Latif

Fatma

Prof.

While, in the first reading phase, reading as a language skill appears in the form of learning how the systematics of reading functions by making sense of certain writing symbols, it turns out to be the most fundamental means of acquiring knowledge and developing language in the later stages. Texts stand out as the most essential instrument used in the acquisition of four basic language skills in foreign language education. The reading passages used in both native language education and teaching Turkish as a foreign language are primarily regarded as teaching aids and materials. In Turkish teaching process, all texts ranging from the low-level texts such as warning and instruction signs on undergrounds and buses to the literary texts that involve deep meanings like poems have their own area of use in language education. For instance, in teaching Turkish to foreigners, a dialogue between a ticket officer and a passenger in the stage of buying a ticket for the underground or a column in a newspaper assumes a textual quality. Similarly, a poetry text containing figurative language and literary phrases or a text conveying information about a topic related to Turkish culture in a course book involves a textual characteristic with respect to a specific language skill. In other words, each meaning element that can be read, listened, written or spoken has a textual feature in terms of language teaching.&nbsp;Reading basically has the aim of communication and certain types of factors are present in the process of reading. These factors include the author, the text, the reader and the feedbacks. The most significant of all these during the process are the reading texts. In this respect, texts occupy a highly important place in teaching Turkish as a foreign language. The texts are not only involved in reading skill but also frequently used in the development stages of other language skills. When the sets designed to teach Turkish as a foreign language are closely examined, it is observed that the majority of the texts available in course books is made up of reading passages. As for the activities related to other language skills, a great majority of them is associated with the reading texts and their formation is based on the texts in question. To cite an example, in an activity aimed at the development of writing or reading skill, a dialogue or story text is given to the students to be read and they are asked to continue the text by speaking or writing.&nbsp;When texts are analyzed in terms of their types, it is seen that no association is present among the researchers with regard to the classifications of text types and that the categorizations have been achieved by the researchers in quite different ways. Despite the fact that each text classification is consistent and meaningful in itself, a variety of text type classification has come up due to the differences between the researchers’ points of view. Concerning language teaching, however, the concepts of texts and text types differ from the related classifications in some aspects. The reason for this is that the text to be used in the teaching of language involves a material quality. In this way, it is possible to regard every teaching material which can achieve the objectives and acquirements as a text.&nbsp;When the studies conducted upon text classifications are examined, it is observed that the related categorizations contain certain defects in terms of the field of language teaching. This being the case, a text type classification that can be used in language teaching has been performed in this study. In accordance with this classification, texts are divided into two as texts based on the aim of formation and those based on their functions. The former is also separated into two groups as fictional texts aimed directly at language teaching and original texts intended for the daily use of native language speakers and used indirectly in foreign language teaching. The texts formed on the basis of their functions, on the other hand, have been analyzed in terms of writing purpose and language use and gathered under two main titles as texts with utility function and literary texts. The original texts involved in the texts classified in accordance with their aim of formation are also divided into two in themselves as daily texts and literary texts. The daily texts contain such passages like menus, tickets, posters, warranty certificates and graffiti that are prepared with no aesthetic concern and that assign native language readers as their target group. As for the literary texts, they include novels, stories, tales, legends, etc that are put down on paper with an aesthetic concern and with native language readers being their target group. With respect to the texts based on their functions, the texts with utility function refer to all reading materials that can be readily experienced in daily life and that neither involve literary value in terms of the aim of writing or use of language nor aesthetic concern. The texts with utility function have been gathered within themselves under three titles as formal, instructive and communicative texts. The literary texts are those that are formed with an aesthetic concern in relation to the aim of writing and language use. These texts are also titled in three ways within themselves as instructive texts, texts based on expression/demonstration and poetry.&nbsp;Apart from the classification of text types, this study involves, as well, the analysis and comparison of the reading texts available in Yedi İklim Turkish Teaching Set and İstanbul Turkish Teaching Set for Foreigners along with recommendations related to which text type might be used in which language level.

The Classification of Text Types and The Evaluation of Reading Passages Available in Course Books in Teaching Turkish as A Foreign Language

Assist. Prof.

Home economics appeared as an independent field of research in the nineteenth century and began to be included in the curriculum of girls’ schools in many countries through the second half of the century. As a scientific field, home economics defines systematic, modern and pedagogical standards for housework with a particular focus on household chores being part of the daily routine and aims to increase productivity and professionalism at home. Standardization, discipline, order, rationality, pragmatism, and hygiene appeared as the main principles of home economics. These principles defined the reform programs of many states, which were initiating a modernization process in the realms of political, economic and sociocultural areas in the nineteenth century. These principles are also among the main criteria of Norbert Elias’s definition of the civilizing process, which he defined by focusing on the change and transformation of the standards of correct and proper behavior in Europe from the thirteenth to the nineteenth centuries. Therefore, the rational and scientific approach to house related issues and the introduction of home economics as a course to the curriculum of girls’ schools appear closely related to the modernization and civilizing attempts of the states.&nbsp;In the pre-modern Ottoman world, home administration (ilm-i tedbîr-i menzil), which was considered as a subject of ethics and included as a chapter in ethics books, began to be taken as an independent field as home economics (idâre-i beytiye) in books and periodicals after the second half of the nineteenth century as well as being taught as a course in girls’ schools through the last quarter of the century. Ottoman authors examined the decoration and physical conditions of the house, house-cleaning, health issues, heating, dressing, raising of children, eating and food, table manners, etiquette and all kinds of issues that may be related to the house under the title of home economics. The target of writing on home economics was the disciplining and rationalization of the Ottoman house life with definite standards. This literature criticized the traditional Ottoman house life as being scattered, irregular, and haphazard and proposed a new model of house management based on scientific, rational and pedagogical data, dominated by discipline, order, and hygiene.The opening of new schools for girls at different levels from primary schools to teachers’ schools was an important development for the participation of Ottoman women in the formal education process. Furthermore, the discussions to define the object and content of girls’ curriculum reveals that Ottoman authorities considered the education of women within&nbsp;the perspective of the traditional role and status of Ottoman women as housewife, wife, and mothers despite Ottoman women beginning to benefit from the possibilities of formal education and public life. It seems that the number and the weight of courses related to home economics increased in the curriculum of girls’ schools of the time and attempts were made to fill the girls’ curriculum with those sciences regarded as necessary and useful to femininity, housewifery, and motherhood. The language used in the Ottoman textbooks of home economics shows that the traditional female discourse continued in many aspects. It seems that this literature on home economics aims to reorganize the living space of the family, which is the nucleus of the society according to the scientific, rational, technological and pedagogical standards and approaches of the age.With the introduction of the home economics courses to the curriculum of Ottoman girls’ schools in different levels and the definition of women’s status as home managers, domestic life became a public issue and also a political matter on which state and public authorities developed policies. Because these books are textbooks for girls’ schools and each textbook is published with the permission of the Ministry of Education, it can be said that the woman’s discourse emerging from these books not only represents the idea of authors but also the policy of Ottoman political authorities. However, the introduction of home economics to the curriculum of girls’ schools both in the Ottoman and western world was not a result of an agenda to question or improve women status, rather it seems like a consequence of a process initiated by the state authorities to modernize all segments of life. In this context, the involvement of the course in the curriculums seems primarily related to the modernization and civilization process in almost every realm of Ottoman life from the second half of the nineteenth century, and the Ottoman house which was an area that needed to be reorganized in line with modern standards to serve and contribute to this change and transformation process.

Teaching Scientific Home Economics in Late Ottoman Girls’ Schools: Curriculum and Textbooks

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Bekir

Assoc. Prof. Dr.

During the reign of Sultan Süleiman Ottoman, the conquest focused beyond the Danube and affected Europe deeply with major consequences. Sultan Süleiman’s first conquest in this direction was Hungary. After the battle of Mohacs central Hungary came under the Ottoman rule. It is known that Sultan Süleiman wanted central Hungary to be his vassal state instead of having direct control. The reasoning behind this was Hungary’s geographical position. Being far away from İstanbul made it hard for Ottomans to have efficient control over the country. However, the king of central Hungary could not reach an agreement with the Sultan Süleiman and thus, a long power struggle began. The Ottomans gained control over the most important towns of Hungary but border warfare with the Habsburgs never ceased. Both sides constructed and fortified new castles along the borderline. It is known that hundreds of fortresses were built over time along the 1000 km line of the Ottoman-Hungarian border.To protect Erdel and Habsburg’s borders, the Ottomans first took Budin and then towards Temeşvar and gave them both the status of Beylerbeylik. Budin and Temeşvar thus became two towns with the duty to protect the borders. They also served as logistic and supply bases for upcoming campaigns. The cost of defending the borders in the 17th century was immense for the Ottomans. The Ottomans were especially busy with fortifying the strategic castles and preserving the manpower needed to defend these castles. Most of the castles in the central Hungary were on the borders of Temeşvar province, and due to Temeşvar being a rich province, the cost of the defense was met directly from the income of the province. According to sources Temeşvar was richer than Budin the largest province in Hungary. After the second siege of Vienna Budin fell to the hands of allied forces. Temeşvar resisted all the attempts of the allied forces even to the attacks of Prens Eugen. During the discussions of the Karlofça agreement Temeşvar’s status remained conflicted. At the end of the negotiations Ottoman diplomats were successful. Temeşvar with the other castles in this province remained within the borders of the Ottoman State. After the agreement of Karlofça Temeşvar became the only town belonging to the Ottomans in the north of Danube and in the central Hungary. In 1716 during the Habsburg Ottoman war Temeşvar was the first target of the Prens Eugen.&nbsp;The Ottomans realized during the Habsburg wars that Bosnia, Belgrad and Temeşvar had a key importance and fortified the towns appropriately. The guardian of Temeşvar, Mustafa Paşa, warned İstanbul before and after the war of Varadin of the need to give importance to the defense of Temeşvar. Mustafa Paşa himself inspected the defensive positions inside and outside the castle. However, the Ottomans seem to have failed to grasp the fact that Prens Eugen always had an opportunistic character. If the Zenta and Varadin defeats were to be analyzed correctly, Prens Eugen’s goal could have been predicted correctly as Temeşvar. Prens Eugen’s choice of Temeşvar instead of Belgrad in this regard seems to be the outcome of a planned strategy. The Ottomans could have defended Belgrad even if the they lost the battle but but helping Temeşvar was not so easy for the Ottomans and that is why Prens Eugen chose to besiege Temeşvar. The help Ottomans sent from Anatolia and Rumeli never reached its intended destination.&nbsp;Only 20 days after the battle of Varadin Prens Eugen besieged the castle of Temeşvar with his powerful army. New trenches were dug for the defense and also to attack. There is little information about the siege and concession of the castle to the Habsburgs in the Ottoman documents. However, the Habsburg documents in this regard are plentiful. Nonetheless, one report of the Mustafa Paşa, guardian of the Temeşvar, has been found in the Ottoman archives. The report gives first hand information about the siege that lasted 57 days and thus is very important.&nbsp;This study aims to compare the information given by Mustafa Paşa to other sources. Here, an attempt has been made to compare the information provided by Pasha, who was under siege, with local and foreign sources. In fact, information about the siege is very limited in Ottoman sources except for Pasha's letters. Both in the Ottoman archive and in the chronicles of the period, information on the siege is not sufficient to illuminate the event. For, in addition to the castle guard, there was also a bookkeeper and many clerks in his entourage. It is highly probable that they kept the records day by day. In this case, we have to rely on the detailed letters of Mustafa Pasha that I recently came across in the Ottoman Archive. However, the important aspect to be pointed out here is this: Could Mustafa Pasha have exaggerated the letter he wrote after the loss of the fortress in order to avoid punishment from the Ottoman administration, or could he have emphasized his emotions? In his report, Mustafa Paşa gave detailed information about the Habsburg army that besieged the castle and also his defending forces. Mustafa Paşa argues that event though he had sufficient supplies of food and ammunition he did not have enough manpower to defend the castle. Mustafa Paşa defended the castle for 57 days and waited for some help to come. When he realized the help he was waiting for was not forthcoming, he surrendered the castle on October 17, 1716 to the Habsburgs. The 165 yearlong Ottoman rule over the Temeşvar thus ended and Ottoman control north of the Danube ceased. This study using Mustafa Paşa’s report as a basis, analyzes the 57 daylong defense of the Ottomans with the help of domestic and foreign sources.&nbsp;

The Consequence of the Siege of Temeşvar: Analysis and Evaluation of the Submission Letter of the Castellan Mustafa Pasha (1716)

Cihan

Assist. Prof. Dr.

The Adil Shahid Sultanate was founded in 1489 by Yusuf Adil Shah in the Deccan region of India with Vijayapura as its center. The sultanate was ruled by eight rulers until it was destroyed by the Babur army attack in 1686. Researchers generally refer to Muhammad Qasim Hindu Shah’s work titled Tarikh-i Firishtah [Ferishtah’s History of Deccan] to elucidate upon the history of the sultanate. According to researchers and in the context of this work, Yusuf was the son of the Ottoman ruler Murad II. In order to verify the accuracy of this claim, consulting Ottoman chronicles as well as other chronicles that put forward different claims on this issue is necessary. However, the researches reviewed in this study seems to have neglected this aspect of the issue. Therefore, these academic studies can be said to be methodologically incomplete. This research has revealed new claims about Yusuf’s origin. Fuzuni Astarabadi, an Adil Shahi chronicler, attributed Yusuf's origin to the Ottoman ruler Suleiman the Magnificent in his work Futuhat-i-Adil Shahi, whereas Rafiuddin Shirazi, attributed Yusuf's origin to the Aq Qoyunlu sultan Uzun Hasan in his work Tazkirat al-Muluk.This first discusses in detail the claim about Yusuf’s origin as found in Tarikh-i Firishtah using Ottoman sources of the period. According to the conclusion in the context of the current study, Hindu Shah had benefited from Ottoman chronicles regarding important events from the reigns of Murad II and Mehmed II while writing this work, or he heard about these events from a reliable source. Hindu Shah first presented information about the order to kill Mehmed II’s brother, Yusuf, and then touches upon Yusuf’s abduction from Ottoman lands. Therefore, he tried to establish a logical cause-and-effect relationship between the events. In this study’s opinion, Hindu Shah had aimed to glorify the Adil Shahid dynasty and strengthen its political legitimacy by introducing Yusuf as the son of Murad II.The study continues with a discussion of Astarabadi’s claim. A large time difference can be seen to have occurred between 1566, when Suleiman the Magnificent passed away and his son Selim II ascended the throne, and 1489, when the Adil Shahid dynasty was founded and Yusuf’s reign began. In addition, although Yusuf’s birth date cannot be determined exactly,&nbsp;his death date is recorded as 1510. For this reason, the claim in Futuhat-i-Adil Shahi of Yusuf being a descendant of Suleiman the Magnificent does not appear to coincide with the historical chronology and reality. In addition, the state was determined to have entered a politically difficult period during the reign of Muhammad Adil Shah, who ascended the throne after the death of Ibrahim II. During this period, the Mughal ruler Shah Jahan followed a harsher policy against the Adil Shahids. He started attacking Vijayapura after 1631. The Adil Shahids were forced to recognize the Mughal authority with a heavy treaty made in 1636. In this context, Astarabadi is seen to have aimed to rebuild the shaken image of the Adil Shahi sultan through this work.This study also examined Shirazi’s claim. According to this work, Yusuf was the grandson of Ahmed Bey, the nephew of Uzun Hasan, who appointed him to Saveh in Iran, then Persia. However, the chronicles of Aq Qoyunlu history recorded that Jahangir Bey had been appointed to Saveh. Shirazi prepared this chronicle, in which he narrated the history of the sultanate up until Ibrahim II between 1608-1611. On the other hand, Hindu Shah had completed the first copy of Tarikh-i Firishtah in 1606-1607 and the second copy in 1609-1610. These two authors appear to have written their works at almost the same time, with Shirazi having begun writing his work one year after Hindu Shah’s first copy of Tarikh-i Firishtah was completed. Therefore, Shirazi was aware of Hindu Shah’s claim about Yusuf’s origin. Nevertheless, he claimed that Yusuf's lineage had been traced back to Uzun Hasan. This situation clearly shows that, during the reign of Ibrahim II, court historians made great efforts to glorify the lineage of the Adil Shahid Dynasty and strengthen its political legitimacy.After evaluating the allegations mentioned above, this study has attempted to answer the question of who Yusuf really was. The Bahmani sultans took a protective approach, especially toward people from the Sayyids and the Shiite sect. For this reason, many Sayyids and people from the Shiite sect migrated to India from regions such as Iran, Iraq, Mecca, and Medina. Some of them rose to important positions in the Bahmani lands. These circumstances are believed to have also encouraged Yusuf to go to India. Yusuf belonged to the Shi'a sect and was Turkish in origin. He had a disagreement with some people while living in Saveh, Iran and was concerned about the security of the city. Therefore, Yusuf is thought to have decided to go to the safer Bahmani lands where he could be patronized because of his sect. In this context, the idea that Yusuf was an ordinary Turk of the Shiite sect who sought refuge in Bahmani lands from Saveh has gained weight.

