Ömer Mahir

Prof.

The issue of ignorance (jahl), which has been dealt with by many Islamic philosophers in the history of Islamic philosophy, is related to not only epistemology but also logic, psychology, and ethics. We can say that the most elaborate account of “ignorance” in the early Islamic philosophy appears in the works of Avicenna (d. 429/1037). However, it seems that Avicenna’s idea of ignorance has not yet been extensively studied. The purpose of this article is to study and present Avicenna’s view of ignorance, focusing on its important aspects.In his Kitāb al-Burhān of al-Shifā, which is one of the logical books of the Shifā compilation, Avicenna defines ignorance as the soul’s illness (maraḍun nafsāniyyun). Knowledge is not inherent in humans; however, it is gained over time, and is added to human soul. With the attachment of knowledge to the soul, humans achieve perfection. Thus, we can say that humans are potentially knowledgeable and actively ignorant at birth. This active ignorance, in other words, simple ignorance, is not what is described as an illness by Avicenna.Avicenna describes another type of ignorance that is not simple, but is rather added to the soul. In other words, this type of ignorance is not inherent to the soul and, in this respect, is additional to the soul in the same way as knowledge is. This ignorance, which is also called composite (murakkab) ignorance, is temporally posterior to or comes after the the the soul comes into existence.While simple ignorance is a state of pure deficiency of knowledge, composite ignorance is the deficiency attached with a belief that is contrary to the popular meaning of knowledge. Its combined nature is what causes its ill-nature.Another difference between simple and composite ignorance is that of awareness; it is possible for someone with simple ignorance to be aware of his/her lack of knowledge and to eventually seek knowledge as a result of this awareness. At this point, simple ignorance opens a passage to knowledge. It can be claimed that awareness of one’s own ignorance is the beginning of wisdom.Avicenna exemplifies, through many examples, how composite ignorance is related to mistakes made in syllogistic forms. Examples of synonymous middle terms and mistakenly distributed middle terms, also demonstrate that the art of logic is critical to avoid composite ignorance.It is, thus, no surprise that his evaluation also addresses dialectical debate (jadal) and regards the mentioned-method as an explicit source of combined ignorance. As per Avicenna, using misused and ambiguous terminology and mistakes in the form of syllogism are in the very essence of dialectical debate. Burhān (demonstration), on the other hand, represents perfection in the form and content of syllogism.Another classification of ignorance is due to the conceptuality (tasawwurī) and assertiveness (tasdīqī) of ignorance. Some philosophers claim that conceptual ignorance can take only the simple form. And, only composite ignorance is obtained in the assertive form.Avicenna also speaks of the idea of particularity about ignorance. The particular ignorance maintains that something which is potentially known can be actively unknown as well.The ethical dimension of the issue of ignorance is more explicit when we reach the discussions in the Adhawiya where Avicenna connects the types of ignorance to degrees and stages of humans in afterlife. In this respect, ignorance is connected to the level of a human being’s self-realization in terms of practical and theoretical dimensions, and this ignorance is a defining factor for the future life of humans.In conclusion, Avicenna’s theory of ignorance is developed in relation to epistemology, logic and ethics. Ignorance is defined as an illness of the soul, an illness which is to be treated by logic. Additionally, composite ignorance when not treated, causes one to be subject to eternal punishment even if the human achieves some level of ethical perfection. When a human is aware of the ways to reach his or her perfection, and ,still chooses ignorance over perfection, despite possession of this awareness, then this human will be punished in afterlife.

İbn Sînâ'nın Cehâlet Teorisi

Mehmet

Assoc. Prof.

The Holy Qur’an, which is the main source of Islamic sciences, points to a number of basic principles of these sciences. Through their areas of expertise, Islamic scholars have tried to understand these principles of the Qur’an, and construct a sense of knowledge appropriate to the Qur’an in the light of these. The scholars of usul al-fiqh (Islamic law methodology) also interpreted many verses of the Qur’an in the course of establishing their sense of the methodology from the Qur’an. In this article, we have considered the 59th verse of the chapter an-Nisa (4) as an example, and have attempted to identify and analyze some of the methodical conclusions extracted by scholars of usul al-fiqh and tafsir (commentary of the Qur’an).Usul al-fiqh (Islamic law methodology) is the science that deals with the sources of the shar’i provisions and the methods of extracting the provisions from these sources. Since the time of Shafi’i (204/820), the author of the first independent work on usul al- fiqh, this science has been established on four basic sources: al-Kitab (the Holy Qur’an), as-Sunnah (tradition of the Prophet), al-ijma (consensus of scholars), and al-qiyas (analogical reasoning). The basis of these sources is extremely important for establishing the main structure of usul al-fiqh.Scholars of usul al-fiqh and tafsir (commentary of the Qur’an) made many deductions about Islamic law methodology from the 59th verse of chapter an-Nisa (4). For example, Ibn Hazm (456/1064) stated that his voluminous work of al-Ihkam fi usuli’l-ahkam on methodology is merely a broad explanation of this verse. Fakhraddin ar-Razi (606/1210) said that this verse includes the majority of the science of usul al-fiqh. These deductions can be separated into two main groups: finding the basis for the four main sources, namely the Book, the sunnah, the ijma, the qiyas; and the details of these sources. Here, we find and analyze deductions about the foundations of the basis for the four main sources, as extracting the details of these sources from this verse are beyond the scope of this article.The translation of this verse is as follows: “O you who have believed, obey Allah and obey the Messenger and those in authority among you. And if you disagree over anything, refer it to Allah and the Messenger, if you should believe in Allah and the Last Day. That is the best [way] and best in result” (an-Nisa 4/59).This verse begins with commanding Allah to obey. Many commentators have noted that obedience to Allah is to, “follow His Book.” In the continuation of the verse, “Obey the Messenger” is mentioned, and commentators have noted that obeying the Messenger is in keeping with his sunnah (tradition).“Ulu’l-amr” has been determined as the third authority ordered to obey in this verse. There are two common views on the meaning of “ulu’l-amr”: the rulers and the scholars. Many scholars of tafsir, fiqh and usul al-fiqh have determined “ulu’l-amr” as scholars, and from there they have reached the conclusion that the ijma (consensus) of scholars is a source in Islamic law. The reason for this is that if these qualities coexist; in other words, the rulers have the qualification of scholarship, obeying them will be obligatory by consensus. If the rulers do not have this qualification, they are obliged to ask the scholars about the things they do not know about the order, “Ask the people of the message if you do not know” (an-Nahl 16/43). If these scholars are in a consensus in the answers they give, it is obligatory that the rulers comply with them and apply this judgment; and consequently, compliance with the consensus of scholars becomes obligatory for both the rulers and the ummah. Today, the opinions of rulers and others with knowledge and experience in various fields can be seen as an auxiliary source of Islamic law, and these opinions are important for being aware of social conditions. The scholars should act based on their views in mind when undertaking ijtihad (legal reasoning) or giving fatwa (legal opinion), and should explain the judgment Muslims should comply with after evaluating whether they contradict Islamic law. Consequently, empowering those who do not have a certain license to work in this area is contrary to the established understanding in Islamic law methodology; it is necessary to take into account the views, knowledge, experiences and evaluations of the rulers as well as other members of the Muslim community, provided that the scholars consulted in the determination of the shar’i judgment.It is ordered in this verse that controversial subjects are to be referred to Allah and His Messenger. After the death of the Prophet, the disagreements that had arisen in the Islamic community were explained by many commentators by referring to the text of the Qur’an and sunnah if there was a clear ruling related to the issue. If there was no clear ruling, this was dealt with by establishing a similarity between the new issues and the issues mentioned in the Qur’an and sunnah: in other words, qiyas was done. From a wider perspective, it can be said that “referring the disagreements to Allah and His Messenger” means making ijtihad based on the aims and objectives of the rules of the Qur’an and sunnah. This ijtihad is done by the scholars in two ways: one of these is to make qiyas (analogical reasoning) on a matter similar to that found in the Qur’’an and sunnah, and the other is to ensure the general purpose of the rules as long as they are not contradictory to the Qur’an and sunnah. Today, some scholars have discussed the necessity of establishing a jurists committee to make this type of ijtihad and check whether the laws and decrees are in accordance with the Qur’an and sunnah.As a result, we can say that Islamic scholars established their methodology by referring to the Qur’an first. The Qur’an contains the foundations of usul al-fiqh, which is the subject of the method to be followed in the understanding and application of religion. Islamic scholars have extracted these bases from many verses. From the 59th verse of the chapter an-Nisa (4), which is only one of these verses, they were able to determine that Qur’an, sunnah, ijma and qiyas are the main sources of Islamic law. It is possible to reveal the relationship between the Qur’an and usul al-fiqh; in other words, the efforts of the Islamic scholars to build Islamic law methodology on the Qur’an by scanning the tafsir and usul al-fiqh works. In this article, only a small part of the interpretations, which Islamic scholars put forward to extract the methodology from the Qur’an, has been identified and analyzed through a selected verse as a model. It is seen that such extractions and interpretations are open to debate; in other words, the meaning of these verses can be controversial sometimes. However, as a result of referring to the Qur’an as a source, it is possible to detect many rules about Islamic law methodology. The gathering and reassessment of the effort, put forth by Islamic scholars in this direction from tafsir and usul al-fiqh literature, will lead to the establishment of a number of important rules. The rich accumulation of knowledge on this field is a valuable treasure that must be utilized by researchers.

Nisa Suresi'nin 59. Ayeti Örneğinde Fıkıh Usulü'nün Kur'an'dan İstinbatı

İbrahim

Türkiye'de İlahiyat Eğitimi: İstihdam Alanı-Program İlişkisi Üzerine Bir Değerlendirme

Hikmet

Today, people’s interest in the Qur’an is directly reflected in the number of the Qur’an’s translation that are being done. Further, in addition to the existing Turkish translations of the Qur’an, more of the genre are being done regularly. Some of the Qur’an translators refer to auxiliary elements, such as explanations, footnotes, a dictionary, or parentheses, to better convey the Qur’an’s message, while others prepare translations as per the order or subjects. A translation of the Qur’an is influenced by the others in the same genre; however, innovative translations attract the reader’s attention, and some translations might be regarded as a source for the subsequent ones. From the perspective of Turkey, the following are the various reasons behind the translations of the Qur’an gaining momentum: (1) The nationalism movement has led to an increase in the number of translations. (2) The Qur’an is not an exclusive right of language experts; everyone has the right to access and understand it. Hence, there has been an increase in the translated numbers. Further, all Muslims should understand the principles laid out in the Qur’an. (3) Orientalists are playing a major role in distribution of Turkish Gospels. Hence, a change in the readers’ profiles and expectations from the Qu’ran are important factors leading to an increase in the diversification of the number in the Qur’an’s translations. Since the 2000s, regarding the Qur’an translations has been arisen and it played an important role in its diversity as well. Thus, many translators of the Qur’an refer to their readers in their books’ preface.It seems that popular considerations are among the influential factors for style preferences regarding the Qur’an translation. Likewise, popular contemporary ideological movements feature the meanings of specific Quran’s ayahs (verses). The Qur'an translations were not only regarded as mere translations but also referred as teaching tools. Therefore, we can conclude the following: (1) the word meanings aim to teach the Qur’an’s readers its literal meaning, (2) the subject meanings aim to indicate the Qur’an’s content (3) the textless meanings aim to ensure a constant communication with the Qur’an without worrying about ablution, and (4) the explanatory meanings aim to transmit the message of the Qur’an in a more explicatory method.Qur’an translations prepared according to the descending order began in the 1990s. One of the first examples of this is the interpretation of Elmalılı, prepared by Mesut Okumuş. First thematic translation in Turkish was published in 1950 by Ömer Fevzi Mardin. The most popular work in this area is by Ömer Özsoy and Ilhami Guler, published in 1996. One of the first verse Qur’an translations covering the entire Qur'an was written by Bedri Noyan Dedebaba (1912–1997) in 1973, but it was published in 1996. According to our findings, Besim Atalay (1882–1965) was one of the first Qur’an translators to add a dictionary, published in 1962, to better understand the old Turkish words. The most famous example of the non-parenthesis Qur’an translation is that by Yasar Nuri Öztürk. The work prepared by Hüseyin Atay and Yasar Kutluay by the Presidency of the Religious Affairs and published in 1961 is the first product out of the cooperation of the Presidency of Religious Affairs and the Divinity.Another type of Quran translation is that from foreign languages, which has contributed to the increase in the number of techniques among the translators in Turkey. For example, Mevdûdî's translations of the meaning of the entire sentence into the target language as a whole has led to the translation of its many verses into passages, and this approach has influenced the writers of the meal such as Mustafa Öztürk. One of the common Qur’an translations is a simplified one: the Qur’an translation of the Elmalılı. If simplifying the Qur’an translation of the Elmalılı that is independent of its interpretation, this was first published by Eser Neşriyat in 1982. The fact that this work was registered by the Grand National Assembly is one of the reasons for its widespread use of the Elmalılı Qur’an translation in the market, and is accepted by many scholars and publishers because of the abolition of royalties in 1992.Current Turkish Qur’an translations are both numerous and diverse. One of the ways in which you can benefit from these Qur’an translations is to recognize and classify them using their main lines. Thus, based on the qualifications that the authors used in their works, the Qur’an translations in Turkey are divided into the following categories—narrative reason, clarity, lexical order, without brackets, or simplified. In addition, Turkish Qur’an translations contain important data in terms of showing the course of change of Turkısh, and political, military, social and cultural attitudes in Turkey. It is therefore useful to classify existing Qur’an translations to see all of them in a compact form. This article attempts to classify today’s Turkish Qur’an translations according to their common characteristics. However, the classification we used has some deficiencies; further, it has some aspects open to objection.

Günümüz Türkçe Kur'an Meâlleri Üzerine Bir Tasnif Denemesi

Feyza betül

Experts working in various fields of social sciences define Ibn Khaldun as a sociologist, economist, and jurist. However, a feature that has been highlighted is that of historian.Here are his two important studies: Muqaddimah and Kitab al Ibar. The fact that Ibn Khaldun’s Muqaddimah is a historiographical and historical philosophical work, as well as the fact that Kitab al Ibar has got a historical feature, emphasize that Ibn Khaldun is a historian. Ibn Khaldun revealed the basics of history with a very advanced understanding compared to his time in Muqaddimah. He shared his views on historiography under the titles of separate titles. He criticized some historians who had lived before him, due to their lack of methods. In fact, Muqaddima is the theoretical and Kitab al Ibar is the application example of the historiography of Ibn Khaldun. It is very important to observe how much he practices the principles he has set out in his history book. The purpose of this work is to see whether Ibn Khaldun who, according to his own time has put forth the most advanced levels of historiography, applies them in his own written book.The author does not have a separate Sirah book. That is why we have to evaluate Ibn Khaldun’s narration and writing of Sirah in his historiography. Moreover, when we look at the issues of Kitab al Ibar that deal with the Jahiliyyah and the Four Caliphs periods, we can see that these issues are handled very briefly and that the style in the Sirah section is also used there. This shows that Ibn Khaldun’s writing of Sirah is part of his historiography. We will especially make comparisons in the investigation we are going to carry out. Our method is based on comparing Ibn Khaldunʼs method in the Sirah section, the use of resources, criticism, interpretation, and section content and comparing them with the historiography written in Muqaddimah.Ibn Khaldun preferred a very brief method of expression. For this reason, in his work he did not mention many subjects that are important for the Sirah. Events that are disconnected from each other are flowing in succession. He has not explicitly stated what sources he used. He used narrations but he did not mention where he got them. He mentioned sources he used in few narrations. These sources are names that he uses when he states that he is trusting such people as Ibn Ishaq, Vaqidi, Bukhari, Tabari. Sometimes he did not tell the story and sent the reader directly to the source. Although there are not many numbers, various expressions show that the author criticizes and prefers the news he reads according to the methods he adopts. However, the number of stories that are clearly criticized is two. According to Ibn Khaldun, the fact that a report is included in trustworthy sources is sufficient to verify its correctness. The author has interpreted various forms in the Sirah section of Kitab al Ibar, but their number is small. When we look at the issues handled by Ibn Khaldun in the Siyer section, it is generally observed that the processes of Islam’s notification, political issues, wars and delegations are predominantly involved. We can see that the Prophetʼs private life and the steps taken for the construction of the new society in Medina are not emphasized.The point about which Ibn Khaldun criticized some of the historians in the Muqadaddimah is that they should have handled issues succinctly and should not have included details. However, it can be seen that the al Iberʼs sections assigned to Siyer also carry these features, that many traditions are not included, and that a significant portion is referred to by a few sentences. He has chosen from among the general Sirah topics the topics discussed in this section. However, the principles on which this choice is based are unclear. Ibn Khaldun has often not mentioned the sources he uses. We observe that the author does not reveal the reasons for preferring the narratives in the news he conveyed. In Muqaddimah, Ibn Khaldun lay emphasis on the critique of the news and stated that he saw it as the essence of history. Ibn Khaldun commented on the Siyer section, but by considering the basics of the historiography he published in Muqaddimah, we see that his interpretations are rather limited. Ibn Khaldun commented on the Sirah section, but when it is considered the essence of the historiography he had put forth in Mukaddime, we can see that his interpretations are rather limited. These characteristics of the Sirah indicate that he did not obey the point that historians criticized in Muqaddimah.

İbn Haldûn'un Siyer Anlatımı - el-İber Özelinde -

Abdullah

Lecturer

The semi-sentence is one of the most important structural elements that add rhetorical details to the sentence and its various surrounding contexts.This research is dedicated to the study of different grammatical contexts of the sentence and its rhetorical connotations. The study also concentrates on the contributions of the semi-sentence to advancement, delay, deletion, and the separation between the elements of the sentence sequence. The research is grammatical in terms of the position of the semi-sentence in the clause. It then addresses the rhetorical contributions of a semi-sentence based on the studied examples without generalization, thereby noting that rhetoric is not a rigid template that can be applied to other similar contextual situations. However, it is a state of aesthetic creativity, and is constituted by several synthetic elements intermingled in a specific text.This study deals with the most important contextual locations that leave a clear rhetorical effect for the semi-sentence, leaving a clear rhetorical effect in the context in which it was presented. The research was based on grammatical rules, which examined the grammatical cases that traditional grammar books addressed. For generalization, since each context has its own rhetorical implications that can not apply to other, the research has excluded the cases that contribute to deletion, submission, delay, and separation. The research paved the way for discussing the term “semi-sentence” in grammatical thought and its functions in syntax.The research followed a clear methodology, observing the origins of historical and descriptive approaches in grammatical treatment, whether in the theoretical premises or discussion of different sub-sentence contexts. In rhetorical analysis, the research followed the method of aesthetic analysis emanating from the use of semi-sentence in its syntactic context.This research aims to not only draw attention to the issues of right and wrong in the study of grammatical aspects but also reinforce the call for the combined study of grammar and rhetoric to search for grammatical uses of aesthetic dimensions. These aesthetic dimensions in turn improve the speakers’ language who have different aims and objectives, especially for those who aim to become literary masters.The research concluded with a number of results:Old syntax, especially Seboyeh, is not used to refer to the term “semi-sentence,” but rather to balance the sentence’s meaning and other parts of speech. Ibn al-Sarraj was the first to use the term “semi-sentence” (which means circumstance, neighbor, and traitor) in the concept put forth by latter grammarians after the Arabic grammar was stabilized.&nbsp;Grammarians understood the semi-sentence as being more than that of the names of the women of Kufa; they equated them with the term’s relevance that in turn means two types of circumstances—neighbor and carpenter.The term “quasi-sentence” means the need of a term(s) to fill in a deficiency that would mean almost the whole thing when the deficiency is removed. Some Terminians added the term “semi-derived” along with the semi-sentence because it relates to a deleted, derived, or existing object. Grammarians called the circumstance temporal and spatial, and the preposition semi-wholesale because of the similarity in the sentence composition, significance, and its work.A sub-sentence performs its functions in terms of the context in which it appears, thereby affecting the order of the words in the sentence, separating the corresponding parts of the sentence, and causing the deletion of certain components in the sentence. The functions of contextual semi-contextuality contribute to the aesthetic connotations of rhetoric based on the context in which they are combined with the other elements of the syntactic context. These rhetorical indications cannot be generalized in other similar situations, because each sentence has its own specificity that cannot be applied to the others. Rules have been created and are ready to be circulated on the syntactic system governing the Arabic sentence as rhetoric is an aesthetic use of language that is governed by certain circumstances and differing from other uses.

Şibh‐i Cümlenin Bağlamsal İşlevlerinin Belâgata Etkileri

Enes

The Task of Islamic Studies Today

Hüseyin Hüsnü

Toplantı Özeti: Yoksulluk ve Türkiye’de Yoksullukla Mücadele Politikaları

Soner

Res. Assist.

Toplantı Özeti: Temel İslam Bilimleri Anabilim Dalı Lisansüstü Öğrenci Sempozyumu II

Assist. Prof.

Toplantı Özeti: Osmanlı Dönemi Türk Tefsir Ekolü Sempozyumu

Abdulhameed

Meeting Abstract: el-Mu'temeru'd-duveli el-Evvel (el-Medresetu't-Turkiyyeti fi't-Tefsiri fi'd-Devleti'l-Osmaniyyeti

Ayşe

Toplantı Özeti: I. Din Eğitimi Kongresi

Zeynelabidin

Kitap Değerlendirmesi: Veysel Kaya, İbn Sînâ’nın Kelâma Etkisi, Ankara: Otto Yayınları, 2015.

