessness

Musa

The Role and Importance of Shelters in Overcoming Homelessness

Cengizhan

Yusuf

Homelessness is a global phenomenon affecting individuals from a biopsychosocial perspective (Genç et al., 2022). According to the UN Human Rights Commission Report and the UNECE (2018) panel results, there are approximately 100 million homeless individuals worldwide. This number accounts for more than 2% of the global population (UNECE, 2018, pp. 2-3). Jiménez-Lérida et al. (2023) reported that over 20% of the global population lacks proper or adequate housing. Additionally, 1.6 billion people live under inadequate conditions in slums or institutions under state protection (Metro Denver Homeless Initiative, 2015, pp. 3-13).&nbsp;Homeless individuals are a disadvantaged social group experiencing numerous problems simultaneously and multidimensionally (Aynacı, 2024, p. 51). The challenging processes they endure necessitate the implementation of various intervention programmes and combat strategies for homelessness. Services for the homeless are divided into preventive (early intervention) and protective (rehabilitative, restorative) services.Preventive services focus on identifying risk situations and supporting individuals at risk of homelessness before it occurs through various interventions, while protective services involve providing shelter, rehabilitation, and support to individuals after homelessness has occurred (Aynacı, 2024, pp. 80, 82). Preventive services may include reducing housing costs, applying tax reductions, providing discounts on health services, and offering assistance to family members (Shinn, 2004, p. 458). Protective services include providing soup kitchens, vocational training, counselling services, addiction education programmes/diagnosis and treatment, and personal care assistance (Evans, 2011, p. 26).Another dimension of protective service pertains to shelter-related services (Bekaroğlu-Doğan, 2020, p. 27). These services involve providing overnight care and meeting the needs of the homeless in various shelter institutions. Types of shelters include emergency shelters, temporary/permanent/supportive housing, paid accommodation, and gymnasiums (Harvey, 1999, p. 277). Shelters are often the first&nbsp;institutions that come to mind when discussing homelessness. They offer a place for the homeless to sleep, provide meals, showers, personal care, and protect them from street dangers while offering opportunities for social interaction with other homeless individuals (Aynacı, 2024, p. 83).Shelters are categorised into three types: “night shelters,” “day centres” / “drop-in centres,” and “full-day shelters/hostels” (Aynacı, 2024, p. 83). Each type of shelter has distinct characteristics and dynamics. Although these shelters provide various services to the homeless, the increasing number of homeless individuals has prompted discussions about shelter services.In recent years, shelter services for the homeless have been a prominent topic of discussion in the literature. The main focus of these discussions is whether priority should be given to housing models (Housing First model) or rehabilitation models (Staircase model) and what should be included in these models (McNaughton, 2008, p. 88; Roman &amp; Berg, 2004, p. 343). While these questions improve institutional models for the homeless, they do not offer specific solutions or inquiries about shelters. The content and development of services in shelters, which are the first institutions associated with institutional models for the homeless, are considered crucial for the psychosocial well-being of the homeless.The aim of this research is to explore the experiences of the homeless with shelters and to provide social work recommendations for shelters and the homeless based on the findings. The study employs a qualitative research method and an interpretive phenomenological design. The population of the study consists of homeless individuals in Kocaeli, Turkey, while the sample group comprises 30 homeless individuals selected through purposive sampling. Semi-structured interviews were conducted using a semistructured interview form and technique. The sample includes individuals with various types of homelessness: those still living on the street, those living in shelters, those who returned to shelters after overcoming homelessness, and those who went directly to shelters upon becoming homeless. In the study, all individuals are categorised as homeless regardless of their previous living conditions. Each of these individuals, regardless of living on the street, had different experiences with shelters.The main research question of the study is: “What are the experiences of the homeless with shelters?” Additionally, the study seeks to answer the following questions:<ul><li>Through which intermediaries have the homeless been placed in shelters?</li><li>What difficulties do the homeless encounter in shelters?</li><li>What are the expectations of the homeless from shelters?</li></ul>The research was conducted in accordance with the “08” number permission obtained from the Social and Human Sciences Ethics Committee of Sakarya University, Turkey, dated June 7, 2023. The data collection tool was a semi-structured interview form created by the researcher, and the analysis techniques were descriptive and content analysis. Audio recordings from the interviews were transcribed, and parts of the data such as words, sentences, or paragraphs were coded. Subsequently, concepts were categorised, and related concepts were grouped into categories. Similarly, related categories were analysed under a broader theme. The study identified three main themes: “intermediaries,” “difficulties,” and “expectations.” The findings are summarised as follows:&nbsp;<ul><li>Homeless individual access shelter facilities through various means, including referrals from other homeless individuals, social network actors, shelter employees, security personnel, and personal applications. The role of other homeless individuals in disseminating information about shelters indicates social networks and social capital patterns within the homeless community. These practises can also be interpreted as the outcomes of a homelessness subculture. The involvement of social network actors in guiding homeless individuals to shelters reflects societal sensitivity towards homelessness. Furthermore, the role of shelter employees and/or security personnel, such as police and municipal officers, in facilitating access to shelters highlights the implementation of demand-driven social services. Personal applications by homeless individuals indicate an awareness of their rights and citizenship.</li><li>The challenges faced by homeless individuals in shelters include issues related to rules, staff attitudes and behaviours, adaptation difficulties, material provisions, lack of standards, technical problems, and accessibility. Rules within institutions are often restrictive for street homeless individuals, limiting their perceived freedom and deterring them from using shelters. Negative attitudes and behaviours exhibited by shelter staff contribute to feelings of worthlessness among homeless individuals, reinforcing the marginalisation they experience in society and within their personal lives.</li><li>Among the homeless population, there are individuals who struggle to adapt to others in the shelter. Those who previously enjoyed above-average living standards were often hesitant to live in shelters and tend to stigmatise other homeless individuals, perceiving them as inferior. This stigmatisation leads to communication breakdowns and an inability to adapt to the shelter environment. Additionally, some homeless individuals, due to concerns over safety and selfcontrol, perceive shelters as insecure and avoid them altogether.&nbsp;</li><li>The quantity and quality of materials provided to the homeless often result in cleanliness and hygiene issues over time. Inadequate hygiene conditions lead&nbsp;to a loss of self-confidence, acceptance of uncleanliness, and social adaptation problems, ultimately paving the way for social exclusion.</li><li>The lack of standardised practises among shelters affects the level of satisfaction with the services provided and the motivation of homeless individuals to overcome homelessness. The reasons for these inconsistencies include variations in resources across countries, cities, and regions; the absence of standard social policies targeting homelessness; and insufficient theoretical and practical knowledge among public personnel regarding homelessness.</li><li>Homeless individuals’ expectations from shelters include psychosocial support, healthcare services, hygiene and cleanliness, social activities, and sustained institutional support.</li><li>The harsh conditions of homelessness adversely affect the biopsychosocial health of homeless individuals. Consequently, they require a psychosocial support unit where they can express themselves, communicate openly, and receive professional assistance, as well as a healthcare unit to address urgent health needs, provide treatments, and dispense medication. Homeless individuals believe that these units would enhance their biopsychosocial well-being.</li><li>Psychosocial support units play a critical role in empowering individuals, providing proper guidance, fostering personal and societal trust, encouraging community participation, and facilitating self-actualisation. Among homeless individuals, physical health is closely linked to mental health. Feelings of physical inadequacy negatively impact self-esteem and prevent homeless individuals from realising their potential.</li><li>Among the most significant challenges faced during homelessness are issues related to cleanliness and hygiene. These include the general cleanliness of shelters, the cleanliness of homeless individuals’ bodies and clothing, and the maintenance of rooms and beds, all of which shape their expectations regarding hygiene in shelters.</li><li>The social activity expectations of homeless individuals aim to address their psychosocial and mental needs. They desire shelters to organise periodic social activities tailored for them, as such activities are perceived as mitigating the negative emotions and thoughts experienced during homelessness.</li><li>Homeless individuals who are elderly, suffer from chronic illnesses, have limited or no income, possess weak or non-existent family ties, lack caregivers, are unable to work, or have low future aspirations exhibit very low or no motivation to escape homelessness. These individuals often expect a sustained shelter life, as their basic needs are met, and their future expectations remain minimal.</li></ul>Based on the findings of the study, the following recommendations are proposed regarding the content, scope, and operation of shelters:&nbsp;<ul><li>Homeless individuals should be approached not merely as applicants but with a value-oriented and humane perspective, ensuring that their basic human needs are not overlooked. Shelters should be transformed into empowering mechanisms that have a positive impact on the lives of homeless individuals.</li><li>Shelters should be established not on the outskirts or peripheral areas of cities but in locations where homeless individuals can meet their psychosocial needs. When designing shelters, the profiles of homeless individuals should be considered, prioritising horizontal architecture over high-rise buildings. Although the high value of central urban areas in metropolitan cities may pose challenges for local governments, shelter locations should facilitate the active participation of homeless individuals in society.</li><li>The internal and external structures of shelters (e.g., walls, rooms, cabinets) should be monitored regularly, and necessary repairs and renovations should be carried out in case of deterioration. In addition, routine cleaning and pest control in shelters are crucial for institutional identity and hygiene.</li><li>In cases where homeless individuals lack a registered address, the shelters should ensure that the necessary processes are initiated to help them access their rights. Moreover, informational materials should be provided to enhance their awareness of rights and citizenship.</li><li>Dedicated units should be established within shelters to address the psychosocial and spiritual needs of homeless individuals as well as their healthcare requirements. Professional personnel should staff these units.</li><li>Shelters should employ a multidisciplinary team of professionals, including social workers, psychologists, counsellors, sociologists, spiritual advisors, and healthcare personnel. Each staff member should perform intervention plans and programmes tailored to homeless individuals in line with their professional roles and multidisciplinary.</li><li>To support the social integration of homeless individuals, volunteer activities and workers should be incorporated into shelter services, with voluntary participation encouraged. The role of prosocial communication in shelter services should be emphasised. The presence of volunteers in shelters can have a dual benefit, positively affecting not only homeless individuals but also enhancing the services and the well-being of shelter staff.</li><li>Professionals working in shelters should know social work theories and practises, be culturally competent, and be informed about anti-stigmatising social work practises. Additionally, they should enhance their verbal and nonverbal communication skills and avoid negative attitudes, behaviours, and communication patterns towards homeless individuals.</li><li>Shelters should establish workshops in suitable areas where homeless individuals can participate in social activities and develop life skills. The progress of homeless individuals who acquire skills in these workshops should be monitored, and shelters should act as intermediaries to prepare them for reintegration into life. Periodic social activities and events organised outside the shelter by shelter management are also deemed important for empowering homeless individuals. Such initiatives can positively contribute to behaviour, emotional, and cognitive changes and to the processes of community integration and social inclusion.</li><li>To facilitate the employment of homeless individuals, shelters should collaborate with NGOs, public employment agencies (e.g., İŞKUR), and similar institutions to support the inclusion of employable homeless individuals in the workforce. Those seeking education should be directed to vocational training programmes. Expanding the successful collaboration practises observed in various cities across the country to a national level would yield more favourable outcomes in both the employment process and its subsequent monitoring.</li><li>Homeless individuals who do not meet the entry requirements for shelters should not be immediately excluded from the shelter system. Instead, after assessing their needs, they should be referred to appropriate institutions capable of providing the necessary care.</li></ul>

Shelter Experiences of the Homeless People: “One Wants To Feel Cared For”

This study explores homelessness, a widespread social issue in many global contexts, through the lens of charity, a core tenet of Turkish-Islamic culture. Specifically, it examines the role of mosques in addressing homelessness, given their significant presence in social life. Traditionally, state institutions and NGOs have led efforts to prevent and address social problems. However, mosques have historically played a central role in the everyday lives of Muslims, not only as places of worship but also as community centres addressing social challenges. In modern times, mosques are often viewed mainly as spaces for religious rituals, and their broader social functions have received less attention.&nbsp;Homelessness, often defined simply as a lack of shelter, is a far more complex issue. It is typically framed as a problem of poverty and housing shortage, but this view overlooks its deeper social, psychological, and economic dimensions. Homelessness reflects broader societal inequalities, including social exclusion, which deprives individuals of not only a home but also the social and psychological security that comes with it. As the number of homeless individuals grows globally and sociological perspectives on homelessness continue to evolve, there is a need for a more nuanced understanding of its multi-faceted nature.Social exclusion, a key sociological concept, helps frame homelessness in a broader context. It refers to processes that marginalise individuals or groups from social, economic, political, and cultural participation. This marginalisation manifests through economic deprivation, discrimination, and limited access to resources and opportunities. In the case of homelessness, social exclusion is both a cause and a consequence. People who are often marginalized experience homelessness due to their exclusion from housing, employment, and social services. Once on the streets, this exclusion deepens, further isolating homeless individuals from society and entrenching them in poverty. Homelessness is not only the absence of a home but also the absence of social support and a sense of belonging, which is vital to well-being.The relationship between social exclusion and homelessness creates a vicious cycle. Homelessness further isolates individuals, cutting them off from essential services, jobs, and social networks. This marginalisation increases their vulnerability, leading to deeper poverty and social isolation. From a sociological perspective, addressing homelessness requires more than just providing shelter; it involves reintegrating individuals into society, restoring their dignity, and reconnecting them with supportive networks and institutions. Mosques, with their strong tradition of charity (hayırseverlik) in Turkish-Islamic culture, play a critical role in this reintegration process.Charity has been central to the Turkish-Islamic culture, deeply embedded in religious teachings and social practises. The Quran and Hadith emphasise the moral obligation&nbsp;to assist those in need, reflecting a wider ethic of communal responsibility. Acts of charity are not seen as mere individual generosity but as religious duties that maintain social cohesion. Historically, mosques have been at the centre of these charitable activities. Beyond their religious functions, mosques also provide social services, education, and community welfare. The institution of waqf (endowment) historically funded many charitable initiatives, including housing and services for the homeless.Despite this history, the modern role of mosques in addressing homelessness has been a subject of debate. Some critics argue that mosques today are too focused on religious rituals and less engaged in broader social functions. However, there are notable examples of mosques that continue to address homelessness. This study focuses on four mosques in Istanbul —Kadıköy, Beyoğlu, Fatih, and Eyüpsultan (Ayvansaray)— that have taken concrete steps to support homeless individuals. Through interviews with the imams of these mosques, this research examines their motivations, perspectives on homelessness, and the solutions they propose.The study’s findings reveal that these mosques hold significant potential in addressing homelessness, particularly through their close ties to the community. The imams interviewed cited religious teachings, especially the concept of seeking “Allah’s approval,” as their primary motivation for helping the homeless. This religious motivation influences both their charitable activities and their understanding of the root causes of homelessness. The imams emphasised that homelessness is not only an economic issue but also a moral and social one that requires a comprehensive solution that addresses both material needs and social reintegration.The study also highlights the protective role that mosques play in safeguarding homeless individuals from the dangers of street life. Homelessness exposes individuals to various physical, emotional, and psychological risks, including violence, exploitation, and mental health challenges. The imams described how mosques serve as safe spaces for the homeless, offering not just shelter but also a sense of community and belonging. In this way, mosques function as spaces of social inclusion, countering the forces of exclusion that often accompany homelessness. This reintegrative role is crucial, as it helps meet the immediate needs of the homeless while supporting their long-term reintegration into society.In addition, the study underscores the role of the Directorate of Religious Affairs (Diyanet) in supporting mosque-based initiatives to address homelessness. The Diyanet, as the official religious authority in Turkey, plays a crucial role in coordinating and backing charitable activities in mosques. The imams interviewed noted that the Diyanet provides institutional support and guidance, helping ensure that mosque-based homelessness initiatives are organised and sustainable. This institutional support is essential for the long-term success of such efforts, allowing mosques to expand their impact and reach.In conclusion, this study highlights the sociological importance of mosques in addressing homelessness. While state institutions and NGOs are vital in combating homelessness, mosques offer a unique form of social capital that can complement these efforts. The trust that imams hold within their communities, along with the religious imperative to serve those in need, positions mosques as key actors in addressing homelessness. By using this social capital and leveraging the networks within mosque communities, these initiatives can contribute to more sustainable and effective solutions to homelessness.&nbsp;Recognising the social trust that imams hold in contemporary Turkey can also help address other social problems. Mosques, as community-centred institutions with a strong tradition of charity, can be revitalised to tackle pressing issues such as homelessness. By harnessing this potential, the Turkish society can foster a more inclusive and supportive approach to homelessness, rooted in the principles of charity, social inclusion, and communal responsibility.