A New Perspective on the Origins of Yusuf Adil Shah, Founder and First Ruler of the Adil Shahi Sultanate

Elvin

Lake Baikal and its surroundings feature a grave-building culture that draws attention due to its unique style. These tombs, which are especially dense in the lands east and south of Lake Baikal, can be also found along the Orkhon Valley. Debates focus on the chronological beginning and end of this period, which is called the Slab Grave Culture. In addition, the opinions put forward are diverse, because the Huns also practiced this culture. In this respect, revealing the chronological relationships of the Slab Grave Culture with preceding cultures and its successors is necessary. The Karasuk Culture is one of those viewed as a chronological contemporary of the Slab Grave Culture. The material cultural elements of the Karasuk Culture period, which were determined to spread toward the lands in the north of China, the South Siberian Altai–Sayan environment and the lands of Kazakhstan, were similar to those of the Andronovo Culture to a large extent. It was named after the first findings, which were discovered near the Karasuk River and dated to 1200 BC. Against this background, inferring on the earlier ancestors of this community, which is considered to have spread from Baikal and to the homeland of the Turks, is possible. Understand the early dates of the graves of the Slab Grave Culture has become easy due to the fact that connections with the Karasuk Culture have been revealed, that is, they are direct heirs of the Andronovo Society. The era recorded in the literature as the Andronovo Culture was created by a nomadic, warlike community at the beginning of the second millennium BC. Originating from the Ural region, the people of this cultural period spread throughout Southern Siberia. Moreover, the Karasuk Culture followed this cultural society, whose last spreading area was Khakassia and its surroundings, in terms of traditions and customs. Although the Karasuk Culture now dominates Siberia and its environs, the Slab Grave Culture dominates further east, beyond Baikal, and in Mongolia. Additionally, many material culture remnants from the Karasuk Culture period have been obtained in the western territories of Mongolia. The Andronovo people, who controlled this vast area for approximately 1,000 years, have not been erased from history. It began to develop with environmental relations and turned into a more advanced society. Many developments have occurred in social life, governance, and technology. Migration also influenced cultural changes. This period marked the transition from the Bronze to the Iron Age, which was not a sharp transition. Although iron products were obtained from graves, bronze also maintained its place to a certain extent. Products made from gold and silver have also been identified to some&nbsp;extent. Circa 1000 BC, the closest neighbour of the nomads began to give its first historical records. The Chinese contributed to the elucidation of the material culture periods in Siberia and Mongolia through their early historical records. The early history of the nomads who made Inner Asia their home and inscribed their names in early written sources necessarily intersects with the Andronovo Culture. This also becomes apparent with the existence of the Karasuk Culture. The period of tribes, which are seen as the ancestors of the Turks during the Zhou Dynasty era in Chinese sources, corresponds to the final stage of the Andronovo Culture and the beginning periods of the Karasuk Culture in Siberia. Experts examining the material remains of the Scythians, Vusuns, Huns, and Turks discovered common points in their comparisons with the Andronovo Culture. The fact that the Andronovo Culture is not visible within the territory of Khakassia can be explained by its transformation into the Karasuk Culture and its introduction into the Baikal region and beyond (at this point, it was called the Slab Grave Culture) and by the mention of tribes, such as Rong, Di, and Yi (their ancestors before the Huns as per the Chinese sources in this geography). Here, there is unquestionably a cultural continuity. This kinship relationship continued in a complex manner as the Andronovo, Karasuk–Slab Grave, Tagar–Taştık (Scythian Age), and Hun Cultures. Both burial practices and findings obtained from the graves clearly demonstrate this situation. This study examines the connections among the four cultures through the features of the grave structure and the products retrieved from the graves. Moreover, the study reveals the connections between the ancestors of the Huns mentioned in Chinese sources and these cultural periods based on archaeological studies. In this context, findings obtained particularly from archaeological studies conducted by Russian archaeologists have been considered. Efforts have also been made to utilize Chinese sources in addition to this. The main idea concept is that the Andronovo Culture entered Baikal and its environs and moved into Mongolia as the Slab Grave Culture. Scholars determined that the Xiongnu continued this burial culture. This rectangular burial culture, which came into the Orhun Valley, continued to be practiced by the Turks.

Slab Grave Culture and Turkic Ethnogenesis

Ensar

In this study, the topic was examined under four sub-headings. In the first chapter, entitled “Armenian Holy See: Etchmiadzin Catholicosate,” the Etchmiadzin Monastery and its catholicosate are briefly introduced. This monastery is the center of the Armenian Apostolic Church and the supreme Holy See of the Armenian community. In the Ottoman archival documents of the period, it is called “Üç Kilise nam-ı dîğer Eçmiyadzin” (the Three Churches or Etchmiadzin in other words). Likewise, it is referred to as the Üç Kilise in the orders of the Safavid shahs.There are two main reasons for the superiority of the Etchmiadzin Catholicosate over the Armenian clergy and community: The first is that it has the authority of Episcopal consecration; the other is that the holy oil (called miwron or holy chrism) used in the rites of the Armenian community is prepared only in this location and distributed from there. The consecration of the bishops was performed on occasion, and the preparation and distribution of the holy oil took place every three or five years. In this section, the history of the Etchmiadzin Catholicosate is briefly reviewed. At the beginning of the eighteenth century, Yerevan and its surroundings were under the rule of the Safavid Shah. Therefore, the authority to approve the newly elected kathogiko was the hands of the Shah.&nbsp;The title of the second section of the article is “the Political Fight of the Spirits: the Etchmiadzin–Gandzasar Enmity.” In this section, first of all, the issue of creating unity in the Armenian community and the emergence of the idea of independence are discussed. In this context, the activities of the Armenian nationalist Israel Ori after his arrival in the Caucasus in 1699 are emphasized. The Ori had the support of the Russian Tsar Peter the Great. Also, the Catholicos of Gandzasar Esayi fully supported him. In contrast, the Etchmiadzin Catholicosate was distant and wary of Ori’s plan. His activities until his unexpected death in Astrakhan in 1711 exposed the differences of opinion between the Armenian churches in the Caucasus.&nbsp;Another issue of disagreement between the Catholicos of Etchmiadzin and Gandzasar was the issue of fundraising for the churches. Armenians in Ganja, Shirvan, and Shemahi used to&nbsp;pay their nuirak dues to Gandzasar. However, personal conflicts and differences of opinion between the Etchmiadzin Cathogicos Astuatsatur and Gandzasar Catholicos Esayi made the issue of fundraising and paying dues a serious problem.The Caucasus (Caspian) expedition of Russian Tsar Peter the Great in 1722 further increased the differences of opinion between the Armenian spiritual centers in the region. While Gandzasar Catholicos Esayi supported this expedition unconditionally, Etchmiadzin Catholicos Astuatsatur maintained a distant attitude toward the events. Also in this section, relations between the Etchmiadzin and Gandzasar cathogicosates and the Safavid Shahdom are also discussed. Economic issues dominated relations between the Armenian community and the Shah. Additionally, until 1724, the authority to approve the cathogicos chosen by the Armenian clergy belonged to the Safavid Shah.In the third chapter entitled “Yerevan’s Conquest and Etchmiadzin’s Pragmatic Preference,” first, the conquest of Revan by the Ottoman Empire on 3–4th October 1724 is discussed. When the Ottoman army besieged Yerevan, the Etchmiadzin Catholicos Astuatsatur was with the Safavid Shah Tahmasb II. However, he did not receive the support he expected from the Shah. Thereupon, he returned to Etchmiadzin and made an effort to hand over the Yerevan Castle to the Ottomans. For this purpose, he met with the Ottoman Seraskier Ârifi Ahmed Pasha on several occasions. While the Ottoman army was marching on Yerevan, an edict (firman) was sent to Serasker by Sultan Ahmed III on the security of life and property regarding the Armenian church community and society in Yerevan.&nbsp;The title of the last section of the study is The Opportunism of the Patriarch of Istanbul and the New Status Quo in Etchmiadzin. In this section, the developments after the city of Yerevan, and hence, the Catholicosate of Etchmiadzin came under the rule of the Ottoman Empire are discussed. All the previous rights and privileges of the Holy See were confirmed by the edicts of the Ottoman Sultan, and among these rights were the property security and tax exemption for the property of the churches.The death of Etchmiadzin Catholicos Astuatsatur in 1725 led to new developments. The Istanbul Armenian Patriarch Hovhannes IX took the initiative in the election of new cathogicos to Etchmiadzin. Priest Karapet was elected to this office by the Armenian clergy in Istanbul, and this election was also approved by the Ottoman Sultan. This marked as a radical break in the history of Etchmiadzin. From now on, the Patriarchate of Istanbul would assume the role of intermediary in relations of the Etchmiadzin Catholicosate with the Ottoman Government, and this would later be severely criticized by the clergy at Etchmiadzin.

Between the Shah, the Tsar, and the Sultan: The Turbulent Years of Armenian Holy See of Etchmiadzin (1700-1725)

In Classical Turkish Literature, the primary sources from which we can obtain information about the lives, literary figures and works of poets and writers, apart from their own works, are biographical works and especially biographies. Tezkires include information about the life stories of the poets such as their place and date of birth, name, nickname, family, profession, education level, main teachers, date of death, place of death, as well as poetry samples taken from their works and evaluations about their literary personalities. However, it is not possible to find all this information in the biographies of every poet. The style and method adopted by the tezkire writer while creating his work, the poet's closeness to the literary environment, his degree of importance, etc. matters; It causes the information given about the poet to expand or narrow. The information given in tezkires, especially about poets of secondary importance, is often limited to the date of death, hometown, and nicknames. The fact that poets use pseudonyms other than their own names while creating their works with a traditional understanding, that they do not give much information about themselves in their works, and that the information and poetry examples given in biographies and biographical sources for some poets are insufficient or inconsistent, leads to the problems of creating the life stories of the poets and the real authorship of some of the works. It makes it difficult for researchers to determine who it belongs to.In this study, we aimed to answer the question of whether Ahmed from Edirne, nicknamed Ammeci and with the pseudonym Rüşdî, who is claimed to have lived in the 17th-century, is a real or an imaginary person and whether the Dîvân, a collection of poems attributed to Rüşdî, actually belong to Ahmed from Edirne. Because the Dîvân has been shown to belong to the 17th-century poet, Ahmed Rüşdî from Mostar, we first performed a literature review to consult all sources that gave any information about both poets and their divans and then performed a document analysis to attempt to solve the puzzle by following the data.Dîvân, which was written by a poet with the pseudonym Rüşdî in the 17th-century, was written between the years 1107/1695 and 1110/1698. According to Ekici (2006), who prepared the critical text of the Dîvân, there are 196 ghazals, 1 of which is written in tawhid, 4 are written in naat, 193 in Turkish, and 3 in Persian; it consists of 87 historical poems, 403 matlas, 30 curriculums, 12 verses, 7 stanzas, and 1 masnavi, 6 of which were written in Turkish and 1 in Persian. There are three master’s studies on the transfer of the work to today’s letters that&nbsp;were prepared on different dates. Whereas Kayhan and Ekici show the author of the Dîvân as Ahmed Rüşdî from Mostar, Tunadurur points to Ahmed Rüşdî from Edirne as the author of the work, and Dogan and Yörür support that determinotion.As the result of our research, we conclude that the author of the Rüşdî Dîvân is Ahmed Rüşdî from Mostar, who is known as the Sahhaf. We have determined that the person named Ahmed Rüşdî from Edirne, whom Tunadurur, Dogan, and Yörür claim is the author of the work and who is claimed to have lived in the 17th-century, did not actually exist and was created as a result of the change in the information of Reşîd Mehmed from Edirne. We also conclude that the first source that led old and new period researchers to make this mistake is the information in the Safâyî Tezkiresi. We show that biographers mistakenly gave the pseudonym of Reşîd, Mehmed from Edirne, who famously went by the nickname Ammeci, and that the poem samples given for Ahmed Rüşdî from Mostar and the person in question were taken from the same work, and we argue that this was the first source of the mistakes in later studies.In contrast, in all sources that gives information about Ahmed Rüşdî from Mostar, there is no hesitation about the poet’s name, pseudonym, or date of death or that the poetry samples belonged to him. Another piece of information that supports the fact that the poems in the Dîvân belong to Ahmed Rüşdî from Mostar is the statement Dîvân-ı Rüşdî-i Mostarî el-Ma’rûf bi-Sahhâf, which is at the beginning of the copy number 505 registered in Yapı Kredi Sermet Çifter Research Library. Additionally, the date of death of the person called Edirneli Ahmed or Mehmed is recorded as 1105/1693-94 in many sources that provide information about him. However, it is known that the Rüşdî Dîvân was written in 1107/1695 or later, based on the date poem that was produced after Bâkî Pasha was promoted to the rank of vizier. It is clear that the poet from Edirne was not alive at this date, so it was not possible for him to see or write about such an event.