Muhammed

Kitap Değerlendirmesi: Baki Adam, Yahudilik ve Hristiyanlık Açısından Kur’an’ın Tartışmalı Konuları, İstanbul: Pınar Yayınları, 2016.

Ahmet

Kitap Değerlendirmesi: Bekir Kuzudişli, Hadis Tarihi, İstanbul: Kayıhan Yayınları, 2017.

ÖZEL SAYI ÇAĞRISI

“Darulfunun İlahiyat” Özel Sayısı (Haziran 2025) Yazı Çağrısı

Assoc. Prof. Dr.

Darulfünun Ilahiyat Journal, as a representative of a deep-rooted academic tradition in theology, has made significant contributions to the development of theological research in Türkiye with its 100-year history and scholarly production. This study aims to examine the number, type, language, author profile, educational collaboration, thematic trends, and scientific impact of the articles published in the journal by conducting a bibliometric analysis of Darulfünun Ilahiyat Journal and evaluating the journal’s academic contributions. The journal, which started its publication in 1925, returned to the scholarly publishing process under the Istanbul University Faculty of Theology Journal after a prolonged interruption in 1999. It gained its historical identity by taking the name of Darulfünun Ilahiyat Journal in 2018. According to the bibliometric analysis performed on its publications between 1925 and 2024, 754 academic studies have been published in the journal. It has been observed that research articles constitute the largest share in terms of publication type, and Turkish articles constitute the largest share in terms of publication language. It has been determined that the Basic Islamic Sciences is the department that publishes the most articles. The Islamic Law, Tafsir and Religious Education departments stand out in the analysis specific to the departments. This distribution by department and significant appears to be directly related to the general structure of theological education and the number of academicians working in theological faculties. It has been observed that the authors with the title of assistant professor are the group that publishes the most and that there is a proportional decrease from assistant professors to professors. Accordingly, the academic contribution of researchers in the early stages of their academic careers is remarkable. Bibliometric analyses show that the Darulfünun Ilahiyat Journal receives contributions from various academics. In the journal, where 417 different authors published articles, it was revealed that most of the authors (79.4%) contributed only one article. This resulted from the journal being indexed in international indexes, increasing its visibility in the academic community, and authors from different institutions turning to the journal, especially after 2017. When the author distribution of the journal was analysed by taking into account the Pareto, Lotka and Price laws regarding author productivity, it was determined that it did not comply with the Pareto and Price laws, where a small number&nbsp; &nbsp;of authors contributed scientifically by producing a large number of articles; however, it complied with the Lotka law, where a large number of authors contributed scientifically by making a single publication. This situation can be considered a natural and expected result for the field of theology, which is shaped by twenty different branches of science. Therefore, it is seen that the journal’s policy of publishing academics from various institutions/countries caused diversity to come to the forefront instead of uniformity in the distribution of authors. When the data is examined in terms of academic collaboration, it is determined that most articles published in the journal are single-authored (94.8%). The rate of articles with two or more authors is relatively low. The low rate of multi-authored articles indicates that the culture of collective work is generally limited in the discipline of theology and that the tendency of more than one academic to produce joint projects and research is relatively low. However, there has been an increasing trend in the number of multi authored and interdisciplinary articles since 2017. This trend points to a development towards addressing theological research from a multidisciplinary perspective. The network analysis of academic collaboration shows that the authors mainly collaborate with academics in their faculties. This situation indicates that academic interactions within the faculty largely shape academic studies in the field of theology. It has been determined that academic collaborations between universities are not yet at the desired level, but they have increased in recent years. The total number of citations to the Darulfünun Ilahiyat Journal was determined as 3999. The most cited article received 219 citations, while three articles received over 100 citations. While 43% of the articles published in the journal received no citations, the rate of articles with 1-5 citations was determined as 26.8%. This situation shows that some articles are not sufficiently visible and have a limited impact on the literature. Articles with more than 21 citations are around 10%, while the rate of articles with 50+ citations is 1.6%. Some of the most cited articles focus on religious education/educational sciences, Islamic/Ottoman history, and Sufism. These articles have generally had a broad impact in the academic world, have formed the basis for various studies, and have become one of the reference works in their fields. Similarly, in the analysis of views and downloads, it is seen that the most viewed and downloaded articles are on the same topics. The study shows that many articles have been downloaded in high numbers and that specific articles have reached a wide readership. This indicates that the journal appeals to a wide readership and that the published studies find a response in academic and professional circles. The bibliometric analysis findings show that the journal’s academic productivity has increased over the years, received contributions from different institutions and internationally recognised academics, and continues to develop in terms of academic impact. Based on the bibliometric analysis findings, the following suggestions can be&nbsp;&nbsp;made to increase the academic visibility and scientific impact of the Darulfünun Ilahiyat Journal: Strategies such as encouraging international collaborations, expanding the number of English publications, and giving more space to social sciences and interdisciplinary studies can be implemented to increase the academic impact of the journal. Strengthening the balance between academics at different career levels and increasing academic diversity will positively contribute to the publication policy. In particular, encouraging multi-authored and interdisciplinary articles and creating thematic special issues that bring together academics who are experts and have a say in their fields will increase the academic interaction power of the journal. In particular, more studies on current themes and interdisciplinary topics, such as mushaf research, biofiqh, ethics, spiritual counselling, and early childhood religious education- will increase the journal’s influence in the academic community. The publication of new journals specifically covering these topics by the faculty will not only ease the burden of the journal in different dimensions but also make it easier for them to enter international indexes. Analysing highly cited articles and examining the subject headings and prominent elements in these articles will positively develop the journal’s publication strategy. In addition, increasing social media promotions and sharing articles/abstracts on common scientific platforms (ResearchGate, Academia.edu, etc.) seem essential to increase the number of citations. As a result, this bibliometric analysis is thought to be an essential guide in evaluating the journal’s academic contributions and determining future strategies as we celebrate the 100th anniversary of the Darulfünun Ilahiyat Journal. Similarly, conducting regular bibliometric analyses and improving citation policies will strengthen the journal’s position in the scientific world.

100. Yılında Darulfünun İlahiyat Dergisinin Bibliyometrik Analizi

Hamit

Prof. Dr.

The early years of the Turkish Republic marked a significant period of transformation in education, intellectual life, and religious thought. Educational institutions were restructured, scholarly activities adopted new orientations, and the Islamic sciences underwent a process of modernisation. This transformation was not limited to institutional frameworks; it extended to the language of scholarship, methodological approaches, and academic priorities, all reshaped by the evolving sociopolitical context. Understanding how Islamic thought adapted to these changes requires a close examination of the era’s academic publications, foremost among them, the Journal of the Faculty of Theology.Established in 1924 following the closure of the Dârü’l-Hilâfeti’l-‘Aliyye Madrasah under the Law on the Unification of Education (Tevhid-i Tedrisat), the Darulfunun Faculty of Theology launched the Journal of the Faculty of Theology in 1925 to reflect its academic activities. The journal, published until February 1933, became one of the most influential platforms in the field of theology during the early Republican period. Although initially intended to publish four issues annually, deviations occurred starting in the fifth year. The first 10 issues appeared in Arabic script, while subsequent ones were printed in Latin script. Over 25 issues, the journal produced 3129 pages. While the overall format remained stable, symbolic design changes were introduced with the shift to the Latin letter.The journal maintained a balanced and objective stance, deliberately distancing itself from the political debates of its time. Religious, historical, philosophical, and social issues were discussed with scholarly rigour and in an indirect tone. Its contributors included prominent figures such as Mehmed Ali Aynî, Izmirli Ismail Hakkı, Mehmed Şerefeddin Yaltkaya, Yusuf Ziya Yörükân, Mehmed Emin Erişirgil, and Mehmed Şemseddin Günaltay, some of whom would later serve at the Faculty of Theology in Ankara, continuing the academic legacy initiated in Istanbul.The journal’s content focused predominantly on Islamic Philosophy, History of Islamic Sects, Kalam (Islamic Theology), Islamic History, History of Religions, and Art History. In contrast, classical Shar’î s sciences such as Tafsir, Hadith, and Fiqh received comparatively less attention. Notably, only one article was dedicated to Hadith. Among its most remarkable contributions is Izmirli Ismail Hakkı’s fourteen-part series “Philosophical Currents in Islam”, which systematically explores the development of Islamic philosophy from Salafism to Bâtinîsm.Articles by Mehmed Şerefeddin Yaltkaya on Bâtinî thought and Islamic sects significantly contributed to both Kalam and sectarian studies, while Yusuf Ziya Yörükân’s ethnographic work on Anatolian Alevis and Tahtacı communities offered early examples of socio-anthropological analysis. The inclusion of translated texts from Western thinkers such as Durkheim, Dumézil, Frazer, and Lévy-Bruhl further highlighted the journal’s engagement with global intellectual currents and distinguished it from other faculty journals of the Darulfunun.Articles in philosophy emphasised the relationship between Islamic and Greek thought, while also addressing the sciences-religion dialogue. Translations under “Ancient Philosophy” and “Anthropology-Ethnography” echoed the early anthropological approaches of Lévy-Bruhl, aiming to understand the so-called primitive mentalities. The sociology section, drawing on thinkers like Durkheim and Dumézil, contributed to discussions on secular education, morality, and the societal role of religion.Writings on the History of Islamic Sects explored both the transmission of doctrinal knowledge and the reinterpretation of sectarian boundaries. Yaltkaya’s consistent emphasis in this area hints at an ideological positioning in the journal’s editorial stance. The History of Religions section moved beyond Islam-centred narratives to offer comparative insights, tracing universal religious patterns through themes like sacrifice, the flood myth, and Shamanism.Essays on Turkish-Islamic art challenged Western assumptions of Islamic art’s dependency on external influences, instead advocating for an indigenous and original aesthetic. Ismayıl Hakkı Baltacıoğlu’s contributions stood out for their sociological as well as aesthetic depth. In the biography section, the writings of Izmirli, Ismail Hakkı, and Yaltkaya combined intellectual historiography with detailed personal accounts, serving as tools for tracing continuity in thought.Studies under the headings of Bibliography and Miscellaneous Topics enriched the scholarly landscape with bibliographic references and thematic overviews, and by introducing classical texts, contributed to the preservation and transmission of intellectual heritage.With the 1933 University Reform and the closure of Istanbul Darulfunun, the Faculty of Theology was excluded from the newly established Istanbul University, leading to the discontinuation of the journal. This was perceived as a significant academic loss. Nevertheless, the Journal of the Faculty of Theology remains a foundational publication that laid the groundwork for modern theological discourse in Turkey.This study classifies and analyses 131 articles published between 1925 and 1933 under eight thematic categories. Employing qualitative methods, particularly document and content analysis, it considers article titles, author profiles, key concepts, and subject matter. A descriptive analysis model was used to identify key intellectual trends, reference patterns, and the structure of the discussion. The distinction between the original and translated texts further reveals the intellectual orientations of the period.Ultimately, the findings demonstrate that the Journal of the Faculty of Theology was more than an academic platform; it represented a dynamic school of thought that engaged with the ideological and intellectual climate of its time through an interdisciplinary lens. It also provides valuable insight into early Republican academic publishing. Future studies could explore how the author’s intellectual and political stances influenced their writings, conduct comparative analyses with other faculty journals, and examine the journal’s impact on the public readership. Archive-based sociological research could deepen our understanding of its role in shaping Turkey’s modern theological and academic legacy.In this respect, the Journal of the Faculty of Theology not only reflects the scholarly inclinations of a particular era but also offers a rare window into the intellectual strategies employed to reconcile religious heritage with modern academic paradigms. Its content reveals a deliberate effort to construct a rational and historically grounded discourse on religion that would be compatible with the cultural and ideological shifts of the early Republican context. Thus, the journal served as a mediator between traditional Islamic sciences and the newly emerging disciplines within the modern university structure.&nbsp;The study also underscores the importance of re-evaluating early Republican theological scholarship through a multi-layered analytical framework. Further interdisciplinary research could incorporate approaches from intellectual history, political theology, and media studies to better understand the journal’s role in shaping both elite and popular perceptions of religion. Moreover, exploring the biographies and academic trajectories of the journal’s contributors in connection with institutional changes and state policies could illuminate the evolving nature of theological authority in modern Turkey. As such, the Journal of the Faculty of Theology remains an indispensable source for those seeking to trace the genealogies of religious thought and academic publishing in the foundational decades of the Republic.

İstanbul Dârülfünunu İlâhiyat Fakültesi Mecmuası’ndaki Makalelerin Konu Bazlı Değerlendirilmesi

Fatih

Assist. Prof. Dr.

Publications exist documenting Dârülfünun, an influential example of 19th-century Ottoman Tanzimat architecture. These works have attempted to analyse the architectural structure and features of this now-lost building through historical photographs and drawings. This study examines rare photographs of Dârülfünun preserved in the Çelik Gülersoy Foundation Istanbul Library, comparing its interior and exterior features with other examples of 19th-century architecture. The promulgation of the Tanzimat Edict in 1839 initiated a period of substantial transformation within the Ottoman Empire, particularly in educational policy. In response to these reforms, the Ottoman administration established a new institution of higher education designated as Dârülfünun. The selected site for this institution was situated adjacent to Hagia Sophia, overlooking the Marmara Sea, on a terrain that had historically accommodated a section of the Byzantine Grand Palace. Historical records indicate the presence of a church at this location, which, following the Ottoman conquest, was repurposed as a “lion house” and a nakkaş (court painter) workshop. Construction started in 1846 under the direction of Architect Gaspare Fossati, using the site of the aforementioned church, which had presumably ceased to exist by the early 19th century. Contemporary sources document that the project was allocated 750,000 kuruş; however, construction activities were temporarily suspended due to irregular disbursement of payments. Before the project’s completion, Architect Fossati’s contract was terminated, necessitating the appointment of Architect Ahmed Efendi to complete the remaining construction work. The Dârülfünun building was ultimately completed in 1863. The architectural composition of Dârülfünun, comprising two substantial blocks connected by a linking section, exemplifies the Neoclassical style. This architectural movement emerged in Europe following the mid-18th century excavations of Pompeii and Herculaneum, where unearthed Ancient Greek and Roman ruins provided fundamental design principles. Within Ottoman territories, the Neoclassical style maintained its prominence from the reign of Sultan Selim III through the end of the 19th century. Scholarly discourse presents diverse interpretations regarding the selection of the European architectural style for the Dârülfünun building. One significant perspective that the design choice was intended to mitigate students’ perceived need to pursue education abroad, as concerns existed regarding the exposure of Ottoman students to potentially subversive ideologies while studying in Europe. The Neoclassical design was thus implemented to create an environment reminiscent of European academic institutions. However, this architectural decision later faced criticism during rising nationalist sentiments. Particularly contentious was the engagement of foreign architect Gaspare &nbsp;Fossati for the project, a choice that scholars deemed problematic given the Ottoman Empire’s distinguished architectural heritage, exemplified by monumental complexes such as the Süleymaniye. The Dârülfünun building’s monumental façade and imposing architectural presence established it as a dominant feature within Istanbul’s maritime skyline along the Marmara Sea. Despite its original educational purpose, the structure’s expansive scale led to its appropriation for administrative functions. The building subsequently housed multiple governmental institutions, including the Ministry of Finance, the Ministry of Foundations, and the Ministry of Justice, until the establishment of the Second Constitutional Monarchy. Following this political transition, it served as the Parliament building, and during the Republican period, it functioned as the Palace of Justice until its destruction by fire on December 3, 1933. Contemporary periodicals documented the conflagration that ultimately led to the building’s demise. Following its ruination, the structure was demolished and the site cleared. The French scholar Ph. Lemerle conducted subsequent archaeological investigations, with comprehensive surveys undertaken by Ali Saim Ülgen, the architect of the Archaeological Museums. While Ülgen’s surveys remain unpublished, Semavi Eyice published select architectural drawings from these investigations. The architectural and decorative characteristics of this no longer extant edifice can be analysed through extant historical photographic documentation and architectural drawings. The structure represents a significant exemplar of Neoclassical architecture, distinguished by its monumental façade featuring a triangular pediment, Ionic capital columns, round-arched fenestration, and refined architectural detailing. Comparable architectural elements, particularly the triangular pediment design employed on the Marmara-facing façade, can be observed in another of Fossati’s works: the current Faculty of Political Sciences building of Istanbul University, which faces the Golden Horn. Analysis of the visual materials preserved in the Çelik Gülersoy Foundation Istanbul Library provides insight into the building’s interior decorative program. The protracted construction period appears to have resulted in the implementation of two distinct decorative styles: Neoclassical and Orientalist. The wreath motif, characteristic of Neoclassical ornamentation, emerged as a prominent decorative element during the reign of Sultan Mahmud II and became increasingly prevalent in architectural embellishment thereafter. The Orientalist influence manifests in floral compositions incorporating distinctive elements of Islamic decorative vocabulary, including salbekli sunburst motifs, rumi patterns, and palmettes. Due to the presence of two distinct styles, it can be argued that the hand-drawn decorations in the building reflect an eclectic, or selective, approach. This article aims&nbsp; &nbsp;to bring the old photographs and drawings from the Istanbul Library archive into scholarly literature. The wreath motif, characteristic of the Neoclassical style, is evident in certain inscription examples, 19th-century tughra designs, and ceiling decorations. Wall decorations featuring salbekli sunburst motifs and floral patterns are observed in numerous buildings. In the halls of the Ministry of War (now the Istanbul University Rectorate building), framed sunburst motifs with sales are prominently featured. Similar decorative elements can also be identified in the old photographs of Zeynep Hanım Mansion, a structure that has not survived to this day. The Dârülfünun building is one of the most significant examples of the Tanzimat architectural approach in Istanbul during its construction period. Its monumental façade, Neoclassical style, and intricate architectural details were so striking that they overshadowed two iconic landmarks of the Istanbul skyline, Hagia Sophia and Topkapı Palace. After the building was destroyed by fire and did not survive to this day, Hagia Sophia and Topkapı Palace regained their prominence in the skyline. Discussions occasionally arise about reconstructing the Dârülfünun building; however, such a project would once again overshadow these historical landmarks. Furthermore, the reconstructed building would appear incongruous with the city’s silhouette, akin to an imposition. It is also important to consider that any potential reconstruction could reduce the city’s most vital tourism area and intensify environmental challenges.

Mimari ve Süsleme Özellikleriyle İlk Dârülfünun Binası

With the Tanzimat, the steps towards modernisation began to gain momentum. The establishment of Darülfünun in 1863, aimed at providing Western-style scientific education, marked the beginning of the modernisation movement in education and triggered various reactions in society. Darülfünun is an institution that had significant effects on the social structure in both the Ottoman and early Republican periods during the modernisation and Westernisation process. It has been understood that the success of the modernisation efforts made in the 18th century to eliminate the weakness in the military field depended on the changes that needed to be made in other areas. The modernisation movement that started with the Tanzimat gave birth to new organisations in the bureaucracy and therefore new civil servant cadres. The need to establish Darülfünun arose due to reasons such as the inability of military schools to meet this cadre need, the inadequacy of the old-fashioned master-apprentice method, and the costs of sending students abroad and importing technology and technicians from abroad. In this study, the effects of Darülfünun in the Ottoman and Early Republican periods on the social structure will be examined. Although the names of the Ottoman and Republican Period Darülfünun are the same and are a continuation of each other, there are differences in the way they are perceived due to the changes in the social structure and regime. While the modernisation activities carried out in the Ottoman period were carried out in the form of transferring Western culture, the modernisation activities carried out with the revolutions made in the Republican period tried to bring about cultural change. For this reason, the way in which Darülfünun was perceived within the system differed according to the period. During the Ottoman period, the Darülfünun caused a conflict between traditional and modern institutions. It also helped to increase the visibility of women in social life and raise their level of education. The modernisations and westernizations ideas that became widespread during the Tanzimat and Constitutional Monarchy periods caused significant changes and transformations in social life. While it was a reform carried out to save the homeland, it was also the planner and constructor of salvation. Darülfünun contributed to the maturation of the westernising &nbsp;mindset brought about by the Tanzimat period by nurturing social issues such as social equality, freedom and women’s rights. During the Ottoman period, Darülfünun had various effects on the social structure. First, as an institution outside the traditional educational institutions that were already present in the social structure, it contributed to the emergence of the dichotomy of madrasah-school students. Since its establishment, Darülfünun has been a part of the efforts to eliminate the difficult conditions that the Ottoman state was in and the steps taken to save the homeland. Ottoman society was introduced to scientific knowledge with Darülfünun, and since its first opening, the physics, chemistry, natural sciences and history courses have attracted great interest from the public. However, concerns that the experiments conducted in the courses or some statements contradicted religious beliefs and values led to reactions. These concerns became the focus of critical views towards Darülfünun, and during the Ottoman period, Darülfünun attracted the reactions of the ulema and the public influenced by them by claiming that it was outside the traditional structure. It contributed to the emergence of the dichotomy of madrasah-school students in society. It stood out as an institution outside the traditional educational institutions that were already present in the social structure. The fact that students who will be accepted to Darülfünun are required to come from modern educational institutions and therefore those who are educated in madrasahs are not accepted and that the teachers who will teach in Darülfünun are carefully selected to be people who have received education abroad or foreign teachers clearly reveals the duality. The fact that the courses and textbooks given in Darülfünun and madrasahs are different has revealed the existence of people with opposing worldviews and deepened the distinction between those who are educated in Darülfünun and those who are educated in madrasahs. A period of being stuck between a mindset that supports Westernisation and a mindset that is committed to traditional values has occurred. One of the effects of Darülfünun on social life is that it has contributed to the increase in the visibility of women. Before the establishment of Darülfünun, the new ideas that were widespread and accepted during the Tanzimat and Constitutional periods, the various rights granted to women caused the demand for higher education to mature and subsequently, İnas Darülfünun was established. The aim of those who demanded the establishment of İnas Darülfünun was actually similar to the aim of establishing Darülfünun, which was to save the homeland. Since it was believed that saving the country could not be achieved without women and that mothers were the ones who raised the new generation who would serve in the salvation of the country, women’s education began to be considered important. Another effect seen in social life was that women who received education in modern educational institutions started to take part in working life. With the increase in the schooling rate, taking part in state positions could spread to a wider social base.&nbsp;During the Ottoman period, Darülfünun was criticised for being outside of traditions and was considered too modern and westernising, while the Darülfünun of the early Republican period was criticised for being against modernisation and not supporting the revolutions. The fact that the same institution receives criticism in opposite directions is, of course, directly related to the change in the regime type and the change in the perspective on modernisation and westernisation. What is striking is the difference in the source of the criticism directed at the two different periods. While the reaction to Darülfünun in the Ottoman period came from the people and the ulema, it came directly from the statecraft in the Republican period. In the early Republican period, the ideology of creating national consciousness and national identity caused the severing of ties with institutions and individuals who opposed or did not support the revolutions. Unlike the westernisation and modernisation movements in the Ottoman period, the transformation of social life was targeted in the Republican period.