A Philanthropic Approach to Combating Homelessness: The Role of the Mosques in İstanbul

Şevket

Assist. Prof. Dr.

The Homeless, the Imams, and the Transformation of the Mosque: The Case of Istanbul Hz. Kaab Mosque

Newman

Gender(ed) Pathways and Exits Out of ‘Street’ Homelessness in Tshwane, South Africa?: A Transformative Social Policy Perspective

Hüseyin

Post-Disaster Homelessness: The 6th February 2023 Turkey Earthquake and Malatya Case

Ozan

Assoc. Prof. Dr.

Housing Instability and Roma Children’s Educational Engagement: Perspectives from Teachers and Volunteers

Şener

Öğretim Görevlisi Dr.

Purpose of the Study: The ground of this research is to explain the experience of immigration in a divided public space through the relationships between daily life performances and space. The main purpose of the study is to understand the daily life experiences and performances of Turkish immigrants living in bachelor rooms in Amsterdam.&nbsp;Theoretical Background of the Study: Individuals living in bachelor rooms, which constitute the subject of the study, are evaluated in the context of “hidden homelessness” within the temporal classification. There are different definitions for the concept of hidden homelessness. Hidden homelessness includes individuals who do not have their own home and who live with acquaintances or who live in places that are not suitable for living (Erickson, 2004, p. 204). Hidden homeless people are a group of people who continue their lives in crowded places with their relatives, in bachelor rooms or by working daily jobs with others, who have an active social life, and who are hidden because they cannot access state support because they live in unsuitable places (Özdemir, 2010, p. 79; Woolrych, Gibson, Sixsmith, &amp; Sixsmith, 2015, pp. 238-239).Turkish immigrants living in bachelor rooms are considered to represent “others” in a divided public space and to be a part of the hidden homeless population. Considering that many of the community members work as illegal workers, it is possible to say that we are faced with a homeless mass that is difficult to determine numerically. While Turkish immigrants come to Amsterdam with the hope of finding a job that will provide financial security, they also draw a typology that is “nowhere” outside the space. It was observed that the participants tried to protect their own spaces even though they live in bachelor rooms and are demographically “non-existent”. The fact that they defined the rooms they live in as “tourist houses” instead of the adjective “bachelor” during the study reveals how complex this protective instinct is. Although “tourist houses” are generally used to describe the places where people stay when they go on holiday for touristic purposes, the concept is defined in this study as a concept that defines hidden homelessness. Thus, immigrant spaces defined as “bachelor rooms” in Turkey have evolved to represent the places where people who go to Amsterdam and carry their sociology on their backs stay to meet their shelter needs. The fact that people staying here are described as “tourists” has become a situation that has normalized the name of the place. Although it may seem like a different and softer discourse, people living here struggle with the difficulties brought by their immigrant identity and show various performances to exist in daily life.The Model and Problematics of the Study: This study aims to find an answer to the basic research question, “How do people living in bachelor rooms in Amsterdam, the Netherlands, participate in daily life?” The difference of this study from other studies is that it tries to determine whether bachelor&nbsp;rooms can be modelled as an example of hidden homelessness through Turks living abroad. Although bachelor rooms find a place in the literature as an example of hidden homelessness, the fact that it is not a subject that has been studied constitutes the problem of the study. In addition, it is important both to determine the general framework of hidden homelessness and to understand where bachelor rooms stand in this determination.&nbsp;Methodology of the Study: Within the scope of the research purpose, to create a chain of evidence, firstly theoretical information was obtained by examining the documents in the literature and then interviews were conducted based on the open-ended semi-structured interview technique with the participant observation method. For this purpose, within the scope of the study considered as an example of “hidden homelessness”, interviews lasting an average of 45-60 minutes were conducted with 8 participants using the convenience sampling technique to continue in-depth interviews living in the Sloterdijk Neighborhood, which is approximately 5 km away from the Amsterdam Center. As a result of the field study, the data obtained from the 55-page document was finalized using the thematic content analysis technique.&nbsp;Results and Discussion: All participants in the study are male. The hidden homelessness phenomenon, which is one of the assumptions of this study, has also emerged in a male-dominated context. Accordingly, the subject of bachelor rooms in Amsterdam is male and when we talk about performances, it is possible to say that daily life is constructed by male immigrants. Establishing limited relationships in daily life due to not knowing the language and staying away from social opportunities are practices that ground bad feelings. The least relations of the participants are with official institutions and citizens of other countries living in the Netherlands and coming from outside Turkey. The lack of relations with official institutions is because most immigrants are illegal, i.e. tourists. It is also seen that those who live here with permission and residence permits have very limited relations with official institutions. The fact that participants do not have any social relations with citizens of other countries is generally related to the social networks established by the immigration experience. Accordingly, citizens of each country prefer to spend more time in their own circle of trust, that is, with their own citizens. It was observed that the participants’ involvement in a common public sphere with residents in Amsterdam was limited. For participants, home, neighbourhood and workplace are the most trusted areas. In this context, it was determined that being both an immigrant and a foreigner affected the participants’ performance in their daily lives. Although the neighbourhood where the participants live is densely populated by Turks, it has been observed that they do not leave this area due to the feeling of insecurity, and it has been determined that this has turned into a group dynamic among the community members. In addition, the fact that the Turks here do not tend to continue a neighbourhood culture like in their homeland and that the people they have contact with are limited are other conclusions of the study. In addition to a busy work schedule, spending time outside&nbsp;is a situation of concern for them, as being caught by the police for any reason will result in their deportation. The difference from other immigrant Turks in Europe is that the “homes” here, as living spaces, contain temporary relationships and interactions. Therefore, it is not possible to talk about a certain continuity for the participants in their daily life performances. In addition, the state of restriction in many respects creates psychological pressure on the individual. For most of the community members, being in the Netherlands feels good spiritually, but it has been observed that they still experience a deep longing for their homeland. In conclusion, the bachelor rooms, or rather the tourist house in the context of the results of the study, have shown that they are a model of hidden homelessness.

Bachelor Room as a Space of Hidden Homelessness: Everyday Life Performances of Turkish Immigrants in Amsterdam

Burak

BackgroundHomelessness, as a complex and multidimensional social problem, arises through the interaction of economic, social and psychological factors. Homeless individuals experience serious difficulties in meeting their basic needs due to the lack of a permanent home and are dragged into social marginalisation. The services provided for the homeless in Turkey generally remain at the level of social assistance and cannot provide long-term and permanent solutions. Temporary housing and food assistance are provided by local governments during the winter months, but these services are far from providing comprehensive solutions to the root causes of homelessness. On the other hand, non-governmental organisations (NGOs) are trying to fill this gap and make important contributions to meeting basic needs such as housing, food, and clothing. However, these services are demonstrably unsustainable and inadequate, failing to ensure the social integration of homeless individuals. In the current situation, it is important to assess the extent to which both public services and the services provided by NGOs respond to the needs of homeless individuals and the accessibility of these services from the perspective of direct beneficiaries. This research aims to analyse the interactions of homeless individuals with service providers to reveal the effectiveness and shortcomings of services, thus contributing to the development of social policies and practises related to homelessness.MethodIn this research, a qualitative research approach was adopted to understand the interactions of homeless individuals with institutions and service providers. Using the phenomenological method, the subjective experiences and perceptions of the participants were examined in depth. During the data collection process, face-to-face interviews were conducted with 13 homeless individuals living in Istanbul using the snowball sampling technique. We conducted the interviews by recording with a digital voice recorder in environments where the participants felt comfortable. We collected the obtained data using a semi-structured interview form and a socio-demographic information form. We analyzed the interviews by encoding, categorizing, and thematizing the verbatim transcribed recordings. Using the descriptive content analysis method, the data obtained were interpreted within the framework of 4 determined themes.ResultsThe relationships of homeless individuals with local governments, non-governmental organisations and public institutions were examined under four main themes: types of&nbsp;corporate services, adequacy of corporate services, attitudes and behaviours of service providers, and expectations from corporate services.1. Types of Corporate ServicesVarious structural and legal obstacles shape the relationships of homeless individuals with public institutions. Most of the participants stated that the services offered by public and voluntary institutions are limited and are usually limited to temporary assistance only. The benefits they receive through the governor’s office and district municipalities are often insufficient due to residence problems and are criticised by the participants. The relationships of homeless individuals with non-governmental organisations also occupy an important place. NGOs usually attract attention by having the capacity to provide more flexible and faster services, but the services offered are similar, and not enough diverse services are provided. The participants emphasise the inadequacy of the assistance provided by NGOs and expressed their expectations for the solution to this situation.2. Adequacy of Corporate ServicesMost of the homeless individuals who participated in the study stated that public assistance was insufficient. The lack of residence complicates the process of obtaining assistance and creates serious obstacles to meeting the basic needs of individuals. While the opinion that the assistance received from non-governmental organisations is more functional stands out, the participants also stated that these assistance are not fair.3. Attitudes and Behaviours of Service ProvidersThe relationships of homeless individuals with security guards can be fraught with negative experiences. Some participants stated that they encountered inconsistent and negative attitudes of security guards, while others had positive experiences. On the other hand, the relations with civil society employees were evaluated as more constructive and reassuring.4. Expectations from the Corporate ServicesThe expectations of homeless individuals cover various areas such as safe housing, access to health services, employment and educational support. The participants demanded that the state provide more permanent solutions for homeless individuals and emphasise that public organisations should play a more effective role in this regard. Also, the beliefs of NGOs that they should come together and develop larger projects also come to the fore decently.As a result, the inadequacies of the current social service system and the expectations of participants shape the relationships of homeless individuals with institutional services. This situation reveals the need for more inclusive and sustainable solutions to the problem of homelessness.Conclusion﻿The problem of homelessness is increasing for various reasons such as social problems, psychological problems and poverty, and it deeply affects the lives of homeless individuals. Although local and central governments in Turkey provide limited services to meet the basic needs of the homeless, the lack of legal legislation and service models that do not offer continuity make these efforts insufficient. In the research, the relationships that homeless individuals have established with public institutions and non-governmental organisations and their expectations from these services have been discussed. While the participants emphasised the inadequacy of public services, they stated that non-governmental organisations provide faster and more effective services. However, the assistance provided by NGOs does not offer permanent solutions either. As a result, the problem of homelessness has a multidimensional structure, and to solve this problem, it is necessary to develop sustainable service models in cooperation with the public and civil society. The experiences and expectations of homeless individuals should be considered in the creation of effective policies.

Homelessness and the Institutional Ecosystem: Accessibility and Adequacy of Socioeconomic Support Services

Halenur

Homeless individuals strive to survive under inhumane conditions while being marginalized and excluded by society. In the literature, theories explaining the causes of homelessness on an “individual” basis often emphasise holding individuals responsible for their situations and deeming them guilty. As a result, homeless individuals are frequently subjected to stereotypical labels such as alcoholic, aggressive, or vagrant. On the other hand, it associates homelessness with the notion that individuals are needy, deprived, or inadequate, independent of their faults or responsibilities. Some homeless individuals who experience social exclusion may attribute their situation to themselves, holding themselves responsible for their circumstances. Conversely, some homeless people may believe that they deserve their current situation because of alcohol or substance abuse (Erbay, 2019, s. 43). The feeling of being excluded from society gradually produces a disconnected, insecure, and lost identity. Bauman describes the foreigner as an eternal vagrant, always homeless and with no hope of ever belonging. Due to the risk factors associated with the foreigner, they are perceived as a threat and are often regarded as something to be avoided. (Kanbir, F., 2012; s. 12). Homelessness, despite being visible on almost every street corner, is a prevalent issue that many in society are unaware of. To provide sustainable and constructive solutions to this issue, it is crucial to first identify the underlying factors contributing to the problem and raise awareness about it. This study contributes to the literature by providing findings on the life experiences of homeless individuals and the psychosocial effects of homelessness. It also offers suggestions for potential solutions to the issues identified in this field.MethodThe findings of the study were obtained by conducting in-depth interviews within the framework of phenomenological design, one of the qualitative research methods, following a literature review. Phenomenology is a qualitative research method used to explain how people experience a phenomenon by expressing their understanding, feelings, perspectives, and perceptions of a particular concept (Rose, Beeby, &amp; Parker, 1995, p. 1124). In this direction, the phenomenon of the research was chosen as homelessness, so that the research aims to understand the reasons behind the homelessness problem, to establish cause-effect relationships between the causes that trigger this problem and to reflect the effects of the problem in a holistic way. The researcher was actively involved in a civil society organization that exclusively worked on homelessness between 2019 and 2024. During this period, she took responsibilities such as monitoring and coordinating the activities carried out for the homeless individuals, determining the needs of the homeless individuals in line with their demands, and ensuring that the homeless individuals can reach the necessary service&nbsp;points and access the services they need. The experiences gained in this process have been anonymized and used within the scope of the article and are included in the findings when necessary. The researcher’s direct interaction with the people within the scope of the research and transferring field observations can contribute to understanding the context of the research and analysing the data (Yıldırım &amp; Şimşek, 2013, p. 43).ResultsThere is a clear relationship between the duration of homelessness and the likelihood of reintegration into society. A person who has recently become homeless has a higher potential to escape homelessness. However, individuals with long-term experiences of homelessness often attempt to return to stable housing, but these efforts are often unsuccessful due to a lack of adequate support from their surroundings. The results reveal that most individuals who have experienced homelessness for more than four years tend to display a sense of hopelessness, focusing solely on getting through each day rather than planning for the future. After the research, it was recommended that more efforts should be made to understand the life dynamics of homeless individuals. Additionally, it was suggested that greater work should be done to raise public awareness about homelessness by sharing the life experiences of homeless individuals through various media channels. İn terms of employment, individuals face obstacles such as lack of access to clean clothes, showers and a safe place to sleep, all of which are essential for maintaining consistent employment. Many homeless individuals have distanced themselves from their homes because of family conflicts brought on by gambling, alcohol addiction, or unemployment. It has been observed that some choose the streets after fleeing their homes, which should provide a sense of security, due to abuse experienced during childhood. Although not apparent in the early stages, as substance use becomes chronic, it begins to damage their societal roles and social relationships. Accompanied by feelings of helplessness, they isolate themselves from society, and as street life progresses, they may become involved in crime or be subjected to exploitation. The high prevalence of psychiatric and substance use disorders among homeless individuals may be both a cause and consequence of homelessness (Acar, B., Bozkafa, H., Vural, B., Önal, S. 2022). Therefore, considering factors like criminal records, health issues, disabilities and inconsistent work histories, there is a need to develop vocational programmes tailored to address these employment barriers for homeless individuals. Homeless individuals face serious health problems due to factors such as living in unhygienic environments, irregular sleep, poor nutrition, and substance and alcohol abuse. This not only harms the individual’s own health but also carries a risk of transmission, potentially leading to the spread of diseases and becoming more public health risks and issues. Alongside the problem of homelessness, these individuals experience more health problems compared to those with stable housing and encounter&nbsp;numerous barriers in accessing healthcare services. Against homelessness and the risk of homelessness, sustainable and rehabilitation-focused permanent solutions tailored to local conditions should be developed. In this process, not only individual interventions are needed to alleviate the effects of homelessness but also comprehensive strategies aimed at transforming societal structures. These strategies should be designed to provide broader and more effective solutions to the problems of homelessness, encompassing all segments of society. The interviews revealed that although homeless individuals may feel marginalised and alienated, they find strength through interactions with organisations such as NGOs and individuals from their surroundings who show them care and inquire about their well-being. At this point, the role of civil society in the integration of homeless individuals into the community could be enhanced.