In the Footsteps of a Poet: Is Ahmed Rüşdî from Edirne a Real or an Imaginary Person?

Hasan

Res. Assist. Dr.

The financial system of the Ottoman Empire underwent significant changes in the 19th century, which is known as the longest century of the empire. With the influence of centralization and the Westernization efforts that had started during the reign of Sultan Mahmud II, many new institutions were established, and the state mechanism was revised by taking into account the administrative styles of European countries. The first significant changes occurred in the ministries within the government, and all ministries were reestablished, including the Ministry of Finance.The Ottoman administration entered a period of integration and cohesion with Europe not only politically but also economically. Following the monetary reform in 1843, Ottoman finance switched to a standard monetary system. After this stage, emphasis was placed on financial modernization efforts. The Ottomans, who had become acquainted with many financial institutions during this period, began to partially pave the way for foreign investments. Important developments undeniably occurred in the field of banking, especially with the declaration of the Ottoman Reform Edict 1856 after the 1839 Edict of Gülhane and the Crimean War. Ottoman administrators had not been keen on opening banks and similar institutions in the empire before this date and now saw lifting the restrictions they had imposed in this field to be appropriate. They published various announcements both domestically and abroad and stated that the necessary measures would be taken for developing the country. In addition, the first foreign loans were taken during this period, and legal regulations were prepared for adjusting to a modern state budget.Meanwhile, the Ottoman ministers stated through their announcements that they saw no harm in adopting modern financial institutions and organizations and wasted no time attempting to take the first steps toward establishing a state bank. However, the fact that most of the country’s resources had been exhausted during the Crimean War prevented the creation of a banking system using domestic resources. For this reason, the Ottoman Empire applied for help from states with whom it had been allied in the Crimean War, such as England and France, and made the decision that foreign investments would be allowed to enter the banking sector. When the capital circles in European countries became aware of this radical decision born out of necessity, the Ottoman government was visited by foreign investors who wanted to establish a bank.Ottoman bureaucrats, who had been concentrated in the houses of Galata district and its surroundings by the first half of the 19th century and had carried out banking transactions using traditional methods through bankers at a single office, began to include foreign bankers in public finance in the second half of the century. The main reason behind this decision was undoubtedly the fact that the Ottoman Empire’s own resources were insufficient for its needs. In order to supply alternative resources to the Ottoman treasury, support outside of traditional means needed to be searched.&nbsp;Many studies and much research on Ottoman financial history have revealed information about the lives and activities of local bankers. However, a lack of detailed research is found on foreign bankers, and serious efforts to fill this gap cannot be said to have occurred in academic circles. Unfortunately, not much is known about some foreign bankers other than their names. This situation thus has led to incomplete and superficial evaluations of the actors who had been the pillars of the Ottoman economy. As the subject of this article, Ottoman Bank Manager Francis de Palézieux Falconnet was a foreign banker about whom not much information is found. Falconnet had come to Ottoman lands in 1856, and pursued an adventure that would last nearly five years. He was a person who had become famous in the early years of his career by fulfilling the duties in South America that had been given to him by the leading financial institution of Britain, Baring Brothers. After being appointed general manager of the Ottoman Bank shortly after it was opened in Constantinople in June 1856, Falconnet managed to have his bank survive among the influential local merchants and bankers using the opportunities provided by Britain. He also served as a financial expert at various offices of the Ottoman bureaucracy. Under his leadership, the Ottoman Bank worked to find a solution to the Empire’s monetary instability. Apart from this, he also attempted to introduce the rules of modern banking into the financial circles that were actively operating in the Empire.The Ottoman Bank, which had initially been considered a commercial bank under the management of Falconnet, was unable to make much progress in this field. However, he tried to have the bank take on the role of a state bank by acting as an intermediary institution of the state regarding the payment of domestic and foreign loans. Falconnet made great attempts to abolish interest-bearing banknotes in 1858 and left not only a commercial organization but also a politically influential organization behind him when he died three years later. This paper tries to reveal Falconnet’s activities during his management of Ottoman Bank branches between 1856-1861. The study uses archival sources and the literature with the aims of contributing to the financial history of the Ottoman Empire, a history that is lacking especially in regard to the biographies of foreign bankers.&nbsp;

Ottoman Bank Manager Francis de Palézieux Falconnet’s Adventure in Constantinople (1856-1861)

The historical Turkic languages come from the writing system that has developed chronologically up to the 20th century from Orkhon Turkic, with the Turkic language first being documented in writing. The historical Turkic languages developed primarily in the course of cultural and religious changes and have been represented for centuries by literatures based on Manichaeism, Buddhism, and Islam. Turkic languages have vocabulary examples based on various conceptual areas, especially religious terms, and as a result of centuries of Buddhist and Islamic culture, they contain a wealth of products, especially with regard to Buddhism and Islam.The historical Turkic languages had been represented by the Uyghur written tradition until the 13th century and developed with the Mongol invasion based on the concepts of Eastern and Western Turkic before reaching the 20th century. Eastern Turkic began with Khwarazm Turkic, continued with Kipchak and Chagatai Turkic, and is now represented by written languages such as Kyrgyz, Kazakh, Tatar, Uzbek, and New Uyghur. This writing tradition is based on the Orkhon, Uyghur, and Karakhanid writing traditions. Meanwhile, historical Western Turkic had begun with old Oghuz Turkic and ended with Ottoman Turkic; it is represented today by languages such as Turkish, Turkmen, and Azerbaijani Turkic.In the literature on Turkology, religious vocabulary in particular has been successfully put forward with various studies in recent years. In this respect, the present study consists of evaluations of the verb alar- and its derivatives, alar- being the act of perception within the concept of “seeing/looking” in historical Eastern and Western Turkic. While this verb falls under the category of “seeing/looking” as a mental verb, it basically means “to blush, to redden” as a verb expressing color and has gained various connotations accordingly. The study attempts to identify the verb alar- and its derivatives with the basic meaning of “to blush, to redden” in the testimony of historical and modern Turkic languages with the aim of revealing the appearance of the expressions.The present study is based on the verb alar- and its derivatives as first witnessed in Old Uyghur Turkic. The scope of the study involves both historical and modern Turkic languages. The study benefits from the texts of Old Uyghur, Karakhanid, Khwarazm, Chagatai and Old Anatolian Turkic. These languages constitute the corpus of the study and are important in terms of showing examples that reflect the appearance of the verb alar- and its derivatives.The study has identified the verb alar- and its derivatives with the help of both historical texts and dictionaries of modern Turkic languages, revealing the periodic view of the verb and its derivatives through the opinions of various names and making explanations about the verb and its derivatives. The study has not just left the information obtained about the verb alar- and its derivatives as raw information but has interpreted it through its desire to show the linguistic situations that were experienced. The study includes witnessed examples and meanings of the verb alar- and its derivatives and updates the meanings and derivatives that have not been included in dictionaries. Finally, by putting forward various origin proposals for the word, the study processes the morphological expansions of the verb alar- and its derivatives based on linguistic plausibility before presenting an origin proposal for the word.The study has presented three origin proposals for the verb alar- that have been traced to various languages belonging to historical and modern Turkic languages. The study discusses each origin proposal within itself before finally suggesting that the verb had been formed from the +(A)r- morpheme on the word al [red]. The verb alar-, which is represented by the forms alart-, aları, alaru, and alardu in historical periods, has the basic meaning of “to blush, to redden,” and depending on the usage areas of the verb, it has also achieved the meanings of “to dazzle, to cause leprosy, to look with eyes wide open, to look hard and stare, to look carefully, to appear (vaguely).” The verb’s particular meanings of “to open one’s eyes wide, to look hard and stare, and to look carefully” are due to the meaning contamination that occurred with the verb alart-. In linguistics, contamination at the level of sound and meaning is generally interpreted as the emergence of an average form through the effect that two words have on each other. The contamination seen in both historical and modern periods of the Turkic language is also observed in the verb alar-. The alar- verbs this study has witnessed in the Derleme Sözlüğü have a homophonous structure.&nbsp;When considering the appearance of the word in historical texts, the predominant case is that alar- had been represented by a single lexical unit. Until Chagatai Turkic, the verb alarhad generally been used in the sense of “to dazzle the eye; to blush; to turn red; to redden; to be reddened,” but its meanings of “to look attentively” and “to look hard” only appear for the first time in Chagatai Turkic. This is due to the meaning of the verb alar- in its passive form alart-. In this respect, alar- (I) and (II), which seem to have two lexical structures, should actually be presented in a single item on the basis of the conceptual field of “red, take,” because instead of considering two homophonous forms of alar- (I) and (II) here with the meaning contamination from the verb alar-t-, showing them in a single item with two different meanings or as a connotation of the basic meaning would be more appropriate.

The verb alar- and Its Derivatives in the Testimony of the Historical Turkic Texts

Kerima

Prof. Dr.

Words from the Languages of Places Visited in Travelogues: Indicators of Local Culture

Kurban

The Mongols are a tribe that played an important role in medieval world history and came to the fore with their destruction in the Islamic world. The Mongols only played an essential role in world history in the 13th century, when Chinggis Khan founded the Mongol Empire at the beginning of the century. After long struggles, Chinggis gathered all Mongolian tribes under a single state. Chinggis received the title of khan through the kurultai held in 1206 and became the greatest ruler of all steppe tribes. Afterward, Chinggis Khan took control of the Kyrgyz, Merkit, Naiman, and Uighur until 1209. With the administrative, social, and military regulations he made, Chinggis Khan brought the Mongols under a regular organization for the first time in their history and restructured them with the concept of a world state. With the capture of Qara-Khitai lands, the Mongols became neighbors to the Khwarazmshah in the west. However, these neighborly relations did not continue as normal. In 1218, a Mongol caravan of 450 people was slaughtered in Utrar. Their goods were plundered, and the ambassadors were killed. Afterward in the following year, Chinggis Khan went on an expedition against the Khwarazmshah with a strong army. Instead of fighting a pitched battle against the Mongols, 'Alā’al-Din Muhammad Khwarazmshah preferred to fight a defensive war by dividing his army among the cities. However, this attitude ended the Khwarazmshah and resulted in the towns of the Khorasani geography facing the Mongol invasion. Chinggis Khan also sent his youngest son Tolui to Khorasan. After Tolui captured Merv, Nishapur, and Herat, he joined his father in besieging Taleqan between Balkh and Marw al-Rudh. Chinggis Khan spent the summer of 1220 in Nakhshab and then captured Termez. The following year, he crossed the Oxus River and captured Balkh, and the Mongols invaded all Khorasani cities.In the Middle Ages, the struggle of states to establish superiority over each other took place in different dimensions. While these were sometimes bloody and destructive, other times they were peaceful. The battle of the Mongols in the Khorasan geography attracts attention for its bloody and violent dimensions. The Mongols’ struggle with the Khwarazmshah, one of the political actors of the period, brought a significant change to Khorasani geography. Once the Mongols took over the entire Khorasan geography, they tried to establish administrative order there through new administrations. Perhaps the Mongols needed to pass the test successfully in the Khorasani geography in order to prove their maturity and emerge as a political and military power.The Mongol invasion is one of the most talked about events in the Middle Ages. Through this period of invasion that started under the leadership of Chinggis Khan, many residential areas either suffered significant damage or were destroyed entirely. The greatest of these destructions occurred in the Khorasani geography. The Mongols are in fact remembered in world history for their destruction. This situation had emerged due to a strategy the Mongols implemented in the places they captured. What happened in Transoxiana and the Khorasani geography significantly impacted the formation of this image. Of course, sources differ in terms of the extent of this destruction. In addition to those who’ve stated that the destruction was not as great as thought, some approaches show this to have been a natural situation. Among the reasons behind the destruction the Mongols carried out, the first thing one see is that it had been a military strategy. The Mongols used this strategy to devastate the border regions, with the aim being to make an area clear for subsequent conquests. Another reason that came to the fore in the Mongols’ destruction was their sense of revenge. The invasions Chinggis Khan carried out had started with the murder of Mongol ambassadors and reached very different dimensions in the cities where members of the Mongol dynasty had been killed. The Mongols inflicted much greater destruction in the Khorasani cities they’d captured with a passion for revenge. In addition to religious and ethnic elements, other elements such as the strategic locations of the regions, the disobedience of the locals, steppe tactics, nomadic life, and the betrayal of the Khwarazmshah come to the fore as reasons for the destruction. Based on all these approaches, briefly describing what the Mongols did in Khorasan as barbarism may lead to a mistake in explaining what happened in the region. In this respect, evaluating the policy the Mongols followed in the cities of Khorasan would be a more accurate approach due to the strategy they implemented to establish dominance in the region.The literature has a massive gap in terms of construction after the 1220s in the Khorasani cities that had been exposed to Mongol invasion. The Mongols changed the landscape of every town they went to. After the Utrar incident caused by the Khwarazmshah, Chinggis Khan led the Mongols to take action as revenge for the murder of their ambassadors, or at least used this as an excuse. Thus, the Mongols’ pursuit of 'Alā’al-Din Muhammad Khwarazmshah significantly destroyed the Iranian geography. The cities of Khorasan in Iran received the most significant share of this destruction. Herat, a Khorasani town, had also been destroyed by the Mongol invasion.. Ögedei declared a general amnesty and made many grants. After reorganizing the internal administration, he resumed the reconstruction that had been on hold for a long time. While Chinggis Khan had sent Chormaqan Noyan to Iran in 1231 for the planned Near East expedition, he had marched to China. Through bureaucrats such as Chin Timur and Korguz in Iran, Ögedei Khan organized the internal administration of large regions that had been captured during the war and turned into ruins. Therefore, these administrators initiated development activities in the geography of Khorasan and Herat.&nbsp;Of course, the construction activities in Herat were closely related to Ögedei’s attitude on this issue. Ögedei Khan attached importance to development. After a while, the Mongols&nbsp;under Ögedei started construction work in the cities they had captured through destruction and founded new cities. Karakorum was established near old Ordu-Baliq, and water wells were opened in various places during Ögedei Khan’s rule. This attitude also manifested itself in places far from the center. Thus, Ögedei Khan attempted to erase the traces of the Mongolian invasion that had brought tremendous destruction to Herat after becoming the head of the Mongolian State. In this context, Ögedei Khan had his hands full reconstructing the places that had fallen into ruin during the reign of Chinggis Khan and entered a recovery process. From the outset, however, the construction activities in the Khorasani geography should be said to have been carried out at a lower level, unlike the cities of Transoxiana. Because the Mongols had plundered the towns in the Khorasani geography several times, the region’s development was not at the desired level.Since the reign of Ögedei Khan, construction activities in Herat have been supported, and the Mongol State provided some support in this regard. The construction works in Herat were initiated by a group of Herat residents who’d returned to the city after the Mongol invasion. However, when considering the conditions of the period, what they did was extremely limited. After Ögedey Khan's reconstruction edict, the construction works in the city progressed much faster. Ögedei’s efforts to bring back the artisans who’d migrated from the region should be evaluated in this context. Another critical step that accelerated the development activities is that the administrators who’d been appointed to the region were integrating themselves and acting alongside the people in the region. Activating water channels to revitalize agriculture in the region was extremely important for the region’s development. In addition, the fact that the administrators personally took part in these activities alongside the people shows that the Mongols’ view of the region had changed. Therefore, through the construction activities carried out in Herat under Ögedei Khan rule, the population in the region increased, and Herat became an important center where artisans carried out their activities in its bazaars and markets. The study is mainly based on Persian sources of the period. However, it also benefits from Turkish and English sources when deemed necessary. In this context, the study first examines the destruction experienced in Herat during the Mongol invasion and under the reign of Chinggis Khan. The study then emphasizes the construction activities that were carried out in the region during the reign of Ögedei Khan and conveys the overall results of this.