Osmanlı’dan Erken Cumhuriyet’e Darülfünun: Eğitim ve Toplumsal Yapıdaki Değişimler

Cavit

Dârülfünûn, recognised as one of the most comprehensive and foundational educational reforms in the late Ottoman Empire, stands not only as the first institutionalised form of higher education but also as a multidimensional structure at the intersection of social, cultural, and religious transformation. In this context, Dârülfünûn, with its institutional identity distinct from the classical madrasa tradition, emerged as a critical arena of transformation that shaped Ottoman-Turkish modernisation at both intellectual and ideological levels. This study aims to analyse the structural ruptures it induced within the Ottoman educational system, its impact on social change, and its unique position in the field of religious education through a historical lens. A qualitative research design was employed, using document analysis based on relevant literature as the primary method of data collection. During its foundational and classical periods, the Ottoman madrasa system featured a broad curriculum inclusive of rational sciences such as mathematics, astronomy, medicine, and philosophy. However, from the 17th century onward, the gradual exclusion of these disciplines from the curriculum led to intellectual stagnation and a decline in scholarly output. This intellectual crisis prompted Ottoman administrators in the mid19th century to pursue substantial educational reforms. Although several initiatives aimed at establishing higher education institutions were undertaken from 1845 onwards, these efforts failed to achieve long-term institutionalisation. It was not until the reign of Sultan Abdülhamid II, in 1900, that Dârülfünûn-ı Şâhâne was established as a permanent institution embodying a modern scientific worldview, thereby securing a distinctive place in the history of Ottoman education.The establishment of Dârülfünûn represented more than the creation of a higher education institution; it signified a paradigmatic shift in the Ottoman society’s relationship with knowledge. Unlike traditional madrasas, Dârülfünûn was constructed on an academic model compatible with positivist scientific thought, fostering interdisciplinary transitions and prioritising public knowledge production.Following the proclamation of the Second Constitutional Era (II. Meşrutiyet), educational policies underwent a period of reconstruction, and the inclusion of disciplines such as history, literature, and philosophy into the curriculum transformed Dârülfünûn into an institutional carrier of intellectual pluralism. A noteworthy development during this period was the admission of women to higher education. The establishment of the Women’s Dârülfünûn (İnas Dârülfünûnu) not only marked a pedagogical turning point but also redefined gender relations within the educational domain. Within the context of debates on coeducation, this milestone catalysed a broader sociocultural transformation concerning women’s right to education. The inclusion of women in academic life contributed to change not only at an individual level but also in the collective social consciousness.&nbsp;The political and social influence of Dârülfünûn became particularly pronounced during the Second Constitutional Era and the Turkish War of Independence. Student-led protests and the active engagement of faculty members in public discourse transformed the university into a site of political awareness and civic consciousness. Within this context, Ziya Gökalp’s work at Dârülfünûn emphasised the university’s role not merely as a transmitter of knowledge but as a key intellectual engine in the process of nationbuilding. For Gökalp, the university functioned as a cultural institution central to the construction of the national identity.In cultural terms, Dârülfünûn—especially through its Faculty of Literature—played a central role in laying the intellectual foundations of the modern Turkish identity. Academic endeavours in the fields of language, history, and literature facilitated the reinterpretation of national identity within a framework of historical continuity. With the 1933 University Reform, Dârülfünûn was formally closed and replaced by Istanbul University. This reform introduced a academic structure in the humanities that was grounded in interdisciplinarity and humanist principles. The resulting intellectual climate, influenced by Western philological traditions, became the cornerstone of what came to be known as “Turkish Humanism.”From the perspective of religious education, Dârülfünûn represented the first modern institutional model that departed from the classical madrasa system and addressed the religious sciences through philosophical and scientific methodologies. The School of Advanced Religious Studies (Ulûm-i Âliye-i Dîniyye), established in 1900, offered a diverse curriculum that included classical Islamic disciplines such as tafsir (Qur’anic exegesis), hadith, kalam (Islamic theology), and fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence), alongside philosophy, history of religions, ethics, and Western languages. The establishment of the Faculty of Theology in 1924 continued this multidisciplinary and analytical approach although it was dissolved as part of the 1933 reform. The institutional continuity of religious education was only re-established in 1992 with the reopening of the faculty.In conclusion, Dârülfünûn was not only a landmark in the history of higher education in the Ottoman Empire but also a pivotal institution at the heart of social, cultural, and religious transformation. Serving as a bridge between the madrasa and the modern university, it occupied a critical position at the historical juncture where academic thought and the&nbsp;state’s relationship with knowledge were redefined. In this regard, Dârülfünûn constitutes an indispensable reference point for understanding the ideological, epistemological, and cultural dimensions of education in Turkey.

Dârülfünun’un Toplumsal, Kültürel ve Din Eğitimi Açısından Etkileri

İsmail

Sultan

The foundations of the modern higher education concept in the Ottoman Empire began to be laid during the Tanzimat Period when reform efforts were accelerated. In this context, the idea of establishing a structure similar to the university model in the West emerged to contribute to scientific studies. As a concrete reflection of this idea, after several attempts, the Dârulfunun, which was opened in 1900, gained significant importance in the Ottoman scholarly world as one of the most comprehensive educational institutions of the period. Shaped within the unique socio-political and cultural structure of the Ottoman Empire, the Dârulfunun adopted a curriculum that included both traditional Islamic sciences and a Western-style understanding of science. Thus, it established a bridge between madrasa education and modern higher education, contributing to the training of a new generation of academics and intellectuals. The educational system of the Dârulfunun, known today as the Faculty of Theology, the Faculty of Ulûm-i Âliye-i Dîniyye and the Faculty of Literature, provided a significant scientific production environment, particularly in the fields of Islamic sciences and literary history. The Faculty of Ulûm-i Âliye-i Dîniyye offered various courses under the umbrella of Islamic sciences, while the Faculty of Literature included courses on Turkish, French, Persian, and Arabic literature, as well as language courses. A scholar who taught at these faculties was Mehmed Fehmi (d. 1944). Born in Baghdad, Mehmed Fehmi was proficient in Arabic, Turkish, Persian, and French. He had profound expertise in Arabic and literature and was well known for his work Târîkh-i Edebiyyât-ı Arabiyye, which he authored on the history of Arabic literature. This work is the first history of Arabic literature written in Turkish and serves as a crucial academic resource in this field. This study examines Mehmed Fehmi’s academic career, his teaching methods at the&nbsp;&nbsp;Dârulfunun, and the content of Târîkh-i Edebiyyât-ı Arabiyye (History of Arabic Literature). In this regard, the research seeks to answer the following key questions: Through what processes was Mehmed Fehmi appointed as a faculty member at the Dârulfunun? What methods were used in teaching Arabic literary history at the Dârulfunun? Were these methods effective in assessing the students’ levels? Did the work Târîkh-i Edebiyyât-ı Arabiyye meet the expectations of students at the time? How did the content, style, and academic aspects of the work align with the educational approach of the Dârulfunun? Within this framework, the study examines various aspects such as the educational mission of the Dârulfunun, its academic standards, the qualifications of its faculty members, and the compatibility of students with the institution. This study is particularly significant for understanding the development process of Arabic literary history education in Turkey. Indeed, research on such sources is essential for a better comprehension of the transformations in higher education and the quality of academic production during the transition from the Ottoman Empire to the Republican era. Using descriptive analysis and critical review methods, this study evaluates Fehmi’s work in terms of both content and methodology. The research reveals the academic qualities and pedagogical value of the work within the context of the educational approach of the period. In this respect, the study provides information for a comparative evaluation of the fundamental dynamics of Arabic literary history courses taught in contemporary universities and Târîkh-i Edebiyyât-ı Arabiyye. It is important to note that Mehmed Fehmi’s work not only presents a historical narrative but also serves as a multifaceted resource that thoroughly examines the periods of Arabic literature, its prominent figures, their works, and linguistic characteristics. Additionally, the work is written in a student oriented style, offering a systematic structure suitable for teaching. As a comprehensive textbook for higher education students of the period, this study reflects an original, meticulous, and scholarly approach to Arabic literary history. As a result of this study, it has been determined that Târîkh-i Edebiyyât-ı Arabiyye offers an interdisciplinary perspective in accordance with the educational philosophy of the Dârulfunun. This book not only provides historical knowledge but also presents a methodological perspective that meets the academic needs of the time. It deeply analyzes the primary sources of Arabic literature, significant figures, and their works while applying a critical approach to the texts. One of the notable features of the work is its language and style, which are tailored to engage students. The didactic structure of the book aligns with the curriculum established within the educational policies of the Dârulfunun. Presenting the historical development of Arabic literature in a clear, fluent, and academic manner, this work follows an instructive method aimed at helping students better grasp the subject. Based on the data obtained and the analyses conducted, Mehmed Fehmi’s work is&nbsp;&nbsp;identified as a crucial resource for understanding the academic foundations of Arabic literary history education at the Dârulfunun. When compared with contemporary Arabic literary history courses taught at universities, the structural analysis of the work offers valuable insights into the historical development of this field in Turkey. This study not only explores the impact of the Târîkh-i Edebiyyât-ı Arabiyye (History of Arabic Literature) at the Dârulfunun but also delves into the broader academic context of Ottoman higher education, focusing on how Arabic literary history was approached and taught within this system. This study examines the institutionalisation of Arabic literary studies at the Dârulfunun, emphasising its role in shaping the intellectual framework and curriculum of Ottoman academic circles during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. By analysing the pedagogical strategies, content, and goals of Târîkh-i Edebiyyât-ı Arabiyye, this study highlights the intersection of Ottoman modernisation efforts and the preservation of classical Arabic heritage, reflecting the empire’s complex engagement with both Eastern and Western intellectual traditions. Furthermore, this study aims to enhance our understanding of the broader academic landscape of the Ottoman Empire by investigating the intersections between language, literature, and higher education during a period marked by significant socio-political transformations. This research underscores the importance of interdisciplinary approaches in examining how the Ottoman intellectual elite engaged with Arabic literary traditions and how these traditions were integrated into the empire’s educational reforms. To build upon the findings of this study, future research should promote comparative and interdisciplinary methodologies, not only to deepen our knowledge of literary history instruction within the Ottoman Empire but also to explore its connections with other educational systems of the period. A comparative analysis with other imperial or regional systems of higher education could offer valuable insights into the global academic trends of the era, while interdisciplinary approaches could further illuminate the nuanced relationship between literature, language, and empire-building in the Ottoman context.

Dârülfünunda Arap Edebiyatı Tarihi Derslerinin İlk İzleri: Ulûm-i  Âliye-i Dîniyye ve Edebiyat Şubeleri Müderrisi Mehmed Fehmi’nin  Târîh-i Edebiyyât-ı Arabiyye Eseri Örneği

Faima

This study provides an in-depth analysis of the contributions of Manastırlı Ismāil Hakkı (1846-1912), a distinguished late Ottoman scholar, to the methodology of tafsīr (Qur’ānic exegesis) and assesses the enduring impact of his innovations on modern academic practices. The research emphasises the critical role of Dārulfunūn—widely recognised as the intellectual hub during a transformative period in the late Ottoman era—in redefining the science of tafsīr and shaping its methodological terminology. As a professor at Dārulfunūn, Manastırlı not only played a key role in establishing the academic traditions of his time but also advanced a systematic approach to tafsīr methodology. His work is particularly noted for its innovative treatment of asbāb al-nuzūl (the circumstances surrounding revelation), his insightful interpretations concerning repeated revelation, and his comprehensive analysis of the historical contexts of Qur’ānic narratives, all of which are essential considerations in contemporary tafsīr research. This study highlights the significance of classical tafsīr methodologies and modern academic approaches for contemporary research. In this context, the research examines how Manastırlı’s works have contributed to the methodological foundations of modern Qur’ānic studies. The study employs a qualitative research approach, analysing primary sources, including Manastırlı’s work and classical Ottoman tafsīr references. The findings indicate that Dārulfunūn marked an academic turning point in the science of tafsīr and that Manastırlı Ismāil Hakkı played a crucial role in this transformation. Throughout history, the discipline of Qur’ānic exegesis (tafsīr) has not remained static; rather, it has evolved through numerous methodological shifts that mirror the diverse intellectual traditions and interpretive practices of different eras. These transformations have been driven by changing scholarly perspectives, the advancement of linguistic and historical analytical tools, and the shifting socio-political landscapes that influence how texts are read and understood. As a result, each era of tafsīr reflects its own unique blend of traditional insights and emerging academic frameworks. Within this dynamic context, Manastırlı Ismāil Hakkı emerges as a pivotal figure whose work has significantly contributed to the systematisation of tafsīr methodology. A rigorous synthesis of linguistic precision with deep historical contextualization marks his scholarly endeavours. By meticulously analysing the language of the Qur’ān alongside the historical circumstances of its revelation, Manastırlı provided a structured approach that enriched the interpretive framework of the text. This dual focus not only enhanced clarity in exegesis but also laid the groundwork for a more methodical and reliable interpretation process. A central element of Manastırlı’s approach is his detailed examination of the asbāb al nuzūl (occasions of revelation). He established clear, systematic criteria for determining the circumstances under which specific Qur’ānic verses were revealed, thereby helping&nbsp; &nbsp;to demystify the contextual factors that influence their meaning. By rejecting subjective reasoning and emphasising the reliability of historical narrations, his methodology offers a balanced perspective that remains influential in modern tafsir studies. In essence, Manastırlı’s contributions serve as a bridge between the rich traditions of classical exegesis and contemporary academic practices. His work not only standardises key principles of Qur’ānic interpretation but also continues to inform and inspire modern scholars, ensuring that the profound insights of traditional tafsīr are preserved and adapted to meet the challenges of today’s academic environment. The primary aim of this study was to critically analyse the methodological principles established by Manastırlı and to highlight their significance for modern Tafsīr studies. Although current tafsīr research remains deeply rooted in classical exegetical traditions, it has also undergone significant shifts in both terminology and methodological practices. Manastırlı’s contributions, particularly his detailed analysis of asbāb al nuzūl, his exploration of the interrelationship between Qur’ānic narratives and their historical contexts, and his treatment of the issue of repeated revelation, serve as an essential reference point for understanding the evolution of tafsīr methodology. By examining Manastırlı’s works in depth, this study seeks to illuminate the continuity and transformation within Ottoman tafsīr methodologies and to demonstrate how these classical approaches have been adapted to meet the demands of modern academic inquiry. In doing so, it highlights the enduring relevance of Manastırlı’s systematic methods and provides a framework for evaluating the impact of traditional exegetical techniques on the evolution of contemporary Qur’ānic scholarship.This research employs a qualitative methodology to investigate Manastırlı Ismāil Hakkı’s perspectives on tafsīr methodology through an extensive literature review. The study synthesises both classical and modern approaches to Qur’ānic exegesis by systematically analysing a broad range of primary and secondary sources. In doing so, it examines key aspects of Manastırlı’s methodological framework—particularly his rigorous approach to determining the asbāb al-nuzūl, his analysis of the interplay between general legal rulings and their specific causes, and his treatment of repeated revelation— in relation to contemporary academic trends in Qur’ānic studies. One notable feature of his methodology is the precision with which he identifies asbāb al-nuzūl, emphasising the necessity of relying on reliable narrations and eschewing subjective reasoning in establishing these contexts. This commitment not only underscores his dedication to preserving traditional tafsīr principles but also serves as a critical point of comparison for evaluating methodological differences between schools of thought—those that demand narrative coherence versus those that allow for the possibility of multiple revelations for a single verse. When we examine the influence of Manastırlı’s work on modern scholarship, it becomes clear that his carefully developed, systematic criteria for tafsīr methodology&nbsp; &nbsp;have become indispensable for contemporary academic research. His contributions have played a pivotal role in standardising the principles of Qur’ānic exegesis, as he emphasised the importance of maintaining methodological consistency and conducting rigorous analyses of primary sources. Notably, his meticulous process of evaluating historical narrations has left a lasting mark on the evolution of academic Qur’ānic studies. In conclusion, Manastırlı’s contributions—especially within the influential environment of Dārulfunūn—demonstrate his role as a vital link between traditional exegesis and the evolving landscape of academic inquiry. Even as modern methodologies and terminologies continue to evolve, his systematic approach and precision in interpreting the Qur’ān remain highly relevant. His enduring scholarly legacy offers essential insights into how traditional interpretative methods can be preserved and effectively integrated to address the challenges of modern exegetical research.

Manastırlı İsmâil Hakkı’nın Fusûlü’t-teysir fî usûli’t-tefsir’i ve  Dârülfünûn Etkisi

Ercan

Ahmed Māhir Efendi, who taught tafsīr and kalām for 13 years at the Dārülfünūn Faculty of Theology and Medresetü’l-Vāizīn, is one of the late Ottoman scholars who received his entire education in Kastamonu. He lived between 1860 and 1922 and was a prominent religious scholar and politician of the late Ottoman period. His work titled Mu‘cizāt-ı Qur’āniyya is an important study that examines the miraculous aspects of the Qur’ān and includes methods of interpreting its verses. In this work, Ahmed Māhir Efendi emphasises the miraculous nature of the Qur’ān in terms of its language, eloquence, scientific content, and rulings and follows a specific methodology when interpreting the verses. This book, which can be considered a compilation of his articles published in various newspapers between 1908 and 1909, is among the Ottoman Turkish tafsīr works of the Tanzimat and post-Tanzimat period (1839-1922). It was printed in Istanbul in 1328 (1910) and comprises 278 pages. The work is divided into two main parts, with the first part comprising articles published by Ahmed Māhir Efendi in newspapers between 1908 and 1909, which is the focus of our study. At the time of the book’s publication, Ahmed Māhir Efendi was a deputy representing Kastamonu. The work begins with an introduction and then addresses various timeless issues of Islam under 29 headings. These issues are explained through verses that highlight the miraculous nature of the Qur’ān, emphasising the moral and social principles and needs of Islam. Regarding the purpose of the book, the author states that he wrote it to affirm constitutionalism by citing verses from the Qur’ān and the Prophet’s hadīths that explain and interpret these verses. He also mentions that some parts of the book consist of articles published in newspapers as a form of religious service. The work frequently references the universality and miraculous nature of the Qur’ān, emphasising its relevance to all times and places. The author asserts that Islam is not opposed to progress or modern civilisation but rather commands civilisation, as evidenced by the Qur’ān and hadīths. This book, composed of articles written to support the constitutional revolution, addresses political, social, and moral issues. Although the work is not directly related to Qur’ānic sciences, its content, which emphasises the superiority and miraculous nature of the Qur’ān, allows&nbsp;&nbsp;it to be classified as a tafsīr-related work. As a staunch supporter of the constitutional system, Ahmed Māhir Efendi states in the introduction to Mu‘cizāt-ı Qur’āniyya that he wrote the book to dispel the misconception that Islam is opposed to progress and development and to prove that Islam commands civilisation. The work also highlights Ahmed Māhir Efendi’s support for constitutionalism and the Unionist movement. In the introduction, he explains that the constitutional government was established on the foundation of true Islamic civilisation as outlined by the Qur’ān, encompassing all necessary social rules and general administrative laws for humanity from both religious and political perspectives. However, he notes that over time, this system of governance degenerated into despotic rule due to internal conflicts. The author wrote his work for the public and, with a few exceptions, avoided detailed grammatical analyses. Due to his familiarity with poetry, he provided detailed explanations by citing examples from the poems of Arab poets. To establish the legitimacy of the issues he addressed within Islamic history, he referenced events from the time of the Prophet and Islamic history. For example, under the heading “Islam and the Science of Medicine”, he discusses the importance of medicine in Islam, citing the verse “Eat and drink, but do not waste” (al-Aʿrāf 7/31) to emphasise the importance of healthy eating and evaluating the plague during the time of Caliph Umar. He also recounts an incident involving the Abbasid Caliph Hārūn al-Rashīd. In his work, the author sometimes provides the full Arabic text of the verses he uses, while at other times he only includes the relevant portion. Alongside the Arabic texts, he often provides translations of the verses, though sometimes he omits them. He typically concludes each article with a verse relevant to the topic, striving to centre his writings around the meanings of the verses and blending his explanations with their interpretations. He tries to support each verse he cites with one or more hadīths. In his work, Ahmed Māhir Efendi uses over a hundred hadīths, first presenting the text of the hadīths and then explaining its relevance to the topic. However, he does not provide the chain of narrators for any hadīth, nor does he comment on their authenticity or cite their sources. In addition to using verses and hadīths, the author draws on the sayings of the companions of the Prophet. To make the issues he discusses more memorable and concrete, and particularly to ground the religious legitimacy of the constitutional system, he cites prominent sayings of the companions, as well as examples from the lives of the tābi’īn and other Islamic figures related to governance. Although this work is not a direct Qur’ānic tafsīr or a book on Qur’ānic sciences, the way the topics are addressed, the frequent references to verses, the extensive explanations provided, and the overall emphasis on the superiority and miraculous nature of the Qur’ān allow it to be classified as a tafsīr -related work. When considered as a whole, it can be said that the work, though not entirely, carries the characteristics of a thematic tafsīr.Ahmed Māhir Efendi adopts an approach that emphasises the compatibility of the Qur’ān with science. In his work, he draws attention to the truths indicated by the Qur’ān in fields such as natural sciences, astronomy, and biology. This reflects traces of the scientific tafsīr tradition in his methodology. While remaining faithful to the classical tafsīr tradition, Ahmed Māhir Efendi not only repeats it but also offers new interpretations suited to the needs of his time. He is concerned not only with the theoretical aspects of the verses but also with their practical messages for daily life. He particularly highlights the Qur’ān’s guidance on moral and social issues, demonstrating a societal dimension in his tafsīr methodology. One of the primary aims of Mu‘cizāt-ı Qur’āniyya is to demonstrate the miraculous aspects of the Qur’ān. Ahmed Māhir Efendi thoroughly examines the miraculous nature of the verses in terms of their wording, meaning, eloquence, and scientific content. In conclusion, it can be said that the tafsīr methodology employed by Ahmed Māhir Efendi in Mu‘cizāt-ı Qur’āniyya is both rooted in the classical tafsīr tradition and responsive to modern needs. His method for interpreting the verses integrates linguistic, historical, rational, and scientific dimensions, presenting a holistic approach. This work remains an important resource for those seeking to understand the miraculous aspects of the Qur’ān.

