This article examines the United States’ approach toward Türkiye during the Turkish National Struggle and how that approach evolved over time. The study presents four key findings regarding America’s relationship with the Turkish War of Independence. First, it reveals that President Woodrow Wilson’s post-1918 perspective on the region was primarily shaped by the Armenian mandate, reflecting a sectarian preference. This demonstrates the selective nature of Wilson’s internationalist ideals. Second, the condition of non-Muslim minorities in Anatolia remained a significant concern for the U.S. even after Wilson’s presidency. However, unlike the Wilson era, the U.S. largely refrained from intervention, limiting itself to observation. This non-interventionist stance is closely linked to the broader trend of military-political isolation in U.S. foreign policy during the period, when commercial interests were prioritized in international affairs. Third, the growing success of the Turkish national movement gradually compelled the United States to adopt a more pragmatic policy toward Ankara, driven by its own economic and commercial interests. Lastly, the article highlights the intense efforts of various actors with often conflicting agendas - such as relief missions, business circles, and lobbying groups - to influence U.S. policy. The article also analyzes Ankara’s view of the United States as part of a broader balancing strategy against Britain and France. In this context, Türkiye’s relationship with the United States offers valuable insights into the nature of early Republican diplomacy.
Bu makale Millî Mücadele döneminde Amerika Birleşik Devletleri’nin Türkiye’ye yaklaşımını ve bu yaklaşımın zaman içindeki değişimini incelemektedir. Çalışma, Amerika’nın Millî Mücadele ile olan ilişkisine dair dört bulgu ortaya koymaktadır. Birincisi, 1918 sonrasında Başkan Wilson’ın bölgeye bakışının çoğunlukla Ermenistan mandası üzerinden şekillenip sekteryan bir tercihi yansıttığıdır. Bu durum, başkanın enternasyonalist düşüncelerinde seçici olduğunu göstermektedir. İkincisi, Anadolu’daki gayrimüslimlerin durumunun Wilson’ın başkanlığından sonra da ABD’nin bölgeye bakışındaki önemli unsurlardan biri olmaya devam ettiğidir. Ancak Wilson döneminin aksine, ABD bu meseleleri takiple yetinmiş ve çoğu zaman konuya müdahil olmamıştır. Bu durum, ABD dış politikasında yaşanan askeri-siyasi izolasyon süreci ve bu zaman zarfında dış ilişkilerde ticari çıkarların ön planda olmasıyla yakından ilişkilidir. Üçüncüsü, Türklerin Millî Mücadele’de zamanla artan başarısının da ABD’yi iktisadi ve ticari çıkarları sebebiyle Ankara’ya karşı daha farklı bir politika izlemeye itmesidir. Sonuncusu ise hem gayrimüslimler hem de iktisadi çıkarlar çerçevesinde, yardım misyonları, iş çevreleri, lobi grupları gibi birbiriyle çatışan hedefleri olan çeşitli aktörlerin bu süreçte Amerikan siyasetini etkilemek için yoğun çaba sarf ettiğidir. Makale, Ankara’nın ABD’ye temel bakışının ise İngiltere ve Fransa’ya karşı bir denge oluşturma politikası olarak analiz etmektedir. Bu bağlamda, Türkiye’nin ABD ile olan ilişkileri kuruluş dönemi diplomasisini de iyi bir biçimde yansıtmaktadır
This study analyzes the evolution of the United States’ stance toward Türkiye between 1918 and 1923. It argues that President Woodrow Wilson’s selective internationalism -characterized by his pro-Armenian orientation - gradually gave way to an approach primarily driven by the economic and commercial interests of the United States in the region.
President Wilson, widely regarded as the architect of the League of Nations and post-war internationalism, initially garnered support among Turkish intellectuals following the Mudros Armistice, particularly due to his formulation of the principle of self-determination in his renowned Fourteen Points. However, this article emphasizes that Wilson viewed the Turkish case not through the lens of his stated principles but through an ideological framework grounded in Christian values. In this regard, it is demonstrated that Wilson approached the Turkish issue predominantly through the question of an Armenian mandate and ultimately contradicted his own principle of self-determination when delimiting the Turkish-Armenian border - thereby revealing the selective nature of his liberal internationalist vision.
Following Wilson’s presidency, the United States continued to monitor the situation of Christian minorities in Anatolia. American philanthropic and educational missions in Türkiye, along with Greek and Armenian diaspora groups in the U.S., submitted numerous reports and petitions to Washington throughout 1921 and 1922, appealing for government intervention in response to “ethnic tensions” within Anatolia. While the U.S. government expressed concern, it refrained from direct involvement. This position is closely tied to the broader shift in American foreign policy following Wilson’s departure, as the country moved toward military isolationism. Nevertheless, this isolationist stance did not hinder the pursuit of commercial interests - in fact, it placed them at the forefront of U.S. foreign engagement during the period.
This shift in American policy was also closely linked to the growing strength of the Turkish National Movement. As Turkish forces achieved successive victories against the Greeks, U.S. policymakers began to recognize the need for a revised approach to Turkish-American relations - an approach shaped increasingly by American commercial interests in the region. The foremost advocate of this perspective was Admiral Mark Lambert Bristol, the U.S. High Commissioner in Istanbul, who consistently sought to maintain favorable relations with the Turks, even at times confronting American missionary groups active in Anatolia. Yet, Bristol was not alone in this regard. Just as Armenian and Greek communities petitioned the U.S. government to safeguard the rights of Christian minorities in Anatolia, American business groups lobbied for improved relations with the emerging Turkish authority in Ankara. This article argues that it was these economic considerations that ultimately catalyzed the transformation of U.S. policy toward Türkiye.
The article also highlights that the Ankara government viewed the United States as a potential counterbalance to British and French influence in the region. Even during Wilson’s presidency, the leadership of the Turkish National Movement sought to cultivate amicable ties with the United States, as illustrated by the example of the Harbord Commission. In the latter stages of the national struggle, Turkish leaders attempted to leverage this relationship further by offering economic concessions, such as those included in the proposed Chester Project. This strategic orientation was reflected in the conduct of Turkish diplomacy at the Lausanne Conference, where the delegation continued to promote economic cooperation with the U.S. as part of a broader balancing policy. In conclusion, Türkiye’s approach to the United States during this formative period serves as a telling example of the broader contours of early Turkish foreign policy - marked by pragmatic engagement, strategic balancing, and an emphasis on economic diplomacy.