Determining land and maritime borders has played a pivotal role in the nation-state-building processes of Türkiye and Greece. The Treaty of Lausanne in 1923 has marked critical principles for defining borders. The treaty also mandated the demilitarization of islands ceded to Greece and established a 30-km-deep strip of land on both sides in the Thrace border region to be mutually demilitarized. Commissions were set up to implement these demilitarization arrangements, including the Turkish-Greek Border Delimitation Commission, which was responsible for marking the border in Thrace and resolving potential disputes. However, the commission’s efforts were mainly confined to land borders. This study explores the determination of the land-river and sea borders between Türkiye and Greece, examining whether the maritime sovereignty borders were clearly defined and addressing any deficiencies. The Athens Protocol of November 3, 1926, emerged as a critical reference in the border delimitation process, asserting that the current state of the river should guide border determination and that the border remains unchanged even if the riverbed shifts. In conclusion, while the work of the Border Delimitation Commission established after Lausanne partially regulated land and river borders, it left maritime boundaries and airspace issues unaddressed.
Türkiye-Yunanistan’ın ulus-devlet inşa süreçlerinde kara ve deniz sınırlarının belirlenmesi büyük önem taşımıştır. 19. yüzyılın başından 20. yüzyılın ilk çeyreğine kadar süren bu dönem; savaşlar, işgaller, göçler ve nüfus mübadelesi gibi olaylarla şekillenmiştir. Lozan Barış Antlaşması (1923), bu sürecin nihai aşamasını oluşturmuş, sınırların belirlenmesinde temel prensipler belirlenmiştir. Örneğin, Meriç Nehri’nin en derin noktası sınır çizgisi olarak kabul edilmiştir. Yunanistan’a isimleri sayılarak devredilen adaların askersizleştirileceği kararlaştırılmıştır. Trakya sınırındaysa 30 km derinliğindeki topraklar karşılıklı olarak askersizleştirilmiştir. Oluşturulan komisyonlarla askersizleştirme düzenlemelerini gerçekleştirmiştir. Ayrıca (Türk-Yunan) Sınır Tespit Komisyonu, Trakya’da sınırın işaretlenmesi, olası anlaşmazlıkların çözümüyle görevlendirilmiş ve yetkilendirilmiştir. Komisyonun çalışmaları ağırlıklı olarak kara sınırlarıyla sınırlı kalmıştır. Çalışmada, Türkiye-Yunanistan kara, nehir ve deniz sınırlarının belirlenmesine odaklanılmıştır. Buna göre; kara sınırının belirlendiği, nehir sınırının 1926 Protoküyle belirlenmiş olsa da güncel sınırı yansıtmadığı, deniz egemenlik sınırlarınınsa belirlenmediği ileri sürülmektedir. 3 Kasım 1926 Atina Protokolü, sınır tespitinde temel referans olarak incelenmiştir. Protokolde, nehrin mevcut durumunun sınır belirlemede esas alınması, nehir yatağı değişse dahi sınırın değişmeyeceği ilkesi benimsenmiştir. Ayrıca, Meriç Nehri’nin Ege Denizi’ne ulaştığı nehir ağzında yan sınır için bir nirengi noktası belirlenmiştir. Lozan sonrası kurulan Sınır Tespit Komisyonu’nun çalışmaları, kara ve nehir sınırlarını kısmen düzenlese de deniz sınırları ve hava sahası konularıyla ilgilenmemiştir. Bu eksiklikler, taraflar arasında yeni düzenlemeleri gerektirmektedir.
The determination of land and maritime borders has been of paramount importance in the nation-state building processes of Türkiye and Greece. The Treaty of Lausanne (1923) marked the final stage of this process and estab lished the fundamental principles for the delimitation of borders. For instance, while determining the sovereignty boundaries between Türkiye and Greece, the transfer of sovereignty over islands that were still under the de facto occupation of Greece and Italy was accepted. It was further stipulated and regulated that the islands whose sover eignty was transferred would maintain a demilitarized status. Regarding land borders, two significant points stand out. The first is that the deepest point of the Meriç/Evros River (the Thalweg line) was accepted as the boundary line when delineating the border between Türkiye and Greece. Border determination commissions would demarcate this boundary after the treaty came into force. The second is the mutual demilitarization of a 30-kilometer-deep zone along the Thrace border. The demilitarization arrangements were implemented through established commissions. Additionally, the (Turkish-Greek) Border Determination Commission was tasked and authorized with marking the border in Thrace and resolving any potential disputes. However, the commission’s work was predominantly limited to land borders.
At the outset of its work, the Turkish-Greek Border Determination Commission reached a consensus on certain principles. Accordingly, in the event of a change in the riverbed, the boundary would be definitively determined on the basis of the current state of the river as depicted in the maps prepared by the commission, rather than the boundary shifting with the riverbed. Both the riverbed and the entire boundary line would be determined by triangulation points on the existing maps. The boundary would be established with the strict condition that the people on each side would have the right to use the water up to the midpoint of the riverbed from their respective shores. Regardless of the boundary drawn and defined in the maps prepared by the commission, the bordering governments’ control and authority over railway lines would extend to the midpoint of these bridges. The determined boundary line would be marked on maps and physically demarcated with boundary stones on the ground.
The Türkiye-Greece border, as accepted by the Athens Protocol on November 3, 1926, although it definitively estab lished the sovereignty boundary, required revision and adjustment due to the structural characteristics of the river basin. Flooding issues caused by irregularities in the river flow and changes in the riverbed necessitated cooperation and joint projects between the parties. These arrangements were attempted to be implemented through newly established joint commissions.
The least contentious part of the shared borders between Türkiye and Greece is the land border in the Karaağaç region, where no significant issues have arisen. On the other hand, the main disputes concern maritime boundaries. This is because no joint work has been undertaken to address the maritime sovereignty boundaries between Türkiye and Greece. When examining the provisions related to the transfer of sovereignty in the Treaty of Lausanne, no statement is found regarding what the maritime boundary between the two countries should be. The parties need to make technical, political, and legal joint efforts to eliminate this ambiguity.
The decision to mutually demilitarize the 30-kilometer-deep zones along the borders of Türkiye, Greece, and Bulgaria is a result of the security concerns these countries have regarding each other’s identities and intentions. The transformation of the Pacte d'entente Cordiale between Türkiye and Greece into the Balkan Pact with the inclusion of Yugoslavia and Romania shortly thereafter was one of the limited efforts to preserve peace and stability before World War II. The Thessaloniki Agreement signed between Bulgaria, Greece (as the presiding country of the Balkan Pact) and Türkiye in 1938 mutually lifted demilitarization obligations.
As demonstrated in this study, the border arrangements between Türkiye and Greece, established within the frame work of the principles set by the Treaty of Lausanne, pertain only to land borders. There is a need for regulation regarding maritime boundaries. The next stage concerns the airspace over land and maritime territories. Currently, there is also a conflict between Türkiye and Greece over the extent of the Greek national airspace. The relations between Türkiye and Greece are directly related to border arrangements. On the one hand, the fact that border arrangements, which represent national sovereignty and territorial integrity, have not yet been tied to a treaty status, and on the other hand, the addition of new sovereign rights to states in international law negatively affects these states’ international relations. This study has focused on the determination of land, river, and maritime borders between Türkiye and Greece, arguing that maritime sovereignty boundaries have not been definitively established and that there are deficiencies in this regard.