Dârülfünûn İlahiyat Tefsir Müderrislerinden Ahmed Mâhir Efendi’nin Mu‘cizât-ı Kur’âniyye Adlı Eserinde Âyetleri Yorumlama Yöntemi

Ayşegül

Res. Assist. Dr.

The Ottoman education system had a strong structure, with madrasas serving as the primary institutions for religious sciences. Among these, Dār al-Ḥadīth institutions held a special status, focusing on the systematic study of ḥadīth. The first Dār al-Ḥadīth in the Ottoman Empire was established in the 14th century in İznik by Çandarlı Halil Hayreddin, laying the foundations for hadith education. Over time, these institutions expanded across Ottoman territories, preserving and transmitting the science of ḥadīth. However, by the 19th century, the need for modernisation in education led to the establishment of Dār al-Funūn Faculty of Theology, which incorporated a Westernstyle university model alongside traditional Islamic sciences. The aim of this study is to examine the transformation of ḥadīth education within the Ottoman educational tradition. By analysing the shift from Dār al-Ḥadīth to Dār al-Funūn Faculty of Theology, the study highlights differences in methodology, curriculum, and institutional structure, shedding light on the broader modernisation of Islamic education in the late Ottoman period. Dār al-Ḥadīth institutions were among the highest-ranking madrasas in the Ottoman educational system. These centres specialised in ḥadīth studies, where students received training under expert scholars. Education focused on studying and memorising key ḥadīth collections, such as Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārī and Ṣaḥīḥ Muslim. Additionally, students learned ḥadīth authentication methods, particularly al-jarḥ wa al-taʿdīl, which evaluated the reliability of the narrators. A defining characteristic of Dār al-Ḥadīth was its scholarcentred teaching model. The teacher (mudarris) determined the curriculum, and lessons were conducted in study circles (ḥalaqah system), where ḥadīths were memorised and discussed interactively. Memorisation, debate, and explanation were the core teaching methods. However, there was no standardised curriculum, meaning that the selection of ḥadīth texts and the approach to teaching depended on the individual mudarris. Dār al-Ḥadīth institutions functioned within the waqf (endowment) system. While some waqf donors specified which texts should be taught, most simply required that ḥadīth instruction take place, leaving mudarrises to design their own courses. This structure resulted in regional variations in the curriculum and teaching styles. The prestige of different Dār al-Ḥadīth institutions also varied, with Süleymaniye Dār al-Ḥadīth standing out as one of the most esteemed centres for ḥadīth education. The teaching methodology in Dār al-Ḥadīth was text-centred. Classes revolved around major ḥadīth collections such as Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārī, Maṣābīḥ al-sunnah, Mashāriq, and al-Shifāʾ by Qāḍī ʿIyāḍ. These texts were taught alongside their commentaries (sharḥs), allowing students to analyse and interpret ḥadīths in depth. The ḥalaqah system facilitated close interaction between students and instructors, encouraging deep engagement with ḥadīth texts. However, there was no formal academic standardisation, and the structure of education often depended on the expertise and scholarly interests of the mudarris. In Dār al-Ḥadīth, ḥadīth education emphasised both memorisation and analytical study. However, as time passed, the curriculum became increasingly text-based and repetitive, prioritising&nbsp;traditional works over innovative scholarship. This contributed to the perception that Dār al-Ḥadīth institutions lacked intellectual dynamism, which later became a justification for modernising religious education. By the 19th century, Western scientific advancements had influenced the Ottoman education system, leading to the establishment of Dār alFunūn Faculty of Theology in 1924. This transformation was part of a larger reform effort under the Law on the Unification of Education called “Tevhid-i Tedrisat Kanunu”. The faculty aimed to modernise Islamic education by introducing systematic and interdisciplinary methods. Unlike Dār al-Ḥadīth, the Dār al-Funūn Faculty of Theology adopted a topic-centred approach to ḥadīth education. Rather than focusing solely on memorisation and commentary, ḥadīth was analysed in relation to sociology, psychology, and historical context. This approach encouraged students to study ḥadīth analytically, applying modern research methodologies. Ḥadīth courses lasted six semesters, with three hours per week dedicated to ḥadīth studies. The curriculum covered ḥadīth history, methodology, and textual analysis, integrating Western academic disciplines into traditional Islamic studies. The Dār al-Funūn Faculty of Theology followed a standardised curriculum, supervised by the Ministry of Education. The courses were systematically updated to include Ḥadīth History, Principles of Ḥadīth, and the Social and Cultural Context of Ḥadīth. The standardisation of ḥadīth education ensured that students followed a structured academic plan although it also limited the flexibility of instructors. Despite its contributions to modernising Islamic education, the faculty was closed in 1933 as part of a broader university reform, and no new theology faculty was established until the Ankara University Faculty of Theology in 1949. The institutional structure, educational approach, curriculum, ḥadīth teaching methods differences between Dār al-Ḥadīth and Dār al-Funūn Faculty of Theology is below: Dār al-Ḥadīth had a flexible, scholar-centred structure, while Dār al-Funūn Faculty of Theology followed a centralised and standardized academic model. The former was influenced by madrasa traditions, whereas the latter adopted elements of modern university education. Dār al-Ḥadīth followed a text-based approach, relying on classical ḥadīth collections. Dār al-Funūn Faculty of Theology adopted a topic-centred approach, analysing ḥadīth in relation to the social sciences, philosophy, and historical context. Dār al-Ḥadīth had a non-standardised curriculum, where individual scholars determined the content of their courses. Dār al-Funūn Faculty of Theology implemented a structured, ministry-approved curriculum, ensuring consistency across all students. In Dār al-Ḥadīth, education was interactive, using ḥalqa study circles, where students memorised, discussed, and analysed ḥadīth texts. In Dār al-Funūn Faculty of Theology, ḥadīth courses were lecture-based, with an emphasis on research, written assignments, and critical analysis. Ḥadīth education in the Ottoman Empire evolved significantly from the traditional Dār al-Ḥadīth system to a modern university model. Dār al-Ḥadīth institutions provided scholar-centred, flexible education, whereas Dār al-Funūn Faculty of Theology introduced structured and interdisciplinary ḥadīth education that integrated modern scientific approaches. This transformation marked a fundamental shift from memorisation-based study to analytical research, incorporating historical and sociological perspectives into ḥadīth scholarship. The transition from Dār al-Ḥadīth to Dār al-Funūn Faculty of Theology reflects broader changes in Islamic education, highlighting the challenges of balancing tradition with modernity. While Dār al-Ḥadīth played a crucial role in preserving ḥadīth sciences, Dār al-Funūn Faculty of Theology sought to modernise the study of ḥadīth within an academic framework. Understanding this transformation provides insight into the relationship between traditional Islamic sciences and contemporary academic disciplines. Today, Islamic studies institutions continue to face the challenge of integrating traditional ḥadīth scholarship with modern methodologies. The balance between historical authenticity and academic innovation remains a central issue in the contemporary study of ḥadīth, making this historical transition an essential reference for ongoing debates in Islamic education.

Yüksek İlim Tahsilinde Hadis Eğitimi: Osmanlı Dârülhadislerinden Dârülfünûn İlahiyat Fakültesi’ne

Hande

Dārūlfūnun was a higher education institution established and systematised in the Ottoman Empire in the 19th century in the Western style. In this educational institution, the branch where religious courses were taught was first opened in 1900 under the name Ulūm-i Aliye-i Diniyye, and in 1913 the name was changed to Ulūm-i Şer‘iyye Branch. However, in 1914, this branch was closed and the madrasas in Istanbul that offered religious education were gathered under a single roof. In this faculty, which was reopened in 1924 under the name the Faculty of Theology, philosophy courses were taught in the Philosophy Department of the Literature Branch. This practice continued until the permanent closure of the Faculty of Theology in 1933. In 1924, philosophy of religion courses were added to the education program of the Dārülfünun. This was also the first time that the philosophy of religion was taught in an institutionalised educational institution in Türkiye. In the Republican period, philosophy of religion courses were added to the education programme of Dārūlfūnun in order to discuss religious issues on a philosophical basis. This situation is also important for the Religious Reform Project of this period. Tunç himself took part in this project and included the necessity of religious reform in his works. According to Tunç, religious issues should be discussed a philosophical basis. In Dārūlfūnun, the Faculty of Theology’s philosophy courses were taught at the Faculty of Literature, while the philosophy of religion course was taught at the Faculty of Theology. Mehmet Emin Erişirgil was the first to teach the philosophy of religion at Dārūlfūnun. Erişirgil taught this course between 1924 and 1926, and Mustafa Şekip Tunç was the instructor of this course after this date. Tunç’s contribution to the philosophy of religion was his teaching activities and the works he wrote in this field. His works are among the first examples of publications in the field of philosophy of religion in Türkiye. He wrote his book Felsefe-i Din in 1927 to be used in&nbsp;philosophy of religion classes. In addition, after Tunç’s death in 1958, some of his articles in the field of philosophy of religion were brought together and published under the name Bir Din Felsefesine Doğru in 1959. The importance of this work is that it is one of the first works in the field of philosophy of religion. This study is based on the analysis of Tunç’s works using the textual analysis method and the evaluation of the concepts and discussions in these works. Some studies have been conducted on Tunç’s intellectual personality and his contributions to the scientific field. A work for this study is Mustafa Şekip Tunç, prepared by Hayrani Altıntaş in 1989. The others are postgraduate studies on Tunç’s views on philosophy and the philosophy of religion. Apart from these, there are many articles and books published on Tunç’s views. These studies will also be included in this article. After studying psychology in Geneva, Tunç taught psychology, spirituality and ethics at the Philosophy Department of the Faculty of Literature of Dārūlfūnun between 1919 and 1953. He reflected his psychology-based worldview to all branches of science in which he was interested. For example, according to him, the general method of philosophy consists of analyses in the fields of epistemology, psychology, sociology and ethics. Today, philosophy and the working methods and discussions of these are clearly separated from each other. According to Tunç, the discipline of the philosophy of religion is carried out within the framework of the methods of philosophy. With this view, Tunç made moral and psychological evaluations in his philosophy of religion studies. Henri Bergson’s thoughts were influential in shaping the concepts Tunç used in psychology and philosophy and the discussions he included. Bergson’s concept of intuition in epistemology and his understanding of evolution in ontology are the basic building blocks of Tunç’s philosophy of religion. Therefore, Tunç, as an important follower of Bergson, was an influential figure in the dissemination of Bergson’s views in Türkiye. However, he was not a blind follower of Bergson’s philosophy and method but, adopted a unique perspective blended with his own worldview and Islamic teachings. Tunç’s adoption of an intuitionist attitude in epistemology does not mean that he advocated irrationality. Tunç attaches importance to rational inferences in the scientific field, but he argues that there are fields of study that cannot be reached by reason, such as spiritual fields, and that these fields can be reached intuitively. Tunç also applied his intuitive methodology to his understanding of ontology. With the Bergsonian influence, he states that all beginnings other than God proceed in a state of becoming, and therefore it is impossible to make a complete definition of the nature of being. His view of evolution, which he expressed as the theory of evolution, was an understanding of existence that was not accepted by some Dārūlfūnun instructors. Although there were some differences in opinion among these intellectuals, they generally protected Islamic values and teachings against the anti-religious movements of the age. This attitude was the main mission of&nbsp;&nbsp;Izmirli Ismail Hakkı, Babanzāde Ahmed Naim, Rıza Tevfik Bölükbaşı and many other Dārūlfūnun instructors. They determined the axis of many of their discussions in their works within the framework of this mission. The concept of God is not one of the main discussion concepts of Tunç’s philosophy of religion. According to him, since God is a concept belonging to the field of belief, it should be evaluated in the context of belief. Therefore, he argues that God cannot be known by reason. He criticises arguments for the existence of God in the fields of theology and philosophy in terms of being rational activities. In his philosophy of religion, he considers God an object of his psychological and ontological analyses. For example, regarding religious experience, which he evaluated from a psychological perspective, he presented God as an experienced being, and from an ontological perspective, he designated God as an initiator of the evaluation process. As a result, Tunç laid the foundations of the philosophy of religion in Türkiye with his concepts and discussions in the philosophy of religion and made original and innovative contributions to the field.&nbsp;

Dârülfünun İlahiyat Fakültesi’nde Din Felsefesi: Mustafa Şekip Tunç’un Yöntemi ve Katkıları

Hakan

Mehmet Şerefeddin Yaltkaya was an influential scholar who lived during the late Ottoman period and the early years of the Republic of Turkey, a time of immense political and intellectual transformation. A polymath, Yaltkaya cultivated expertise in multiple disciplines and held a professorial position at the Dârülfünun Faculty of Theology until its closure. His career coincided with the most challenging period of the Ottoman Empire and the transition to the modern Republic. His contributions were not only academic but also administrative, as he later served as the Deputy President and then the second President of the Directorate of Religious Affairs. Like many intellectuals of his time, Yaltkaya was deeply concerned with the stagnation of the Islamic world and sought ways to address its intellectual and social backwardness, particularly considering Western advancements. During the late 19th and early 20th centuries, Western thought dominated by positivist and materialist philosophies, which reshaped discussions about religion and society. Concepts such as the nature of the sacred and the origins of religion are being increasingly interpreted through human-centred and naturalistic perspectives. These intellectual movements found their way into the Ottoman and later Turkish intellectual landscape, significantly influencing scholars like Yaltkaya. Faced with these new currents, he sought to redefine the discipline of Kalam (Islamic theology) in a manner that could engage with contemporary sociological thought. His most significant intellectual contribution in this regard was his proposal of “Ijtimâî İlm-i Kelam” (Sociological Science of Kalam), which sought to explain Kalam using sociological methods and data. The originality of this project is evident in that Yaltkaya was the first to both name and outline its framework. Yaltkaya’s project significantly shaped by the ideas of Émile Durkheim and Ziya Gökalp, two major figures in sociology. Durkheim’s work on the sociology of religion, particularly his concept of societal sanctity, played a crucial role in Yaltkaya’s thought process. Similarly, Gökalp’s emphasis on national identity and social structures influenced the development of the Ijtimâî İlm-i Kelam project. Yaltkaya’s approach fundamentally revolved around the concept of sacredness as a social construct. His efforts aimed to modernise Islamic thought by integrating sociological insights into theological discourse, a task he saw as essential for engaging with the contemporary world. However, Yaltkaya’s approach was not without its challenges. The primary issue with his project was the potential conflation of divinely sourced sanctity with societal sanctity. Durkheim’s theories suggest that religious beliefs and practices emerge as expressions of collective social consciousness rather than divine revelation. Yaltkaya’s adoption of this framework raised concerns about whether his project inadvertently reduced the divine aspect of religion to a mere social function. It remains unclear whether Yaltkaya was fully aware of this implication or whether he deliberately overlooked it. Nonetheless, this conceptual tension hindered the broader acceptance and development of his thesis.&nbsp;Additionally, various intellectual movements in the early Republican period, particularly those advocating for religious reform, reflected elements of Yaltkaya’s ideas. However, these initiatives often faced resistance and struggled to gain traction. One of the main criticisms of Yaltkaya’s project was that it seemed to depart from a transcendental conception of God by grounding religious beliefs in social structures. This shift challenged traditional theological perspectives and invited scrutiny from scholars who argued that it compromised the metaphysical foundations of Kalam. Furthermore, Yaltkaya’s project lacked a systematic structure, making it difficult to establish a comprehensive theological framework. Despite these critiques, Yaltkaya’s sociological insights into religion, morality, and faith were significant contributions. He attempted to make Islam more comprehensible to modern society by engaging with contemporary intellectual trends. His work demonstrated an awareness of the challenges posed by positivism and materialism, yet his attempt to integrate sociological methods into Kalam ultimately fell short of creating a fully developed theological system. To understand Yaltkaya’s intellectual endeavour, it is crucial to consider the historical context in which he was working. The late Ottoman and early Republican periods characterised by efforts to reconcile Islam with modernity. Scholars and reformers sought ways to address the perceived stagnation of Islamic thought and institutions. Yaltkaya’s Ijtimâî İlm-i Kelam was one such attempt, reflecting the broader intellectual trends of the time. However, his reliance on Durkheimian sociology led to conceptual challenges that prevented his project from achieving a lasting impact. Given these challenges, further research is needed to refine and develop Yaltkaya’s ideas. Although his project was incomplete, it provides a valuable foundation for exploring the social dimensions of religion. Future studies could benefit from incorporating insights from disciplines such as psychology, anthropology, and historical methodology to create a more comprehensive approach to Kalam. By broadening the scope of analysis beyond sociology, scholars may be able to address the limitations of Yaltkaya’s framework and develop new perspectives on contemporary theological issues. In conclusion, Mehmet Şerefeddin Yaltkaya’s Ijtimâî İlm-i Kelam was an ambitious attempt to modernise Islamic theology by integrating sociological insights. However, due to its conceptual ambiguities and its heavy reliance on Durkheimian thought, the project remained an unfinished endeavour. Yaltkaya’s association of sacredness with societal consensus was particularly problematic, as it risked reducing the divine aspect of religion to a social construct. Additionally, the strong influence of Western positivist and materialist currents on Yaltkaya’s thought contributed to the shortcomings of his project. A more productive approach would involve analysing traditional conceptions of the sacred through sociological perspectives without fully adopting positivist frameworks. &nbsp;Despite its flaws, Yaltkaya’s work remains relevant for contemporary discussions on Islam and modernity. His attempt to bridge the gap between theology and sociology highlights the importance of interdisciplinary approaches in religious studies. While his specific framework may not have provided a systematic Kalam model, the broader questions he raised about the role of religion in society continue to be of scholarly interest. By critically engaging with his ideas and addressing their limitations, future research can build upon his efforts to develop a more robust understanding of the relationship between religion and society in the modern world. Ultimately, Yaltkaya’s project serves as a reminder that theological inquiry must evolve in response to changing intellectual landscapes. Although his Ijtimâî İlm-i Kalam did not achieve widespread acceptance, it represents an important step in the ongoing dialogue between Islam and contemporary thought. The challenges he faced underscore the difficulties of integrating sociological methods into theology, but they also highlight the potential for interdisciplinary approaches to enrich our understanding of religion. By revisiting and refining his ideas, scholars can continue to explore new ways of addressing the intellectual and social challenges facing the Islamic world today.

