Bolshevik Tendencies and Sources in the Turkish Press during the National Struggle Period
Mustafa ArıkanThe post-World War I conjuncture provided a conducive environment for an alliance between Bolshevik Russia and Türkiye, as both faced common adversaries. The nationalist cadres spearheading the National Struggle in Türkiye sought to establish contact with the Bolsheviks to counter the pressure imposed by the Entente Powers and explored grounds for collaboration. However, the emergence of various political actors amid the vacuum of authority in Türkiye significantly delayed the establishment of Ankara-Moscow relations. The primary actors engaging with the Bolsheviks immediately after the signing of the Armistice of Mudros included the Unionists, Mustafa Suphi’s team, and the Green Army. This study examines these distinct actors who played pivotal roles in relations with the Bolsheviks during the National Struggle period, operating independently of the official initiatives of the Ankara government. Additionally, it seeks to uncover the impact of these actors on the Turkish press of the era, particularly their influence on how Bolshevism and relations with the Bolsheviks were portrayed. To this end, the study comprehensively analyzes the publications of various newspapers and magazines from different regions of Anatolia during the National Struggle, including Hâkimiyet-i Milliye, İrâde-i Milliye, İzmir’e Doğru, Açıksöz, Anadolu’da Yenigün, İstikbâl, Albayrak, and Öğüt, as well as Sebilürreşad. I. In addition to these pro-National Struggle publications, the study examines the approaches of Alemdar and Peyâm-ı Sabah newspapers, known for their opposition to the National Struggle, toward the Bolsheviks.
Millî Mücadele Dönemi Türk Basınında Görülen Bolşevik Eğilimleri ve Kaynakları
Mustafa ArıkanBirinci Dünya Savaşı sonrasında ortaya çıkan konjonktür, Bolşevik Rusya ile Türkiye arasında ortak düşmanlara karşı doğal bir ittifak zemini doğurmuştur. Türkiye’de Millî Mücadele’yi yürüten kadrolar, İtilâf Devletlerinin baskılarına karşı Bolşeviklerle temas kurmaya ve bir ittifak oluşturmaya çalışmıştır. Ancak Türkiye’deki otorite boşluğunun etkisiyle ortaya çıkan farklı siyasal aktörlerin varlığı, Ankara-Moskova ilişkilerinin gelişimini geciktirmiştir. Bolşeviklerle ilişkiler konusunda Mondros Mütarekesi’nin imzalanmasından hemen sonra sahneye çıkan ana aktörler İttihatçılar, Mustafa Suphi ekibi ve Yeşil Orducular’dır. Bu çalışma, Millî Mücadele yıllarında Bolşeviklerle ilişkiler noktasında Ankara Hükümetinin resmî girişimleri dışında öne çıkan farklı aktörler hakkında bilgi vermeyi amaçlamaktadır. Çalışmanın diğer bir hedefi ise Ankara Hükümeti dışında Bolşeviklerle temas eden bu aktörlerin, dönemin Türk basını üzerindeki etkilerini ortaya koymaktır. Bu çerçevede Millî Mücadele döneminde Anadolu’nun farklı bölgelerinde yayınlanan Hâkimiyet-i Milliye, İrâde-i Milliye, İzmir’e Doğru, Açıksöz, Anadolu’da Yenigün, İstikbâl, Albayrak ve Öğüt gazeteleri ile Sebilürreşad dergisinin Bolşevizm ve Bolşeviklerle ilişkiler konusundaki yayınları kapsamlı bir biçimde incelenmiştir. Anadolu’da yayınlanan bu gazeteler dışında Millî Mücadele’ye muhalefetleriyle bilinen Alemdar ve Peyâm-Sabah gazetelerinin Bolşeviklere ilişkin yaklaşımlarına da kısaca temas edilmiştir. Gazetelerin haber ve yorumları üzerinde yapılan analizlerle, bu yayın organlarının Bolşeviklerle ilişkiler konusunda hangi aktörün etkisi altında ne gibi yayınlar yaptıkları, çalışma boyunca ortaya konulmuştur.