A Qualitative Research on the Psychosocial Effects of Homelessness: The Case of Beyoğlu, İstanbul

Esra

Homelessness, a severe social problem, is often misrepresented and stigmatised. Those without homes—which could mean living with relatives temporarily, in crowded spaces, or even on the streets—need more robust support, particularly in places like Turkey, where there are thousands of homeless individuals. Despite the temporary aid such as temporary shelter and clothing support during the winter months provided by the government and NGOs, comprehensive programmes to prevent and alleviate homelessness are minimal. Understanding the societal view of homelessness is intertwined with the cultural importance of a “home.” In Turkish culture, a home is much more than just a place of shelter—it is the heart of the family identity and social bonds, rendering social, emotional, and symbolic significance. It is a space for traditional practises that foster family connections. The definitions and understanding of homelessness impact the approach towards solutions. It is crucial to acknowledge that the prejudices faced by homeless individuals compound their hardships.Analysing discussions on homelessness requires grasping the cultural significance of what we consider home. For a comprehensive understanding of the breadth of societal policies and the narratives surrounding homelessness, we must appreciate the diverse nuances associated with the notion of home. The Turkish culture illustrates how intricately the ideas of home and family are woven together. Home is seen as the bedrock of the familial ethos, epitomising the essence of social connections. It integrates a range of social transactions and tangible practises like sharing meals as a family, visiting relatives, partaking in holiday celebrations, preserving traditional home setups, enjoying Sunday breakfasts together, and sharing evening television viewing experiences, each of which strengthens the family bonds. The home is more than just a secure sanctuary; it is imbued with profound societal, emotional, and symbolic connotations. The emotional capital and social significance of space play a critical role in individuals’ lives. Various categories of homelessness and associated research methodologies directly shape the way we approach this issue and design strategies to address it. The definitions of homelessness subsequently set the scale of the problem and the attendant policies. Further complicating this issue is the prejudice faced by people without homes, which greatly influences their lived experience of homelessness.Discourse theory serves as a methodological tool for exploring overarching perceptions and representations. It sees language as inextricably linked to societal dynamics, power structures, and ideologies. Such ideologies, beliefs and notions justify, produce and reproduce themselves via language. The current study seeks to decipher discourses concerning homelessness in Turkey to identify key narratives on the issue. This will illuminate why assistance for the homeless remains minimal and why there appears to be no forthcoming strategy for a comprehensive social policy to alleviate the issue.&nbsp;The findings illustrate that homelessness is frequently seen as a personal challenge. This reflects findings from studies around the globe, yet in Turkey, homelessness is overly personalised through stigmatisation or by pathologizing those without a home. The strong connections between homelessness and the absence of a home are worth mentioning. In Turkish society, the deep ties between the ideas of home and family influence how those without homes are understood and seen. The homeless in Turkey have very limited and insufficient access to social support and services. Across the nation, the aid provided to the homeless, such as shelter during winter, minimal financial help, clothing, and food, encompasses all the available assistance. Homelessness is primarily seen as the person’s own issue and this belief is largely held; therefore, no wide-ranging policy has been established to tackle what is seen as an individual problem.&nbsp;This study effectively illustrates the complex connection between our social identity and the social groups to which we belong, with a special focus on the issue of homelessness. The investigation’s consequences highlight how the state of homelessness becomes an identity in itself, shaped through individualised, normalised, criminalised, objectified, and emotional discourses. These five discourse recurrently portray homeless individuals.The research unveils the discouraging truth that homelessness is not sufficiently acknowledged as a societal issue in Turkey. Instead, it is turned into a personal matter, tied to individual specific situations and private troubles. Such depictions imply that homelessness is detached from structural elements such as economic conditions, job shortages, migration, and the informal job market. These significant causative factors of homelessness are, unfortunately, frequently disregarded.The critical discourse methodology applied in this study concludes that our social identities are crafted through the dichotomy of “us” and “the other.” Homeless individuals are typically categorised as ‘the others’—those dissimilar from us. The condition of homelessness is often attributed to the unique circumstances of ‘the other’, with society and institutional bodies failing to make sufficient efforts to address this issue, which is frequently framed as an individual problem. The dominant narrative surrounding this topic is persistently perpetuated through media outlets and public institutions, thereby achieving a level of normalcy. What is key to remember is that these dialogues are generated by non-homeless individuals, which results in the perpetuation of portraying the homeless as “the other.”In the field of poverty studies, public perceptions are often made between those deemed deserving of assistance and those who are not, a principle that applies equally to the homeless population in Turkey. Determining whether a homeless individual is deserving of aid largely hinges on specific circumstances. During severe weather&nbsp;conditions, all homeless individuals are considered deserving of social support. However, certain groups, such as homeless families, frequently receive prioritised attention to help them escape their current living conditions. Emergency aid measures and support systems are readily available for these families and are often highlighted in emotionally charged discourses. By approaching relevant organisations, necessary assistance can be secured for these families, with appeals for public support through media platforms being a common method. Yet, a deeper examination of prevalent discussions reveals a lack of consideration for structural issues such as poverty, population migration, ineffective social policies, economic downturns, insufficient social services for former convicts, and employment challenges as causes of homelessness. This oversight indicates a neglect of fundamental structural factors, highlighting a key reason why social policies and services designed to address homelessness are notably lacking in Turkey. Homelessness is beyond the capacity of individuals to overcome independently; it is a significant societal issue requiring institutional focus. However, the current representations of the homeless mitigate the societal and institutional responsibilities associated with this social problem.

Representation and Perception of the Homeless in Turkey: A Study of Discourse Analysis

Fatma

Temmuz

Nowadays, the frequency and effects of natural events such as climate change, fire, flood, earthquake, etc. are increasing in relation to each other, and therefore the subject of disaster has attracted the attention of many disciplines. Considering this interest, this article is a review study focusing on how the interpretations, meanings, and connotations of disaster direct social dynamics from a critical sociology perspective. The aim of the study is to examine the concepts of disaster and natural disaster by following the discussions within the hazards paradigm, the vulnerability paradigm and critical approaches and to try to support the claim that disasters are not natural but social phenomena. For this purpose, it is first shown how discourse produces knowledge and meaning, how discourse, which is surrounded by ideology, is shaped by social institutions and how it can make one type of knowledge visible while concealing others. It is then emphasised that the discourse inherent in language determines which words/terms are chosen, and that language can thus, on the one hand, construct meaning and, on the other, erroneously support oppressive social norms.Disaster cannot be understood separately from society and culture, because historically, different meanings have been attributed to disaster in every culture and belief. The fact that it is understood together with natural phenomena has deepened the belief that disasters have astrological and divine causes. Over time, the expert knowledge that accompanies explanations of physical phenomena largely replaced this belief. Since disaster research has developed in the West and found the opportunity to be researched in the West, it is a field in which Western terminology dominates to a great extent. Today, researchers from many countries are trying to contribute to the field of disaster, but Western terminology continues to dominate the field. This is controversial because there are no words in other languages that can fulfil the nuances of English and the meaning may change. Along with the debates, the terms and definitions used have changed over time. In this study, to trace the historical process, the sociological literature on disasters is utilised and the change of meaning accompanying the definitions of disasters in two main paradigms and the criticisms directed to these paradigms are traced.The hazards paradigm developed in the United States in the 1950s, shaped by the Cold War, and dominated early disaster sociology. In order to observe the civilian reactions to a nuclear attack, the United States of America encouraged the research conducted during this period. With expert knowledge, the focus is more on civil defence and first response. Within the hazards paradigm, disaster is defined as a violent natural external factor and the population is considered passive beings despite this violence. Later researchers criticised the hazard paradigm for considering disasters as limited by time and space. Criticisms of the hazards paradigm led to the popularisation of the vulnerability paradigm in the 1980s.The vulnerability paradigm emphasised that the hazard-centred approach should be abandoned and argued that disaster is not related to geographical processes but to poverty, inequality and other related factors. With this approach, the definition of disaster has also changed and it is stated that disaster cannot be mentioned unless vulnerabilities and hazards interact. In this period, concepts such as vulnerability, resilience and risk began to accompany disaster research, and disaster sociology broke away from the positivist tradition. According to the vulnerability paradigm, while the hazard may be natural, the disaster is social. In the case of different groups, the same hazard may turn into a disaster in one group and not in the other, depending on which group is vulnerable. Depending on the circumstances, one group may be more vulnerable than another. Women, blacks, the poor, the homeless, etc. can become more vulnerable when they do not have access to the regular resources and means of protection available to members of the upper classes. Therefore, vulnerability points to how inequality is distributed within society. However, the rulers can label some groups as vulnerable and use the resulting situation for their own interests. In this study, the first focus of the discussions gathered under a separate heading as critical approaches is on the production of the vulnerability of some groups with the discourse of vulnerability. According to critics, sovereigns first make a part of the population vulnerable and then develop aid policies that work in their own interests within the discourse of tropicality, developmentalism or vulnerability. In most cases, these policies are far from serving the actual population at risk. Vulnerability will only be called vulnerability when there is something against it, when it has a cause. Communities need the distribution of food and shelter to survive. When the conditions are not equalised, vulnerabilities are created.Disaster policies and the discourse of naturalness attributed to disasters can conceal the real causes, just like developmentalism and tropicality. Critical researchers support their claim that natural disasters are not natural by emphasising that populations are made vulnerable by social, political and economic relations. The concept of natural disasters paves the way for labelling one part of the world as dangerous for the rest. In this way, various interventions are legitimised that are far from being in the best interest of those in real need. On the other hand, the questioning of the naturalness of disaster is continued by emphasising that in many cases, the danger that is considered a disaster for one part of the world does not mean the same for another.&nbsp;When the definitions of natural disasters are examined in this study, it is seen that people and institutions are positioned in a war against nature and it is evoked that institutions and people have little to do when it comes to strong nature. Nevertheless, the concept of “natural disaster” continues to be used by the media, decision makers, and researchers. The term “natural disaster” continues to be used to distinguish between natural and man-made hazards or to increase its popularity. However, this basically&nbsp;harbours two risks: Nature, which is constructed as dangerous, being a force that can only be dealt with by a state with experts, and the development of a disaster industry dominated by the free market.Researchers who argue that natural disasters are not natural also face various criticisms. The first is that the occurrence of disasters cannot be predicted and prevented with modern technology, and therefore it is inconvenient to attribute blame to nature. However, in this criticism, disaster is handled as a physical phenomenon, contrary to what is supported in the study. The second criticism is that human beings are also a part of nature and therefore there is no harm in using the concept of “natural disaster”. However, this criticism also renders social sciences meaningless as a whole. The last criticism comes from those who argue that a distinction should be made between natural hazards such as earthquakes and man-made hazards such as nuclear explosions. However, this distinction ignores the fact that disaster is a social phenomenon.Instead of using the concept of “natural disaster”, critical researchers have also made different suggestions for its use. The concept of a socio-natural disaster to express the intersection of a natural hazard and a socially constructed disaster is one of these suggestions. There are researchers who completely reject the use of the term disaster, regardless of whether it is natural or social, and propose to use the concept of risks, and there are also researchers who propose to use only the concept of disaster without adding naturalness to disaster.In disaster research, just like in the social sciences, not all concepts have clear definitions. However, the concepts chosen and used may paradoxically lead to the concealment of social problems or trivialisation by remaining in the background. Adopting a critical perspective and participating in new discussions will contribute to the development of the field by adopting a critical perspective in order to expand definitions in order to address and examine locality, culture and social structure in research and to reveal hidden meanings.&nbsp;

Can Disasters Be Unnatural? A Sociological Discussion on the “Naturalness” of Disasters

Gözde

Fundamental debates about the subject in the social sciences have been evaluated and discussed with different conceptualizations, considering different social and individual dynamics. The newest of these discussions in social sciences for a while is German philosopher of Korean descent Byung-Chul Han’s conceptualisation of performance. Han conceptualises today’s subject as performance and today’s social structure as a performance society. Digital information technologies, as both a result and a cause of our neoliberal system, have been evaluated as an essential factor in the emergence of performance conceptualisation. However, it is not expressed as the sole reason for the concept. The performance subject and society are faced with a crisis of reality. The social dimensions of the crisis have been reflected in the individual’s world of thought and, accordingly, in their attitudes and behaviours, helping the neoliberal system produce strong arguments to create itself. The impact of the dynamics produced by the structure on the individual has resulted in the individual exploiting himself more than ever before. The success-oriented system transforming the individual into a performance subject has also transformed the structure into a performance society. Therefore, a solid structure-agency dialectic has emerged. Han analysed this emerging situation in detail using different social typologies.&nbsp;All social typologies that Han claims to reveal the concept of performance refer to social structures that systematically complement each other, emerge from each other, and do not contradict each other. First, transparency means that the individual reaches an inherent point in the system. The basic necessity of this is to eliminate the roughness and negativity that are a part of human nature and simultaneously eliminate the cult value in things. The persistent tendency towards the positive, the struggle to eliminate the negative, and the lack of cult values pave the way for an environment of rapid exposure and revelation. The easy accessibility of the individual to what exists within him/herself means that behavioural and spiritual guidance is also easy. This state, which describes a situation inherent in the system for the subject, has produced a tired society in which the will is disabled and the movement of emotion and thought disappears. The fact that the person-giving the order and the person executing the order are the same individuals damages the subject’s consciousness and emotional movement. Han states that in a society of transparency, the slave-master dialectic changes form, and the order coming from the master and the slave and the execution of the action are the product of the same person. However, the subject’s constant confrontation with these orders and the attitudes and behaviours of implementing them have led to the emergence of a narcissistic and depressive personality. The performance subject was narcissistic and depressive. As a member of the fatigue society, the performance subject is indexed to success. Therefore, the subject of performance is the late-modern animal 2 labour. Han redefined the conceptualisation used by Arendt according to today’s subject.&nbsp;The late-modern animal latrons subject protects her ego by indexing herself to performance and higher levels of the active and excludes herself from the passive. Moreover, the performance subject is a homo-liber subject. Homoliber is a conceptualisation contrasted with Arendt’s concept of homosacer. Homoliber is an expression of the master–slave dialectic. Homoliber describes the individual who is dominant over himself. All these conceptualizations formed the framework of Han’s fatigue society. The fatigue that the individual feels to achieve what s/he desires and the desire to remove the systematic pain caused by fatigue has turned today’s subjects into subjects addicted to antidepressants. Ultimately, the individual has transformed from part of the fatigue society to part of the palliative society. The individual who cannot tolerate pain and pain faces the mental problems of being deprived of pain. Han draws attention to the importance of pain for the individual’s world of emotion and meaning. This loss of meaning in today’s subject has caused the individual to be defined by the conceptualisation of performance.Another characteristic feature that reveals the subject of performance is power relations. Han stated that the neoliberal devices that indicate society’s performance deprive the individual of basic facts such as the other, negative, and eros, which are a part of his nature. Essentially, the absence of these facts has put the performance subject into a crisis of freedom and turned the individual into an object of the system. Having lost the other, the performance subject becomes a part of the same ones, devoid of communication. Han evaluates one of the biggest problems of today as the subject of not making room for others in their life. In a place where there is sameness, the subject has become an output of stereotypes, devoid of meaning and lost in the self-cycle. In addition, the more the performance subject reduces negativity, the higher the productivity level will be. However, trying to increase productivity is a significant cause of fatigue. Finally, the absence of eros deprived the performance subject of his ability to think deeply. The depressive and narcissistic performance subject, whose quantified characteristics have turned into numbers and who propagates non-existent freedom by being trapped in the ego cycle, has become a member of the performance society with all these features. However, although Han’s approaches to today’s subject and society are appropriate, we should not ignore the fact that he displays a wholesale approach towards all social groups.Today’s social structure and the individual have sociological differences that cannot be evaluated only by conceptualising performance. Although Han’s assessments of today’s subject are correct, those who give up on a lifestyle focused on success and performance constitute another group in society. Social suicide, which is the main subject of the study, represents individuals who have lost their effort and power to be a subject of performance. At the same time, the concept attempts to define individuals who wish to remain outside the system. Therefore, social suicide is the result of the &nbsp;strong desire for arguments that are part of human nature, such as the other, the negative, and eros, which reveal the subject of performance. The social suicide subject describes individuals who withdraw from public and social relations, where the performance subject struggles to exist, and who do not perform any performance through social networks. In this respect, the subject of social suicide is the performance subject of a period. The living space is still a performance society but does not show any performance. This article defines the subject of social suicide as distance and the act of being. While evaluating today’s subject, Han overlooked the next stage of the performance subject. Although some studies regard this concept as social loneliness, social isolation and hikikomori for specific reasons, particular essential distinctions show that the conceptualisation of social suicide has a unique structure.&nbsp;