Dârülfünun İlahiyat Fakültesi’nde Yeni Bir Kelam Denemesi;  Şerefeddin Yaltkaya (1880-1947)’nın İctimâi İlm-i Kelam Projesi  Üzerine Bir Değerlendirme

@JOURNAL_BOX_CURRENT

Nadji

This paper provides a comprehensive examination of the systems of fatwa (Islamic legal opinion) and the judiciary in Algeria during the Ottoman era (1516-1830), focusing on their administrative, social, and political dimensions. This study highlights how these systems evolved under Ottoman rule, reflecting the interplay between local traditions and &nbsp;Ottoman administrative practices. By analysing the structure, functioning, and challenges of the fatwa and judiciary systems, this research sheds light on their role in maintaining social order, religious cohesion, and political stability in Ottoman Algeria.Historical Context and Pre-Ottoman Systems:Before the Ottoman period, the fatwa system in Algeria was largely informal, relying on local scholars who were consulted by the community on religious and legal matters. These scholars, known for their piety and knowledge, were not officially appointed but gained authority through their reputation and expertise. The judiciary system was similarly decentralised, with local leaders and tribal councils resolving disputes based on Islamic law (Sharia) and customary practices. The Maliki school of jurisprudence, predominant among the local population, served as the primary legal framework.Ottoman Reforms and Centralisation:With the arrival of the Ottomans in the early 16th century, significant changes were introduced to the fatwa and judiciary systems. The Ottomans, who followed the Hanafi school of jurisprudence, sought to integrate Algeria into their administrative and legal framework while accommodating the local Maliki tradition. To achieve this, they established a dual system of fatwa and judiciary, appointing two muftis: one for the Hanafi school (representing the Ottoman state) and one for the Maliki school (catering to the local population). This dual system ensured that both legal traditions were respected and applied. The judiciary was similarly reorganised, with the introduction of Sharia courts that operated under the supervision of Ottoman-appointed judges (qadis). These courts were established in major cities such as Algiers, Constantine, and Oran and were divided into the Hanafi and Maliki branches to accommodate the legal needs of the population. In addition to the Sharia courts, scholarly councils were created to function as appellate bodies, reviewing complex cases and ensuring the consistency of legal rulings.Structure and Functioning of the Judicial System:The hierarchical structure and dual legal framework characterised the judicial system in Ottoman Algeria. At the base of the system were the Sharia courts, which handled everyday legal matters, including family disputes, property transactions, and criminal cases. Each court was presided over by a qadi, assisted by a group of legal scholars and notaries (udul) who documented the legal proceedings and issued official rulings. Above the Sharia courts were the scholarly councils, which served as appellate bodies and advisory panels. These councils, composed of senior muftis, qadis, and representatives&nbsp; of the political authority, reviewed contentious cases and provided guidance on complex legal issues. The councils also played a role in standardising legal practices and ensuring that rulings were consistent with both Islamic law and Ottoman administrative policies.&nbsp;In major cities, the presence of military courts further reinforced the judicial system. These courts handled cases involving Ottoman soldiers and officials and operated independently of the Sharia courts under military jurisdiction. However, civilians could also appeal to the military courts in certain circumstances, particularly in cases involving disputes with the Ottoman authorities.Regional Variations and Rural Justice:&nbsp;While the judicial system in urban centres was highly structured and centralised, rural areas and remote regions maintained more informal and decentralised systems of justice. In these areas, tribal leaders, local councils, or Sufi sheikhs often resolved disputes, applying a combination of Islamic law and customary practices. The Ottomans, recognising the importance of these traditional systems, allowed them to function alongside the formal judiciary, provided they did not conflict with Ottoman authority. In regions such as Touat and Mzab, which were geographically isolated and culturally distinct, the judicial system was largely independent of Ottoman control. These regions, which followed the Ibadi school of jurisprudence, had their own legal traditions and institutions, including councils of elders and religious scholars who adjudicated disputes and issued fatwas. The Ottomans, while nominally in control of these regions, generally refrained from interfering in their internal affairs, opting instead to maintain a loose form of suzerainty.The Role of Muftis and Qadis:Muftis and qadis played a central role in the fatwa and judiciary systems of Ottoman Algeria. Muftis, as experts in Islamic law, were responsible for issuing fatwas on a wide range of religious, legal, and social issues. Their rulings, which were based on the principles of the Hanafi or Maliki schools, provided guidance to individuals, communities, and the state. Qadis, on the other hand, were responsible for adjudicating legal disputes and ensuring that justice was administered in accordance with Islamic law. The appointment of muftis and qadis was a highly political process, reflecting the interplay between religious authority and state power. In the early Ottoman period, the central government in Istanbul often appointed muftis and qadis directly, ensuring their loyalty to the Ottoman state. However, over time, the appointment process became more localised, with regional governors and local elites playing a greater role in selecting candidates. This shift reflected the growing autonomy of the Algerian provinces and the increasing influence of local elites in the administration of justice.Challenges and Pressures:Despite their central role in the legal and religious life of Ottoman Algeria, the muftis and qadis faced numerous challenges and pressures. One of the most significant challenges was the need to balance religious principles with political realities. Muftis and qadis were often caught between the demands of the Ottoman state, which sought to maintain control and stability, and the expectations of the local population, which looked to them for justice and moral guidance. Political pressures were particularly acute in cases involving disputes between the Ottoman authorities and local elites or communities. Muftis and qadis who were perceived as too independent or critical of the state risked being removed from their positions or even facing persecution. At the same time, those who were seen as too closely aligned with the state risked losing the trust and respect of the community. Economic pressures also posed a challenge for the muftis and qadis, many whom relied on stipends and endowments for their livelihood. While some muftis and qadis could accumulate significant wealth and influence, others struggled to cover their basic expenses, particularly in rural areas where resources were scarce. This economic vulnerability sometimes led to corruption and abuse of power, undermining the integrity of the judicial system.Social and Cultural Impact:The fatwa and judiciary systems had a profound impact on the social and cultural life of Ottoman Algeria. By providing a framework for resolving disputes and administering justice, these systems helped maintain social order and cohesion in a diverse and often fragmented society. They also played a key role in preserving and transmitting Islamic legal and religious traditions, ensuring that these traditions remained central to the identity and values of the Algerian population. The dual system of fatwa and judiciary, which accommodated both the Hanafi and Maliki schools of jurisprudence, reflected the pluralistic nature of Ottoman Algeria and the Ottomans ability to adapt to local conditions. This system not only facilitated the integration of Algeria into the Ottoman Empire but also allowed for the coexistence of different legal and religious traditions, contributing to the cultural and intellectual richness of the region. In addition, religious and cultural diversity characterised Ottoman Algeria, with non Muslim communities such as Jews and foreign nationals living within its borders. The judicial system for these communities was organised through special frameworks, such as rabbinical courts for Jews and consular courts for foreign nationals. Rabbinical courts handled civil matters like marriage, divorce, and inheritance, while criminal cases and disputes involving non-Jews were referred to Islamic Sharia courts.Conclusion:&nbsp;&nbsp;In conclusion, the systems of the fatwa and judiciary in Ottoman Algeria were complex and multifaceted, reflecting the interplay between religious authority, state power, and local traditions. While the Ottomans introduced significant reforms to centralise and standardise these systems, they also recognised the importance of accommodating local practices and traditions. The result was a legal and religious framework that was both flexible and resilient, capable of adapting to the diverse needs and challenges of Ottoman Algeria. Through their role in administering justice and providing religious guidance, the muftis and qadis played a central role in maintaining social order and cohesion in Ottoman Algeria. Despite the challenges and pressures they faced, these religious and legal scholars helped to preserve the integrity of Islamic law and ensure its continued relevance in a rapidly changing world. Their legacy continues to shape the legal and religious landscape of Algeria to this day.

Osmanlı Döneminde Cezayir’de Fetva ve Yargı Sistemi: İdari, Sosyal ve Siyasi Gelişmeler  Üzerine Bir İnceleme

Selim

The science of Qirāʾāt, or Qur’anic recitation, constitutes a critical field within the Islamic sciences, emerging as part of the broader endeavour to safeguard the verbal integrity of the Qur’an following the Prophet Muhammad’s (pbuh) demise. Rooted in the notion of the seven-letter concession (al-aḥruf al-sabʿa), which recognises divinely sanctioned recitational flexibility, Qirāʾāt evolved into a rigorous discipline centred on tracing, documenting, and analysing the variant readings of the Qur’an transmitted through meticulously preserved isnād (chains of transmission). These variations, whether phonetic or lexical, not only facilitated the oral transmission of the divine text across a linguistically diverse ummah but also infused the exegetical landscape with unparalleled richness and interpretive plurality.Within Qirāʾāt, two fundamental categories have been classically recognised: Uṣūl and Farsh al-Ḥurūf. Uṣūl refers to the systematic principles governing recitation, including articulation, elongation, and stopping rules (tajwīd), and typically does not alter semantic content. In contrast, Farsh al-Ḥurūf pertains to dispersed lexical variants that often yield different semantic shades, theological nuances, or legal implications. Over centuries, Farsh readings have served as crucial references for scholars in tafsīr (Qur’anic exegesis), fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence), kalām (theology), and especially taṣawwuf (Islamic mysticism), shaping multiple layers of meaning embedded in Qur’anic discourse.This study focuses on the intersection between Qirāʾāt and Sufi hermeneutics, with particular attention to the work of Muḥyiddīn Ibn al-ʿArabī (d. 638/1240), whose encyclopaedic treatise al-Futūḥāt al-Makkīyya represents a unique fusion of exoteric and esoteric Islamic knowledge. This study investigates how Ibn al-ʿArabī, one of the most influential metaphysical thinkers in Islam, employed variant recitations not merely as philological data but as tools for constructing symbolic, metaphysical, and ontological meanings. By doing so, this research reveals how technical disciplines such as Qirāʾāt become spiritually and philosophically fertile ground within Sufi frameworks.Born in Murcia and educated in the rich scholarly environment of al-Andalus, Ibn al-ʿArabī received instruction in the Qirāʾāt al-sabʿ under Abū Bakr al-Lahmī. His educational background endowed him with both theoretical and practical knowledge of Qur’anic recitation. Although he did not author dedicated works on Qirāʾāt, his extensive referencing and subtle use of recitational variants in al-Futūḥāt attest to his profound familiarity with the science. His intellectual itinerary—spanning Seville, Tunis, Mecca, Baghdad, Mosul, Konya, and Damascus—exposed him to a wide array of Qur’anic readings and interpretive traditions, which he eventually synthesised into a distinct metaphysical cosmology centred on divine unity (waḥdat al-wujūd).Al-Futūḥāt al-Makkīyya, composed over two decades and encompassing thirty-seven&nbsp;volumes, integrates discourses on cosmology, ontology, theology, and Qur’anic exegesis. Although it is not a conventional tafsīr, it contains hundreds of references to Qur’anic verses, frequently accompanied by ḥadīth citations and interpretations that display sensitivity to both recitational form and spiritual substance. Central to Ibn al-ʿArabī’s methodology is the conviction that the Qur’an is not only a textual revelation but also a mirror of the cosmos—a dynamic, multilayered expression of divine attributes and ontological truths.One of the most intriguing aspects of Ibn al-ʿArabī’s engagement with Qirāʾāt is his metaphysical interpretation of phonetic phenomena. He opens his discussions with linguistic and tajwīd-based details—such as the articulation points (makhārij alḥurūf) and the characteristics of letters (ṣifāt)—and proceeds to assign ontological and cosmological functions to these elements. Letters, in his view, are not inert phonemes but living realities through which divine breath (nafas al-Raḥmānī) manifests existence. For instance, the letter alif becomes the metaphysical prototype of all letters and beings, paralleling the ʿaql al-awwal (first intellect) in Neoplatonic and Islamic philosophical cosmology. The breath that causes letters is mirrored in the divine breath that animates creation, making speech and existence two facets of the same reality.Ibn al-ʿArabī extends this framework to the science of elongation (madd), particularly concerning the role of alif as the foundational letter for phonetic lengthening. He correlates various degrees of madd—one, two, three, or four alifs—with the levels of ontological descent: intellect, soul, nature, ether, and body. He draws on classical recitational authorities such as Abū ʿAmr, Ibn ʿĀmir, Warsh, and Ḥamzah to support these correlations, suggesting that the degrees of phonetic prolongation serve as symbolic markers of existential gradation. Thus, even technical tajwīd features are imbued with philosophical and cosmological meaning.Furthermore, Ibn al-ʿArabī engages with the juridical aspects of recitation, particularly the issues surrounding istiʿādhah and basmalah. In chapter 101 of al-Futūḥāt, he delves into the theological significance of the divine names in the basmalah and addresses the classical dispute regarding the presence or absence of the basmalah at the beginning of Sūrat al-Tawbah. He ultimately sides with the opinion that al-Tawbah is a continuation of al-Anfāl, hence justifying the omission. While he does not perform independent ijtihād in these matters, his detailed knowledge of canonical practices and regional customs underscores his deep immersion in Qirāʾāt discourse.The study also categorises Ibn al-ʿArabī’s references to variant readings into two functional types. First, some verses are cited with awareness of recitational differences but without hermeneutic elaboration (e.g., al-Fātiḥah 6, al-Māʾidah 6). In these cases, he merely recorded the variants, often acknowledging their canonical or anomalous status. Second, and more significantly, there are verses in which he actively employs Qirāʾāt variations to deepen his esoteric interpretations. In Sūrat al-Baqara 222, the contrast between yaṭhurn (“they become pure”) and yataṭahharn (“they purify themselves”) is used to reflect on passive versus active spiritual purification. Similarly, the noun-verb distinction in Āl ʿImrān 97 (ḥijj vs. ḥajj) is interpreted as indicating the outer pilgrimage to Mecca and the inner pilgrimage of the heart.Other examples include his commentary on al-Anʿām 14 and Ṭāhā 13, where recitational shifts serve as entry points for metaphysical discussions on divine speech, manifestation, and unity. In Yā Sīn 38, he reflects on the variant attributed to Ibn Masʿūd to explore the cyclical, ever-renewing nature of divine will as it unfolds in cosmic time. These readings show how Ibn al-ʿArabī uses Qirāʾāt not as mere linguistic artefacts but as portals into deeper realities.Ultimately, this study affirms that Ibn al-ʿArabī’s treatment of Qirāʾāt exemplifies a sophisticated interplay between linguistic form and mystical content. By linking technical precision with spiritual insight, he reimagines recitation as a metaphysical act that both reflects and enacts the divine order. His unique contribution lies in the way he expands the interpretive potential of Qirāʾāt beyond traditional boundaries, transforming it into a vehicle for unveiling the unseen dimensions of revelation.

Kıraat Farklılıklarının Tasavvufî Yoruma Etkisi: İbnü’l-Arabî’nin el-Fütûhât-ı Mekkiyye Adlı Eseri Bağlamında

Ozat

The ongoing debates surrounding the existence and nature of a distinct methodology for Islamic economics remain a central point of scholarly contention. Islamic economics, as a discipline, has evolved in response to the challenges posed by modernity, globalisation, and the increasing demand for ethical financial systems that align with the principles of Islamic law (Shariah). On the one hand, there are scholarly efforts aimed at liberating Islamic economics from the constraints of Islamic law, advocating for a more independent and scientific approach to economic theory and practice. These efforts emphasise the need for Islamic economics to develop its own unique methodologies that are not overly reliant on the rigid interpretations of Shariah law. On the other hand, some scholars regard economics as an integral sub-discipline of Islamic law, and therefore, the principles of Islamic law must fundamentally shape and guide all economic theories and practices within this framework. However, a more balanced perspective has emerged that seeks to do justice to both disciplines. This approach recognises the unique contributions that Islamic law can offer to economic theory while also advocating for the development of methodologies in Islamic economics that can be applied more universally across different contexts. In this way, both Islamic economics and Islamic law are treated as separate, but complementary, disciplines, each contributing to the development of a well-rounded understanding of the economic system envisioned by Islam.Within this context, one of the methodological challenges facing Islamic economics is the issue of istidlāl fiqhī (legal substantiation). Istidlāl fiqhī refers to the process of substantiating and justifying a particular matter or position based on textual sources (naṣṣ) or through one of the established methods of ijtihād (independent legal reasoning). In other words, istidlāl is the act of using legal reasoning to derive rulings or conclusions grounded in Islamic law. It is a critical aspect of legal scholarship and plays a fundamental role in shaping the way Islamic economics and finance are understood and applied.The importance of legal substantiation in Islamic economics cannot be overstated, as the discipline is deeply rooted in the principles of Shariah law. Islamic economics draws heavily from the teachings of the Qur’an, the Sunnah (Prophetic traditions), and the body of jurisprudence developed by Islamic scholars over centuries. Therefore, products and theories developed within this field are often analysed and critiqued from a fiqhbased perspective. A significant portion of the academic literature on Islamic economics engages in legal substantiation to legitimise new financial products or economic theories in accordance with the principles of Islamic law. The goal of these studies is often to ensure that the products and practices of Islamic economics do not violate the core tenets of Islamic ethics and law.An examination of the existing literature on ijtihād and istidlāl fiqhī reveals that these concepts are often treated in broad, generalised terms. While some works focus on specific and narrower subjects such as legal substantiation through maqāṣid (the objectives of&nbsp;Shariah), maṣlaḥah (public interest), and textual sources (naṣṣ), it becomes evident that the fiqh-related challenges pertaining to Islamic economics have not been addressed in sufficient depth. Most studies focus on isolated examples or the application of particular principles in a limited context, without fully exploring the broader methodological challenges faced by the field as a whole.The aim of this study, therefore, is to identify, classify, and critically analyse the errors, challenges, and inappropriate applications encountered in the process of legal substantiation within academic research on Islamic economics. This study seeks to address the gap between the “current state” of Islamic economics research and the “ideal state” envisioned by scholars and practitioners of Islamic law. By doing so, the study offers recommendations to bridge these gaps and resolve the challenges identified in the research process.The study focuses specifically on academic studies as its primary subject of inquiry. In order to gather data, a selection of article samples was made from prominent academic databases, including TRDizin, Web of Science (WoS), and Scopus. These databases were chosen because they provide access to various peer-reviewed academic articles in the field of Islamic economics and finance. The data analysis phase involved employing a qualitative research methodology that relied on content and literature analysis. This method allowed for a critical evaluation of the legal substantiation methods utilised in academic studies, while also enabling the identification of recurring patterns, issues, and flaws in the way legal reasoning is applied in Islamic economics research.The findings of this research indicate that challenges related to legal substantiation manifest in several distinct forms, each of which represents a different aspect of the fiqh-related issues in Islamic economics. These forms of challenges include: (a) direct inference from textual sources (naṣṣ); (b) misuse of the principles of fiqh (uṣūl al-fiqh); (c) inference through legal maxims (qawāʿid fiqhiyyah); and (d) reliance on legal school (madhhab) opinions and issues related to ijtihād. Each of these categories presents unique challenges that can undermine the integrity and methodological rigour of Islamic economics research.a) Direct inference from textual sources (naṣṣ): This challenge refers to the use of Qur’anic verses and Prophetic traditions on legal rulings (aḥkām) in a literal and decontextualised manner. In this approach, researchers often cite the texts as authoritative sources for legal rulings, but they fail to benefit from exegesis (tafsīr), commentaries (sharḥ), or explanatory notes (ḥāshiyah). As a result, the texts are often employed as mere tools for legitimisation, stripped of their broader contextual and interpretative dimensions. This approach can lead to a shallow understanding of the texts, overlooking the historical, cultural, and linguistic factors that shape their meanings.b) Misuse of uṣūl al-fiqh principles: One of the key challenges in Islamic economics is the misuse or arbitrary interpretation of the principles of uṣūl al-fiqh, which govern&nbsp;the process of legal reasoning in Islamic law. Principles such as maqāṣid (the objectives of Shariah), maṣlaḥah (public interest), and ḍarūrah (necessity) are often invoked in Islamic economics research to justify certain economic practices or theories. However, these principles are sometimes applied in ways that leave little room for the possibility of impermissibility, rendering nearly all matters permissible. This can lead to a lack of methodological rigour and an over-reliance on vague justifications for economic practices. c) Misapplication of legal maxims (qawāʿid fiqhiyyah): Legal maxims are a crucial aspect of Islamic jurisprudence, providing concise, general principles that guide legal reasoning in specific cases. However, the improper use of these maxims presents a critical problem in Islamic economics. These maxims require extensive effort and contextualisation for their application to specific issues, but they are sometimes used inappropriately or without due regard for their proper methodological application. This can result in the misinterpretation or distortion of their original meanings, leading to flawed legal reasoning. d) Uncritical reliance on madhhab opinions: The eclectic approach to legal reasoning, known as talfīq, is common in contemporary Islamic finance. It involves drawing on the opinions of various madhāhib (Islamic schools of thought) in order to develop a legal ruling. While this approach allows for flexibility in addressing contemporary issues, it often leads to an uncritical reliance on opinions from different schools of thought without fully considering the underlying principles or the specific context in which these opinions were formulated. Additionally, the practice of “fiqh-based problem formulation” (takyīf fiqhī) is often inadequately conducted, which can result in a failure to properly address modern economic problems within a fiqh framework.Lastly, the study highlights significant discrepancies between the ijtihād activities undertaken by fatwa committees in the context of Islamic economics and finance and those carried out in academic research. Fatwa committees typically engage in a rigorous, methodologically sound process of ijtihād to address contemporary issues in Islamic finance, whereas academic research often lacks the same level of methodological rigour. This discrepancy shows that the academic community could benefit from closer collaboration with fatwa committees in order to ensure that research in Islamic economics is grounded in the same level of legal rigour and contextual sensitivity.The study concludes by presenting a series of recommendations aimed at resolving the identified challenges. These recommendations include improving the quality of legal reasoning in academic research, promoting a deeper understanding of religious texts and the principles of uṣūl al-fiqh, and encouraging the proper application of legal maxims. By addressing these issues, it is hoped that the field of Islamic economics can evolve into a more robust and rigorous discipline, grounded in the principles of Islamic law while remaining responsive to the challenges of the modern world.