Construction Status of Herat During the Period of Ögedei Khan (1229-1241)

Majed

The horse, which has a long history and is the closest living creature to humans, will be evaluated here within the framework of the Arabian Horse, one of its breeds, since it contains extensive and multidimensional information about it. In general terms, the horse has been used for many purposes by humans for centuries, benefiting not only from its muscle power but also from its meat and milk. The significance of the horse in Turkish culture can be exemplified by the traditions of preparing "kumys" from its milk and playing "javelin" on horseback. The Arabian Horse, the subject of this study, is a horse breed with a short back, small head and ears, and a wide forehead. It is particularly bred on the Najd Plateau and differs from other breeds in that it is strong, durable, and fast. The Arabian horse has been officially registered with all its characteristics due to the value it has received. The generally accepted Arabian horse criteria are determined by looking at the markings on the forehead, nose, face, and feet, in addition to the above. In addition, the Arabian horse comes in several colours, the most popular of which is the gray one.The breeding and rearing of Arabian horses has been a highly specialized pursuit since ancient times. Firstly, it is necessary to identify a suitable Arabian horse parent, ensuring that their physical characteristics are compatible. The foal must be breastfed for a minimum of 100 days, and it is important to avoid feeding hay before the age of one. It is also crucial to refrain from riding the foal before the age of two, as this can have a detrimental effect on its development. Once the foal reaches the age of two, it can be ridden, but it must not be used for other work. Finally, it is essential to ensure that the foal is controlled by grooms as it continues to grow in height until the age of five. For these meticulous efforts, certain tribes in the Arabian Peninsula made a living by breeding horses. In addition, the Arabian horse was also important for the Ottoman Palace. This precious equestrian animal was used by the&nbsp;courtiers and was also gifted to others. In the Ottoman Palace, the place where Arabian horses were fed and cared for was known as Istabl-ı Âmire, or Imperial Stable. In the initial period, the Arabian horse was known as the Egyptian horse, as the places of origin were typically used to indicate the breed of horse.It was towards the end of the 19th century that the Arabian horse first acquired its own name and began to be regarded as a brand. From this period onwards, the horses to be sent from the Najd Plateau to Istanbul were selected with greater care. In particular, for the gifts sent to the Sultan, it is emphasized that the Arabian horse is regarded as a world brand due to its distinctive characteristics. The export of the horse, which was not only used for daily chores but also played a significant role in warfare, was prohibited. Consequently, the export of the horse was permitted solely as a gift, symbolizing the amity between the two states. The earliest documented instance of a horse being sent as a gift is the presentation of one to the Shah of Iran in 1623 and another to Austria in 1727. The most significant event in the global recognition of the Arabian horse as a brand was the Ottoman Empire's gifting of this valuable horse to European palaces. Following the French Revolution of 1789, France was presented with an Arabian horse as a gesture of congratulation on the establishment of the French Republic. Subsequently, in 1803 and 1806, the Arabian horse was presented once more for the purpose of diplomatic exchange. In 1890, an Arabian horse was presented to the King of Italy along with a number of gifts. This gesture by the Ottoman Sultan was welcomed by the King of Italy, and messages and thanks were sent to Istanbul, emphasizing the friendly relations between the two countries. In 1901, an Arabian horse was sent to Italy for the second time, and this time the train carrying the embassy delegation, the Arabian horse, and the gifts was welcomed by bands in Rome. In 1886, the Greek King requested the purchase of Arabian horses from Istanbul, and in that same year, with the assistance of the embassy, the horses were permitted to depart for Greece. Arabian horses were subsequently sent as gifts to England, the first in 1892 and the second in 1898. The earliest documented instance of the gift of an Arabian horse to Germany dates from 1790. Subsequent gifts were made in 1882, 1893, and 1901, accompanied by valuable gifts and delegations of officials versed in horse breeding. These gifts, along with the subsequent establishment of the brand, have come to be regarded as a significant event in the global history of horse breeding. In 1887, an Arabian horse was presented as a gift to Bucharest for the King of Romania. In 1891, four Arabian horses, a gift to the Japanese Emperor, arrived in Japan after a 54-day journey. In 1893, Serbia was presented with an Arabian horse, and the King of Serbia and the Serbian Foreign Minister sent their gratitude to Istanbul. In 1890, when Russia presented a carriage horse to the Ottoman Sultan Abdülhamid II, the question of what to send as a gift to Russia was raised in Istanbul. The Sultan, who was undecided between two Arabian horses or an antique firearm, sought counsel from the Russian Embassy, which advised that the Arabian horse would be a more appreciated gift to the Russian Emperor. Consequently, two Arabian horses were presented to Russia in&nbsp;1890. The two Arabian horses sent in 1895 were received with great care in St. Petersburg and presented to the Russian Emperor in a two-hour show five days later. The final state to receive an Arabian horse as a gift was the United States, and in 1909, the US president and the Ottoman sultan exchanged gifts of one horse each.&nbsp;The value of Arabian horses in racing also begins to increase. In the 19th century, there were two types of races: exhibition racing, which was based on show and appreciation, and running races. In the last quarter of the 19th century, many races were organized both inside and outside the country, and Arabian horses participated in these races. Nevertheless, the dates and locations of the races specifically designed for Arabian horses are as follows: 1888 Istanbul, 1892 Alexandria, 1894 Alexandria, 1894 Beirut, 1897 Egypt, and 1903 Erzurum. Furthermore, the Ottoman Empire sent Arabian horses, along with other products, to the Paris Exhibition of 1890, the Chicago Exhibition of 1893, and the Paris Exhibition of 1900.As the fame of the Arabian horse began to spread, the demand for it increased at the same rate. With the increasing demand for Arabian horses, the idea of breeding these horses came to the agenda in the Ottoman Empire, and as a result of the studies started in 1870, it was decided to establish farms in different cities of the empire and to breed Arabian horses in these farms with care and attention. Arabian horse breeding farms were established in Istanbul, Bursa, Izmir, Thessaloniki, Ioannina, Prizren, Konya, Erzurum, and a few other cities. There were also cases where the sale of Arabian horses to foreign states was allowed in controlled and small quantities. As a matter of fact, it is known that Arabian horses were sold to countries such as France, Italy, Spain, Hungary, and Bulgaria between 1875 and 1908. Apart from these sales, of course, Arabian horses were also smuggled abroad. As a result of smuggling, the export of horses was banned for seven years in 1873 due to the gradual decline of valuable animals in the region. Due to the inadequacy of the measures, it is understood that up to ten thousand Arabian horses were smuggled abroad every year during this period. Contrary to the demands of the breeders in the document, the Arabian horse, which was not allowed to be sold abroad, was smuggled by the tribes in the region to countries such as Iran and India, where Arabian horses were sold at high prices. Consequently, the Arabian horse, which came to be regarded as a global brand, was either presented as a valuable gift to the palaces of prominent states or was regarded as the favourite of races with substantial prizes.

From the Najd Plateau to a Worldwide Brand: Arabian Horse

Sherubay

Marlen

Gaukhar

Many research studies have been conducted in order to learn the historical development, source, and primary meaning of many words in Kazakh local language heirlooms. Dialectology specialists who’ve participated in linguistic research trips or researched the language of a particular region have focused on the etymology of the words they have found and identified in their studies. In the regional dictionary of the Kazakh language, semantic analyses have also been made over certain oral words, with their different forms in Turkic languages having also been shown. The source of certain lexical units has also been examined in research on kinship names and honorifics. This topic especially attracts the attention of neighboring and distant foreign language experts and researchers.Words whose meaning has expanded or narrowed or whose original meaning has changed are a characteristic phenomenon of language. Words can have several meanings in Turkic languages, including in Kazakh. A certain word may quite possibly have a figurative meaning in dialects or examples from oral literature. One example of this is the literary word täte, which is used in dialects in the derivative (as well as original) sense of the word to refer to older female relatives, with its opposite meaning of “father” or “uncle” also being used in relation to men, showing this word to have a dialectical character. Nevertheless, writers from the southern regions of Kazakhstan continue to use this word’s dialectal meaning mainly when describing their native land, childhood, and family. In addition, such usage is observed in earlier works, such as in a letter to Abai’s brother, Khaliolla, where Abai used the word täte to mean father. If one considers the earlier usage of the honorific täte, this word can be seen to have been used in relation to relatives on the father’s side not only in southern regions of Kazakhstan but also in some western, eastern, and even northern areas of Kazakhstan. The kinship honorific täte had some reason for being used over such a vast territory with a meaning different from that used in the literary language, and therefore an explanation must exist for this. When studying the origin of the word, one must refer to samples of Kazakh oral literature, to works written in antiquity, and to sources in other Turkic languages. From ancient Turkic monuments, one can trace the use of the word täte as having meant father. The article examines the reasons and justifications for using the word täte in the Kazakh language when addressing a man while analyzing its scope and origin. The article also examines the meanings of other Kazakh kinship honorifics such as äje, äke, and apa, which have undergone more semantic changes compared to in other Turkic languages.Täte, äje, äke, and apa are some of the words used to signify age or gender regarding kinship honorifics in Turkic languages. Standard forms and phonetic variants of words are&nbsp;actively used both in the literary language and in Kazakh dialects. These words have been preserved with their old meanings and old phonetic forms in Kazakh proverbs and stereotyped expressions. For example, although the honorific täte is used to refer to related men in the language of the local people in the southern and some western regions, it is also used to refer to related women in the northern region as well as in the standard language.&nbsp;The honorific apa is used in southern regions as the equivalent of the word aje [grandmother], while western regions use it to denote an older woman or an older sister. The east also uses the form apay, which means “sister” or “aunt”. The interesting thing is that täte [aunt] in the literary language is never used in the same sense. Some parts of the east use täte to mean mother, while it means father in western Kazakhstan. In the stereotypical expression “Ay der aja, koy der koja jok,” the word äje in the standard language is used in the form of aja to mean elder or elder of a house. However, one dialectical difference is that the word äke, which is part of the noun äpeke (apa+eke), expresses its elder meaning.While apa, äje, and äke were initially used to address elders in Turkic languages, the male or female meanings have changed over time. For this reason, difficulty is had in saying that every encountered kinship honorific is used only for women or only for men. Some kinship honorifics were initially used to address men, while they later began to be used differently to address women.Kinship honorifics that are used without having undergone any change and by preserving the original meaning are very rare in modern Turkic languages. In particular, the meanings of kinship honorifics in Kazakh do not coincide with old Turkic. Instead, they are observed to have taken on completely opposite meanings. The Turkic cognates täte, äke, äje, and apa are all used to denote different meanings than in the Kazakh of the old Turkic period. Although changes have occurred in meaning in the standard language, the old meanings clearly are sometimes preserved in dialects and idioms as has been shown in the examples above, as well as in old Turkic inscriptions.

On Some Kinship Honorifics That Have Changed Meaning in Kazakh

Mina

The first materials under the name of Khalaj Turkish were compiled and published by the Eastern linguist Minorsky in 1940. The second compilation of Khalaj belongs to Mohammad Mogaddam, who performed field studies in the areas of Tafraş and Aştiyan and compiled four different dialects of the Turkic language of Khalaj spoken there.However, Doerfer was the first to determine the importance of Khalaj. Based on the deficiencies in previous studies, Doerfer considered conducting field studies in the region to be necessary. He sent his students to Iran in 1968 to identify the villages where Khalaj was spoken and to compile materials in order to verify Moghaddam’s materials. Mogaddam’s materials were given to volunteers in Persian in three different areas, and they were asked about the words’ equivalency in Khalaj.The collected materials were examined in Doerfer’s (1971) book Khalaj Materials in 1971. The book’s third chapter contains materials from the dialects of Talxab, Mansurabad, and Xaltabad that are given in word lists. The longest most comprehensive list contains 319 words compiled from the Talxab village. The word lists from Mansurabad and Xaltabad have 111 words in common with the Talxab list.Afterward, a second fieldwork study was conducted in the Khalaj region in 1969. Doerfer personally participated in this study. Thus, a comprehensive study of the Khalaj was carried out during this period, and the published studies are still currently the source on Khalaj.The first and only Khalaj dictionary was conducted in these field studies. The Wörterbuch des Chaladsch dictionary contains Talxab dialectal words that Doerfer and Tezcan published in 1980. The second critical study based on these materials is Lexik und Sprachgeographie des Chaladsch and contains two volumes. The words are arranged thematically, and each word’s Khalaj meaning is given alongside their German headwords.The issues that increase the importance of this book are how it shows the dialectal differences between words and how it provides etymological information about the words. Doerfer’s (1988) Grammatik des Chaladsch discusses the phonology and morphology of Khalaj. Also, Tezcan and Doerfer’s (1994) Folklore Texte der Chaladsch, provides text samples of Khalaj. The samples are sorted into four chapters. Chapter 1 provides samples from the first field study, Chapter 2 provides samples from the second field study, and Chapters 3 and 4 address the field samples obtained by Müseyyeb Arabgol. Based on these studies, quite a volume of scientific research was carried out on Khalaj.The importance of Khalaj was realized through the work of Doerfer and his team, thanks to which they identified the archaic phonetic features and vocabulary of Khalaj and put forth new classifications on the Turkic language. Khalaj is positioned as an independent branch in the classification of Turkic languages due to it having the linguistic features of Old Turkic.This study is presented in order to determine the changes that have occurred to words in Khalaj as published by Doerfer (1968). Therefore, the words in the fifth chapter of Khalaj Materials were given to the people native to the three areas. The words were given in Persian, and the people were asked for the Khalaj equivalents. The similarities and differences were revealed by comparing the words compiled from the Xarrab (now known as Baharistan) region in January 2022 with those compiled by the Doerfer team in 1968. The article then determined how much the Khalaj vocabulary had changed under the influence of other languages over the past half a century. According to the studies, there was a 15%-word difference in Khalaj Turkish this half-century. Today, Persian words are used about 7% more frequently than Khalaj words. Meanwhile, only two words Doerfer had recorded as Persian in his compilations were found to be recorded as Khalaj in this study.The facts that the Khalaj people have been in Persian neighborhoods, that Persian is the official language of the country, and Persian being used as a prestigious language among newer generations has led to Khalaj being used less over time. In addition, while comparing the two reviews, approximately 8% of different Turkish-origin words are seen to have been used . The differences between the Khalaj dialects and the acceptance and giving of words from other Turkish languages such as Azerbaijan Turkish could have led to this. In addition, different words have been determined to be used for concepts in the language, and this can lead to the detection of different words in the same language while both are actively used in conversations.