Social Suicide: The Social Evolution of the Performance Subject

Onur

Nesip

IntroductionThe welfare of the society is related to the distribution of social resources among the members of the society. Questions about how social resources and services should be distributed among individuals are connected with the concept of social justice (Çoban Kaynak, 2017). John Ryan, an American Catholic priest, was the first one using the concept of social justice (Han ve Demirbilek, 2022). Ryan was also the first to use the concept of minimum wage. According to Ryan (1945), social justice is the regulation of the relations between individuals and the society for maintaining the collective good. In short, social justice can be expressed as the fair distribution of blessings and burdens in society. In this context, the presence of a social opinion that there is a fair share in the society is an indicator of the existence of social justice (Bell, 2007; Sunal, 2011).Smith (2018) stated that concepts such as social cohesion, equality and fairness come to the fore in ensuring social justice and that the concept of social justice can be approached from different points of view. At this point, it can be said that since individuals are not equal at the beginning, equal distribution of resources can maintain inequality among individuals, but distribution of resources at different levels (fairly) in line with the needs of individuals can eliminate the inequality among individuals over time (Smith, 2018). However, social justice is a concept that expresses more than the distribution of resources among individuals and emphasises community rather than individuality (Turhan, 2007).When the literature is examined, it is seen that the concept of social justice in education is tried to be explained by associating it with concepts such as multiculturalism, justice, equality and democratic society (Tomul, 2009). However, the difficulty in defining the concepts of justice and social justice is also seen in the definition of the concept of social justice in education. In general, social justice in education can be achieved if each individual has an education that is appropriate to his or her abilities and needs. (Polat, 2007). Social justice in education aims to reduce or eliminate the negative effects of individual differences on the success of students in the educational processes (Ocak &amp; Yamaç, 2011). Bates (2006) positioned social justice at the centre of educational processes and argued that social justice should also be at the centre of educational administration practises.When institutions are managed according to the principles of social justice, they are more adopted by people and people’s commitment to the institution increases. This is also true for universities. The higher education period is one of the most important phases of students’ life. The higher education period is not only a learning process but also a common living place where students experience and learn life as adults, have a profession, and interact with people from different cultures and environments. This common living place should be managed fairly and the resources should be shared fairly among the students. This can be possible with the establishment of social justice in all processes at the universities. Elimination of the negativities that may be caused by social injustice can only be possible with a good understanding of the concept of social justice.&nbsp;In a literature review of the available measures of social justice perception, it is noted that, although a limited number of scales have been developed to assess this perception, none of them appear to be intended to examine the social justice perceptions of university students towards their university. (Cırık, 2015; Demirdağ, 2017; Karacan, Bağlıbel &amp; Bindak, 2015; Turhan, 2007). For this reason, there is a need for a valid and reliable measurement tool to be used in scientific studies on the subject. In line with this need, this research aims to develop a valid and reliable measurement tool to determine the social justice perceptions of university students towards their university.MethodThis study was carried out with an exploratory sequential design in a mixed method in which qualitative and quantitative research methods were used together. In the exploratory sequential design, after the qualitative data are collected and analysed, the quantitative stage of the research is carried out based on the qualitative data (Creswell &amp; Plano Clark, 2018).&nbsp;The study was carried out with the data collected from two different samples. The first sample of the study consists of 602 and the second sample consists of 591 undergraduate and associate degree students studying at different faculties and colleges of Bingöl University. While determining both samples, convenient sampling method was used as it provides convenience in time, cost and data collection process (Büyüköztürk, Kılıç Çakmak, Akgün, Karadeniz, &amp; Demirel, 2014).&nbsp;&nbsp;In the development process of the items, the theoretical background of the concept of social justice was determined by examining the similar studies in the literature (Bell, 2007; Boyles, Carusi, &amp; Attick, 2009; Connell, 1993; Çetin, 2015; Çoban Kaynak, 2017; Demirbilek, Atila &amp; Korkmaz, 2021; Polat, 2007; Schulz, 2007; Todd, 2015; Torres Harding, Siers, &amp; Olson, 2012). In addition to these studies, other measurement tools aimed at determining the perception of social justice were examined (Cırık, 2015; Demirdağ, 2017; Karacan, Bağlıbel, &amp; Bindak, 2015; Ludlow, Enterline, &amp; CochranSmith, 2008; Torres Harding et al., 2012). Considering these studies, practises that could contribute to social justice in universities were determined and these were used&nbsp;in the preparation of the draft scale items. After the literature review, a draft scale consisting of 68 items was prepared. This form was simplified with expert reviews, and a final form consisting of 34 items was reached.&nbsp;Exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses were used to test the construct validity of the scale, and Cronbach’s alpha internal consistency coefficients were calculated for reliability.FindingsThe construct validity of the scale was first tested with exploratory factor analysis. Exploratory factor analysis was performed with 34 items and a sample of 602 students. The KMO and Bartlett tests were performed to check the sampling adequacy (KMO = .976; x2 = 19611.249; df = 561; p = .000). As a result of the factor analysis, a structure consisting of 19 items in three factors was reached, and these three factors explained 71.30% of the variance regarding the perception of social justice. The factor loadings of the items ranged from .58 to .87, the communalities of the items were between .58 and .83, and the item-total correlation values were between .54 and .82. These three factors were named as “equality”, “fairness” and “support”.As a result of the confirmatory factor analysis performed with the data of 591 students, the goodness of fit indices for the scale were reached as x2 /df = 3.942, p = .000, RMR = .08, SRMR = .04, GFI = .91, AGFI = .88, NFI = .94, NNFI = .95, CFI = .95, RMSEA = .06. When the achieved values are compared with the reference values for the goodness of fit indices in the literature, it can be said that the scale has high construct validity.&nbsp;The reliability of the scale was examined with Cronbach’s Alpha internal consistency coefficients calculated using both exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses data. The Alpha coefficients of the entire scale and its dimensions were calculated between .88 and .96. In this respect, these Alpha coefficients can be inferred as evidence of the scale’s reliability.ConclusionThis research aims to develop a valid and reliable scale to measure the social justice perceptions of university students towards their university. As a result of the analyses, significant results were reached regarding the validity and reliability of the scale. As a result, the Social Justice in Universities Scale was found to be a valid and reliable measurement tool that can be used to measure university students’ social justice perceptions regarding their universities.&nbsp;The increase in the scale scores is interpreted as the students’ perception of social justice is increasing, and the decrease in the scale scores is interpreted as the students’ perception of social justice is diminishing. There is no reverse-scored item or dimension in the scale.

Development of the Scale of Social Justice Perception in Universities: Validity And Reliability Study

Yüksel

This study aims to examine the contradictions and potentials of street social work practices carried out in urban public spaces, particularly those arising from neoliberal urbanization trends, through the lens of Lefebvre’s concepts of “the production of space” (2014) and “the right to the city” (2016).Street social work, characterized by low-threshold and advocacy-based practices, seeks to engage clients in public urban spaces with the goals of harm reduction, connection, and outreach. The social worker takes the initiative, actively seeking out clients (Diebeacker, 2020; Andersson, 2013; Gibson, 2011; Dynamo International, 2009). By emphasizing low-threshold, harm-reduction objectives, and flexibility, this practice moves away from the power and authority traditionally associated with social work. Instead, it centers the autonomy (self-determination) and dignity of the client. Moreover, the client-centered nature of street social work, combined with its demand-driven methodological requirements, acknowledges the struggles faced by marginalized groups—such as the homeless, migrants, sex workers, and drug users—not as individual misfortunes or personal choices, but as outcomes of social inequalities rooted in structural barriers. From this perspective, street social work can be seen as more than a method of outreach; it is a radical approach that upholds the ethical principles of social work in the field, positioning it as a crucial tool for achieving social justice and protecting the rights of disadvantaged populations.A distinctive feature of street social work is its use of space. The “space of intervention is the environment in which the client lives” (Galuske, 1998, p. 245), often in urban public spaces. In street social work, the various life worlds encountered in public urban spaces are experienced continuously, making it impossible to understand street social work without comprehending the dynamics of these spaces. Urban public spaces, as material and emotional environments where social boundaries and relations are negotiated, are often sites of conflict over the behaviors, ideologies, and values of different social groups (Gibson, 2011). In this regard, public urban spaces are spaces of power, domination, and struggle. Over the past three decades, neoliberalism’s hegemonic influence has been a defining factor in shaping the character and use of these spaces. Commercialization, privatization, securitization, and policies limiting access to urban public spaces have emerged as central regulatory strategies within neoliberal urban policies.All these strategies target individuals’ behaviors in urban public spaces, allowing some social activities while restricting others. This directly affects how the street population and other marginalized groups experience urban public spaces and, consequently, shapes the methodologies and everyday experiences of street social workers (Gibson, 2011, pp. 142-143). However, referring to Lefebvre, the transformation of urban public spaces under neoliberal conditions can be viewed as a political conflict zone. Urban public spaces are not static constructs but spaces where access, violation, resistance,&nbsp;and struggle continuously play out (Lefebvre, 2008; 2014; 2016). The “others” and the street population, rather than passively accepting what neoliberal urban transformation strategies impose on them, can manipulate urban public space and fight for the right to the city through new “tactics” developed in daily life (de Certeau, 2008) or by creating “social infrastructures” (Simone, 2004; 2015).Neoliberal urban trends related to commercialization, privatization, securitization, and access restrictions have profoundly impacted the nature of street social work. Two main challenges arise in this context. The first involves the adverse effects of neoliberal urban transformation strategies on the everyday life experiences of the street population and their right to the city. The second challenge relates to the professional ethical dilemmas arising from the instrumentalization of street social work within the discourse of security and order.Methodologically, the primary contradiction of street social work, designed as a strategy for outreach and connection, emerges from regulations either aimed at designing urban public space or directly governing the behaviors of street populations. The most evident consequence of these regulations for the street population is mobility and invisibility. While mobility renders the goals of street social work—access, relationshipbuilding, and availability—nearly impossible, invisibility distances the street population from the social conscience.The second ethical challenge in street social work relates to its dual role as a public practice. Social workers are often caught between the obligation to implement state policies and the mission to advocate for the rights of vulnerable groups. While social work seeks to promote social justice, it must also operate within state mechanisms constrained by neoliberal policies. Like law enforcement, street social workers can be positioned to align with policies governing the regulation of urban public spaces. This creates a tension within street social work, placing it between the duty to maintain public order and the responsibility to advocate for individuals and groups victimized by this order. Thus, as a public practice, social work is caught between serving as an instrument of social control and acting as a champion of social justice, leading to various challenges in practice.Ethical issues in street social work are tied to space, knowledge production, the goals of practice, and the professional roles of street social workers. To adhere to professional ethical principles, street social workers must continuously critically examine these contradictory positions and assess them through reflexive practices. In this way, it becomes possible to develop a social work practice that does not reproduce social inequalities and asymmetric power relations in public urban spaces.Lefebvre’s spatial triad, the production of space, and the right to the city provide street social workers with significant theoretical and conceptual frameworks in this critical&nbsp;and reflexive process. These frameworks offer the opportunity to evaluate the practice from different perspectives, its potentials, and contradictions, guiding the realization of the emancipatory potential of street social work. Lefebvre’s ideas on space and the right to the city create opportunities for street social workers to develop supportive and emancipatory practices. With such an approach, street social work can influence not only physical spaces but also social discourse and political processes, thereby contributing to broader and more sustainable social changes.By working directly in public spaces where disadvantaged groups live, street social work can create an independent space of intervention despite restrictive state policies. On the one hand, street social workers support individuals by meeting their immediate needs, helping them survive. On the other hand, they defend the rights of these individuals, giving voice to those excluded from or marginalized by the system. From the perspective of Lefebvre’s concept of the “right to the city,” street social work advocates for these groups’ rights to exist and transform urban space, creating a site of resistance against the spatial injustices produced by the neoliberal order. In this sense, street social work has the potential to both erode mechanisms of social control and to recreate urban space in a more equal and just manner (Finn &amp; Jacobson, 2003). However, activating this potential is only possible through a critical, reflexive, and self-reflective approach.