İslam Ekonomisi ve Finansı ile İlgili Çalışmalarda Metodolojik Sorun: Fıkhî İstidlâl

Özkan

This article endeavours to address the role of the sword and violence, which is considered a factor in the spread of Islām by anti-Islamic circles, by analysing its roots in Christian polemical literature and the perspective of Mutakallimūn and their counter-arguments. Following the death of the Prophet Muhammad (pbuh), Islām began to spread rapidly outside the Arabian Peninsula to Iran, Syria, Palestine, Egypt, North Africa, Spain, and Sicily. In numerous regions where Islamic armies did not set foot, Islām was accepted through the skills and contributions of merchants, preachers and sūfīs. This rapid spread of Islām has become a matter of curiosity among researchers, and they have attempted to explain this phenomenon through various reasons. Among the mentioned explanations, there is also an approach that explains the spread solely through the use of the sword. In accordance with this perspective, people in these regions converted to Islām because of coercion and violence.This orientalist claim about Islām can be traced back to some Christian apologists. Their criticism of the spread of Islām by the sword can be dated back to the end of the 7th century and the beginning of the 8th century. Whereas Christianity, positioned as a religion of love, spread all over the world through miracles and evidence; Islām is frequently presented as a religion associated with the sword. Contrary to this view, the majority of Mutakallimūn reject the claim that Islām spread through violence, arguing that preaching and reasoning played an important role in the spread of Islām. This article aims to investigate the aforementioned claim through the works of Christians such as Hūnayn b. Isḥāq (d. 259/873), ʿAmmār al-Baṣrī (800-870), ʿAbd al-Masīh b. Isḥāq al-Kindī (III/IXth century), and Būluṣ ibn Rajāʾ (IV/Xth century).&nbsp;Additionally, this study will undertake a thorough examination and critical analysis of the perspectives and counterarguments put forth by eminent theologians and intellectuals who addressed this claim in the classical period such as Abū alḤasan al-ʿĀmirī (d. 381/992), Qāḍī ʿAbd al-Jabbār (d. 415/1025), Ibn al-Malāḥimī (d. 536/1141), al-Zahidī al-Ghazminī (d. 658/1260), Shihāb al-Dīn al-Qarāfī (d. 684/1285). In opposing this claim, Qāḍī ʿAbd al-Jabbār (d. 415/1025) acknowledges Prophet Muhammad’s (pbuh) use of the sword but stresses that the spread of Islām was not solely through the sword. He particularly points out that despite the oppression and persecution Muslims faced during the Meccan period, people continued to accept Islām. He insists that Muslims chose Islām not because of the sword but despite it. Furthermore, when comparing it with the spread of Christianity, Qāḍī ʿAbd al-Jabbār claims that it was actually Christianity that spread by force and sword during the Constantine period, and emphasises that unlike Christianity, there was no imposition like “either convert or die” in Islām. He draws attention to the dhimmī status as an alternative to these two options.&nbsp;Scholars like al-ʿĀmirī approach the subject from a different perspective, arguing that jihad is a type of war conducted for legitimate reasons and is a mercy for humanity. He emphasises that Prophet Muhammad’s (pbuh) wars stemmed from necessity and that if a solution could have been found without bloodshed, it would have been preferred. al-Zahidī al-Ghazminī emphasises that jihad did not begin with the Prophet Muhammad (pbuh) and presents a historical perspective on jihad, demonstrating that it predates Islamic tradition. He points to biblical prophets such as Moses, Aaron, David, and Solomon who engaged in warfare, establishing that armed struggle was not unique to the Prophet Muhammad’s (pbuh) time. According to al-Ghazminī, the fundamental purpose of jihad is not aggression but rather the protection of people and their property.&nbsp;Shihāb al-Dīn al-Qarāfī draws attention to the contradictions of these claimmakers by reminding them that Christians fought despite their sacred texts’ calls for peace. In al-Qarāfī’s theological framework, jihad embodies both a divine imperative and a commendable practice that has manifested consistently throughout the course of human history. al-Qarāfī further argues that the historical spread of Christianity also occurred through wars and tyranny, and that Christianity could not have survived without this military expansion. al-Hazrajī (d. 559/1164) and al-Qurtubī (d. 671/1273) present similar arguments to al-Qarāfī. These three scholars argue that the historical spread of Christianity also occurred through wars and tyranny, and that Christianity could not have survived without this military expansion. According to them, Christians display an attitude that contradicts their own religious principles that promote peace and prohibit hostility.&nbsp;Ibn al-Malāḥimī addresses the claim that Islām spread by the sword in the context of the necessity of reasoning. It is seen that this claim, which has Christian origins, is also a phenomenon seen among anti-kalam Muslims. It appears that Ibn al-Malāḥimī’s addressees were Muslims, unlike the previous scholars. The person whom Ibn al-Malāḥimī criticises without naming is most likely al-Ghazālī (d. 505/1111). As shown in recent studies, al-Ghazālī is a figure whom Ibn al-Malāḥimī both used as a source and tried to respond to. al-Malāḥimī subjects this claim to critical evaluation by stating that truth cannot emerge through the sword and military victory cannot be the measure of truth. On the other hand, al-Ghazālī adopts an approach that accepts the sword factor and argues that the sword was a more effective factor than reasoning processes, although he addresses this issue from a significantly different context and epistemological framework than the Christian perspective. He thinks that most non-believers became Muslims under the shadow of swords and argues that the sword was a more effective factor than reasoning processes. However, the historical and intellectual background of his treatment of this issue in a very different context and epistemological ground from the Christian claim will be examined.This article aims to comprehensively address the historical and theological perspectives and demonstrate the multifaceted and complex nature of the spread of Islām, which cannot be reduced to a single cause. By examining the writings of Mutakallimūn, it underscores the significance of considering reasoning and rational argumentation among the reasons for the conversion process, while also drawing attention to the necessity of contextualising the role of the sword and conquest within the geopolitical context of the classical Islamic world.

İslâm’ın Şiddet Yoluyla Yayıldığı İddiası: Tartışmanın Tarihsel Kökenleri ve Kelâmcıların Savunusu

Şinasi

There is no homogeneous attitude among the belief systems known as “Gnostic traditions” in terms of conversion, missionary activity, and intercultural marriage. While some favour missionary activities and intermarriage, others oppose it, limiting religious affiliation to birth or descent. The Gnostic traditions’ attitudes towards conversion and missionary activity are somehow related to their approach in the context of the doctrine of election. Adherents of almost all Gnostic traditions accept themselves as the chosen people. In most Gnostic belief systems, including the Mandaean religion, being elected is related to lineage and privilege over others. While in the Gnostic traditions such as Manichaeism, election is only related to adherence to the message of gnosis, the message/ teaching of truth and salvation, and there is therefore no election based on adherence to a particular pure lineage, the others such as Mandaeism relates the election to a particular pure lineage. Throughout history, the Mandaean tradition has been characterised by its inward-oriented nature in terms of its message of truth and salvation, and has traditionally distanced itself from conversion, missionary work, and intercultural marriage. The overwhelming majority of the Mandaeans maintain the traditional belief that the Mandaean tradition is a belief system that continues through descent. Accordingly, those who are not born to a Mandaean mother and father, or who somehow have only a Mandaean mother or father, are not considered to be Mandaean. The Mandaeans believe that this understanding, to which they traditionally adhere, is supported by both the centuries-long practice of the Mandaean religion from the past to the present and the texts in their sacred scriptures that refer to this tradition. In line with this traditional acceptance, the Mandaean tradition appears as an ethnocentric religion based on ethnic identity in terms of religious affiliation. The Mandaeans consider themselves the first people on earth, “sons and daughters of light” descended from the cosmic hidden/secret Adam. In fact, the Mandaean tradition holds that the Mandaeans and non-Mandaeans have two different origins. According to the Mandaean scriptures, the Mandaeans, the people of Mshunai Kushta (heaven), are the products of the first creation; the other peoples are of the second creation. This second creation is an event that occurs through the intervention of demonic forces. Accordingly, with the sacred origin narratives in Mandaean mythology, one based on the period of the first creation of man and the other on the aftermath of&nbsp;Noah’s flood, the Mandaeans distinguish themselves from others in terms of origin as a chosen people who possess the knowledge of truth (kushta). With this origin myth, they emphasise that their precedency is also an election in terms of lineage. It can be argued that the Jewish tradition has an influence on this conception of lineage as being elected and the identity of religious identity and ethnic identity in the Mandaean tradition. In the sacred scriptures, the Mandaeans are called to stay away from the others, called by names such as “the darkness”, “the twelve gate houses”, “the Jews” and “the Chaldeans”, and their food and drink, not to mix with them, and not to befriend them. This rule of not mixing with and avoiding non-Mandaeans also includes not marrying them. Accordingly, today, Mandaeism is traditionally closed to conversion and marriage with people of other faiths. It is emphasised that one can only become a Mandaean through lineage and therefore missionary work is not allowed. Although this is the general opinion of today’s Mandaean community, it is seen that different views have been discussed recently, especially among some members of the community living in the diaspora. It is known that some academic circles prominent in Mandaean studies have recently supported the critical approach of the Mandaean community against this traditional attitude of being closed to conversion in the context of the doctrine of election in Mandaeism. In this regard, it is argued that certain statements in the Mandaean scriptures allow for the possibility that, at least in a certain period of history, Mandaeism permitted conversion and marriage with people of different religions. Among the narratives in the Mandaean scriptures that have been discussed in this regard, some narratives about Manda d Hayye (Knowledge of Life) revealing himself to all human beings, a narrative about Anush Uthra spreading the message of truth among the Jews and gaining believers from them, and the story of Meryey (Mary) are particularly noteworthy. It has been argued that these narratives may be evidence for the inclusion of conversion in the early Mandaean tradition. For example, the story of Meryey is taken as an example of the transition from Judaism to Mandaeism, and it is emphasised that the text about Meryey tells that Yahia Yuhana (John the Baptist) preached his faith to the Jews and that there were those among the Jews who followed his invitation, as in the case of Meryey. Furthermore, the statement in some Mandaean texts about marrying “those who identify themselves with the people of Left” may also be considered as evidence for intercultural marriage. On the other hand, it is noteworthy that various Mandaean writers adhere to the traditional teaching that Mandaeism is completely closed to marriage with non-Mandaean persons. These authors dispute the notion that such narratives in the Mandaean scripture allow for conversion and intercultural marriage. They argue that the narratives of Manda d Hayye revealing himself to the entire human race, Anush Uthra converting the Jews to the doctrine of truth, and Meryey’s submission to John do not imply, as has been claimed, that the Mandaean sources allow for conversion. Considering their context within the text, they interpret these narratives as examples of bringing the message of truth together with the Mandaeans, especially the reintroduction of sinful Mandaeans to the message of truth. According to them, the text about taking daughters from those identified with the people of the Left does not speak of marriages with non-Mandaeans, but of marital relations with sinful Mandaeans who mixed with non-Mandaeans and identified with them. Considering the texts and arguments on the subject of conversion and intercultural marriage in Mandaeism, it is clear that the Mandaeans generally adhere to the traditional teaching that one can only become a Mandaean by being born to a Mandaean mother and father and that marriage with nonMandaeans is strictly forbidden. However, it is noteworthy that some Mandaeans living in the diaspora, especially in the USA and western European countries, have recently expressed different opinions from the main body of the Mandaean tradition on the subject of conversion and marriage. Both the pressures on the Mandaeans living in the diaspora in the context of assimilation and missionary activities of different religions and the desire of some Mandaeans from time to time to establish a marriage relationship with nonMandaeans make it necessary to question the traditional understanding on this issue. They believe that there is a social-historical background to the traditional lack of a favourable view of conversion in Mandaean history, and that the Mandaeans, who had been favourable to conversion until roughly the period of Islamic domination, sought to protect themselves during the period of dominant Islamic rule, and therefore the community tried to close itself off from external influences as much as possible, and thus a widespread understanding prevailed among the community that Mandaeism was only possible through birth to a Mandaean mother and father. In this study, it is emphasised that the traditional approach of Mandaeism, which is closed to conversion and intercultural marriage and that one can only become a Mandaean by descent, is still accepted today both by various Mandaean writers who conduct specialised research on Mandaeism and by the overwhelming majority of the community. However, it is pointed out that the fact that Mandaeism, which is under intense pressure of secularisation and assimilation, especially for those living in the diaspora, is almost disappearing due to this closed structure, and the desire of Mandaean youth, especially in the USA and Europe, to marry from different circles from time to time, has forced the community to seek a way out in these issues. In this regard, some scholars, as well as some Mandaean clerics, argue that narratives in various Mandaean sacred texts, such as the stories of Anush Uthra and Meryey, can be used as references for the possibility of conversion, even though these narratives are deep in history and have mythological elements.

Sâbiîlikte İhtida ve Kültürlerarası Evlilik Problemi

Mohammad

Komünistler İsa’yı Bulduğunda: Darbe Sonrası Endonezya’da Dinî Dönüşümler ve Misyonerlik Manzarası

Osman

Betül Yurtalan’ın ‘‘Mezhep ve Siyaset: Abbâsî-Fâtımî Çekişmesinin Sünnîliğe Etkileri’’ Adlı Eserinin Değerlendirmesi

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Nilüfer

In this article Fuat Sezgin’s claims about the early written sources of the hadīth before the al-Kutub al-Sitta are expanded and discussed according to Arabic Language sources written before the al-Kutub al-Sitta. In order to verify the authenticity of these claims, the ahādīth and the chain system in the al-Baṣra and al-Kūfa Arabic Language books are determined. If the aḥādīth given in these sources comes before the al-Kutub al-Sitta this means that we can reach earlier sources for some ahādīth except the hadīth books. In addition, the method of using the hadīth in these sources, isnāds, and the possible isnāds are examined in a chronological and comparative way. Therefore there are two main questions in this study. The first is “Does the hadīth feature in the Arabic Language Sources” and the second is ”With what method did they give a place to the hadīth.” In order to answer these questions, fundamental and early Arabic Language sources were used such as Halil b. Ahmed’s Kitāb al-ʿAyn which represents the Basra School’s methods and Yaḥyā b. Ziyād al-Farrāʾs al-Maʿāni al-Qur’ân which represents the al-Kūfa School’s methods.The work titled Kitāb al-ʿAyn of Khalīl b. Aḥmad, the first representative of the Basra school, includes somewhat extensive use of the hadīth. Indeed, approximately three hundred and forty one hadīth narratives are included in this work. Of these, two thousand and fifty were narrated only as hadiths, seventy were related to Rasūlullāh and thirty one to the companions. Apart from this, there is no usage of isnād in the work. If we analyse these numbers, we can say that seventy three percent of the narratives are passed only as hadīth, twenty one of them refer to the Prophet and six percent of them to the companions.In this regard, it can be said that only 25% of the narratives of Khalīl b. Aḥmad, conveyed as hadīth, were mentioned in the hadith works before Khalīl b. Aḥmad, Therefore, we can say that Khalīl b. Aḥmad’s work is the first source for many hadīth. In addition, these hadīth, which Khalīl b. Aḥmad described as hadīth, were also conveyed as marfū‛ and mawkūf in hadīth works after him.&nbsp;When the isnads of the narratives are examined, it can be seen that narrators come from different regions such as Kūfa, Basra, Mecca and Medina. In addition, we can say that there are many hadīths in the work that can be described as ṣaḥīḥ (authentic).&nbsp;When it comes to the question of how the hadith narratives reached Khalīl b. Aḥmad, we see that there is a common name in most of the isnāds. This name is Ayyūb asSakhtiyānī (d. 131/749), one of the hadīth narrators. Hence he is also the teacher of Khalīl b. Aḥmad and can be considered to be the person that Khalīl b. Aḥmad, took the hadīth narratives from.The second source of this study is al-Farrāʾs al-Maʿāni al-Qur’ân The most important feature of al-Farrāʾ is that he includes hadīths with isnād in his book. Indeed, as far as we could determine, there are one hundred and sixty seven narratives of hadīth with isnad.&nbsp;Adding the ones with isnads, this number reaches four hundred. Approximately seven of these narratives are based on the Prophet, seventy on the companions and the remaining on the next generations such as ʿAlqama b. Qays (d. 62/682) Masrūk b. al-Ecdā‛ (d. 63/9- 683), Saʿīd b. Cubayr (d. 94/713), Ibrāhīm al-Nakhaʿī (d. 96/714), Mujāhid b. Cabr (d. 103/721), Sulaymān b. Mihrān al-Aʿmash (d.147/764). If we compare these numbers, it can be seen that four percent of the narratives were based on the Prophet, 41 % on the Companions and 55 % on the next generations.&nbsp;Looking at the next generation, it can be seen that the work has the isnād system of the Kūfa region. Moreover, the fact that he includes mubham narrators in thirty three and balāg mode in twenty three of the isnāds is a reminder that the isnāds of ahl alra’y are used in the hadīths. Indeed, the ittisāl in the isnāds in this regard are not very important. The same understanding exists in the Kūfa language school. However, an important feature of the Kūfe language school separating them from ahl al-ray is that they include ʿAbdallāh b. ʿAbbās narratives more than ʿAbdallāh Ibn Masʿūd. Furthermore, when we look at the numbers of the narratives of the companions, we see that fourteen of them are conveyed from ʿAlī , twenty seven from ʿAbdallāh b. ʿAbbās, eighteen from İbn Mesud, six from Aisha, two from Abu Bakr and two from Omar. If we evaluate these numbers, we see that 23% was conveyed from ʿAlī , 37% from ʿAbdallāh b. ʿAbbās, 25% from ʿAbdallāh Ibn Masʿūd, 9% from Aisha and the remaining 6% from Abū Bakr and Omar. But, it is inevitable to say that al-Farrāʾs hadīth generally is not a first source for hadīth. We can find them with their isnāds in ʿAbd al-Razzāq al-Ṣanʿānī’s book and in the other hadīth books before al-Kutub al-Sitta.

Arap Dili Kaynaklarında Hadis Rivayetinin Yeri (Hicri Ilk Üç Asır Örneği)

Sümeyra

Autism is defined as the inability to establish relations with people and situations, the inability to use the language in an adequate and accurate manner, an obsessive repetition of the same behavior, and a developmental problem in which various obsessions are observed. There is no absolute treatment for this developmental problem, which manifests itself in the first or second years of life. However, individuals who have autism are brought into society through education.In Turkey, the education of individuals who have autism is carried out in special education schools, in Inclusive Classes at schools, and in private training centers after the diagnosis is made with individual tests. In these centers, education is carried out with many different disciplines. The Religious Culture and Moral Knowledge (RCMK) courses took their place in special education curricula as a compulsory course for the first time in 2010. This decision brought with it many debates on the existence and teaching of religious courses in autistic individuals. When the literature is reviewed on the possibility of religion and religious education in autistic individuals, it is seen that there are some opinions arguing that autistic individuals cannot perceive religion, and therefore, it is not possible for them to receive any religious education.&nbsp;The basis of these views is that individuals with autism are not able to perceive abstract concepts, metaphorical discourses and symbolic expressions and are insufficient in socializing. The basic arguments of the previous studies are that religions include abstract and symbolic expressions and the participation to congregations is compulsory, which do not comply with the aforementioned characteristics of the autistic individuals. On the other hand, there are also several viewpoints in the literature arguing that autistic individuals are able to perceive religion, create their own image of God, and in case appropriate conditions are prepared, can worship. On the basis of these viewpoints, there is the idea that abstract religious concepts may be explained by using appropriate methods and techniques, and positive contributions may be made to autistic individuals by making use of the socializing sphere of the religion when appropriate conditions are prepared.The different viewpoints on this subject in the literature may affect the legitimacy of the existence of religious courses that are prepared for autistic individuals; and may also be important in determining whether the subjects in the curriculum are suitable for individuals with autism. Based on this, in the present study, previous studies conducted on the possibility of religion and religious education in autistic individuals were examined, and the Religious Culture and Moral Knowledge curricula that were prepared for autistic individuals were evaluated in the light of the data reported by these studies. As a result of the study, it was determined that all of previous studies on religious education in autistic individuals were conducted with individuals who had religions other than Islam or with their families. However, the unique structure of the Islamic religion differs from other&nbsp;religions with the teaching and perception form of it. Based on this, it was decided that the current studies should also be conducted with children of Muslim families in Turkey. In addition, in the literature review, it was also determined in previous studies reporting positive results that practical subjects were focused on in religious education. It was also emphasized that individuals should participate to rituals in an applicable way, Allah should be perceived as a “being” that the individual should feel an attachment and pray to, and religious expressions should be used in everyday life. In this context, it was observed that the RCMK curriculum was based on cognitive acquisitions, and that there were very limited acquisitions on affective and psychomotor fields.In this context, it is possible to argue that the current curriculum does not overlap with the relevant literature at an adequate level. Another interesting point about the RCMK is that the curriculum was prepared for students who had moderate-to-severe mental disabilities and autism spectrum disorder. However, in actual fact, autistic individuals with high-functioning may show different developmental characteristics that are specific to autism, and they may also have normal intelligence function or some superior abilities. The current curriculum does not address high-functioning autism, and there are no other separate curricula prepared for them. In this case, it may be recommended to conduct curriculum development studies for individuals with high-functioning autism. In addition, it was also determined as a result of the present study that the needs of the individuals with autism in terms of religion and religious education must be determined; and subjects, contents and learning-teaching activities must be prepared in line with these needs.&nbsp;It is considered that this study, which was conducted with the Literature Review and Content Analysis Method will shed light on the religious education issue in autistic individuals, which has emerged as a new field of application in our country; and will contribute to curriculum development studies for Religious Culture and Moral Knowledge courses.