Changes in the Vocabulary of Khalaj in Half a Century

İlker

Muhammed

Res. Assist.

This study is an attempt to analyze the story titled İns [Humans], written by A. Cahit Zarifoğlu (1974) by utilizing the semiotic method. Cahit Zarifoğlu is known for his poetry, yet he has also contributed to other literary genres, including stories, novels, memoirs, theater, essays, and various forms of children’s literature. İns, which is the focus of the study, is a literary work that portrays the historical journey of humanity through intense symbolic references and mystical allusions using a cinematic narrative technique. Almost all critics and scholars seem to agree that Zarifoğlu’s stories are mythic, symbolic, and multi-layered. From this point of view, using the semiotic method for analyzing the various layers of meaning inherent in this narrative seems important.&nbsp;Firstly, the study makes an analysis of the structure and organization that form the basis of the story. This part of the analysis covers the story’s segmentation in the order in which it was originally serialized and the narrative schedule. The story was serialized in five parts and published in two different magazines: Diriliş and Edebiyat. Zarifoğlu indicated that his story was unfinished and would have been a more comprehensive narrative. However, the story does not appear to be a disconnected work in its present form. Although Zarifoğlu stated that he had made additions and edits to the story, these additions and edits were not changes that would affect the general framework of the narrative. In this sense, the serialization of the story is seen as appropriate for the segmentation analysis, and thus the study examines the five sections of the story in total.&nbsp;In semiotic analysis, the object can be a material element or an abstract value. In this sense, the object of basic value in the story can be considered to be understanding, while the object of acquisition is the ability to speak. This is due to İns exhibiting the modality of willing as one of the modal categories in the story through the desire to understand and to speak. Within this scope, this study uses the tools of semiotics to explore the relationship between these two components within the scope of İns. From this point of view, while the beginning of the story is seen to have a separation in terms of the comprehension of meaning, by the end of the story, a situation of unification emerges in terms of speech and the attainment of meaning as a result of the transformations that occur. The study then explains the process of the subject’s attainment of the object of basic value and the object of acquisition with regard to the story’s&nbsp;semantic structure of actants and the transformations they have undergone. The beginning of the story states, “İns was born on a silent night, full of darkness.”. By the end, İns has created meaning and speaks. The transformations Ins undergoes during this time can be listed as being powerless against nature, migrating, gaining the ability to develop cultural objects, and gaining power over nature. In the actant model, the subject is İns, the desire to understand is the object of value, the ability to speak is the object of acquisition, natural conditions, and divine impulse are the sender, the receiver is the cultural act, the helpers are Ins’ woman and Kuşçu, and the opponent is nature and performative deprivation.The study’s second stage examines the story’s discursive level, with this section defining the thematic roles in the story and analyzing the symbols in the narrative. In this regard, the study employs fundamental contrasts, the semantic structure of agents, and variations to explain the story’s complex structure. The actors who have thematic roles in the story are İns, İns’ woman, Ins’ child, Ins’ Mother and Father, Kuşçu, the women and the wolf. This section also analyzes the symbols used in the story. Analyzing the figurative language required benefitting from the elements in the text as well as extra-textual information and methods from various branches of science regarding the interpretation of literary works. In addition, semiotics does not directly state that literary works should be analyzed completely detached from the external universe. Instead, it states that, with the right methodological approach, utilizing historical reality and the reality of life may also be useful. Various symbols in Zarifoğlu’s İns are observed to be intensively used to refer to different cultural universes. In this framework, the study analyzes the symbols referenced in the text based on the narrative schedule of the story. As a result, although Islamic symbols were observed to be generally utilized, references from other cultural universes were also observed to have been made in accordance with the mythic structure of the story.&nbsp;&nbsp;The study’s last stage examines the logico-semantic level. This section aims to reveal the abstract and logically deepest surface on which the universes of meaning in the narrative have been constructed. The study unveils the relationships that are imperceptible on the surface of the narrative based on the basic contradictions present in the content of the narrative. The semiotic square was used to explain these relations, to reach deeper meaning, and to reveal the units in the basic structure of a universe of meaning and the transformations between these units. Thus, the narrative’s structure on the deep surface can be expressed through binary oppositions, contradictions, and inclusions.&nbsp;As a result of the analysis at the logico-semantic level, the article has determined the main contrast in the story to be between meaning and meaninglessness along the axes of haqîqat [truth] and ghiz [secret] and of being language deprived and not being language deprived. Consequently, Cahit Zarifoğlu’s story handles the historical adventure of humanity within the framework of the opposition of meaning and meaninglessness using mythical and symbolic language, with İns being emphasized to comprehend meaning through his belief in wahdat [unity].

Semiotic Analysis of Cahit Zarifoğlu's Story İns

Munise

The difficulties in scholarly studies on Turkish literature include the absence or incorporation of certain genre and style names from Western literature in Turkish literature, as well as the lack of corresponding terms. When consulting Turkish literary dictionaries and encyclopaedias, problems are not limited to genres or styles originating from Western literature. The root cause lies in the insufficient research and inaccurate filling of the literary concepts covered by dictionaries and encyclopaedias. Many Turkish literary dictionaries and encyclopaedias offer similar and inadequate definitions, often drawing inspiration from each other. Even in widely known and used genres in Turkish literature, there are issues with definitions. For instance, when looking at the definitions of genres like “masal” (fairy tale) or “söylence" (legend), they appear almost identical, such as” a story telling extraordinary events." Does this definition not lack specificity, and are there no distinguishing features between these two genres? Such definitions provide little benefit to readers or those seeking to learn.This study explores the Turkish adaptation of the concept “Schwank,” classified as a genre in Western literature, and a Turkish name for it. The classification of the anecdotes or storeys of Nasreddin Hodja under this genre in foreign sources serves as the starting point for this study. Owing to the categorisation of Nasreddin Hodja narratives as anecdotes or storeys in Turkish sources, the characteristics of these genres are examined, and the term “neşeli öykü” (merry tale) is proposed as a suitable Turkish name.Examining the features of the merry tale, it is observed that the narratives involve characters acting as distinct figures, often in pairs or groups with contrasting qualities based on factors like education, class, age, and experience. Generally, a character who considers themselves clever is outsmarted by someone more intelligent or cunning. The conclusion of a merry tale often portrays the supposedly superior character being defeated by the diligence, cunningness, indifference, disrespect, etc., of the opposing character. The characters in merry tales are typically anonymous individuals and common people from the community.The themes of merry tales revolve around daily life’s deceit, mischief, tricks, wickedness, cleverness, and conflicts in marriage, presenting universally applicable events and current life situations. In addition to being instructional, merry tales may contain sharp, coarse, or mild expressions. The setting of the tale can be anywhere people gather, and the focus is on cleverly devised games.The purpose of merry tales is to amuse, entertain, surprise, make people think, and provide enjoyment without creating problems. Examining their formal features, merry tales are typically short, presented in plain prose, using colloquial language that is easy to understand, and they are part of folk narratives.Comparing merry tales to anecdotes, it is evident that the merry tale motif has a broader perceptual range, experiencing a stronger climax related to human experiences. In anecdotes, the motif is fragmented, deliberately breaking the integrity, leaving only the punchline. Anecdotes often have a stage of slowing down or weakening concerning content and subject.The structure of the climax or punchline in merry tales emerges through the narrative plot, making it easily understandable. In anecdotes, the elements are suddenly clarified, connected with a surprise discovery, and unrelated components are brought together. The texture of merry tales is more realistic, based on reality, whereas anecdotes rely on a conflicting texture, often arising from the accidental misuse or perception of a word.Merry tales address normal or slightly abnormal situations, whereas anecdotes tend to focus on the abnormal. Merry tales predominantly present humorous and strange events related to life, such as Nasreddin Hodja stealing yoghurt from the lake.While foreign sources clearly distinguish between merry tales and anecdotes, there is confusion in Turkish dictionaries. The lack of an equivalent term for "merry tale" in Turkish has led to complexities in dictionary definitions. The attempt to categorise many characteristics under the label of anecdotes has caused confusion, especially for those unfamiliar with the structure of anecdotes. Considering the richness of the Turkish language, the inability to find equivalents for foreign words is not a valid excuse. With proper analysis and research, it is possible to adapt foreign words to Turkish in a logical and contextually appropriate manner. Although such efforts may be challenging, careful analysis can resolve contradictions found in foreign sources. The unique cultural value of Nasreddin Hodja anecdotes, categorised as merry tales under the term "Schwank" in foreign sources, adds to the complexity of the issue, highlighting the need for a more accurate and distinct classification in Turkish literature.

Turkish Name Suggestion for the Literary Genre “Schwank”: Cheerful Story

Mustafa Çağhan

One of the most recognized figures in Russian literature, Maxim Gorky stated that the true history of an ordinary person cannot be known without investigating oral folk art. In truth, historical sources often do not provide extensive details about the lives of ordinary people and their everyday experiences; they also frequently neglect to mention architects and master builders. Indeed, the names of many actors in Anatolian Turkish architecture are known only through a limited number of inscriptions, and their lives, human aspects, and professional careers are untraceable. In particular, written texts that focus on a structure itself and the patron who commissioned it either make no mention of the builder at all or content themselves with referring to this group using generic professional titles such as architect (mimar), master (usta), or apprentice (kalfa). Architects are rarely mentioned by name, and even for legendary and productive architects such as Mimar Sinan, the chief architect of the 16th-century Ottoman Empire, information is quite limited. In fact, Sinan stated that he had dictated his autobiographies Adsız Risale [The Nameless Treatise], Risâletü’l-Mi’mâriyye [Treatise on Architecture], Tuhfetü’l-Mi’mârîn [The Gifts of the Architect], Tezkiretü’l-Bünyân [Record of Construction], and Tezkiretü’l-Ebniye [Record of Buildings] to Sâî Mustafa Çelebi over time to ensure he would not be forgotten. In fact, Turkish people have built their own Mimar Sinan, with the widely recognized figure of Sinan today being a collective product of autobiographies, period sources, and oral tradition. When blended with narratives from oral tradition, the specific details reflected in historical sources about the architects and craftsmen who shaped Anatolian Turkish architecture paint a general panorama of the ordinary architect and builder. This characterization intertwines the human aspects, professional responsibilities, challenges, and goals of an anonymous architect, shaping a unique figure in the process. Oral tradition revolves around architects’ and construction builders’ daily lives, achievements, and professional challenges, even their relationships with religious-mythological elements, which are aspects often overlooked in historical sources. Fictional narratives passed down through oral tradition often draw from real events rarely reflected in written sources, deriving stories from both well-known architects and anonymous builders to characterize a semi-fictional architect, master, or apprentice. In a way, oral tradition, in which structures themselves and even the narratives serve as direct sources, complements the gaps in the history of architects and builders that do not appear in historical sources. This text focuses on compiling, classifying, and researching origins through written sources, as well as comparing the narratives of architects, craftsmen, and builders that are reflected in the oral tradition within Turkish culture. These&nbsp;are primarily shaped around 14 different motifs: testing the skill of the architect, sudden disappearance of the architect during construction, rewarding the architect for success, the architect or craftsman being punished for success or failure, suicide or murder due to professional ambition and competition, the architect’s unrequited love for the ruler’s daughter or relative, the non-Muslim architect or builder, the conversion of a non-Muslim architect or builder into Islam, the architect’s enslavement and captivity, the architect who achieves sainthood/the saint as architect or builder, the supernatural creature as an architects, the building that demands a sacrifice from the architect/the architect who offers a sacrifice, the covetousness/greed of the architect/builder, and the ruler as architect/the ruler’s involvement in the architectural process. The study aims to draw a fictionalized portrait of the history of Turkish architecture.Although the many common motifs that shape these narratives have counterparts outside the Turkish cultural sphere such as in Europe, the diversity in the professional processes and challenges and in the perceptions of ordinary people toward architects and craftsmen is evident across various societies, despite cross-cultural interactions. The motif of testing the skill of the architect (i.e., proving one’s competence) is constructed in Turkish culture and European culture with the episode of standing an egg upright on a marble surface. While addressed in the Shahnameh [The Book of Kings], written by the 11th-century Persian poet Ferdowsi, the motif of the sudden disappearance of the architect during construction became part of Turkish culture, especially after the Ottoman conquest of Istanbul in the 15th century, through widespread tales about Hagia Sophia that were adapted to various structures in Istanbul and other provinces. The motif of rewarding the architect for success is not often found in oral tradition, as it is considered a natural occurrence. The motif of the architect or craftsman being punished for success or failure is a common theme in both Islamic and European cultures. The legend of the mythical Byzantine architect Sinimmar, who built the Khawarnaq Palace for the Sassanid Prince Bahram Gur by order of Nu’man, the Lakhmid king, was characterized in the epic story Haft Paykar [Seven Portraits] by 12th-century Azerbaijani poet Nizami Ganjavi. This legend entered Turkish culture and involved the punishment of the architect (e.g., being killed, losing the ability to practice the profession) for not constructing a more beautiful building. While the motif of suicide or murder due to professional ambition and competition often depicts the rivalry between master and apprentice, it also consistently portrays a competition where the apprentice emerges victorious. The defeated master either commits suicide or murders the apprentice. Although suicide is not a common theme in Islamic culture, it is frequently found in both the competition and love motifs. Inspired by the famous romantic tale Ferhad and Shirin, written by 15th century Timurid statesman and poet Ali Shir Nava’i, architects or craftsmen in legends often nurture unrequited love for the ruler’s daughter or relative and sometimes is entwined with the rivalry between two architects or craftsmen. The plot often concludes with the architect or craftsman using his construction tool (just as in Ferhad and Shirin) to commit suicide. The discomfort of the public toward a non-Muslim architect or builder is a theme mostly found in legends in Türkiye and the Balkans where non-Muslim&nbsp;elements had been involved in architectural processes during the Seljuk and Ottoman eras. Various structural flaws are sometimes attributed to the non-Muslim architect, builder, or craftsman, who is sometimes characterized as an evil person who wants to sabotage the structure. The motif of the conversion of a non-Muslim architect or builder to Islam aims to alleviate the discomfort felt towards them through their conversion to Islam in some way. The architect, builder, or craftsman converts to Islam, usually through the miracle of a Muslim saint, and the structure gains a kind of legitimacy. The theme of the architect’s enslavement and captivity has been extensively explored in written sources, though not often addressed in oral tradition. The motif of the architect who achieves sainthood/the saint as architect or builder is a common theme in legends. The structure that serves as the backdrop for the legend becomes somewhat sanctified once the architect achieves enlightenment or when a saint or several wild animals through the miracle of a saint participate in its construction. Unusual structures that are difficult to construct, especially those that draw attention with their size, are explained by the involvement of supernatural beings such as giants, jinn, angels, and al-Khidr in the construction. The sacrifice motif in particular is used to describe how the architect, builder, or craftsman pays some price in order to be able to construct a very difficult structure. Therefore, the motif of the building that demands a sacrifice from the architect/the architect who offers a sacrifice can be said to be related to the tradition of carrying out a sacrifice before starting the construction of a building in current contexts. Sometimes, oral traditions or stories explore the motif of the architect’s covetousness/greed, while others emphasize the opposite theme of contentment for some sacred structures. Narratives related to rulers who are involved in architecture, who engage in the design process, or who imitate the architect are generally based on real events reflected in written sources; however, these have also been transferred through oral tradition because of their intriguing nature. While these narratives demonstrate rulers’ ability to engage in architecture, the idea of architects becoming rulers has never been explored. Only the Hagia Sophia tales have a reference to the possibility of an architect becoming a ruler, wherein the Emperor kills the architect of the holy temple because the ruler thought the people who believed the building had been constructed with God’s help would accept the architect as their new ruler.At the core of the narratives and tales on architects and builders, a very important monumental structure is always present. The structure serves as both the backdrop and main actor of the narrative. Tales revolving around architects and masters are often derived from structures such as Hagia Sophia and the Süleymaniye in Istanbul, the Selimiye in Edirne, and the Grand Mosque in Divriği. Specifically, legends about Hagia Sophia and Selimiye through the influence of Byzantine narratives have been adapted and sometimes even served as the source for written narratives about various structures in Türkiye. The popularity of Hagia Sophia tales in the Ottoman context has led to these narratives being adapted to Selimiye, establishing a mythical connection between Hagia Sophia’s architects and Mimar Sinan. Sinan is undoubtedly the&nbsp;most mythologized architect, not only in Türkiye but likely around the globe. Almost all motifs that shape legends about architects and masters in Türkiye have been incorporated into the legendary corpus surrounding Sinan. In this sense, the persona of the architect, builder, and master, often an anonymous character in tales told for various structures across Türkiye, can be said to transcend beyond anonymity and take form within the identity of Sinan.