Street Social Work, Neoliberal Urbanism, and the Production of Space: Methodological Challenges, Ethical Contradictions, and Potentials

Hicran

In this study, which aims to define housing as a social security tool to overcome homelessness, homelessness is seen as both a social risk and a human rights violation that limits access to the social security system. At the heart of this approach is the extreme commodification of labour through precarious jobs and housing through high-interest mortgages. This is because extreme commodification has brought with it plans for subsequent dispossession through housing capitalism. This makes society, especially people on fixed incomes who have no other source of livelihood than their labour, vulnerable to the risk of homelessness. In addition, while the right of homeless people to access social security services is the same as that of everyone else, their limited access to job security and regular employment opportunities presents clear difficulties and additional support assistance in accessing these services. Even in the exercise of the right to information, bureaucratic procedures requiring address declaration, submission of documents or the use of e-Government applications from the application process onwards create obstacles for homeless people to access data on their social security rights and obligations. In view of this problem, the functionalization of housing as a public right in the social security system can be considered a prerequisite for adequate housing and the elimination of the risk of homelessness.If we examine the background of the problem in Türkiye, we see that the planned development movement was initiated with the Republican period, the population in the cities increased with the development moves, and although land planning was attempted to respond to the urbanisation process and the need for housing, this could not be achieved at the targeted level. While the need for new settlement areas has made the construction sector the locomotive of the economy, the subsequent unplanned construction has paved the way for urban inequalities, with slums on one side and luxury residences on the other. In a linear pattern to unplanned construction, a period of permanent inequalities has begun in terms of opportunities to use social security and housing rights between those who have access to full-time and registered employment and those who do not. This picture has deepened poverty and precariousness for those who try covering their living expenses and high rent debts with the minimum wage or pension they earn.Looking at practises around the world that define housing within the social security system, the ‘housing first’ approach and the ‘treatment first’ approach come to the fore. Examples of good practise where the housing-first approach makes a significant difference in ending homelessness permanently attract attention. Depending on the social, cultural and economic conditions, it can be observed that the strategies adopted by countries to combat homelessness are diverse, including voluntary and civic initiatives, and are aimed at meeting the complex support needs of the homeless people. Policies aimed at overcoming prejudices and discriminatory attitudes towards homeless people seem to focus on social responsibility for sustainable recovery by investing in&nbsp;social awareness and sensitization. In general, it can be seen that governments are trying to address the issue of homelessness through efforts to improve new and existing collaboration between local providers and housing providers.Although governments in Türkiye have adopted policies and legal arrangements to ensure the functionality of the right to housing in the social security system, it is difficult to say that comprehensive and permanent solutions have been achieved in managing the risk of homelessness. Housing subsidies, public housing and migrant houses have enabled the integration of settlements that can be called social housing in urban areas at affordable prices, but the steps taken have not developed into a stable housing policy. In recent years, it can be seen that housing areas have been renewed within the framework of urban transformation practises, but the new projects built for high-income groups in order to provide capital flow do not contain a solution against the risk of homelessness and deepen the risk with mortgage debt, high rents and fees. For this reason, it is necessary to develop rights-based policies that guarantee everyone’s access to permanent independent housing in urban life within the social security system by prioritising variables such as unemployment, disability, chronic illness, low income and informal employment in managing the risk of homelessness.&nbsp;The starting point of these policies is that central and local government service units eliminate the risks that can lead to the loss of rights by defining procedural steps that structure the application and follow-up processes for beneficiaries who declare themselves homeless, according to their needs. People living in shelters, temporary accommodation centres and on the streets may be entitled to income, pension or drug treatment services including rights arising from insured relatives or from the period of employment, but which the homeless person is deprived of due to lack of sufficient information. Removing this deprivation (e.g. by activating a widow’s orphan’s pension or health insurance) is a step that can significantly improve the homeless person’s life. In this direction, social security institutions should lead this step by conducting field studies and developing practises that support access to the right to social security. As a practical suggestion, it can also be considered to offer options to homeless people who are below a certain limit in terms of the number of days of premium payment or the amount of premium payment through community benefit work programmes to complete the missing days or pay the premium debt. In this way, serious and lasting improvements can be made in the life of a homeless person who will have a pension and health care. With these concrete action steps and undoubtedly many more, in the Republic of Türkiye, which has entered its second century, housing shouldbe one of the instruments of a settlement order that enables everyone to exercise their right to shelter under conditions befitting human dignity and that subjectivises and liberates human beings. One way to make this order possible is to be able to read and establish the linear relationship between housing and social security policies.

Housing as a Social Security Instrument to Overcome Homelessness

Meriç

It is possible to speak of the existence of a middle-class backlash in contemporary societies, which Mills diagnosed in the USA in the 1950. Mills (1969, p. 249) explained this decline in middle-class power, which he defined as the “status proletarianization” of the white-collar strata, in terms of the structural changes in working life at the time, such as rationalization, the decline in the importance of white-collar workers’ education and experience, the decline in their incomes relative to the working class and their incorporation into the unemployed class, and the expansion of the middle-class labor market. Similar conditions seem to apply to the Turkish middle class today. Despite definitional problems, the middle class in Türkiye is estimated at 10-15 million people, and their living conditions are becoming more difficult by the day. In particular, low- and middle-income groups, whose purchasing power has decreased and who do not own a home, face the problem of housing precarity. In terms of housing costs, Türkiye is now above the European and OECD averages.&nbsp;Although housing, a fundamental human right, has become precarious in a way that includes the middle class in a volatile economic atmosphere, the (new) middle class has received less attention in recent urban studies than the lower or upper classes (McEwan, 2021). When it is studied, it is presented as a success story as a class that invades the city, displacing lower income groups and gentrifying or even discriminating against other social groups (Atkinson, 2006; Saraçoğlu, 2009; Şen, 2011). This study aims to fill this gap in research on the middle class by exploring housing precarity and the possibility of homelessness, the structural changes that underlie them, and ways out of them. In studies of homelessness in Türkiye, issues such as social services, (Acar et al., 2022; Balun &amp; Şişman, 2022; Doğan &amp; Pekasıl, 2021; Kanlı &amp; Efe, 2021; Yeter, 2018), urban renewal as a process of “de-housing” (Baydar &amp; Karakız, 2018, p. 154) and different homeless groups such as the elderly or middle-aged men (Gürel, Karaman &amp; Yaman, 2024; Kaya Kılıç &amp; Aslantürk, 2019) come to the fore. However, the issue of housing inadequacy and precariousness of the middle class has not been thoroughly investigated.&nbsp;This paper accepts homelessness not as a situation, but as a dynamic process (Lee, Shinn &amp; Culhane, 2021) and looks at its before and after in terms of the middle class. This study, inspired by personal housing experiences, firstly situates the problem of the housing precarity of the declining middle class in the international literature. The study collects academic work on housing precarity, the middle class and homelessness. A total of 82 documents are used, including 29 English articles, which have been refined according to relevance, date and number of citations from Web of Science; 12 Turkish articles from Google Scholar; company data and statistical news bulletins (6); newspaper news and columns (16); and encyclopedia entries, congress presentations, book articles and books (19). The information gathered from these documents is analyzed thematically.&nbsp;Precarity is a human condition that is not limited to housing, but affects many social spheres, such as working life. This concept, which generally means “a general, pervasive ontological condition of vulnerability, displacement, and insecurity”, is in some ways associated with capitalism and its neoliberal phase (Kasmir, 2018). In the first quarter of the twenty-first century, a “precarity turn” has been spoken of, particularly in the field of labor geography (Bergan, Gorman-Murray &amp; Power, 2021, p. 1208). However, the concept of housing precarity is a more recent use (Debrunner, Hofer, Wicki, Kauer &amp; Kaufmann, 2024). Clair, Reeves, McKee &amp; Stuckler (2019, p. 16) define housing precariousness as “a state of uncertainty which increases a person’s real or perceived likelihood of experiencing an adverse event, caused (at least in part) by their relationship with their housing provider, the physical qualities, affordability, security of their home, and access to essential services”.&nbsp;The meaning of housing, classically conceived as “long-term and stable tenure, a site of reprieve from work, and a location of privatized family relationships” (Bergan et al., 2021, p. 1217) and an important place in people’s lives as a living space that provides well-being, life satisfaction and quality (Bobek, Pembroke &amp; Wickham, 2021), is changing rapidly in today’s conditions. At the same time, a shift towards tenancy in traditional homeowner societies is being observed (Kemp, 2015; Waldron, 2023). Waldron (2023, p. 181) explains “generation rent”, i.e., people being trapped in tenancy more and for longer, and the associated expansion of the rental market with the commodification and financialization of housing after the 2000s, changing the tacit middle-class social contract based on home ownership. The result of all this is what Bobek et al. (2021) call as “non-linear housing careers” (Bobek et al., 2021, p. 1365), i.e., prolonged tenancy, not leaving or returning to the family home, known as “boomerang children” or “parasite singles” (Bobek et al., 2021, p. 1367), and horizontal or downward housing mobility such as house sharing.&nbsp;The works that deal with housing precarity within the system do not question the ideal of home ownership on which middle class dreams (e.g., the suburban house, the car and the nuclear family as in the American dream) are based, dependent on meritocracy and provided by the capitalist system. The works that approach the issue by challenging the neoliberal city of the capitalist system, which causes housing precarity along with many other problems, look for housing concepts and types outside the systemic proposals. In doing so, these studies adopt more collective (communal), solidarity-based, care-oriented, anarchist or feminist approaches, leaving the liberal framework aside. House sharing, which is presented as an alternative in some studies, is criticized as a product of the system in others. This contradiction shows that sharing alone may not be sufficient to create an anti-capitalist housing alternative. Some commonalities found in the literature include themes such as the rise of renting over home ownership, people’s growing search for a housing alternative, and a critique of the victimization of the displaced and the homeless. This study contributes by pointing to the potential of concepts of the urban commons (Stavrides, 2018), the feminist city (Kern, 2020) and social infrastructure (Latham &amp; Layton, 2022) as supporting mechanisms in the search for alternative housing.&nbsp;Finally, as an exit strategy suggestion for the issues of homelessness and housing, which have increasingly become a site of power relations and contestation between family and other groups, the study suggests that the counter-argument be properly framed, the data properly interpreted, housing activism and social housing production expanded.&nbsp;

An Essay on Exit Scenarios from the Housing Precarity Feeding Middle Class Homelessness Fears

“Homeless” is a person who has no home and/or a fixed, regular and suitable place to stay. Homeless people live in streets, terminals, under bridges, hospitals, parks, shelters or with friends/acquaintances (Aynacı, 2024, p. 30). The Arabic term “bîmekân” and the Persian term “hane-harab” are concepts used to describe homelessness, encompassing meanings such as “spaceless” and “dwelling-less” (Ottoman Turkish Dictionary, 2023). European Federation of National Organisations Working with the Homeless [FEANTSA] has classified the homeless according to the criteria of exclusion by dividing them into social, physical and legal dimensions and has described them as “roofless” (çatısız), “houseless/shelter people/secondary homeless” (konutsuz), “individuals living in inadequate” (yetersiz) and/or “insecure housing” (güvensiz) (FEANTSA, 2005). However, there are different types of homeless according to the duration of homelessness (temporary, cyclical and/or chronic homeless), the cause of homelessness (internal and/or external homeless), the characteristics of the homeless (children, youth, women, men, elderly, migrant homeless) and the place of residence (street and/or shelter homeless).Research on homelessness dates back to the early 19th century. Engels’ (1845) Condition of the Working Class in England is seen as a reference source for homeless people and homeless shelters. In Park, Burges &amp; McKenzie The City (1967), one of the representatives of the Chicago School, homelessness was defined as a social problem. The second half of the 20th century (1960-1970) was the period when homelessness research intensified. In this period, individual inadequacies in homelessness were focused on and social policies for homelessness were developed and public and non-governmental organizations were established (Hope &amp; Young, 1986, p. 170).Nowadays, many disciplines and professions provide services to disadvantaged and vulnerable groups. Social work, which is one of these disciplines, produces programs to eliminate the problems they experience, increase their functionality and empower them with the services it provides to homeless people (International Federation of Social Work [IFSW], 2014). The fact that homelessness as a phenomenon is a social problem and homeless people as a disadvantaged group are deprived of their rights, their individual and social functionality is weakened and they have to deal with many problems at the same time makes social work relational to homeless people (Çabuk &amp; Atamtürk, 2023, p. 11).The natural relationship between the homeless and social work requires the examination and criticism of the studies conducted in this field and the dissemination of scientific studies. The aim of this research is to make a bibliometric analysis of the&nbsp;studies on the concept of “homeless” in the field of social work. In this way, it will be revealed how the studies on the concept of homeless have followed a course from past to present. As part of the originality of the research, a search was first carried out in all fields using ‘homeless*’ in the Web of Science (WoS) database, which yielded a total of 27,552 studies. Then, the ‘All Fields’ option was selected and a joint search was made with the words ‘homeless*’ + ‘bibliometric analysis’. Five studies (Mbabil Dok-Yen et al., 2023; Picado-Valverde et al., 2023; Aliyeva, 2020; Calvo et al., 2019; Okano, 2019) were accessed and it was found that these studies were not included in the social work category. The fact that there is no study based on mapping the concept of homelessness within social work as a discipline can be considered as an original aspect of this research. The research questions identified for the data set mapped in order to achieve the main objective of the research are as follows:1. Keyword analysis:1.1. What are the most frequently used keywords?1.2. Which keywords are used together?1.3. What is the frequency of use of keywords by year?2. Country analysis:&nbsp;2.1. Which countries have the most publications? 2.2. What is the publication frequency of countries by year? 2.3. Which are the most cited countries? 2.4. What is the citation frequency of countries by year?3. Institution/university analysis: ,3.1. Which institutions/universities publish the most? 3.2. Which are the most cited institutions/universities? 4. Author analysis: 4.1. Who are the most published authors? 4.2. What is the publication frequency of the authors by year? 4.3. Who are the most cited authors? 5. Article analysis: 5.1. Which are the most cited articles? 5.2. Which themes did the articles focus on?In designing the research, the four stages of bibliometric research identified by Öztürk (2021, p. 35) (determination of the purpose, creation of the data set, analysis and visualization, interpretation of the results and findings) were used. The unit of&nbsp;analysis for this research comprises scientific studies retrieved from the WoS database. The dataset of the research was created on 15.03.2024. The following systematic steps were employed to curate the research dataset:Step 1: The word “homeless” was typed into the WoS search engine and the symbol “*” was added to the end of the word. These symbols are called “wildcards”. With wildcards, suffixes or words that come at the end of the searched words are also included in the search. For example, when “homeless*” was entered into the search engine, words such as “homelessness”, “homeless youth”, “homeless people”, “homeless services”, “chronic homelessness” were also searched.Step 2: A search with the keyword ‘homeless*’ using ‘All Fields’ and the SSCI, SSCI-Expanded, ESCI and AHCI indices yielded 27,552 results. Within these studies, scientific publications such as articles, books, book chapters, conference abstracts, meeting abstracts were found. When articles were selected from these scientific publications, the number decreased to 21,627.Step 3: Among the articles, the field of ‘social work’ was selected and the number of 2710 was reached. Those 2710 articles (as of 15 March 2024) were defined as the data set to be subjected to bibliometric analysis. The bibliometric analyses conducted as part of this study were systematically mapped, yielding the following key findings:<ul><li>Homelessness as a field of study and homeless people as a disadvantaged group are natural subjects of study and groups in the discipline of social work. Although homelessness studies in social work do not show a regular increase, they have been carried out since the 1980s. Since 2014 there has been a significant increase in research. The increased visibility of homelessness and the increase in the number of homeless people has led to an increase in homelessness research in the field of social work. In particular, the number of research studies on homelessness has increased significantly with the publication of COVID-19 in 2019.&nbsp;</li><li>“Mental health”, “housing”, “homeless youth”, “poverty”, “foster care”, “housing first”, “substance abuse”, “women”, “substance use” and “qualitative research” are the most common keywords used in the studies. Mental health, housing/shelter, substance abuse, substance use and poverty stand out as themes related to the reasons for homelessness and the difficulties experienced by homeless people. Social group-oriented studies of homeless youth and homeless women are studies of a specific group. The frequent use of the word qualitative in research means that qualitative research is more likely to be used in studies of homeless people.&nbsp;</li><li>The frequency of use of keywords varies between years. While the words mental illness, substance abuse, alcohol addiction, children, child abuse, street youth&nbsp;were in the forefront between 2012-2014, the words foster care, shelter and quality of life were used more frequently between 2014-2016. In 2016-2018 there is a trend towards social support, housing and supportive housing. Similarly, in 2018-2020, words such as housing first, permanent housing support, housing insecurity, housing instability and homeless services came to the fore. In particular, the frequent repetition of similar words in the 2014-2020 period shows that housing services for homeless people are often studied. After 2020, homelessness was associated with the words COVID-19, Corona virus, pandemic, and homeless people were mentioned with the topics burnout, secondary trauma stress and food insecurity.</li><li>The countries with the highest number of publications and citations are the USA, Canada and the UK, respectively. The most important reason for the high number of publications and citations in these countries is that homelessness is defined as a social problem and the number of homeless people is high. These countries have contributed to the formation and enrichment of the homelessness literature. In addition, in recent years, there has been an increase in homelessness research in European countries such as Australia, Spain, the Netherlands, Portugal, Norway and Wales.</li><li>Leading institutions in homelessness research, such as the University of Toronto, the University of Denver, and the University of Southern California, have consistently produced the highest number of publications. The high number of publications and citations of the universities is due to the fact that the authors who have published and cited the most on homelessness work at these universities and the high number of homeless people in the cities where these universities are located. The authors who have published and cited the most on homelessness and the publications produced by universities and the citations they receive overlap with each other.</li><li>The three most cited works are Pecora et al. (2006), “Educational and employment outcomes of adults formerly placed in foster care: Results from the Northwest Foster Care Alumni Study”, Kuhn &amp; Culhane’s (1998) “Applying cluster analysis to test a typology of homelessness by pattern of shelter utilization: results from the analysis of administrative data” and Kendall-Tackett (2002), “The health effects of childhood abuse: Four pathways by which abuse can influence health” (The health effects of childhood abuse: Four pathways by which abuse can influence health”.</li><li>Pecora et al. (2006) focused on the impact of foster care on adult functioning in their study and mentioned that negative foster care experiences can cause homelessness. They emphasized that the two most important components that&nbsp;will prevent homelessness are positive experiences and the ability to have independent life preparation skills. Kuhn &amp; Culhane (1998) focused on the themes of preventive and protective services for the homeless. Accordingly, they emphasized that preventive and resettlement assistance for transient homeless people, temporary housing and residential treatment for episodic homeless people, and supported housing and long-term care programs for chronic homeless people would yield more effective results. Kendall-Tackett (2002) found that childhood abuse puts people at risk of depression and posttraumatic stress disorder, participating in harmful activities, experiencing difficulties in relationships, and having negative beliefs and attitudes towards others, each of which increases the likelihood of developing health problems and are interrelated. The three most cited works focused on themes such as child/youth homelessness and foster care services for the homeless. These themes emerged in line with the most used keywords.</li><li>As a result of the research, it was seen that the most frequently used themes in the analyzed articles were the challenges experienced by homeless people (housing, mental health, mental illness, substance abuse, poverty), homeless social groups (homeless children, homeless youth, homeless women) and services for homeless people (foster care, housing support, housing first, shelter). Especially in the last 10 years, there has been an interest in foster care services for the homeless (shelter, staircase model, housing-first). On the other hand, themes such as recovery from homelessness and formerly homeless people and the number of studies with experimental methods are very few.</li></ul>