Otizmli Çocuklar için İlköğretim Din Kültürü ve Ahlak Bilgisi Dersi Öğretim Programı: Otizmlilerde Din ve Din Eğitiminin İmkânı Tartışmaları Çerçevesinde Bir İnceleme

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Muharrem

This study focuses on the notion of non-fixed heavy punishment in Hanafi penal tradition and its reflection in classic Ottoman kânûns. As is known, in Islamic criminal law, there are severe fixed penalties called had or kısas. These penalties are determined by the Shâri‘a, and take a variety of forms ranging from amputation to death. Apart from these penalties, the public authority is also authorized to impose heavy sanctions when necessary. Hanafî jurists use the terms ta‘zîr and siyâsa to express these sanctions. Those called siyâsa are marked as aggravated. Some authors emphasize this aspect in particular. In fact, in the Hanafî doctrine, the ta‘zîr, which is the basis of siyâsa, is accepted as lighter punishment than for fixed penalties. Apparently, ta‘zîr sanctions that reach or exceed the fixed penalties in terms of being aggravated, are called siyâsa to adhere to this rule.Hanafî jurists often associate non-fixed severe penalties with two causes. These are repetitions of an offense (tekerrur) and the effort for corruption of society (sa‘y bi’lfesâd). Repetition of offenses, which is generally considered to be a cause for severe penalty, usually occurs when certain crimes are committed a second time after being proven guilty. The effort for corruption of society is also generally admitted as a cause for severe penalty, because the perpetrator is attempting to disrupt society. In the Hanafî penal tradition, it is understood that habitual criminals can be heavily punished directly by the public authority on the grounds that they are working to disrupt society. This idea has evolved over time. In this context, Hanafî jurists state that those who commit crimes such as sodomy, killing someone by strangling, or robbery for the second time can be sentenced directly to death by public authority. This understanding can potentially include some crimes that disrupt society even if they are not habitual. Indeed, some Hanafî jurists state that a thief can be sentenced directly to death by the public authority on the grounds that he/she is attempting to disrupt society, whether or not the crime is habitual. From this perspective, even if the crime has been committed only once, it is regarded as repetitive because it deeply disturbs public interest.In the classic Ottoman law books, many references are made to the non-fixed heavy penalty concept of Hanafî. However, elements such as tekerrur, fesâd, and siyâsa, which constitute this understanding, are generally not mentioned together in the articles of law. In most cases, the term siyâsa alone is considered sufficient to imply the basis on which the punishment from the Hanafî tradition is based. This term, which often refers to severe penalties such as death or amputation in the law books, does not impose fines, and is generally related to penalties for habitual criminals who are believed to have attempted to disrupt society. Some articles of the law state that the offense should be habitual to receive heavy punishment, and this condition implicitly includes the rest of the formula. If the perpetrator is a habitual criminal, he or she will be penalized directly by the public authority for working toward the deterioration of society. For instance, some provisions of law order the execution of anyone who has stolen a few times and hand amputation&nbsp;for those who make it a habit to stab somebody or pick somebody’s pocket, and nose amputation for those who habitually corrupt women-men relations. In these provisions, the Ottoman lawmakers seem to be inspired by the concept of Hanafî repetition.&nbsp;In some articles of law, we see that the Ottoman rulers severely punish non-habitual criminals directly according to their own will. They use the death penalty for some crimes besides fixed ones without mentioning repetition. For example, they order hanging for wrongdoers who enter a shop or a house for the purpose of theft, who burn a shop or house deliberately, and who print counterfeit money. It is understood that these wrongdoers are considered habitual criminals for damaging the public interest and that they are to be included in the non-fixed heavy penalty formula. However, it should be noted that this inclusion may open the door to arbitrary and oppressive siyâsa, which some jurists are concerned.

Hanefi Geleneğinden Klasik Osmanlı Kanunlarına Had-Kısas Dışı Ağır Ceza Formülü

Fatma

In our age, as a result of the phenomena of technology, individuality, and globalization, the divorce rate is rapidly increasing despite the change in family structure. Divorce can cause various psychological effects such as trauma. Therefore, the divorced individuals and their children need psychological and social support.&nbsp;With a divorce, if both members are adaptable, it can either prevent the divorce from happening or be a factor that affects an amicable divorce; detecting divorce enhancing or inhibiting factors is an important issue.As in many other areas, religion or religiousness play an important role in the continuation of marriage and divorce. This drove the reasons investigated in our study for what causes a divorce. Divorced individuals were asked questions about the effect of religiousness in the process of marriage and divorce. This research will contribute to the field of marriage and divorce in terms of eliminating the lack of adequate study of the religiosity factor.&nbsp;Our study conducted interviews with 20 divorced people, including ten women and ten men. The majority of the participants we interviewed were middle aged adults with a high level of education, who spent most of their lives in Istanbul, and who participated in certain professions. Female participants, in particular, needed jobs to make a living during or after the divorce.Based on the findings, we cannot say to remove the high educational level as a factor of divorce. In fact, it is effective for women to display a more decisive attitude toward divorce.Most participants chose to get married based on the emotional factors “appearance” (8 people), “love to be/to like” (8 people). Also “being religious” (6 persons) and “not suitable for families” (4 people) criteria were significant. According to this, being religious is among the criteria sought in marriages.We can say that these two options, which are connected with each other, such as exterior appearance and being in love, are not functional in maintaining the marriage in terms of the marriage criteria and that it is more important to approach marriage from a logical point of view.According to participants at the beginning of a divorce, the research results of “deception/ deceived” (9 people) were at the top of the list. The second reason is “indifference” (6 people). This was followed by “communication” (5 people), “irresponsibility” (5 people), and “economic reasons” (5 people). “Psychological violence” (4 people), “physical strength” (4 people), “disrespect” (3), and “jealousy” (3) are also among the causes of divorce. The deception angle, after women had been deceived, led them choosing “irresponsibility” (5 people) as a major cause of divorce, and men chose “indifference” (4 people).&nbsp;The reasons for divorce that emerged in our research show parallels with other research. According to participants, divorce does not depend on a single cause; we see a negative situation could cause different problems. Also, disrespectful communication problems in couples and the emergence of situations such as irresponsibility, poor communication within the family, and being unable to relate to one another are other reasons. According to this, spouses did not spend time together, and the lack of pleasure in performing activities together may be among the reasons behind the conflicts within the family.For the majority of the participants, more attention should be given to the premarital period rather than the prevention of marriage or divorce. According to them, first of all, people should get to know each other and their families better. The biggest regret from the majority of the participants is that they married quickly, without getting to know the other side and their family. In the process of divorce, individuals expected more functional mediation than their relatives. The participants expected more help from their relatives.When we asked the interviewers whether religiousness had any function in the attitudes of spouses and their divorce, they emphasized that they were generally more moral than religious. This situation shows that the spouses who promote themselves as religious do not turn their words into behaviors, and they exhibit unethical behavior in family life. Accordingly, based on the opinions of respondents, those who said that they mostly defined themselves as religious, had a piety factor in the moral dimension of marriage and divorce, which had an important function in terms of the experience.&nbsp;Conflicting words and behaviors are seen before and after marriage, causing people to become disillusioned and breaking the feelings of trust that spouses have toward each other. Therefore, deception is the most important cause of divorce. In considering the moral sense of priorities from each of the spouses, honesty, loyalty, and respect are expected. After sacrifice and altruism, moral values such as responsibility and compassion come to the fore. However, it is also important to know the attitudes of the people who were looking for these criteria against their former spouses. Therefore, bilateral negotiations need to be conducted with divorced people, and work done with qualitative research on religiosity will be useful.

Evlenme ve Boşanma Deneyimleri Arasındaki İlişkide Dindarlık Faktörünün İncelenmesi

Hafize Şule

Christian Zionist ideas have been embraced by many presidents in American politics, but the power of Christian Zionism in American politics became clear after Donald Trump was elected in November 2016. He recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel, which had been a long-term ambition of the American Christian Zionists and Jewish Zionists. In this study, Christian Zionists and their theo-political approach will be discussed. In addition, the active participation in politics among evangelical Protestants with an emphasis on their prioritising of Jews and Israeli policies in American politics will be examined. This topic, which can be linked not only to the field of sociology of religion but also to all fields of social sciences, is important for understanding the debates and social poles in American society, as well as for making sense of the determinants of US policy, especially toward the Middle East. The reason behind the US-based Israeli policies in the Middle East has a theological and ideological justification.&nbsp;In this descriptive work, I will seek answers to the questions of “who are the Christian Zionists?”, “what constitutes the roots and fundamental doctrines of Christian Zionism?” and “how do Christian Zionists view world politics?” In this context, I will draw attention to the fact that Zionism is not only a concept related to Judaism and that there have been many non-Jewish Christian Zionists in the past and many who are still actively present in the American administration. My work sets out the conceptual framework of Christian Zionism as a theo-political ideology and sheds light on the historical background of the subject; It also aims to clarify how the ideology in question has gained power and become an effective discourse within American Protestantism. In this context, the study will trace the imperialist policies of the British Empire on Ottoman lands in the first half of the 19th century when Christian Zionism first emerged; then, the main elements of the Christian Zionists’ ideological and theological approaches to social and political processes, the extent of how Jews benefitted will be discussed, and their effects on American politics will also be pointed out.Christian Zionism has, in general, evolved from evangelical and fundamentalist Christians. This approach adopts the reading of The Bible with a literal, premillennial approach and takes Biblical eschatology crucial. In order to understand the Christian Zionists’ support for Israel and their insistence on directing American policies, it is necessary to consider the pre-millennial dispensationalism that centered on Jews and the doctrines of the End Times. Pre-Millennial dispensationalism is the fundamental doctrine of Christian Zionists. In addition, Christian fundamentalists are based on the literal (literalism) reading of the scripture. While giving Jews a central place in the doctrine of the End Times, they have a very negative attitude towards Muslims.&nbsp;In general terms, the term “Christian Zionist” is given to a constituent of the most influential apocalyptic beliefs of today’s American society, which emerged in Britain in&nbsp;the 19th century, later coming to the US in the middle of the same century. Christian Zionism, which proposes rather radical ideas, is widespread among American Protestants. According to the results of a 2013 poll conducted by the Pew Research Center, 82% of the white evangelical Protestants in the United States believe that Israel was given to the Jews by God; whereas this rate is only 40% among Jews. In general, 44% of Americans believe that God gave Israel to the Jews. When the period and the environment in which Christian Zionism emerged are evaluated, it is possible to see that the ideologies that were formed on the basis of the activities of British imperialism in the Middle East were transformed into religious discourse. Christian Zionism, which formed an important ideological basis for British imperialism in the first period of its emergence, provides an ideological basis for American imperialism today. It is also an important part of the Israeli lobby in the US.The enduring teachings of the Christian Zionists, who have gained more influence in recent American politics compared to previous periods, have reached the point of power to be able to affect US foreign policy. Trump’s decision to recognize Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and his declarations that Golan Heights belong to Israel are closely related to the theological teachings of Christian Zionism. The fact that a group with a radical theo-political ideology in the US is so effective in politics and state administration raises questions about American secularism. The important question of whether there is a reversal from American secularism –given the current developments in spite of the Constitution of America, where religion and state affairs are clearly separated- should be focused on in the coming years.

ABD’de Hıristiyan Siyonizmi: Kökeni, İnanç Esasları ve Günümüz Amerikan Siyasetine Etkisi

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darulfunun ilahiyat, akademik bir dergidir. darulfunun ilahiyat'a gönderilmiş makaleler çift-kör hakemlik sistemi kullanılarak değerlendirilmektedir.

darulfunun ilahiyat'ta din alanının farklı boyutlarını ele alan disipliner veya disiplinlerarası kuramsal ve uygulamalı çalışmalar yayımlanmaktadır.

Bu çerçevede darulfunun ilahiyat'ta; Bir inanç ve toplum sistemi olarak din konusunu ve uygulayıcılarının inanç ve davranışlarını; (i) insan ve toplum bilimleri çerçevesinde ele alan; (ii) özgün kuramsal ve kavramsal açılımlarla genişleten; (iii) farklı/yeni araştırma yöntemleriyle inceleyen; (iv) farklı örnek olaylar bağlamında karşılaştırmalı bir şekilde sunan yazılara yer verilmektedir.

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İstanbul Üniversitesi İlahiyat Fakültesi tarafından yayımlanan darulfunun ilahiyat, akademik bir dergidir. darulfunun ilahiyat’a gönderilmiş makaleler çift-kör hakemlik sistemi kullanılarak değerlendirilmektedir.darulfunun ilahiyat’ta, din alanının farklı boyutlarını ele alan disipliner veya disiplinlerarası kuramsal ve uygulamalı çalışmalar yayımlanmaktadır. Bu çerçevede darulfunun ilahiyat’ta bir inanç ve toplum sistemi olarak din konusunu ve uygulayıcılarının inanç ve davranışlarını; (i) insan ve toplum bilimleri bağlamında ele alan; (ii) özgün kuramsal ve kavramsal açılımlarla genişleten; (iii) farklı/yeni araştırma yöntemleriyle inceleyen; (iv) farklı örnek olaylar bağlamında karşılaştırmalı bir şekilde sunan yazılara yer verilmektedir.Bu kapsamda özellikle şu konulara öncelik tanınmaktadır:•    İslam kültür ve medeniyeti •    Çağdaş dünyada dinî/İslami ilimlerin yorumlanması ve eğitimi •    Dinî kimliğin oluşumu ve aktarımı•    Çeşitli inanç gruplarında, kamusal hayatta, çok kültürlü ortamlarda din•    Birey, din ve toplum arasındaki etkileşimdarulfunun ilahiyat'ta nitelikli, özgün, kuramsal ve uygulamalı araştırmaların yanı sıra kitap değerlendirmesi, araştırma notu, sempozyum tanıtımı ve klasik dillerden çeviri-yorum metinleri de yayımlanmaktadır.

Amaç ve Kapsam

<a href="https://www.scopus.com/sourceid/21101058362" target="_blank">SCOPUS</a><a href="https://search.trdizin.gov.tr/dergi/detay/2132/darulfunun-ilahiyat" target="_blank">ULAKBİM TR Dizin</a><a target="_blank" href="https://brill.com/fileasset/downloads_products/35122_ii_surveyed_periodicals_2008_2017FINAL.pdf">Index Islamicus</a><a href="https://www.ebsco.com/tr-tr/urunler/arastirma-veri-tabanlari/academic-search-complete" target="_blank">EBSCO Academic Search Complete</a> <a href="https://doaj.org/toc/2651-5083?source=%7B%22query%22%3A%7B%22bool%22%3A%7B%22must%22%3A%5B%7B%22terms%22%3A%7B%22index.issn.exact%22%3A%5B%222651-5083%22%5D%7D%7D%5D%7D%7D%2C%22size%22%3A100%2C%22sort%22%3A%5B%7B%22created_date%22%3A%7B%22order%22%3A%22desc%22%7D%7D%5D%2C%22_source%22%3A%7B%7D%2C%22track_total_hits%22%3Atrue%7D" target="_blank">DOAJ</a> <a href="https://kanalregister.hkdir.no/publiseringskanaler/erihplus/periodical/info.action?id=495011" target="_blank" style="font-size: 13.3333px;">ERIH PLUS</a> <a href="https://atif.sobiad.com/index.jsp?modul=dergi-sayfasi&amp;ID=0&amp;magazinename=darulfunun%20ilahiyat" target="_blank">SOBIAD </a> Atla Religion Database <a href="https://go.gale.com/ps/dispAdvSearch.do?userGroupName=anon~84c5a0c7&amp;prodId=AONE" target="_blank">Gale Cengage</a><a href="https://about.proquest.com/en/products-services/Ulrichsweb/" target="_blank" style="font-size: 14.6667px;">Ulrichsweb</a>

Dizinler

Dergi yayın etiğinde en yüksek standartlara bağlıdır ve <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a> ve <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> tarafından yayınlanan etik yayıncılık ilkelerini benimser; Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing başlığı altında ifade edilen ilkeler için: <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a> Gönderilen makaleler derginin amaç ve kapsamına uygun olmalıdır. Orijinal, yayınlanmamış ve başka bir dergide değerlendirme sürecinde olmayan, her bir yazar tarafından içeriği ve gönderimi onaylanmış yazılar değerlendirmeye kabul edilir. Makale yayınlanmak üzere Dergiye gönderildikten sonra yazarlardan hiçbirinin ismi, tüm yazarların yazılı izni olmadan yazar listesinden silinemez ve yeni bir isim yazar olarak eklenemez ve yazar sırası değiştirilemez.İntihal, duplikasyon, sahte yazarlık/inkar edilen yazarlık, araştrma/veri fabrikasyonu, makale dilimleme, dilimleyerek yayın, telif hakları ihlali ve çıkar çatışmasının gizlenmesi, etik dışı davranışlar olarak kabul edilir. Kabul edilen etik standartlara uygun olmayan tüm makaleler yayından çıkarılır. Buna yayından sonra tespit edilen olası kuraldışı, uygunsuzluklar içeren makaleler de dahildir.*Bir yazarın dergimizde yazısı yayınlandıktan sonraki iki sayıda yeni bir yazısına yer verilmez.** Dergimizde lisans ve lisansüstü tezlerden üretilmiş makaleler yayımlanmaz. İntihal Ön kontrolden geçirilen makaleler, iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal/kendi kendine intihal tespit edilirse yazarlar bilgilendirilir. Editörler, gerekli olması halinde makaleyi değerlendirme ya da üretim sürecinin çeşitli aşamalarında intihal kontrolüne tabi tutabilirler. Yüksek benzerlik oranları, bir makalenin kabul edilmeden önce ve hatta kabul edildikten sonra reddedilmesine neden olabilir. Makalenin türüne bağlı olarak, bunun oranın %15 veya %20'den az olması beklenir.Çift Kör Hakemlikİntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir. Editör, makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakemlikten geçmesini sağlar ve makale biçimsel esaslara uygun ise, gelen yazıyı yurtiçinden ve /veya yurtdışından en az iki hakemin değerlendirmesine sunar, hakemler gerek gördüğü takdirde yazıda istenen değişiklikler yazarlar tarafından yapıldıktan sonra yayınlanmasına onay verir.

Politikalar

Dergi açık erişimlidir ve derginin tüm içeriği okura ya da okurun dahil olduğu kuruma ücretsiz olarak sunulur. Okurlar, ticari amaç haricinde, yayıncı ya da yazardan izin almadan dergi makalelerinin tam metnini okuyabilir, indirebilir, kopyalayabilir, arayabilir ve link sağlayabilir. Bu <a href="https://www.budapestopenaccessinitiative.org/translations/turkish-translation" target="_blank">BOAI</a> açık erişim tanımıyla uyumludur. Derginin açık erişimli makaleleri Creative Commons Atıf-GayrıTicari 4.0 Uluslararası (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.tr" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) olarak lisanslıdır.

Derginin tüm giderleri İstanbul Üniversitesi tarafından karşılanmaktadır. Dergide makale yayını ve makale süreçlerinin yürütülmesi ücrete tabi değildir. Dergiye gönderilen ya da yayın için kabul edilen makaleler için işlemleme ücreti ya da gönderim ücreti alınmaz.

Yazarlar dergide yayınlanan çalışmalarının telif hakkına sahiptirler ve çalışmaları  Creative Commons Atıf-GayrıTicari 4.0 Uluslararası (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.tr" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) olarak lisanslıdır. CC BY-NC 4.0 lisansı, eserin ticari kullanım dışında her boyut ve formatta paylaşılmasına, kopyalanmasına, çoğaltılmasına ve orijinal esere uygun şekilde atıfta bulunmak kaydıyla yeniden düzenleme, dönüştürme ve eserin üzerine inşa etme dâhil adapte edilmesine izin verir.