Narratives on Architects and Builders in Turkish Culture

Orhan

Dated to the mid-14th century or later, the only known and incomplete copy of Çarh-name is in the Camiü’n-nezair copy registered in Bayezid State Library, no. 5782. The 17 couplets missing from the end of the work in the Bayezid copy were completed with the couplets found in the incomplete leaves in a manuscript registered in Edirne Selimiye Manuscript Library, number 22 Sel 2309. On the other hand, it has been determined that the text of a recently published nasihatname bears a great deal of similarities with the Çarh-name and the nazir poem written to it. The related qasida can be found between 112a-119b of the first copy and 60a-64a of the second copy. The text of 125 couplets recorded under the title “Fi Beyani Kaside-i Nasihat” in this story collection is, at first glance, an ode in the ode of advice genre belonging to a poet using the name “Yahya”. When the text of the ode is analysed, we come across a “compilation” text, some of the couplets of which are taken from Çarh-name and some of which are taken from a poem written by a poet with the pseudonym Sa‘di to Çarhname. According to the comparison made, there are 48 couplets belonging to Çarh-name in the ode of advice consisting of 125 couplets, and 74 couplets belonging to a poem written by a poet with the pseudonym Sa‘di to Çarh-name. A comparison of the three texts reveals that Yahya’s qasida may have been separate copies of both Çarh-name and Sa‘di’s verse, which was written as a verse in verse to Çarh-name. In the introduction part of the study, evaluations were made in this situation.&nbsp;Yahya’s verse and both Çarh-name and Sa‘di’s qasida are compatible in terms of formal elements. All three texts that do not contain all parts of a qasida in the classical sense are written in a similar number of couplets. In the texts, which are introduced with advice, there is a prayer part in addition to the maksud part, and the verses are completed with couplets mentioning the pseudonym. In the verses written by Sa‘di as a verse in verse to the ode of advice and Çarh-name, one or two more couplets were sung after the pseudonym couplet and the odes were completed. In Çarh-name, on the other hand, the number of couplets after the pseudonym reaches up to six. This situation shows that Yahya, the poet of the ode of advice, followed Sa‘di’s verse. The high number of common couplets in Sa‘di’s ode of advice supports this situation.Because the text of nasihatname does not contain all the couplets of Çarh-name, it is not possible to make a complete comparison. On the other hand, the presence of nearly half the number of couplets of Çarh-name in this ode provides relatively sufficient data in terms of&nbsp;showing the relationship between the texts. Between ode of advice and Çarh-name, there are more examples where only word choices stand out and differentiate, but not on the scale of verse and couplet. These examples show that the poet Yahya did not intervene much in the words that form the rhyme of the couplet, but made changes in other parts of the couplet. Many couplets taken from Çarh-name appear in the same way in the ode of advice without any difference. When these couplets are compared, it is seen that Yahya transferred the couplets from Çarh-name to his own qasida sequential.&nbsp;The ode of advice is a text that provides auxiliary data for this verse, which Sa’di wrote as a verse in verse to Çarh-name and of which no other copy is known. The preferences that emerge as copy differences with Çarh-name are also found in Sa‘di’s verse. The number of couplets with differences in this verse is higher than taht in the Çarh-name. Because the number of quoted couplets is higher in Sa‘di’s verse, the same number of couplets is also higher than in the Çarh-name. The differences between Sa‘di’s verse and Yahya’s qasida are striking, especially in the rhyming words. As mentioned in the introduction, both Çarh-name and Sa‘di’s poem have missing/omitted verses. Yahya’s ode of advice provides complementary data for the solution of this problem. In fact, the duplicated couplet in the Çarh-name is included in the text of the ode of advice among the 48 couplets taken from the Çarh-name. Based on these data, it was possible to correctly complete the verse that was written twice in Çarh-name and left the couplet incomplete in terms of context. Another example of this problem, which is written twice in the Çarh-name, appears as an unwritten line in Sa‘di’s verse of 106 couplets. The ode of advice also provides data for the completion of this text.In this study, both Çarh-name and the verse written to this ode by a poet with the pseudonym Sa‘di and Yahya’s qasida are evaluated in terms of commonalities and other connexions. Indications of the commonalities between the texts are presented, and the text of the ode of advice, which is thought to have been compiled/written at a later time and from a different copy, is utilised to complete the deficiencies of the verses. For a duplicated verse in Çarhname and an unwritten verse in Sa‘di’s verse, the entries in the text of Yahya’s ode of advice are presented as suggestions. Until another copy of Camiü’n-nezair or Çarh-name appears, it seems appropriated to complete the verses in this way, given the commonalities in Yahya’s verse. The fact that the texts containing the ode of advice are found in religious story collections is important both for the environment in which these texts continued to be read and for the implications they may have for the early written texts of Turkish.

Notes on the Relationship of the Çarh-name with the Text of an Ode of Advice

Ömer

Lecturer

The Birinci Lâyiha [First Memorandum], Dil Akademisi Lâyihası [The Language Academy Memorandum], and Mektûb [Letter] form Ahemt Rıza Bey’s early period of texts and were based on positivism’s concepts of order and progress. These texts defined the idealized social structure within the framework of the concept of order as the social fabric and the concept of progress as the social dynamic. He embodied the societal realm of existence in the concept of order and social development in the concept of progress, presenting order as an indispensable condition for progress. Even though he created the impression that education was the fundamental issue, Ahmet Rıza’s early written works were unable to sufficiently cover the theme of education at the expected level and clarity. He discussed emphasis of the importance of education mostly over a principled framework, with a tremendously remarkable lack of any in-depth analysis of how the education system should be structured. Ahmet Rıza’s main aim was to organize the political, social, and economic order of the Empire by maintaining it in light of the needs of the time. Accordingly, education was a tool roughly equivalent to the stability and order of the Empire.The system of discourse that referred to the history most frequently encountered in Ahmet Rıza’s early texts both contained a restorative role for reorganizing order as well as functioning as a source of inspiration to imbue society with self-confidence. In this sense, rather than perceiving time as cyclical, Ahmet Rıza Bey embraced a linear perception of time in his former texts, one that relied on continuity. This perception of linear time that had emerged from the concept of progress in positivism was the representation of a visionary point of view that affirmed the future. The motivation for progress was aimed at a gradual change in the order. This emphasized the importance of mobilizing public education en masse as the main driving force for change. He had concretely reciprocated the intellectual characteristic of positivism under the theme of education. In accordance with this, educational institutions should be public places where positive sciences are taught. The plan was to have scientific knowledge reach large segments of society through existing educational institutions. Thus, a person’s affiliation with citizenship would occur as a consequence of the collective consciousness in which scientific knowledge had emerged, namely as growth on a social plane. Ahmet Rıza&nbsp;Bey’s comprehension of citizenship with secular rather than its traditional content corresponded to the category of differentiation. As a result, his perception of progress reflected a strategy of alteration toward the dissemination of public education.Unity in language was key to the state of the collective consciousness Ahmet Rıza Bey intended to specifically create regarding Ottoman citizenship. He had made the declaration in his memoranda that the Turkish language should be spoken throughout the entire geography of the Empire. The conception had been improved upon as an alternative to the idea of a nation system surrounded by traditional codes and was based on unity of language (i.e., Turkish) rather than religious-sectarian affiliations. These proposals aimed to have Turkish be widely used as an official language throughout the Ottoman Empire. Furthermore, they aimed at preserving Turkish grammar from the impacts of Arabic and Persian, as well as at providing Turkish with a unique identity by removing foreign words from the vocabulary. Generally speaking, this strategic attitude was the leading alternative to the practice of nationhood.&nbsp;Ahmet Rıza Bey was of the opinion that the Empire was supposed to be run by qualified experts. This staff of experts should consist of technocrats who had completed their higher education in positive sciences and were good at the French language. The influence of the French philosophers Saint Simon and Auguste Comte on the background of the leading role given to technocrats is quite apparent. Being frequently used in these texts, the positivist impact on the descriptions of nature was also comprehensively observed. Just as nature is subject to certain laws, social phenomena should also be expected to be subject to certain laws. As a result, Ahmet Rıza Bey strove to combine the laws of nature with the observable and predictable components of objective reality. He tried to discover the permanent mechanisms of the succession and similitude of these phenomena by subjecting social phenomena to the same laws. Therefore, Ahmet Rıza Bey’s framework of analysis with regard to social phenomena had obtained its meaning from a scientific point of view in terms of being based on observation and experience. In addition to this situation relying on a determinist outline, it was also teleological owing to how it had been revealed in the context of optimism. Social phenomena should also be comprehended through objective reality, because the area for discussing natural laws includes the world of objects (i.e., things).

Ahmet Rıza Bey's Early Ideas (1892-1895)

Selim

The Beginning of Ottoman-Brazilian Relations and the Visit of Brazilian Emperor Dom Pedro II and his Wife Empress Teresa Cristina to the Ottoman Empire and the Holy Lands [1876]

Uğur

The second half of the 16th century coincides with a different and important period in Ottoman history in terms of the connections of the scholar-bureaucrats who grew up during the reign of Selim II (d. 1574) and later Murad III (d. 1595) with the ruling power and their patronage relations and positions. Ataullah Efendi (d. 1571), Ebussuud Efendi (d. 1574) and then Hoca Sadeddin Efendi (d. 1599) made many appointments themselves, especially in the last three decades of this century. Those who were related to them, and those who had become members of the ilmiye either through mulāzemet or through kinship as being a son-in-law of a prominent scholar, were able to carve out a prominent place in their own careers. Especially those who received mulāzemet from Sadeddin Efendi and were under his patronage reached more prestigious positions in their careers. Although many criticisms were made against Sadeddin Efendi by the authors of the period, his rivals in the ilmiye did not target him, but his apprentices or the people he was in contact with. For example, the dismissal of Molla Masum, Hoca Sadeddin Efendi’s apprentice, by an initiative led by Bostanzâde Mehmed, and the subsequent writings to the Valide Safiye Sultan (d. 1619) and Mehmed III under the leadership of Sheikh Mehmed Dâğî (d. 1611) by those connected to Sadeddin Efendi, shows the extent of partiality and collaboration among the ulema. Apprentices who contacted highranking scholars during madrasa education joined their teachers’ circle when they achieved a position and acted together with them on many issues. Some scholars who reached a certain position in their careers and wanted to keep their current position, aspired to prestigious madrasas and the small number of these madrasas required examinations for appointment. In such cases where there was more than one candidate, an examination would be held before the kazaskers (military judge) of the Rumelia and Anatolia and the deserving person would&nbsp;be appointed as a muderris. In Niksârâzâde’s letter, it is understood that such an examination took place and was chaired by Sunullah Efendi, the kazasker of Rumelia at the time, who is referred to as musteshār in the text. The muderrises who were not appointed after these examinations either appealed to a high-ranking officer or wrote public letters to make their voices heard and to show their discontent about the examination.As Niksârîzâde points out, the type of letter used to object to an appointment was one of the methods frequently used by the ulema for different reasons in the 16th and 17th centuries. In the munsheāt, a collection of correspondences between the ulema, these and similar letters written within a certain discipline and with stereotypical expressions, are generally divided into five main groups: congratulations, acknowledgements, condolences, recommendations, and objections. These letters, dominated by a certain style of construction, were written in a format with a defined beginning and ending. Depending on the position of the addressee and the purpose of writing, intonations and the language of construction caused the letters to be written in different ways. As seen in this study, the munsheāts show the extent of personal connections between the ulema and are also parallel to the appointment records (ruūs books, etc.) of the ilmiye.Niksârîzâde wanted Hocazâde Mehmed Efendi, who was the kazasker of Anatolia, to chair the examination for the selection of muderris, and even thought that the important muderrises of the period, such as Ahizâde (the then qādī of Istanbul), Kafzâde and Kinalizâde, would have objected to this selection. In his letter of objection, Niksârîzâde criticized Tursunzâde and Sunullah Efendi in particular on scholarly grounds and, by referring to the food and drink culture of his time, implied that Tursunzâde and his supporters spent time in taverns. We do not know whether Tursunzâde responded to Niksârîzâde’s accusations, but Atâyî mentions some correspondences between the two. Ganîzâde is the one who annotated Niksârîzâde’s letter and replied. The fact that he responded to the letter with the similar harsh words shows that there was a grouping among some scholars and that students who received mulāzemet from the same teacher supported each other.Ganîzâde asserted that Niksârîzâde was a Christian (ashâb-ı teslîsden, i.e. from the people of the Trinity) and a madman, that his knowledge came from his madness, and even said that he received his mulāzemet from the taverns of Balat. Niksârîzâde wrote a letter in response to these accusations, but the copy containing this letter is quite worn and incomplete. In this incomplete and worn letter, Niksârîzâde quoted Persian couplets in particular and chose to respond to the criticism of his knowledge of Arabic language in the first letter in a different way. In his second letter, Niksârîzâde again criticized Tursunzâde’s scholarly competence and mentioned his connection with Sinan Pasha. These letters, which are the written form of the conflicts between Ibrahim Pasha-Niksârîzâde and Sinan Pasha-Tursunzâde-Sunullah Efendi-Gazanfer Agha, show that the appointment of the muderris and the events that followed had a political background.&nbsp;The three letters analyzed in this article show the partiality among the ulema in the late 16th and early 17th centuries. The letters can also be considered as an example of a scholar trying to express the injustice he experienced individually and seeking his own rights. Thus, it&nbsp;is possible to see the extent of the complex relations between the ulema through Niksârîzâde’s first letter, which brings an individual incident into the public sphere.&nbsp;In conclusion, although the letters we have analyzed in this study are out of the general munsheāt style and contain non-literary, sarcastic, and insulting expressions, and their content can be considered as a supplement to the appointment records of muderris.