Bibliometric Analysis of Articles on the Concept of “Homeless” in Social Work with VoSviewer

Tolga

The Future of Digital Education: Artificial Intelligence, the Metaverse, and the Transformation of Education

Esmée

João

Retracted Article: The Role of Polycentric Governance, Public- Private-Civil Partnerships, and Citizen Science as Developed by the C2IMPRESS Project in Building Disaster Resilient Societies

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Claude

Şeyda

Mutfak Üçgeni

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Alexander

Tradition, Morality and Solidarity in Durkheim’s Theory

Çağrı

Since the 1950s, environmental sociology is hardly accepted despite existing social-environmental issues. These problems have been generated by the rapid industrialization and urbanization causing pollution in the post-war era. Environmental sociology was established in the 1970s when environmental problems gained public attention and the environmental movement emerged. The theories of sociologists Durkheim, Weber, who introduced the rationalization concept, and Marx, who introduced the theory of metabolic rift, were welcomed in environmental sociology. However, Durkheim was criticized that his methodological dictum was excluding society-environment interaction. There are two explanations for the association between Durkheim and societyenvironment interaction. On the one hand, the industrialism of his era caused the exclusion of environment from sociology. On the other hand, Durkheim’s works have significant references to environment that indicate a potential for environmental sociology. This paper aims to examine Durkheim’s sociological approach in terms of society-environment interaction. First, the foundation of environmental sociology is summarized. Then, both examples showing the exclusion of environment and societyenvironment interactions in Durkheim’s studies are shown. The paper concludes with the assessment of Durkheim’s contribution to current environmental sociology challenging ecological crisis that threatens society. Although the first years of sociology were marked by geographical and biological determinism, sociologists favoring a “world view” of development, progress, and modernism in later years ignored environment as an issue (Hannigan, 2006). After a century, when environmental problems had surfaced and threatened industrialized Western societies, environmental concerns and movement were accepted in society and from the cultural perspective. Two pioneers of environmental sociology, Dunlap and Catton (1978) criticized human exceptionalism paradigm of causing the exploitation of nature and Durkheim’s methodological dictum (Madappalli, 2016). The paradigm assumes nature as an endless resource and that the human progress is limitless, while human existence is unique as a result of its developed culture (Catton &amp; Dunlap, 1978) that “covers the dependence of human societies to biophysical environment” (Rice, 2013, p. 238). However, environmental problems and restrictions in the 1960s shook this paradigm and Durkheim’s methodological dictum that reportedly ignored society-environment interaction. Hence, environmental parameters were included in sociological researches. In fact, the New Ecological Paradigm (NEP) scale, developed by environmental sociologists, introduced “environmental facts” against the social facts of Durkheim. The paradigm aims to consider the effects of&nbsp;environmental problems like resource scarcity on main sociological research issues like stratification (Catton &amp; Dunlap, 1978). Hence, environmental sociologists, by using the New Ecological Paradigm, challenge Durkheim’s methodological dictum by accepting the effect of environment on society (Dunlap &amp; Catton, 1979). Durkheim was criticized for excluding the impact of the environment on sociology with his methodological dictum. Sociology, a social discipline excluding environment (Foster, 1999, p. 367), was positioned out of “psychology, biology, economics, and geography” by Marx, Weber, and Durkheim, the three fathers of sociology (Buttel, Dickens, Dunlap, &amp; Gijswijt, 2002, p. 5). However, Marx and Weber were applauded for their concepts, the metabolic rift and rationality, in environmental sociology, unlike Durkheim who was criticized for his methodological dictum that was believed to be against the use of biophysical parameters in sociology (Lidskog, Mol, &amp; Oosterveer, 2015). Durkheim defined social facts only with other social facts, ignoring the biophysical environment (Dunlap, 2016), and implied examination of social systems without using environmental parameters (Norgaard, 1997, p. 159). Durkheim developed a social reductionism to resist biological reductionism (Benton, 1991, as cited in Konak, 2010). Hence, traditional sociology following Durkheim’s approach excluded biophysical environment (Hoyen, 2013). To objectify society within a scientific discipline (Durkheim, 2016, pp. 58, 59, 168), Durkheim defended the use of social facts and collective consciousness against biology and psychology (Hannigan, 2006, p. 5), that social facts can only be explained by social facts (Buttel, 2002) that have power over individuals and are different from non-human and organic facts (Durkheim, 2016). As a result, the methodological dictum made Durkheim and sociologists ignore biological and physical parameters (Dunlap, 1997; Dunlap &amp; Catton, 2007). The exclusion of physical reality by Weberian and Durkheimian authors (Ritzer 1975; Choldin 1978, as cited in Dunlap &amp; Catton, 2007) should be seen as a constructive approach in the early years of sociology (Buttel, 2002). The exclusion of environment was dominant and environmental parameters were ignored in other subdisciplines like rural sociology until the 1970s; these subdisciplines are the foundation of environmental sociology (Dunlap &amp; Martin 1983, as cited in Dunlap, 2002). Durkheim implied the static position of nature throughout history while society changes and evolves (Durkheim, 2010; Gross, 2000; Jarvikoski, 1996). Durkheim separated the concept of evolution, originated from ecology and biology, from nature and integrated it into the social sphere (Durkheim, 2014). Furthermore, he put a sharp distinction between human society and animals, as they lack of morality and collective consciousness (Durkheim, 2010) and they are static unlike human societies (Durkheim, 2014). Although sociological theorists Durkheim, Weber, and Marx did not directly examine society-environment interaction; their studies indirectly included this issue (Hannigan, 2006, p. 5). Hence, Durkheim should be comprehended through the extensive framework of human-nature systems instead of narrow anthropocentricism (Rosa &amp; Richter, 2008). In fact, Durkheim did not deny the importance of biological and physical parameters in sociology (Jarvikoski, 1996). Moreover, Durkheim followed the example of natural science during the exploration of social reality (Durkheim, 2016). Despite a strong and common prejudice in traditional sociology, Durkheim’s studies involve many references to the environment. However, the methodological dictum of Durkheimian scholars reinstructed sociology (Catton, 2002), resulting in Dunlap and Catton, two founders of environmental sociology, strongly criticizing the Durkheimian theory. Contrarily, the limited prevalence of social facts and the emphasis on the environmental parameters in Durkheim’s studies are important objections to their critique (Rosa &amp; Richter, 2008). Çelebi (2007, p. 159) highlighted the importance of the balance between population and land as social facts that affect society. Durkheim considered the effects of the position of sun and the condition of the atmosphere to people, and his social morphology notion had other environmental insights like the use of land (Gross, 2000). He also implied the coevolution of nature and society in his work of Pragmatism and Sociology (Foster, 1999). According to him, nature is not the reverse of society, but a part, the highest representation, and complex form of nature (Durkheim 2010; Jarvikoski, 1996). Moreover, Durkheim (2016) implied similarities between “physical environment” and society and defined society as part of nature. Durkheim often referred to nature in his classical study of totemism. Tribe members lean toward plants, animals, and rocks in understanding their society. They imitate animals in their religious rituals. Safety and domination of nature make up their religion (Durkheim, 2010). Durkheim often used biological terms like species, population density, and resource scarcity in his explanation of social evolution and solidarity concepts (Buttel, 2002). He implied that division of labor exists in all living organisms, and transfers society from nature (Durkheim, 2014). On the other hand, his notion of competition and division of labor undermined environmental concerns like pollution and resource scarcity in urbanization (Lenski, 1984, as cited in Buttel &amp; Humprey, 2002). This paper aims to examine Durkheim’s sociological approach in terms of societyenvironment interaction. The construction process of sociology as a distinct discipline excluded environmental parameters. However, urbanization and industrialization in the 1950s have caused environmental concerns and movements in Western societies.&nbsp;The foundation of environmental sociology was challenged in the 1970s by the methodological dictum of Durkheim. Although some of his studies strongly separate society from environment like social facts, he often referred to environmental concepts like population, balance, organism, and resource scarcity. Durkheim also implied metabolic interaction between society and environment, and that society is a complex part of nature.

Society-Environment Interaction in Durkheim: Exclusion of Social Facts versus Environmental Potential

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Eric

Durkheim and the Nation

Bjørn

From Holism to Participation: Three Phases in Durkheim’s Work

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Manuscript submission system of the journal is Istanbul University Online Publishing Management System.

Published by the Istanbul University Department of Sociology, İstanbul University Journal of Sociology has held an important place in the development of sociology as a scientific discipline in Turkey. 

First published in 1917, İstanbul University Journal of Sociology was the first sociology journal written in Turkish. In its roughly 100-year history, the journal has become the most pioneering and prominent publication within the discipline. The publication languages of the journal are Turkish, English, French and Germany. The print version of the journal has been stopped as of 2022; the publication continues as an electronic only journal.

İstanbul University Journal of Sociology is an open-access, double-blind peer-reviewed, international journal focusing on the publication of research and studies covering all aspects of the social. The journal’s goal is to aid and facilitate both international and interdisciplinary scientific communication, to strengthen the links between scientific research and society in Turkey, and to stimulate and enhance the quality of debate. Representing an interdisciplinary forum for the exchange of recent data and expert opinions, it reflects the importance of a comprehensive approach to resolving the social problems in Turkey.
İstanbul University Journal of Sociology publishes peer-reviewed research reports on sociology, bringing together research conducted within a variety of different disciplines. Articles include theoretical, philosophical, political essays, research papers, research on social behaviors, and historical research related to any social activity. In addition to original research, the journal features both articles and book reviews.
Studies that clearly contribute to the current knowledge of sociology are given priority. Scholarly commentaries on topical issues and systematic reviews are also encouraged.

All expenses of the journal are covered by the Istanbul University. Processing and publication are free of charge with the journal. There is no article processing charges or submission fees for any submitted or accepted articles. http://istanbul.edu.tr:8080/en/journal/iusd/information/policies                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                        

ProQuest

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EBSCO

ERIH PLUS

TR Dizin

DOAJ

SOBIAD

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The journal’s goal is to aid and facilitate both international and interdisciplinary scientific communication, to strengthen the links between scientific research and society in Turkey, and to stimulate and enhance the quality of debate. Representing an interdisciplinary forum for the exchange of recent data and expert opinions, it reflects the importance of a comprehensive approach to resolving the social problems in Turkey. İstanbul University Journal of Sociology publishes peer-reviewed research reports on sociology, bringing together research conducted within a variety of different disciplines. Articles include theoretical, philosophical, political essays, research papers, research on social behaviors, and historical research related to any social activity. In addition to original research, the journal features both articles and book reviews.

Aim & Scope

<ul><li>Web of Science Emerging Sources Citation Index (ESCI)</li><li>TÜBİTAK ULAKBİM TR-Dizin </li><li>EBSCO Sociology Source Ultimate​</li><li>EBSCO SocINDEX (with Full Text) </li><li>DOAJ</li><li>ProQuest CSA Sociological Abstract</li><li>Erih Plus</li><li>SOBİAD</li><li>Gale Cengage</li>  </ul>

Indexing and Abstracting

The journal is committed to upholding the highest standards of publication ethics and pays regard to Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing published by the <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, the <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, the <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a>, and the <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> on <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a> The subjects covered in the manuscripts submitted to the Journal for publication must be in accordance with the aim and scope of the Journal. Only those manuscripts approved by every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Changing the name of an author (omission, addition or order) in papers submitted to the Journal requires written permission of all declared authors.Plagiarism, duplication, fraud authorship/denied authorship, research/data fabrication, salami slicing/salami publication, breaching of copyrights, prevailing conflict of interest are unethical behaviors. All manuscripts not in accordance with the accepted ethical standards will be removed from the publication. This also contains any possible malpractice discovered after the publication. Plagiarism Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. If plagiarism/self-plagiarism will be found authors will be informed. Editors may resubmit manuscript for similarity check at any peer-review or production stage if required. High similarity scores may lead to rejection of a manuscript before and even after acceptance. Depending on the type of article and the percentage of similarity score taken from each article, the overall similarity score is generally expected to be less than 15 or 20%. Double Blind Peer-Review After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by the editors-in-chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope. The editor provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles and hands over the papers matching the formal rules to at least two national/international referees for evaluation and gives green light for publication upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.

Policies

The journal is an open access journal and all content is freely available without charge to the user or his/her institution. Except for commercial purposes, users are allowed to read, download, copy, print, search, or link to the full texts of the articles in this journal without asking prior permission from the publisher or the author. This is in accordance with the <a href="https://www.budapestopenaccessinitiative.org/read" target="_blank">BOAI</a> definition of open access.The open access articles in the journal are licensed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.en" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) license.

All expenses of the journal are covered by the Istanbul University. Processing and publication are free of charge with the journal. There is no article processing charges or submission fees for any submitted or accepted articles.