The post-World War I conjuncture created a natural basis for an alliance between Bolshevik Russia and Türkiye, as both faced common adversaries. The nationalist leaders of the Turkish National Struggle sought to establish contact with the Bolsheviks to counter the pressure imposed by the Entente Powers and pursued opportunities for an alliance. Similarly, the Bolsheviks, who initially faced attempts by the Entente States to crush them through civil war and subsequently through economic and political blockades, recognized the strategic need to cooperate with Turkish nationalists against a common enemy to secure their southern borders. Despite this shared fate, several factors hindered closer relations between the two sides. Foremost among these was the inability of either side to fully consolidate domestic political control in the early stages. In Russia, the Bolsheviks contended with both Tsarist supporters and the Mensheviks. In Türkiye, the Grand National Assembly, established to address the perceived incapacity of the Istanbul governments and the Ottoman dynasty under occupation, had to assert its authority across the country. This involved a challenging struggle against traditional power centers, occupying forces, and rebellion movements instigated by these external pressures. This power vacuum on both sides disrupted land connections between Türkiye and Russia, hindering direct contact between the parties due to ongoing occupations.
Another significant factor that delayed the development of Ankara-Moscow relations was the emergence of various political actors, particularly due to the vacuum of authority in Türkiye. In the context of relations with the Bolsheviks, the key actors who rose to prominence immediately after the signing of the Armistice of Mudros included the Unionists, Mustafa Suphi’s team, and the Green Army. Among these, the Unionists were the first to engage with the Bolsheviks. Two days after the signing of the Armistice, Enver, Cemal, and Talat Pashas fled Istanbul on a German submarine, eventually reaching Odessa and later Germany, where they initiated contact with the Bolsheviks. These interactions were facilitated by the Karakol Society, a covert organization established by Unionists in Istanbul. In early 1920, this society dispatched Baha Sait Bey to Baku to strengthen ties with the Bolsheviks. The second influential actor in relations with the Bolsheviks was Mustafa Suphi and his team. Having taken refuge in Russia as a political exile in 1914, Suphi wholeheartedly embraced Bolshevik principles and actively sought to disseminate Bolshevism in Anatolia during the post-war period. A third actor emerging in Bolshevik relations from May 1920 onward was the supporters of the Green Army. The Green Army Society, composed of individuals who interpreted Bolshevism through an Islamic lens, continued its activities until the end of 1920. The presence of these prominent actors in Bolshevik relations from the Armistice of Mondros to the end of 1920 fostered mutual distrust between Ankara and Moscow, negatively impacting the development of relations. Consequently, Mustafa Kemal Pasha and the Ankara government adopted a cautious approach, simultaneously seeking Bolshevik support and eliminating these uncontrolled actors.
This study seeks to examine the various actors who emerged as key figures in relations with the Bolsheviks during the National Struggle, operating independently of the official initiatives undertaken by the Ankara government. Additionally, it aims to uncover the impact of these actors, who engaged with the Bolsheviks outside Ankara’s influence, on the Turkish press of the period. In this context, the study conducts a comprehensive analysis of the publications from several newspapers and magazines that addressed Bolshevism and relations with the Bolsheviks during the National Struggle. These include Hâkimiyet-i Milliye, İrâde-i Milliye, İzmir’e Doğru, Açıksöz, Anadolu’da Yenigün, İstikbâl, Albayrak, and Öğüt, as well as Sebilürreşad, which were published in various regions of Anatolia. Furthermore, the perspectives of Alemdar and Peyâm-ı Sabah, both known for their opposition to the National Struggle, on Bolshevism and relations with the Bolsheviks are briefly explored. Through an analysis of news articles and commentaries in these publications, the study reveals the nature of the media’s portrayal of relations with the Bolsheviks, highlighting how specific actors influenced these narratives.