An Example of Partiality and Competition Among Ottoman Scholars in the Late 16th Century: The Letters of Niksârîzâde Mahmud Efendi and Ganîzâde Nâdirî

Zameer

Goddesses, Saints and Kings: Turkic influence in South India

Berksan

Review of “Hispanic-Turkish relations (1402-2017) Some considerations” by Ricardo Evaristo Santos

Merve

An Evaluation of the Dialect Contacts in Historical Turkish Written Languages During XIV-XV. Centuries

Veysel

Review of “Örme Biçimleri Bir Ters Bir Düz Fragmanlar” by Nurdan Gürbilek

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Mustafa

Translation, though concerning quite many scientific disciplines such as medicine, pharmacy, mathematics, physics, philosophy, history, linguistics etc., and many other areas concerning practical lives like politics, trade, literature; for the most part, deals with interlinguistic connections.&nbsp;The interactions between Arabic and Turkish started to flourish after the Turks’ adoption of Islam. The translations from Arabic to Turkish stemmed mainly from the need to learn about the religion of Islam. Oghuz Turkish, in its formation process as a written language, was also fulfilling such a demand. Hence, the texts with religious content seriously predominated the ones that were produced in the early periods.&nbsp;The expansion of Oghuz Turks into larger lands under the Seljuk dominion, and their adoption of a new religion as large masses, took place in periods that are quite close to each other. Whereas the need for written correspondence in the state hierarchy was being fulfilled via Persian, it is obvious that Arabic or Persian would fall short of such a proper function in the case of spreading religious knowledge. For this reason, a small number of literate Turks went into the effort of producing texts in Turkish, which was the common spoken language among Oghuzs and other clans. One may argue that the endeavour to write in Turkish gradually spread towards the west, beginning in the Horasan region. The adoption of Islam by the Oghuzs, and the formation of a large state organization in a simultaneous way, both came into play in the flourishment of the Oghuz language in the written form. Though the need for an official language was met by correspondences that were being written in Persian, it was not sufficient for the learning of the new religion, and in corresponding the demand for knowledge, which came forward in various strata of society in differing proportions. The fact that Arabic was the language of the main religious source, and the official language being Persian was leading to a shortage of communication for the larges masses of Oghuzs, with both the state and religion. Though the official language, being Persian, did not constitute a serious problem for the people who did not have grave concerns about the state mechanism, their disconnection with religion was quite of an inconvenience.Firstly expanding to the Horasan region, and up to the inlands of Anatolia afterwards, Oghuz settlements necessitated their meeting with the new religion, and re-organizing their lives in accordance with the two motives, along with adapting to a new geography. Except&nbsp;for the migrant settler masses, religious knowledge had become a necessity for the Oghuzs, who adopted a sedentary life in their daily practices. The fact that it was religious motives behind the transmission of knowledge from Arabic to Turkish aggravated the responsibility of the translators who shouldered it. Any mistake that was to be made in the translation of a literary text would at worst vitiate the aesthetic flavour of the text. However, the translation of a religious text obviously requires much more sensitivity. Hence, one should admit that it requires a very special effort in the translation of such issues as the faith and the attributions of Allah, which also shape one’s conception of God. The Quranic translations that were produced with such a sensitivity as much served for the formation of the written Turkish as for the comprehension and teaching of the religion.&nbsp;The young Turkish scholars, who did not know any other written sources other the Arabic ones, must have used Arabic as a guide during their translations. We should admit that the translation of Arabic expressions to a language that had been used in written form before, must have been very difficult. Especially, the translation of some peculiar Arabic phrases to Turkish correctly, required the utmost prudence, so as to understand the source of religion in the most correct way.The underline translation method which was commonly used in the early periods, despite being a poor method for the phrases, was successful in producing comprehensible Turkish written texts. In the course of these translations, there were some peculiar elements in Arabic, such as ism-i fail (present participle), sıfat-ı müşebbehe and the exaggerative present participle, which were alien to Turkish to a great extent. Building the conception of God in accordance with the understanding of oneness (and unity), the Quran presents the idea of God as almighty andbenevolent, by often making use of the aforementioned peculiar expressions. It also uses those word structures in order to explain the condition of men in the face of orders and prohibitions to which it appeals in regulating human life. The suffix -IcI in Oghuz Turkish virtually seems to have taken on a very special task, so as to meet the peculiar expressions of Arabic in question. The suffix IcI, which did not usually come forward in the early years in Old Turkish and the Anatolian region, is now one of the most common elements, and it is one of the indicators of verb performers.We know that the suffixes -GlI and -GAn were being used for certain verb performers of Arabic in the Karakhanid and Khorezmian regions. Such a differentiation indicates the rising sensitivity in the Anatolian geography with regard to the translations of these aforementioned structures. It also shows that the written language in Anatolia developed quite separately from the Turkistan region. Although the Quranic translations that were written in Karakhanid and Khorezmian Turkish contain some occasional instances of the suffix -IcI (=ĠUçI), it seems to have been used far less in proportion to the Anatolian region.Besides the historical dialects such as Karakhanid and Khorezmian, there are some examples that it was from time to time corresponded by the suffixes -IcI (küçi and Kuçi) in Afghanistan Uzbek Turkish and Kazan Tatar Turkish.

The Place of Suffix -IcI in The Formation of Turkish as a Written Language

Gülten

Onur

Assoc. Prof.

The Place of Woman in Siberian Realm Turkish Legends and the Perception of Ancient Turks in This Regard

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Türkiyat Mecmuası - Journal of Turkology is the publication of Istanbul University Research Institute of Turkology, which was founded in 1924 by (Ord. Prof. Dr.) Köprülüzade Mehmed Fuad on the instructions of Mustafa Kemal (Atatürk).

Türkiyat Mecmuası, one of the first academic journals of the Republic of Turkey in the field of social sciences, has been continuing its publication life since 1925. Türkiyat Mecmuası, which publishes academic studies on Turkish Language, Turkish Literature, Turkish History, Turkish Art and Turkology in general, is an open access, refereed, national and international scientific journal. It is published twice a year in June and December. It is published in Turkish, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tatar and Gagauz Turkish, French, Russian, German and English. 

The journal targets national and international audiences, has both national and international members in the editorial board, and aims to enhance international author contributions.

Türkiyat Mecmuası- Journal of Turkology aims to contribute to the dissemination of scientific knowledge and to contribute to the scientific community in the field of Turkology by publishing high quality articles in accordance with international publication standards.

There are no article processing charges or submission fees for any submitted or accepted articles. All expenses of the journal are covered by the Istanbul University..

Ahmet

MLA International Bibliography

Scopus

EBSCO

TR Dizin

DOAJ

SOBIAD

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Journal of Turkology

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Editor in Chief

Co Editor in Chief

Section Editor

Editorial Management Board Member

Editorial Assistant

Language Editor

Editorial Board Member

Advisory Board Member

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Journal of Turkology - Türkiyat Mecmuası is the publication of Istanbul University Research Institute of Turkology. It is an open access, scholarly, peer-reviewed journal that l was founded in 1925. Publication languages of the journal are Türkiye Turkish, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan Turkish, Tatar Turkish, French, Russian, German, English. The journal targets national and international audiences, has both national and international members in the editorial board, and aims to enhance international author contributionsThe journal publishes studies in the fields of Turkish Language, Turkish Literature, Turkish History, Turkish Art and Turkish Culture in general. It aims to contribute to the dissemination of scientific knowledge through publication of high-quality articles in accordance with the international publishing standards. By improving visibility and accessibility of qualified information the journal aspires to contribute to scientific community in the field of turkology.

Aim & Scope

<ul><li>SCOPUS</li><li>TÜBİTAK-ULAKBİM TR Index</li><li>DOAJ</li><li>MLA International Bibliography</li><li>EBSCO (Academic Search Complete)</li><li>SOBIAD</li></ul>

Indexing and Abstracting

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Journal of Turkology - Türkiyat Mecmuası is committed to upholding the highest standards of publication ethics and pays regard to Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing published by the <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, the <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, to access the <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a>, and the <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> on <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a>All parties involved in the publishing process (Editors, Reviewers, Authors and Publishers) are expected to agree on the following ethical principles.All submissions must be original, unpublished (including as full text in conference proceedings), and not under the review of any other publication synchronously. Each manuscript is reviewed by one of the editors and at least two referees under double-blind peer review process. Plagiarism, duplication, fraud authorship/denied authorship, research/data fabrication, salami slicing/salami publication, breaching of copyrights, prevailing conflict of interest are unnethical behaviors.All manuscripts not in accordance with the accepted ethical standards will be removed from the publication. This also contains any possible malpractice discovered after the publication. In accordance with the code of conduct we will report any cases of suspected plagiarism or duplicate publishing.

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Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation. Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by editor-in-chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope.The editor hands over the papers matching the formal rules to at least two national/international referees for double-blind peer review evaluation and gives green light for publication upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.

Peer Review

Articles that have not been previously published or are not currently under review for publication in another journal and are approved by each author are accepted for consideration. Submitted articles that pass the preliminary check are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After the plagiarism check, eligible articles are evaluated by the editor-in-chief in terms of originality, methodology, importance of the topic covered and compatibility with the scope of the journal.Articles deemed appropriate by the editor-in-chief in terms of the journal's publication policy are sent to at least two national/international external referees for evaluation in accordance with the double blind review system. The decision to publish is made by the editor-in-chief after the edits made by the authors as a result of the referees' evaluations and the referee process.The editor-in-chief does not allow any conflict of interest between authors, editors and referees. He/she has full authority to appoint referees and is responsible for making the final decision on the articles to be published in the journal.Reviewers' evaluations should be objective. During the review process, reviewers are expected to consider the following points.-Does the article contribute to the field?-Does the abstract clearly and accurately describe the content of the article?-Is the structure of the article and the research method defined in a coherent and comprehensible manner?-Are the interpretations and conclusions substantiated by the findings?-Are adequate references given to other studies in the field?- Is the quality of language and expression adequate??Reviewers should ensure that all information about submitted articles remains confidential until the article is published and should report to the editor if they notice any copyright infringement or plagiarism on the part of the author.If the referee does not feel qualified to review the article or is unlikely to be able to provide timely feedback, he/she should inform the editor and ask him/her not to involve him/her in the review process.During the review process, the editor should make it clear to reviewers that articles submitted for review are the private property of the authors and that this is a privileged communication. Reviewers and editorial board members may not discuss articles with other individuals.

Turkish, Azerbaijani, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tatar and Gagauz Turkish, French, Russian, German and English are the languages of publication.All correspondence regarding the submitted articles will be made with the responsible author. All responsibility of the studies sent to our journal for publication within the rules belongs to the author / authors.Article submission should be made online via <a href="https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/login" target="_blank">http://dergipark.gov.tr/login</a>, which is accessed from <a href="https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/iuturkiyat" target="_blank">Turkiyat Mecmuası &#34; Home Page</a>.  Articles should be submitted in three files, such as:1. Article Full Text File**Microsoft Word 2003 and above versions must be used. Articles should be prepared using the <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/3A7375C83BF8460FA0A2CD1B28424784" target="_blank">Article Template</a>. The text of the article should not include the identity information of the author(s) due to the double-blinded peer review process. (Important note: The main headings in the article template only show how the content of the article should be formed. Authors are not obliged to use these headings.2. <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/44422B6ABB754FE0964799CB7C5252F1" target="_blank">Cover Page*</a> *The cover page should include the type of article, article title (article language / English) title and institutional affiliation of the author or authors, current address and telephone numbers, ORCID information and e-mail addresses.*The financial support, conflict of interest and acknowledgment sections should be stated separately in both the language of the article and in English.3. <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/B48C35DD6FCA4C2FB91F51863B30BBDB" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form*</a>*Must be signed by all authors with a wet signature. (See. Final Checklist)<ul><li>The article should consist of at least 5000 words excluding abstracts, footnotes and bibliography.</li><li>Turkish articles should include two abstracts (Turkish-English) and an extended abstract in English. </li></ul>English articles should include two abstracts, one in English and one in Turkish. There should be no extended abstract.For articles written in other languages, there should be three abstracts (in the language of the article -English-Turkish) and an extended abstract in English. The title of the article should be given in the order of the number of abstracts and the language of the article. For a sample article, <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/F985C0668F824D99BF77B994BF747B8C" target="_blank">see</a>. ABSTRACT: It should include the purpose, method and scope of the study; it should be between 200-250 words. There should be at most 5 keywords representing the content of the study under the abstract.EXTENDED ABSTRACT: The extended abstract should include the purpose, method, scope and results of the study; it should be between 800-1000 words. TABLES, FIGURES, ILLUSTRATIONS AND GRAPHS: Figures, pictures, tables and graphs in the text should be numbered as 1, 2, 3. Photographs, plans, maps, etc. used in the text should be attached to the documents to be submitted with the extension &#34;.jpg / .tiff&#34;. Care should be taken to ensure that such documents have a resolution suitable for the printing technique (at least 300 dpi) and a size that does not exceed the page area, and if there is more than one, they should be numbered and titled (Picture 1; Map 1; Table, Figure 1, etc.). Images can be cited in the text, but if they are cited in the text with parentheses as (Annex 1), the images should be added as an appendix at the end of the article. The source of the cited images should be indicated both under the image and in the bibliography. **References should be prepared in accordance with the <a href="https://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide/citation-guide-1.html" target="_blank">Chicago Style of Manual</a> adopted by the journal. **Nevai Font should be used in transcribed texts. ** The researcher has a period of at least 4 issues / 2 years after the publication of his article to submit a new article..