Authors publishing with the journal retain the copyright to their work licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/" target="_blank">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/</a>) and grant the Publisher non-exclusive commercial right to publish the work. CC BY-NC 4.0 license permits unrestricted, non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

Editor should consider publishing correction if minor errors that do not effect the results, interpretations and conclusions of the published paper are detected. Editor should consider retraction if major errors and/or misconduction that invalidate results and conclusions are detected.Editor should consider issuing an expression of concern if there is evidence of research or publication misconduct by the authors; there is evidence that the findings are not reliable and institutions of the authors do not investigate the case or the possible investigation seems to be unfair or nonconclusive. The guidelines of <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/flowcharts/complete-set-english" target="_blank">COPE</a> and <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/" target="_blank">ICJME</a> are taken into consideration regarding correction, retractions or expression of concern.RetractionJournal follows <a href="https://publicationethics.org/sites/default/files/retraction-guidelines-cope.pdf" target="_blank">COPE’s Retraction Guidelines</a> in case of retraction. The editor has the right to retract an article if: <ul><li>There is clear evidence that the findings are unreliable; either as a result of a major error (e.g. miscalculation or experimental error), or as a result of fabrication (e.g. of data) or falsification (e.g. image manipulation).</li><li>It contains plagiarised content. </li><li>It has been published elsewhere without proper attribution. </li><li>It contains material or data without authorisation for use.</li><li>There is copyright infringement or there is some other serious legal issue.</li><li>It reports unethical research. </li><li>There is evidence that the peer-review process is compromised or manipulated.</li><li>The author(s) failed to disclose a significant competing interest (also known as a conflict of interest) that, in the opinion of the editor, would have unduly influenced the interpretation of the work or the recommendations of the editors and peer reviewers.</li></ul>In case of retraction the following steps are followed:<ul><li>Retraction notice including article title is published in a subsequent issue of the journal. The retraction notice is paginated and listed in the table of contents. </li><li>A link is provided between the retraction notice and the original article in the electronic version. </li><li>The online article is preceded by a page containing the retraction notice; the reader can then proceed to the article itself.</li><li>The original article remains unchanged, except for a watermark on the .pdf on each page stating that it has been &#34;retracted”.</li></ul>Article Removal for Legal ReasonsIn the following circumstances, except the metadata (title and authors), the text of the article is removed and a page informing that the article has been removed for legal reasons replaces the article. <ul><li>The article is found to be defamatory or to infringe the legal rights of others, and retraction is not deemed to be an adequate solution.</li><li>The article has been, or is reasonably likely to be the subject of a court order.</li><li>There is a significant risk to public health. </li></ul>

To guarantee that all papers published in the journal are maintained and permanently accessible, articles are stored in Dergipark which serves as a  national archival web site and at the same time permits LOCKSS to  collect, preserve, and serve the content.Additionally, authors are encouraged to self-archive the final PDF version of their articles in open electronic archives with  that conform to standards of Open Archives Initiative (<a href="https://www.openarchives.org/" target="_blank">https://www.openarchives.org/</a>). Authors should provide a link from the deposited version to the URL of IUPress journal website.

The Artificial Intelligence Policy, prepared in light of developments in artificial intelligence (AI) and practices in scholarly publishing, sets out the editorial and ethical principles that authors, reviewers, and editors should follow when using such technologies. The following sources have been considered in the preparation of the AI policy:Committee on Publication Ethics <a href="https://publicationethics.org/guidance/cope-position/authorship-and-ai-tools" target="_blank">(COPE) - Authorship and AI tools</a>; International Committee of Medical Journal Editors <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/browse/roles-and-responsibilities/defining-the-role-of-authors-and-contributors.html#four" target="_blank">(ICMJE) - Artificial Intelligence (AI)-Assisted Technology; World Association of Medical Editors  (WAME) Chatbots, Generative AI, and Scholarly Manuscripts</a><a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/browse/roles-and-responsibilities/defining-the-role-of-authors-and-contributors.html#four"></a>AI-assisted technologies (such as large language models [LLMs], chatbots, or image generators) can develop and produce a wide variety of content, including text, images, audio, and synthetic data. When used ethically and safely, these capabilities can increase productivity and foster innovation, but when used without human guidance, they pose risks such as inaccurate and biased results, omissions and errors in citations, deficiencies in protecting privacy and intellectual property rights, and potential violations of authors' and publishers' rights. IUPress adopts the following core principles to avoid these risks in the use of AI:  <ul><li>Details of any AI used in the production of content (including but not limited to text, figures, images, and code) must be declared and clearly explained in the appropriate section of the paper (as an acknowledgement and/or in the methods section). </li><li>No AI tool may be listed as an author in any scientific paper. </li><li>Authors are responsible for the accuracy, completeness, and originality of their work, even if AI is used in any way; they are responsible for the proper referencing and attribution of others' ideas, data, words, or other materials. </li><li>Reviewers and editors must not upload submitted work, in whole or in part, to any generative AI application.</li></ul>In the editorial processes of IUPress publications, tools are available to assist editors in identifying AI-generated content. On the other hand, it is common to use AI tools that provide suggestions for improving and enhancing readability, language, and grammar, and such AI tools can be used in IUPress publications under the supervision of editors and authors.

Artificial Intelligence Policy

<ul><li>Authors are required to declare if they have used AI-assisted technologies (such as large language models [LLMs], chatbots, or image generators) in the creation of their submitted work. </li><li>Authors should explain, both in the cover letter and in the appropriate section of the submitted paper (as a footnote and/or in the methods section), which AI tool and which version of it they have used and for what purpose. </li><li>Authors should also indicate how they used the AI tool and how they assessed the validity of the results obtained using this technology, and what aspects of the paper, manuscript content, data or supporting files were influenced by the use of the AI tool or were generated by AI.</li><li>It is the authors' responsibility to ensure the accuracy, validity and appropriateness of content and citations generated by AI-assisted technologies and to eliminate potential errors, inconsistencies and biased results. </li><li>Authors should always check the original sources to eliminate possible plagiarism, recognising that there is a potential for plagiarism in texts produced with AI-assisted technologies. They should confirm that they have checked and that the sources are original.  </li><li>AI-assisted tools (such as ChatGPT) cannot be listed as authors because they cannot be responsible for the accuracy, integrity, and originality of the work, and these responsibilities are essential to authorship. Therefore, authors are responsible for all material involving the use of AI-assisted technologies. Authors should ensure that all statements in the article that state the hypotheses, interpretations, conclusions, limitations, and implications of the study represent their own opinions.  </li><li>Studies created by authors using AI tools in the following ways, which substitute for the basic researcher's and author's responsibilities, violate the principles of scientific publishing and publication ethics, and such studies are not eligible for inclusion in publications: </li></ul><ul><ul><li>&#65279;Generation of text or code without rigorous review, </li><li>Generation of synthetic data to replace missing data without a robust methodology, </li><li>Creation of any inaccurate, synthetic content, including abstracts or supplementary materials, </li><li>Creation and manipulation of images and figures (pictures, graphs, data tables, medical images, image snippets, computer codes and formulae) or original research data (enhancing, hiding, moving, removing or adding a particular feature within an image or figure) using AI.&#65279;</li></ul></ul>

It is essential to maintain confidentiality in the peer review process and not to share or use the reviewed work in this process. <a href="https://publicationethics.org/sites/default/files/ethical-guidelines-peer-reviewers-cope.pdf" target="_blank">(COPE – Ethical Guidelines for Peer Reviewers</a>)<ul><li>Reviewers should not upload a manuscript or part of a manuscript submitted to them for review to generative AI tools or large language models to assist in the review, evaluation or decision-making process, as uploading content to such AI tools by reviewers violates the authors' privacy and property rights.  </li><li>Reviewing a scientific paper is a responsibility that can only be undertaken by human beings. The critical thinking and original evaluation required for peer review is beyond the scope of this technology, and there is a risk that the technology will produce inaccurate, incomplete or biased conclusions about the paper. The peer review report and decision letters should reflect the personal assessment of the reviewers and editors of the submitted content. The reviewer is responsible and accountable for the content of his/her report. </li><li>AI tools may be used in a limited way to improve the quality of the language of the peer review report (for translation or language editing) in the context of peer review. If such use is made, the reviewer must declare the use when submitting the report. </li><li>Reviewers who suspect inappropriate or undisclosed use of generative AI in a submission should report their concerns to the editor.</li></ul>

Editors are obliged to ensure that the confidentiality of the manuscripts submitted to the journal is maintained during the evaluation process, and it is essential that the peer-reviewed work is not shared or used outside the parties involved in that process. (COPE - Code of Conduct and Best Practice Guidelines for Journal Editors) <a href="https://publicationethics.org/files/Code_of_conduct_for_journal_editors_Mar11.pdf" target="_blank">(COPE – Code of Conduct and Best Practice Guidelines for Journal Editors)</a>.<ul><li>Editors should not upload a submitted article, or any part of it, to generative Artificial Intelligence tools or Big Language Models to assist in the review, evaluation or decision-making process, as this may violate authors' privacy and property rights. </li><li>Managing the editorial review of a scientific article implies responsibilities that can only be attributed to humans. Generative AI or AI-assisted technologies should not be used by editors to assist in the evaluation or decision-making process of an article, as the critical thinking and original evaluation required for this task is beyond the scope of this technology and there is a risk that the technology will produce inaccurate, incomplete or biased conclusions about the article. The editor is responsible and accountable for the editorial process, the final decision and its communication to the authors.</li><li>Editors should not use generative AI tools to compose decision letters or abstracts of unpublished research. </li><li>Editors may use generative AI tools to help find appropriate reviewers.</li><li>If editors suspect the use of generative AI in a submitted manuscript or a submitted referee report, they should conduct an editorial review of the matter and consider the policy.</li></ul>

İstanbul University Journal of Sociology is committed to upholding the highest standards of publication ethics and pays regard to Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing published by the <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, the <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, the <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a>, and the <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> on <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a>All submissions must be original, unpublished (including as full text in conference proceedings), and not under the review of any other publication synchronously. Authors must ensure that submitted work is original. They must certify that the manuscript has not previously been published elsewhere or is not currently being considered for publication elsewhere, in any language. Applicable copyright laws and conventions must be followed. Copyright material (e.g. tables, figures or extensive quotations) must be reproduced only with appropriate permission and acknowledgement. Any work or words of other authors, contributors, or sources must be appropriately credited and referenced.Each manuscript is reviewed by one of the editors and at least two referees under double-blind peer review process. Plagiarism, duplication, fraud authorship/denied authorship, research/data fabrication, salami slicing/salami publication, breaching of copyrights, prevailing conflict of interest are unnethical behaviors.All manuscripts not in accordance with the accepted ethical standards will be removed from the publication. This also contains any possible malpractice discovered after the publication. In accordance with the code of conduct we will report any cases of suspected plagiarism or duplicate publishing.

Ethics

İstanbul University Journal of Sociology adheres to the highest standards in research ethics and follows the principles of international research ethics as defined below. The authors are responsible for the compliance of the manuscripts with the ethical rules.-    Principles of integrity, quality and transparency should be sustained in designing the research, reviewing the design and conducting the research.-    The research team and participants should be fully informed about the aim, methods, possible uses and requirements of the research and risks of participation in research.-    The confidentiality of the information provided by the research participants and the confidentiality of the respondents should be ensured. The research should be designed to protect the autonomy and dignity of the participants.-    Research participants should participate in the research voluntarily, not under any coercion.-    Any possible harm to participants must be avoided. The research should be planned in such a way that the participants are not at risk.-    The independence of research must be clear; and any conflict of interest or must be disclosed.-    In experimental studies with human subjects, written informed consent of the participants who decide to participate in the research must be obtained. In the case of children and those under wardship or with confirmed insanity, legal custodian’s assent must be obtained.-    If the study is to be carried out in any institution or organization, approval must be obtained from this institution or organization.-    In studies with human subject, it must be noted in the method’s section of the manuscript that the informed consent of the participants and ethics committee approval from the institution where the study has been conducted have been obtained.

It is authors’ responsibility to ensure that the article is in accordance with scientific and ethical standards and rules. And authors must ensure that submitted work is original. They must certify that the manuscript has not previously been published elsewhere or is not currently being considered for publication elsewhere, in any language. Applicable copyright laws and conventions must be followed. Copyright material (e.g. tables, figures or extensive quotations) must be reproduced only with appropriate permission and acknowledgement. Any work or words of other authors, contributors, or sources must be appropriately credited and referenced.All the authors of a submitted manuscript must have direct scientific and academic contribution to the manuscript. The author(s) of the original research articles is defined as a person who is significantly involved in “conceptualization and design of the study”, “collecting the data”, “analyzing the data”, “writing the manuscript”, “reviewing the manuscript with a critical perspective” and “planning/conducting the study of the manuscript and/or revising it”. Fund raising, data collection or supervision of the research group are not sufficient roles to be accepted as an author. The author(s) must meet all these criteria described above. The order of names in the author list of an article must be a co-decision and it must be indicated in the <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/ABCAC0D48F9844D0B211AD7D55559C54" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a>. The individuals who do not meet the authorship criteria but contributed to the study must take place in the acknowledgement section. Individuals providing technical support, assisting writing, providing a general support, providing material or financial support are examples to be indicated in acknowledgement section.All authors must disclose all issues concerning financial relationship, conflict of interest, and competing interest that may potentially influence the results of the research or scientific judgment.When an author discovers a significant error or inaccuracy in his/her own published paper, it is the author’s obligation to promptly cooperate with the Editor-in-Chief to provide retractions or corrections of mistakes.

Editor evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, sexual orientation, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors. Editor provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles for publication and ensures that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential before publishing.Editor is responsible for the content and overall quality of the publication and must publish errata pages or make corrections when needed.Editor does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers. Only editor has the full authority to assign a reviewer and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal.Reviewers’ judgments must be objective. Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the Editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the Editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. Unless the authors and editor permit, the reviews of referees cannot be published or disclosed. The anonymity of the referees is important. In particular situations, the editor may share the review of one reviewer with other reviewers to clarify a particular point.

Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by editor-in-chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope.The editor hands over the papers matching the formal rules to at least two national/international referees for double-blind peer review evaluation and gives green light for publication upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.&#65279;

Peer Review

Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors. Editor-in-Chief provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles for publication and ensures that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential before publishing.Editor-in-Chief is responsible for the contents and overall quality of the publication. He/She must publish errata pages or make corrections when needed.Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers. Only he has the full authority to assign a reviewer and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal.Reviewers must have no conflict of interest with respect to the research, the authors and/or the research funders. Their judgments must be objective.Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees must be ensured. In particular situations, the editor may share the review of one reviewer with other reviewers to clarify a particular point.

Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by Editor-in-Chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope.Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors and ensures a fair double-blind peer review of the selected manuscripts.​ The selected manuscripts are sent to at least two national/international external referees for evaluation and publication decision is given by Editor-in-Chief upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims. Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal. Reviewers’ judgments must be objective. Reviewers’ comments on the following aspects are expected while conducting the review.- Does the manuscript contain new and significant information?- Does the abstract clearly and accurately describe the content of the manuscript?- Is the problem significant and concisely stated?- Are the methods described comprehensively?- Are the interpretations and consclusions justified by the results?- Is adequate references made to other Works in the field?- Is the language acceptable?Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees is important.