Author Guidelines

Research Article: As research articles, manuscripts presenting original scientific results on topics appropriate to the scope of the journal are considered. Research articles consist of abstract, keywords, introduction, method, findings, discussion, conclusions, references, tables, graphs and figures. Review: Manuscripts prepared by experts who have a great depth of knowledge in the field and whose expertise is reflected in the international literature in terms of publications and impact are evaluated. The review article should consist of title, abstract and keywords, main text sections and referencesTranslation: These are translated articles. Translations of articles written by experts in the field with a high impact value are evaluated.Book Review: Brief or detailed reviews of books published in the last 5 years are evaluated. Book reviews are a type of writing that evaluates issues such as the book's formal and substantive features, the way it deals with the subject(s), its suitability for the purpose for which it was written and its success in realizing this, what is needed to eliminate its deficiencies and shortcomings and make it better. Book reviews should be written according to the book review template. Brief reviews written in a language other than the language in which the book was published are given priority. (For example, a book review written in Kazakh about a book published in Turkish.)Points to consider for book reviews- The introduction should have an &#34;independent original title&#34; specific to the book. - Bibliographic information for the book must be provided in its entirety.- 5 keywords in Turkish and English should be included.

Reference Style and FormatJournal of Turkology – Türkiyat Mecmuası complies with Chicago Style of Manual 16th Edition for referencing and quoting.Authors who would send proposals to the journal are kindly invited to follow the examples given below when writing the footnotes and compiling the bibliography. These examples are borrowed from the Chicago Style of Manual (<a href="http://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide/citation-guide-1.html" target="_blank">http://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide/citation-guide-1.html</a>). A few more examples have also been added. Further information and numerous examples about the “notes and bibliography” system are available at the 14th and 15th chapters of the Chicago Manual of Style (16th edition).Examples:FF first footnote, NF next/short footnotes, B bibliographyBook, one, two or three authorsFor four or more authors, each of them is cited in the bibliography, only the first author’s name is cited in footnotes and “et al.” is added next to it, which stands for “and the others”.FF  Clauson, Gerard, An Etymological Dictionary of Pre-Thirteenth Century, (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1972), 55. NF Clauson, An Etymological Dictionary of Pre-Thirteenth Century, 55.B  Gerard Clauson. An Etymological Dictionary of Pre-Thirteenth Century. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1972.FF   A. Nazarov Bakhtiyar, Denis Sinor, Essays on Uzbeks History, Culture and Language,  Research Institute for Inner Asian Studies, (Bloomington: Indiana University, 1993), 55.NF   Bakhtiyar ve Sinor, Essays on Uzbeks History, Culture and Language, 55.B     Bakhtiyar,  A. Nazarov ve Denis Sinor. Essays on Uzbeks History, Culture and Language. Bloomington: Indiana University, 1993.FF  E.R. Tenişev, A.M. Şçerbak, D.M. Nasilov, V.M Nadelyayev, Drevnetyurkskiy Slovar, XXXVIII, (Leningrad:  Izdatel’stvo&lt;&lt;Nauka&gt;&gt;Leningradskoe Otdelenir, 1969), 60.NF Tenişev, Şçerbak, Nasilov, Nadelyayev, Drevnetyurkskiy Slovar, 25.B Tenişev, E.R., A.M. Şçerbak, D.M. Nasilov, V.M Nadelyayev, Drevnetyurkskiy Slovar. XXXVIII. Leningrad:  Izdatel’stvo&lt;&lt;Nauka&gt;&gt;Leningradskoe Otdelenir, 1969.BOOK, if there is an editor/translator in addition to the authorIf there is an editor, then one should cite it as “ed.” instead of “trans.” in footnotes; as for the bibliography “Edited by” instead of “Translated by”.FF  Peter B. Golden, An Introduction to the History of the Turkic Peoples, trans. Osman Karatay, (America: Harrassowitz Verlag, 1992), 36. NF Golden, An Introduction to the History of the Turkic Peoples, 36.B Golden, Peter B. An Introduction to the History of the Turkic Peoples. Translated by Osman Karatay. America: Harrassowitz Verlag, 1992.BOOK, voliminousFF  Robert Dankoff, James Kelley, Mahmûd al-Kashgarî, Compendium of the Turkic Dialects-Dîwân Lugât at-Turk, (Harvard: University Printing Office, 1985), 4: 100. NF Robert Dankoff, James Kelley, Mahmûd al-Kashgarî, Compendium of the Turkic Dialects-Dîwân Lugât at-Turk, 1: 90.B Dankoff, Robert, James Kelley, Mahmûd al-Kashgarî, Compendium of the Turkic Dialects-Dîwân Lugât at-Turk. 4 cilt. Harvard: University Printing Office, 1985.A chapter/section in a bookFF Beatrice Forbes Manz, “Timur”, The Rise and Rule of Tamerlane, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 90-120. NF Manz, “Timur”, 90-120.B Manz, Beatrice Forbes.  “Timur”, The Rise and Rule of Tamerlane içinde, 90-120. Cambridge: Cambridge University, 1989.Preface, presentment, introduction and similar parts in a bookFF Maria Eva Subtelny, Timurids in Transition, Preface to the book titled Turko-Persian Politics and Acculturation in Medieval Iran (Boston: Brill, Leiden ,2007), 5.NF Subtelny, önsöz, 5.B Subtelny, Maria Eva. Timurids in Transition, Preface to the book titled Turko-Persian Politics and Acculturation in Medieval Iran, 5. Boston: Brill, Leiden, 2007.BOOK, electronically publishedIf the book is published in multiple formats, the one that is used is cited. URL is given for the online books that are cited. The access date can be added on prefence. If the page number is missing, either the title of chapter or another number can be added.FF Peter Golden, An Introduction to the History of the Turkic Peoples (America: Harrassowitz Verlag, 1992), Accessed September 18, 2019.<a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/281319978_An_Introduction_to_the_History_of_the_Turkic_Peoples" target="_blank">https://www.researchgate.net/publication/281319978_An_Introduction_to_the_History_of_the_Turkic_Peoples</a>NF Golden, An Introduction to the History of the Turkic Peoples, 206.B Golden, Peter. An Introduction to the History of the Turkic Peoples. America: Harrassowitz Verlag, 1992. Accessed September 18, 2019.   <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/281319978_An_Introduction_to_the_History_of_the_Turkic_Peoples" target="_blank">https://www.researchgate.net/publication/281319978_An_Introduction_to_the_History_of_the_Turkic_Peoples</a>Journal article, copyrightFF John E. Woods, “The Rise of Tīmūrid Historiography”, Journal of Near Eastern Studies, 46/2 (1987), 81-108.NF Woods, “The Rise of Tīmūrid Historiography”, 81-108.B  Woods, John E. “The Rise of Tīmūrid Historiography”,  Journal of Near Eastern Studies, 46/2 (1987), 81-108.Journal article, translationFF  Michiko Kakutani. ”Friendship Takes a Path That Diverges”, by Zadie Smith, Review of Swing Time, New York Times, (2016), 69-90.NF Kakutani, ”Friendship Takes a Path That Diverges”, 69-90.B  Kakutani, Michiko, ”Friendship Takes a Path That Diverges”, by Zadie Smith, Review of Swing Time. New York Times. 2016: 69-90.Journal article, electronicDOI (Digital Object Identifier) number should be cited if it was specified. If not, and if also the publisher or the research area requires it, the access date is cited.FF  Shao-Hsun Keng, Chun-Hung Lin, and Peter F. Orazem, “Expanding College Access in Taiwan, 1978–2014: Effects on Graduate Quality and Income Inequality”, Journal of Human Capital 11, no. 1 (2017): 1–34. https://doi.org/10.1086/690235.NF Keng, Lin, Orazem, “Expanding College Access in Taiwan, 1978–2014: Effects on Graduate Quality and Income Inequality”, 1–34.B Keng, Shao-Hsun, Chun-Hung Lin, and Peter F. Orazem, “Expanding College Access in Taiwan, 1978–2014: Effects on Graduate Quality and Income Inequality”, Journal of Human Capital 11, no. 1 (2017): 1–34. https://doi.org/10.1086/690235.Newspaper article, publishedFF Rebecca Mead, “The Prophet of Dystopia”, New Yorker, April 17, 2017, 2.NF Mead, “The Prophet of Dystopia”, 2.B Mead, Rebecca, “The Prophet of Dystopia”, New Yorker, April 17, 2017.Newspaper article/report, electronicNewspaper articles or reports do not usually take place in bibliographies. Otherwise, the above citation forms are used. If the author of an article or report is not specified, then the citation should begin with the title of article/report.FF “Snap Makes a Bet on the Cultural Supremacy of the Camera.” New York Times, March 8, 2017. https://www.nytimes.com/2017/03/08/technology/snap-makes-a-bet-on-the-cultural-supremacy-of-the-camera.html.NF “Snap Makes a Bet on the Cultural Supremacy of the Camera.”B “Snap Makes a Bet on the Cultural Supremacy of the Camera.” New York Times, March 8, 2017. https://www.nytimes.com/2017/03/08/technology/snap-makes-a-bet-on-the-cultural-supremacy-of-the-camera.html.Book ReviewFF Michiko Kakutani, “Friendship Takes a Path That Diverges.”, Review of Swing Time, by Zadie Smith, New York Times, 7 (2016), 67.NF Kakutani, “Friendship Takes a Path That Diverges.”, 67.B   Kakutani, Michiko. 2016. “Friendship Takes a Path That Diverges.” Review of Swing Time, by Zadie Smith. New York Times, November 7, 2016.ThesisFF Cynthia Lillian Rutz, “King Lear and Its Folktale Analogues” .(PhD diss. University of Chicago. 2013), 90.NF Rutz, “King Lear and Its Folktale Analogues”, 90.B  Rutz, Cynthia Lillian. 2013. “King Lear and Its Folktale Analogues.” PhD diss., University of Chicago.Encyclopedia entryFF Ahmet Temir, “Mongol (or Turko-Mongol) Khanate”, Encyclopedia of Turks, v. 8, (Ankara: Yeni Türkiye Publications, 2002), 416-432. NF Temir, Mongol (or Turko-Mongol) Khanate”, 416-432. B Temir, Ahmet. “Mongol (or Turko-Mongol) Khanate”. Encyclopedia of Turks. 8: 416-432. Ankara: Yeni Türkiye Publications, 2002.Unpublished anouncementFF Erdal İnönü and Harun Doğan, “Some Discoveries that are Named After Turkish Scientists” (The anouncement that was presented in the II. National Symposium of History of Science and Philosophy Work Group, Assos, 18-20th June 2004).NF İnönü and Doğan, “Some Discoveries.”B İnönü, Erdal and Harun Doğan. “Some Discoveries that are Named After Turkish Scientists”. The anouncement that was presented in the II. National Symposium of History of Science and Philosophy Work Group, Assos, 18-20th June 2004.ManuscriptFF Feyzi, Muhadarat-ı Feyzi, İstanbul, İstanbul University The Library of Rare Collection, T6833, 48a.NF Feyzi, Muhadarat-ı Feyzi, T6833, 51b.B Feyzi, Muhadarat-ı Feyzi, İstanbul, İstanbul University The Library of Rare Collection, T6833, 1a-70b.FF Salih b. Nasrullah, Ghayat al-itqan fi tabdir badan al-insan, İstanbul, Süleymaniye Library, Ayasofya 3682, 26a.NF Salih b. Nasrullah, Ghayat al-itqan, Ayasofya 3682, 23b.B Salih b. Nasrullah, Ghayat al-itqan fi tabdir badan al-insan, Istanbul, Süleymaniye Library, Ayasofya 3682, 1a-311a, Copy date 10 Rebiülevvel 1135 (19th December 1722).Archive documentFF The Ottoman Archives of the Prime Ministry (OAPM), Cevdet Askeriye (C.AS.) 71/3352, 9 Şevval 1211 (April 07, 1797).NF OAPM, C.AS. 71/3352.B The Ottoman Archives of the Prime Ministry (OAPM). Cevdet Askeriye (C. AS) 71/3352, 9 Şevval 1211 (April 07, 1920).FF Topkapı Palace Museum Archives (TPMA), E. 3202-2=597-2-7.NF TPMA, E. 3202-2=597-2-7.B Topkapı Palace Museum Archives (TPMA). E. 3202-2=597-2-7.WebsiteFF Yale University. n.d. “About Yale: Yale Facts.” Accessed May 1, 2017. https://www.yale.edu/about-yale/yale-facts.NF “About Yale: Yale Facts.”B Yale University. n.d. “About Yale: Yale Facts.” Accessed May 1, 2017. <a href="https://www.yale.edu/about-yale/yale-facts">https://www.yale.edu/about-yale/yale-facts</a>.E-mail or text messageUsually they are only cited in footnotes. There is no requirement for giving any bibliographical reference.Footnote: Robert Dankoff, E-mail message to the author, 16.10.2015.

<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/B48C35DD6FCA4C2FB91F51863B30BBDB" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a> <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/5C46AD279E4242B68D3D82EABAEEBF71" target="_blank">Author Form</a> <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/44422B6ABB754FE0964799CB7C5252F1" target="_blank">Title Page</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/1BDC52A373DF438EA4E9E557FAE960DB" target="_blank">Book Review Template</a>

Ensure that the following items are present:<ul><li>Confirm that the category of the manuscript is specifed.</li><li>Confirm that “the paper is not under consideration for publication in another journal”.</li><li>Confirm that  disclosure of any commercial or financial involvement is provided.</li><li>Confirm that last control for fluent English was done.</li><li>Confirm that journal policies detailed in Information for Authors have been reviewed.</li><li>Confirm that the references cited in the text and listed in the references section are in with Chicago Style of Manual 16th Edition. </li></ul>●    <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/B48C35DD6FCA4C2FB91F51863B30BBDB" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a>●    Permission of previous published material if used in the present manuscript●    <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/44422B6ABB754FE0964799CB7C5252F1" target="_blank">Title page</a><ul><li>The category of the manuscript</li><li>The title of the manuscript</li><li>All authors’ names and affiliations (institution, faculty/department, city, country),</li><li>e-mail addresses</li><li>Corresponding author’s email address, full postal address, telephone and fax number</li><li>ORCIDs of all authors.</li></ul>●    Main Manuscript Document<ul><li>Important: Please avoid mentioning the the author (s) names in the manuscript</li><li>The title of the manuscript</li><li>Abstract (200-250 words)</li><li>Key words: 5 words</li><li>Body text sections</li><li>Grant support (if exists)</li><li>Conflict of interest (if exists)</li><li>Acknowledgement (if exists)</li><li>References</li><li>All tables, illustrations (figures) (including title, explanation, captions)</li></ul>

Journal of Turkology

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