General Formatting Requirements<a href="http://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/FileHandler2.ashx?f=formatting_guidelines1.pdf" target="_blank">Formatting and content requirements for manuscripts to be submitted to İstanbul University Journal of Sociology </a>Font: The font used in the entire manuscript should be Times New Roman, font size 10. For tables and figures, see below.Page Layout: Page margins for bottom, top, right, and left should be pre-set as 2.5 cm (0.98 inch). Text should be justified with no hyphenation breaks in words at the end of a line. Text should be typed as a single-column document. Paragraphs and headings should not be indented, but aligned with the main text.Paragraph Format: Paragraph indents should be pre-set in the tabs section as follows:before and after: 0.6 nkline spacing: 1.5.Page Limit: Manuscripts prepared in compliance with the guidelines should not exceed 20 pages.Manuscript SectionsTitle: Article titles should be boldfaced and centered. If the study has been submitted before or extracted from a project or a thesis, an asterisk (*) should be placed at the end of the title and an explanation provided as a footnote. (Please refer to the sample).Author (s)’s Names: Author’s names should be written in bold. Authors’ full names, titles, institutional affiliations, postal addresses, and contact details such as e-mail addresses should be mentioned.Abstract: Abstracts should be between150–200 words. No citations should appear in the abstractKey Words: 5–8 words representing the manuscript should be given as keywords.Main Text: Qualitative and quantitative studies should contain the following sections: Introduction, Method, Findings, and Discussion. The Methods section must include Sampling/Study Population, Data Collection Tools,and Procedure as sub-sections if an original research method has been used.Literature reviews should elaborate on the problem, analyze the relevant literature, emphasize the gaps and inconsistencies in the literature, and discuss actions toward solving these problems.Other types of studies can allow slight variations in sections, but they should not contain too many details and sub-sections that could distract readers’ attention and compromise readability.Başlık* Title in TurkishÖz* Öz (Abstract in Turkish) should be between150–200 words. No citations should appear in the “öz”Anahtar Kelimeler* 5-8 Turkish words representing the manuscript should be given as “anahtar kelimeler”Uzun Özet* A 1000-1500 word extended abstract in Turkish that provides the main points of main textReferences: Both in-text citations and references should comply with the APA guidelines as provided in the Publication Manual of American Psychological Association(APA) (6th edition).<ul><li>“Başlık”, “Öz”, “Anahtar Kelimeler” and “Uzun Özet” will be supplied by İstanbul University Journal of Sociology translation office for authors whose native language is not Turkish</li></ul>Tables, Figures, and AppendicesTables and Figures: Tables, figures, pictures, graphics, and similar aspects should be embedded in the text, and not provided as appendices.For tables and figures, use Times New Roman, font size 9.Under the Paragraph tab, ensure that the indentation is as follows:<ul><li>Before and after: 0</li><li>Spacing: Single</li></ul>Tables and figures should be left aligned, and the text wrapping feature should be turned off. Please refer to the sample below for tables.Appendices: Each appendix should be displayed on a separate page after the references section.

Author Guidelines

Before beginning the online submission process please read the Information for Authors and make sure you have the followings available:<a href="http://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/FileHandler2.ashx?f=formatting_guidelines1.pdf" target="_blank">Formatting and content requirements for manuscripts to be submitted to İstanbul University Journal of Sociology</a>Cover letter to the editor<ul type="disc"> <ul type="circle"> <li>The category of the manuscript</li> <li>Confirming that “the paper is not under consideration for publication in another journal”.</li> <li>Including disclosure of any commercial or financial involvement.</li> <li>Confirming that the statistical design of the research article is reviewed.</li> <li>Confirming that last control for fluent English was done.</li> <li>Confirming that journal policies detailed in Information for Authors have been reviewed.</li> <li>Confirming that the references cited in the text and listed in the references section are in line with APA 6.</li> </ul> </ul><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/ABCAC0D48F9844D0B211AD7D55559C54" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a>Permission of previous published material if used in the present manuscript<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/65CEC23E332146C09925642990ED5D91" target="_blank">Title page</a><ul type="disc"> <ul type="circle"> <li>The category of the manuscript</li> <li>The title of the manuscript both in the language of the article and in English</li> <li>All authors’ names and affiliations (institution, faculty/department, city, country), e-mail addresses</li> <li>Corresponding author’s email address, full postal address, telephone and fax number</li> <li>ORCIDs of all authors.</li> </ul> </ul>Main Manuscript Document<ul type="disc"> <ul type="circle"> <li>The title of the manuscript both in the language of the article and in English</li> <li>Abstracts (200-250 words) both in the language of the article and in English</li> <li>Key words: 5 words both in the language of the article and in English</li> <li>Extended Abstract (600-800 words) in English (only for articles which are not in English)</li> <li>Main article sections</li> <li>Acknowledgement (if exits)</li> <li>References</li> <li>All tables, illustrations (figures) (including title, description, footnotes)</li></ul></ul><ul type="disc"> </ul>Files to be uploaded separately<ul type="disc"> <li><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/3987D117ECEB471BB87B0B638CAF14C1" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a></li> <li>Permissions obtained for previously published material if used in the present manuscript</li> <li><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/65CEC23E332146C09925642990ED5D91" target="_blank">Title page</a></li> <li>Main Manuscript Document</li> </ul><ul type="disc"> <ul type="circle"> <li>The title of the manuscript both in the language of the article and in English</li> <li>Abstracts (200-250 words) both in the language of the article and in English</li> <li>Key words: 5 words both in Turkish and in English</li> <li>Extended Abstract (600-800 words) in English (only for articles which are not in English)</li> <li>Main article sections</li> <li>Acknowledgement (if exists)</li> <li>References</li> <li>All tables, illustrations (figures) (including title, description, footnotes)</li></ul></ul><ul type="disc"> </ul>

İstanbul University Journal of Sociology complies with APA (American Psychological Association) style 6th Edition for referencing and quoting. For more information:-    American Psychological Association. (2010). Publication manual of the American PsychologicalAssociation (6th ed.). Washington, DC: APA.-    <a href="http://www.apastyle.org" target="_blank">http://www.apastyle.org</a>Accuracy of citation is the author’s responsibility. All references should be cited in text. Reference list must be in alphabetical order. Type references in the style shown below.Citations in the TextCitations must be indicated with the author surname and publication year within the parenthesis.If more than one citation is made within the same paranthesis, separate them with (;).Samples:More than one citation;(Esin et al., 2002; Karasar, 1995)Citation with one author;(Akyolcu, 2007)Citation with two authors;(Sayıner &amp; Demirci, 2007)Citation with three, four, five authors;First citation in the text: (Ailen, Ciambrune, &amp; Welch, 2000) Subsequent citations in the text: (Ailen et al., 2000)Citations with more than six authors;(Çavdar et al., 2003)Citations in the ReferenceAll the citations done in the text should be listed in the References section in alphabetical order of author surname without numbering. Below given examples should be considered in citing the references.Basic Reference TypesBooka) Turkish BookKarasar, N. (1995). Araştırmalarda rapor hazırlama (8th ed.) [Preparing research reports]. Ankara, Turkey: 3A Eğitim Danışmanlık Ltd.b) Book Translated into TurkishMucchielli, A. (1991). Zihniyetler [Mindsets] (A. Kotil, Trans.). İstanbul, Turkey: İletişim Yayınları.c) Edited BookÖren, T., Üney, T., &amp; Çölkesen, R. (Eds.). (2006). Türkiye bilişim ansiklopedisi [Turkish Encyclopedia of Informatics]. İstanbul, Turkey: Papatya Yayıncılık.d) Turkish Book with Multiple AuthorsTonta, Y., Bitirim, Y., &amp; Sever, H. (2002). Türkçe arama motorlarında performans değerlendirme [Performance evaluation in Turkish search engines]. Ankara, Turkey: Total Bilişim.e) Book in EnglishKamien R., &amp; Kamien A. (2014). Music: An appreciation. New York, NY: McGraw-Hill Education.f) Chapter in an Edited BookBassett, C. (2006). Cultural studies and new media. In G. Hall &amp; C. Birchall (Eds.), New cultural studies: Adventures in theory (pp. 220–237). Edinburgh, UK: Edinburgh University Press.g) Chapter in an Edited Book in TurkishErkmen, T. (2012). Örgüt kültürü: Fonksiyonları, öğeleri, işletme yönetimi ve liderlikteki önemi [Organization culture: Its functions, elements and importance in leadership and business management]. In M. Zencirkıran (Ed.), Örgüt sosyolojisi [Organization sociology] (pp. 233–263). Bursa, Turkey: Dora Basım Yayın.h) Book with the same organization as author and publisherAmerican Psychological Association. (2009). Publication manual of the American psychological association (6th ed.). Washington, DC: Author.Articlea) Turkish ArticleMutlu, B., &amp; Savaşer, S. (2007). Çocuğu ameliyat sonrası yoğun bakımda olan ebeveynlerde stres nedenleri ve azaltma girişimleri [Source and intervention reduction of stress for parents whose children are in intensive care unit after surgery]. Istanbul University Florence Nightingale Journal of Nursing, 15(60), 179–182.b) English Articlede Cillia, R., Reisigl, M., &amp; Wodak, R. (1999). The discursive construction of national identity. Discourse and Society, 10(2), 149–173. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957926599010002002c) Journal Article with DOI and More Than Seven AuthorsLal, H., Cunningham, A. L., Godeaux, O., Chlibek, R., Diez-Domingo, J., Hwang, S.-J. ... Heineman, T. C. (2015). Efficacy of an adjuvanted herpes zoster subunit vaccine in older adults. New England Journal of Medicine, 372, 2087–2096. http://dx.doi.org/10.1056/NEJMoa1501184d) Journal Article from Web, without DOISidani, S. (2003). Enhancing the evaluation of nursing care effectiveness. Canadian Journal of Nursing Research, 35(3), 26–38. Retrieved from http://cjnr.mcgill.cae) Journal Article wih DOITurner, S. J. (2010). Website statistics 2.0: Using Google Analytics to measure library website effectiveness. Technical Services Quarterly, 27, 261–278. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07317131003765910f) Advance Online PublicationSmith, J. A. (2010). Citing advance online publication: A review. Journal of Psychology. Advance online publication. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/a45d7867g) Article in a MagazineHenry, W. A., III. (1990, April 9). Making the grade in today’s schools. Time, 135, 28–31.Doctoral Dissertation, Master’s Thesis, Presentation, Proceedinga) Dissertation/Thesis from a Commercial DatabaseVan Brunt, D. (1997). Networked consumer health information systems (Doctoral dissertation). Available from ProQuest Dissertations and Theses database. (UMI No. 9943436)b) Dissertation/Thesis from an Institutional DatabaseYaylalı-Yıldız, B. (2014). University campuses as places of potential publicness: Exploring the politicals, social and cultural practices in Ege University (Doctoral dissertation). Retrieved from http://library.iyte.edu.tr/tr/hizli-erisim/iyte-tez-portalic) Dissertation/Thesis from WebTonta, Y. A. (1992). An analysis of search failures in online library catalogs (Doctoral dissertation, University of California, Berkeley). Retrieved from http://yunus.hacettepe.edu.tr/~tonta/yayinlar /phd/ickapak.htmld) Dissertation/Thesis abstracted in Dissertations Abstracts InternationalAppelbaum, L. G. (2005). Three studies of human information processing: Texture amplifica&#173;tion, motion representation, and figure-ground segregation. Dissertation Abstracts International: Section B. Sciences and Engineering, 65(10), 5428.e) Symposium ContributionKrinsky-McHale, S. J., Zigman, W. B., &amp; Silverman, W. (2012, August). Are neuropsychiatric symptoms markers of prodromal Alzheimer’s disease in adults with Down syndrome? In W. B. Zigman (Chair), Predictors of mild cognitive impairment, dementia, and mortality in adults with Down syndrome. Symposium conducted at the meeting of the American Psychological Association, Orlando, FL.f) Conference Paper Abstract Retrieved OnlineLiu, S. (2005, May). Defending against business crises with the help of intelligent agent based early warning solutions. Paper presented at the Seventh International Conference on Enterprise Information Systems, Miami, FL. Abstract retrieved from http://www.iceis.org/iceis2005/abstracts_2005.htmg) Conference Paper - In Regularly Published Proceedings and Retrieved OnlineHerculano-Houzel, S., Collins, C. E., Wong, P., Kaas, J. H., &amp; Lent, R. (2008). The basic nonuniformity of the cerebral cortex. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 105, 12593–12598. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.0805417105h) Proceeding in Book FormParsons, O. A., Pryzwansky, W. B., Weinstein, D. J., &amp; Wiens, A. N. (1995). Taxonomy for psychology. In J. N. Reich, H. Sands, &amp; A. N. Wiens (Eds.), Education and training beyond the doctoral degree: Proceedings of the American Psychological Association National Conference on Postdoctoral Education and Training in Psychology (pp. 45–50). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association.i) Paper PresentationNguyen, C. A. (2012, August). Humor and deception in advertising: When laughter may not be the best medicine. Paper presented at the meeting of the American Psychological Association, Orlando, FL.Other Sourcesa) Newspaper ArticleBrowne, R. (2010, March 21). This brainless patient is no dummy. Sydney Morning Herald, 45.b) Newspaper Article with no AuthorNew drug appears to sharply cut risk of death from heart failure. (1993, July 15). The Washington Post, p. A12.c) Web Page/Blog PostBordwell, D. (2013, June 18). David Koepp: Making the world movie-sized [Web log post]. Retrieved from http://www.davidbordwell.net/blog/page/27/d) Online Encyclopedia/DictionaryIgnition. (1989). In Oxford English online dictionary (2nd ed.). Retrieved from http://dictionary.oed. comMarcoux, A. (2008). Business ethics. In E. N. Zalta (Ed.). The Stanford encyclopedia of philosophy. Retrieved from http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/ethics-business/e) PodcastDunning, B. (Producer). (2011, January 12). inFact: Conspiracy theories [Video podcast]. Retrieved from http://itunes.apple.com/f) Single Episode in a Television SeriesEgan, D. (Writer), &amp; Alexander, J. (Director). (2005). Failure to communicate. [Television series episode]. In D. Shore (Executive producer), House; New York, NY: Fox Broadcasting.g) MusicFuchs, G. (2004). Light the menorah. On Eight nights of Hanukkah [CD]. Brick, NJ: Kid Kosher.

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Issue Type	Regular
Editor(s)	İsmail Coşkun
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İstanbul University Journal of Sociology

VOLUME 42, ISSUE 1, 2022

Sosyal İlişkiler Ölçeği’nin Geliştirilmesi ve Psikometrik Özellikleri

Türkiye’de Profesyonel Askerliğin Sosyolojik Bir İncelemesi: Meslek, Görev ya da Yaşam Tarzı?

Psychometric Evaluation of the Factors for University Choice Scale in a Military Academy

Aile Götürülemeyen Garnizon Dışı Görevlerin Asker Eşlerinin Fiziksel Sağlığı, Ruh Sağlığı ve Evlilik Memnuniyeti Üzerindeki Etkileri

Askerî Sosyolojide Sivil-Asker Mesafesi Tartışmaları

Köktürk Yazıtlarının “Askerî Propaganda” Bağlamında Değerlendirilmesi

Islamic Propaganda by the French During the Occupation of Egypt (1798-1801)

Ebedi Barış ve Askeri Sosyoloji İlişkisi Üzerine Bir İnceleme

Militarizasyon MENA Ülkelerinde Çevresel Kirliliği Nasıl Etkiliyor?

“Ben ve Öteki” Bağlamında Yakup Kadri’nin Sodom ve Gomore Romanında Yabancı Askerler

Revisiting Institutional/Occupational Model in Turkish Military

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