Editörler, yayınlanan makalede, bulguları, yorumları ve sonuçları etkilemeyen küçük hatalar tespit edilirse düzeltme yayınlamayı düşünebilirler. Editörler, bulguları ve sonuçları geçersiz kılan büyük hatalar / ihlaller söz konusu olduğunda, makaleyi geri çekmeyi düşünmelidir. Yazarlar tarafından araştırma veya yayını kötüye kullanmaya yönelik olasılık söz konusu ise; bulguların güvenilir olmadığına ve yazarların kurumlarının olayı soruşturmadığına dair kanıtlar var veya olası soruşturma haksız veya sonuçsuz görünüyor ise, editörler endişe ifadesi yayınlamayı düşünmelidir. Düzeltme, geri çekme veya endişe ifadesi ile ilgili olarak <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/flowcharts/complete-set-english" target="_blank">COPE</a> ve <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/" target="_blank">ICJME</a> yönergeleri dikkate alınır.Geri ÇekmeDergi geri çekme durumunda <a href="https://publicationethics.org/sites/default/files/retraction-guidelines-cope.pdf" target="_blank">COPE Retraction Guidelines</a>’ı izler. Editör, aşağıdaki durumlarda bir makaleyi geri çekme hakkına sahiptir: <ul><li>Büyük bir hata (örn. yanlış hesaplama veya deneysel hata), uydurma öğeler  (örn. veri) veya tahrifat (örn. görüntü manipülasyonu) gibi bulguların güvenilmez olduğu sonucunu çıkarmaya dair açık kanıtlar varsa; </li><li>İçerikte intihal varsa; </li><li>Uygun atıf yapılmadan başka bir yerde yayınlanmışsa;</li><li>Kullanım izni olmayan materyal veya veri içeriyorsa;</li><li>Telif hakkı ihlali veya başka bir ciddi yasal sorun varsa;</li><li>Etik olmayan araştırma içeriyorsa; </li><li>Hakem değerlendirme sürecinin bozulduğuna veya manipüle edildiğine dair kanıt varsa;</li><li>Yazar(lar), editörün görüşüne göre, çalışmanın yorumlanmasını veya editörlerin ve hakemlerin tavsiyelerini önemli derecede etkileyebilecek, kritik bir çıkar çatışmasını açıklamamış ise.</li></ul>Geri çekme durumunda aşağıdaki adımlar izlenir:<ul><li>Makale başlığını da içeren geri çekme bildirimi derginin bir sonraki sayısında yayınlanır. Geri çekme bildirimi  içindekiler tablosunda sayfa nosu verilerek listelenir. </li><li>Elektronik versiyonda geri çekme bildirimi ile orijinal makale arasında link sağlanır. </li><li>Online makaleden önce geri çekme bildirimini içeren sayfa gelir; okuyucu daha sonra makalenin kendisine geçebilir.</li><li>Orijinal makale, her sayfadaki .pdf üzerinde “geri çekildiğini” belirten bir filigran dışında değişmeden kalır.</li></ul>Yasal Nedenlerle Makalenin KaldırılmasıAşağıdaki durumlarda, üst veriler (başlık ve yazarlar) hariç olmak üzere, makale metni kaldırılır ve makalenin yasal nedenlerle kaldırıldığını bildiren bir sayfa makalenin yerini alır. <ul><li>Makalenin karalayıcı içerik ihtiva ettiği veya başkalarının yasal haklarını ihlal ettiği tespit edilir ve geri çekmenin yeterli bir çözüm olmadığı düşünülürse;</li><li>Makale bir mahkeme kararına konu olmuşsa veya olacağına dair makul bir neden varsa;</li><li>Kamu sağlığı açısından önemli bir risk söz konusu ise;  </li></ul>

Dergide yayınlanan tüm yazıların korunmasını ve kalıcı olarak erişilebilir olmasını sağlamak için makaleler, ulusal bir arşiv sitesi olarak hizmet veren ve aynı zamanda LOCKSS'in içeriği toplamasına, korumasına ve sunmasına izin veren Dergipark'ta saklanmaktadır.Ek olarak, yazarların kendilerinin makalelerinin son PDF sürümünü Open Archives Initiative (<a href="https://www.openarchives.org/" target="_blank">https://www.openarchives.org/</a>) standartlarına uygun açık elektronik arşivlerde arşivlemeleri önerilir. Yazarlar, yayınladıkları arşiv versiyonundan, İ.Ü. Yayınevinin dergi web sitesinin URL'sine bağlantı sağlamalıdır.

Yapay Zeka konusundaki gelişmeler ve akademik yayıncılıkta görülen uygulamalar dikkate alınarak oluşturulan Yapay Zeka Politikası, yazarların, hakemlerin ve editörlerin bu türden teknolojilerin kullanımında uymaları gereken editöryal ve etik ilkeleri içerir. Yapay Zeka politikasının oluşturulmasında, aşağıdaki kaynaklar dikkate alınmıştır:Committee on Publication Ethics <a href="https://publicationethics.org/guidance/cope-position/authorship-and-ai-tools" target="_blank">(COPE) - Authorship and AI tools</a>; International Committee of Medical Journal Editors <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/browse/roles-and-responsibilities/defining-the-role-of-authors-and-contributors.html#four" target="_blank">(ICMJE) - Artificial Intelligence (AI)-Assisted Technology; World Association of Medical Editors  (WAME) Chatbots, Generative AI, and Scholarly Manuscripts</a><a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/browse/roles-and-responsibilities/defining-the-role-of-authors-and-contributors.html#four"></a>Yapay Zeka destekli teknolojiler (Büyük Dil Modelleri [LLM'ler], sohbet robotları veya görüntü oluşturucular gibi), metin, görüntü, ses ve sentetik veriler dahil olmak üzere çeşitli içerikler geliştirebilmekte ve üretebilmektedir. Bu yetenekleri etik ve güvenli bir şekilde kullanıldığında üretkenliği artırabilir ve yeniliği teşvik edebilir; ancak insan yönlendirmesi olmadan kullanımında doğru olmayan ve taraflı sonuçlar; atıf verme konusunda eksikler ve hatalar; gizlilik ve fikri mülkiyet haklarının korunmasında eksiklikler; yazar ve yayıncıların haklarının potansiyel ihlali gibi riskler taşımaktadır. IUPress, Yapay Zeka kullanımı konusunda söz konusu riskleri bertaraf etmeyi amaçlayan aşağıdaki temel ilkeleri benimser:  <ul><li>İçerik üretiminde kullanılan (metin, şekiller, resimler ve kod dahil ancak bunlarla sınırlı olmamak üzere) her türlü Yapay Zeka ile ilgili ayrıntılar çalışmanın uygun bölümünde (bilgi notu olarak ve/veya metod kısmında) beyan edilmeli ve net biçimde açıklanmalıdır. </li><li>Hiçbir Yapay Zeka aracı hiçbir bilimsel çalışmada yazar olarak listelenemez. </li><li>Yazarlar, herhangi bir şekilde Yapay Zeka kullanımı durumunda da çalışmalarının doğruluğu, bütünlüğü ve özgünlüğünden sorumludur; başkalarının fikirleri, verileri, kelimeleri veya diğer materyallerini doğru referanslama ve atıf ile sunmakla yükümlüdürler. </li><li>Hakemler ve editörler gönderilen çalışmayı tamamen ya da kısmen hiçbir üretken Yapay Zeka uygulamasına yükleyemez. </li></ul>IUPress yayınlarının editöryal süreçlerinde, Yapay Zeka ile üretilmiş içerikleri tespit eden yardımcı araçlar editörlerin kullanımındadır. Öte yandan okunurluğu, dil ve grammeri iyileştirme ve geliştirme konusunda önerilerde bulunan Yapay Zeka araçlarının kullanılması yaygındır ve IUPress  yayınlarında bu türden Yapay Zeka araçları editörlerin ve yazarların gözetiminde kullanılabilir.

Yapay Zeka Politikası

<ul><li>Yazarlar, gönderdikleri çalışmayı oluştururken <a target="_blank">Yapay Zeka destekli teknolojiler (Büyük Dil Modelleri [LLM'ler], sohbet robotları veya görüntü oluşturucular gibi) </a>kullandılarsa, bunu  beyan etmekle yükümlüdür. </li><li>Yazarlar hem ön yazıda hem de sunulan çalışmanın uygun bölümünde (bilgi notu olarak ve/veya metod kısmında), hangi Yapay Zeka aracını ve hangi versiyonunu ne amaçla kullandıklarını açıklamalıdır. </li><li>Yapay Zeka destekli teknolojilerden yararlanılarak oluşturulan içeriğin ve alıntıların doğruluğu, geçerliliği ve uygunluğunun sağlanması, olası hata, tutarsızlık ve taraflı sonuçların giderilmesi yazarların sorumluluğundadır. </li><li>Yazarlar, Yapay Zeka destekli teknolojiler ile üretilmiş metinlerde intihal potansiyeli olduğunu dikkate alarak, olası intihali bertaraf etmek için orijinal kaynakları mutlaka kontrol etmelidir. Kontrol ettiğini ve kaynakların orijnal kaynaklar olduğunu teyid etmelidir.  </li><li>Yapay Zeka destekli araçlar (ChatGPT gibi) yazar olarak listelenemez çünkü çalışmanın doğruluğundan, bütünlüğünden ve orijinalliğinden sorumlu olamazlar ve bu sorumluluklar yazarlık için şarttır. Bu nedenle, Yapay Zeka destekli teknolojilerin kullanımını içeren tüm materyallerden yazarlar sorumludur. Yazarlar, makalede yer alan ve çalışmanın hipotezlerini, yorumlarını, sonuçlarını, sınırlamalarını ve çıkarımlarını bildiren tüm ifadelerin kendi fikirlerini temsil ettiğinden emin olmalıdırlar.  </li><li>Yazarların, Yapay Zeka araçlarını temel araştırmacı ve yazar sorumluluklarının yerini alacak, aşağıdaki şekillerde kullanarak oluşturdukları çalışmalar bilimsel yayıncılık ve yayın etiği ilkelerine aykırıdır ve bu türden çalışmaların yayınlarda yer almasına izin verilmez: <ul><li>Titiz revizyon olmadan metin veya kod oluşturma, </li><li>Sağlam bir metodoloji olmadan eksik verileri ikame etmek için sentetik veri üretimi,  </li><li>Özetler veya ek materyaller de dahil olmak üzere her türlü hatalı, sentetik içerik oluşturulması </li><li>Yapay Zeka kullanımı ile görüntü ve şekillerin (resimler, çizelgeler, veri tabloları, tıbbi görüntüler, görüntü parçacıkları, bilgisayar kodları ve formüller) veya orijinal araştırma verilerinin oluşturulması ve manipüle edilmesi (bir görüntü veya şekil içinde belirli bir özelliğin artırılması, gizlenmesi, taşınması, kaldırılması veya eklenmesi).</li></ul></li></ul>

Hakem sürecinde gizliliğin korunması, değerlendirilen çalışmanın bu süreçte paylaşılmaması veya kullanılmaması esastır.  <a></a><a href="https://publicationethics.org/sites/default/files/ethical-guidelines-peer-reviewers-cope.pdf" target="_blank">(COPE – Ethical Guidelines for Peer Reviewers</a>) <ul><li>Hakemler, kendilerine değerlendirme için gönderilen bir makaleyi veya herhangi bir bölümünü gözden geçirme, değerlendirme veya karar verme sürecine yardımcı olması için üretken Yapay Zeka araçlarına veya Büyük Dil Modellerine yüklememelidirler; zira hakemlerin bu türden Yapay Zeka araçlarına içerik yüklemesi yazarların gizlilik ve mülkiyet haklarını ihlal eder.  </li><li>Bilimsel bir makalenin incelenmesi, yalnızca insanlara atfedilebilecek sorumluluktur. Hakem değerlendirmesi için gereken eleştirel düşünme ve orijinal değerlendirme bu teknolojinin kapsamı dışındadır ve teknolojinin makale hakkında yanlış, eksik veya önyargılı sonuçlar üretme riski vardır. Hakem raporu ve karar mektupları, hakemlerin ve editörlerin gönderilen içeriğe ilişkin kişisel değerlendirmelerini yansıtmalıdır. Hakem, raporunun içeriğinden sorumludur ve hesap vermekle sorumludur. </li><li>Yapay Zeka araçları, hakem değerlendirmesi ile bağlantılı olarak hakem değerlendirme raporu dilinin kalitesini artırmak için (çeviri veya dil düzenlemesi için) sınırlı bir şekilde kullanılabilir. Böyle bir kullanım olduğunda, hakem raporu iletirken, kullanımı beyan etmelidir. </li><li>Bir başvuruda üretken Yapay Zekanın uygunsuz veya açıklanmamış kullanımından şüphelenen hakemler, endişelerini dergi editörüne bildirmelidir. </li></ul>

Editörler dergiye gönderilen makalelerin değerlendirme sürecinde gizliliğinin korunmasını sağlamakla yükümlüdürler, değerlendirilen çalışmanın bu sürece dahil olan taraflar dışında paylaşılmaması veya kullanılmaması esastır <a href="https://publicationethics.org/files/Code_of_conduct_for_journal_editors_Mar11.pdf" target="_blank">(COPE – Code of Conduct and Best Practice Guidelines for Journal Editors)</a>.<ul><li>Editörler, yazarların gizlilik ve mülkiyet haklarını ihlal edebileceğinden, gönderilen bir makaleyi veya herhangi bir bölümünü gözden geçirme, değerlendirilme veya karar verme sürecine yardımcı olması için üretken Yapay Zeka  araçlarına veya Büyük Dil Modelleri'ne yüklememelidir. </li><li>Bilimsel bir makalenin editoryal değerlendirmesini yönetmek, yalnızca insanlara atfedilebilecek sorumluluklar anlamına gelir. Üretken Yapay Zeka veya Yapay Zeka destekli teknolojiler, editörler tarafından bir makalenin değerlendirme veya karar verme sürecine yardımcı olmak için kullanılmamalıdır, çünkü bu iş için gereken eleştirel düşünme ve orijinal değerlendirme bu teknolojinin kapsamı dışındadır ve teknolojinin makale hakkında yanlış, eksik veya önyargılı sonuçlar üretme riski vardır. Editör, editoryal süreçten, nihai karardan ve bunların yazarlara iletilmesinden sorumlu ve mesuldür.</li><li>Editörler, karar mektupları veya yayınlanmamış araştırmaların özetlerini oluşturmak için üretken Yapay Zeka aracı kullanmamalıdır. </li><li>Editörler, uygun hakemleri bulma konusunda yardımcı olması için üretken Yapay Zeka araçlarını kullanabilir.</li><li>Editörler, gönderilen bir makalede veya gönderilen bir hakem raporunda üretken Yapay Zeka kullanıldığından şüphelenirse konuyla ilgili editoryal bir değerlendirme yapmalı ve politikayı göz önünde bulundurmalıdır. </li></ul>

darulfunun ilahiyat, yayın etiğinde en yüksek standartlara bağlıdır ve <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a> ve <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> tarafından yayınlanan etik yayıncılık ilkelerini benimser; Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing başlığı altında ifade edilen ilkeler için adres: <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a>Gönderilen tüm makaleler orijinal, yayınlanmamış ve başka bir dergide değerlendirme sürecinde olmamalıdır. Her bir makale editörlerden biri ve en az iki hakem tarafından çift kör değerlendirmeden geçirilir. İntihal, duplikasyon, sahte yazarlık/inkar edilen yazarlık, araştrma/veri fabrikasyonu, makale dilimleme, dilimleyerek yayın, telif hakları ihlali ve çıkar çatışmasının gizlenmesi, etik dışı davranışlar olarak kabul edilir.Kabul edilen etik standartlara uygun olmayan tüm makaleler yayından çıkarılır. Buna yayından sonra tespit edilen olası kuraldışı, uygunsuzluklar içeren makaleler de dahildir.

Etik

Dergi araştırma etiğinde en yüksek standartları gözetir ve aşağıda tanımlanan uluslararası araştırma etiği ilkelerini benimser. Makalelerin etik kurallara uygunluğu yazarların sorumluluğundadır.-    Araştırmanın tasarlanması, tasarımın gözden geçirilmesi ve araştırmanın yürütülmesinde, bütünlük, kalite ve şeffaflık ilkeleri sağlanmalıdır.-    Araştırma ekibi ve katılımcılar, araştırmanın amacı, yöntemleri ve öngörülen olası kullanımları; araştırmaya katılımın gerektirdikleri ve varsa riskleri hakkında tam olarak bilgilendirilmelidir.-    Araştırma katılımcılarının sağladığı bilgilerin gizliliği ve yanıt verenlerin gizliliği sağlanmalıdır. Araştırma katılımcıların özerkliğini ve saygınlığını koruyacak şekilde tasarlanmalıdır.-    Araştırma katılımcıları gönüllü olarak araştırmada yer almalı, herhangi bir zorlama altında olmamalıdırlar.-    Katılımcıların zarar görmesinden kaçınılmalıdır. Araştırma, katılımcıları riske sokmayacak şekilde planlanmalıdır.-    Araştırma bağımsızlığıyla ilgili açık ve net olunmalı; çıkar çatışması varsa belirtilmelidir.-    Deneysel çalışmalarda, araştırmaya katılmaya karar veren katılımcıların yazılı bilgilendirilmiş onayı alınmalıdır. Çocukların ve vesayet altındakilerin veya tasdiklenmiş akıl hastalığı bulunanların yasal vasisinin onayı alınmalıdır.-    Çalışma herhangi bir kurum ya da kuruluşta gerçekleştirilecekse bu kurum ya da kuruluştan çalışma yapılacağına dair onay alınmalıdır.-    İnsan öğesi bulunan çalışmalarda, “yöntem” bölümünde katılımcılardan “bilgilendirilmiş onam” alındığının ve çalışmanın yapıldığı kurumdan etik kurul onayı alındığı belirtilmesi gerekir.

Makalelerin bilimsel ve etik kurallara uygunluğu yazarların sorumluluğundadır. Yazar makalenin orijinal olduğu, daha önce başka bir yerde yayınlanmadığı ve başka bir yerde, başka bir dilde yayınlanmak üzere değerlendirmede olmadığı konusunda teminat sağlamalıdır. Uygulamadaki telif kanunları ve anlaşmaları gözetilmelidir. Telife bağlı materyaller (örneğin tablolar, şekiller veya büyük alıntılar) gerekli izin ve teşekkürle kullanılmalıdır. Başka yazarların, katkıda bulunanların çalışmaları ya da yararlanılan kaynaklar uygun biçimde kullanılmalı ve referanslarda belirtilmelidir.Gönderilen makalede tüm yazarların akademik ve bilimsel olarak doğrudan katkısı olmalıdır, bu bağlamda “yazar” yayınlanan bir araştırmanın kavramsallaştırılmasına ve dizaynına, verilerin elde edilmesine, analizine ya da yorumlanmasına belirgin katkı yapan, yazının yazılması ya da bunun içerik açısından eleştirel biçimde gözden geçirilmesinde görev yapan birisi olarak görülür. Yazar olabilmenin diğer koşulları ise, makaledeki çalışmayı planlamak veya icra etmek ve / veya revize etmektir. Fon sağlanması, veri toplanması ya da araştırma grubunun genel süpervizyonu tek başına yazarlık hakkı kazandırmaz. Yazar olarak gösterilen tüm bireyler sayılan tüm ölçütleri karşılamalıdır ve yukarıdaki ölçütleri karşılayan her birey yazar olarak gösterilebilir. Yazarların isim sıralaması ortak verilen bir karar olmalıdır. Tüm yazarlar yazar sıralamasını <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/7281EBE3E18F4E5A95833E5ED0CEFE2E" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formunda</a> imzalı olarak belirtmek zorundadırlar.Yazarlık için yeterli ölçütleri karşılamayan ancak çalışmaya katkısı olan tüm bireyler “teşekkür / bilgiler” kısmında sıralanmalıdır. Bunlara örnek olarak ise sadece teknik destek sağlayan, yazıma yardımcı olan ya da sadece genel bir destek sağlayan, finansal ve materyal desteği sunan kişiler verilebilir.Bütün yazarlar, araştırmanın sonuçlarını ya da bilimsel değerlendirmeyi etkileyebilme potansiyeli olan finansal ilişkiler, çıkar çatışması ve çıkar rekabetini beyan etmelidirler. Bir yazar kendi yayınlanmış yazısında belirgin bir hata ya da yanlışlık tespit ederse, bu yanlışlıklara ilişkin düzeltme ya da geri çekme için editör ile hemen temasa geçme ve işbirliği yapma sorumluluğunu taşır.

Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirirler. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar. Gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalacağını garanti eder. Baş editör içerik ve yayının toplam kalitesinden sorumludur. Gereğinde hata sayfası yayınlamalı ya da düzeltme yapmalıdır. Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemler, araştırma, yazarlar ve/veya araştırmaya fon sağlayanlarla çıkar çatışması içinde olmamalıdır. Hakemler değerlendirmelerinin sonucunda tarafsız bir yargıya varmalıdırlar. Gönderilmiş yazılara ilişkin tüm bilginin gizli tutulmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar. Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir. Bazı durumlarda editörün kararıyla, ilgili hakemlerin makaleye ait yorumları aynı makaleyi yorumlayan diğer hakemlere gönderilerek hakemlerin bu süreçte aydınlatılması sağlanabilir.

Daha önce yayınlanmamış ya da yayınlanmak üzere başka bir dergide halen değerlendirmede olmayan ve her bir yazar tarafından onaylanan makaleler değerlendirilmek üzere kabul edilir. Gönderilen ve ön kontrolü geçen makaleler iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir.Seçilen makaleler en az iki ulusal/uluslararası hakeme çift taraflı kör hakemlik ile değerlendirmeye gönderilir; yayın kararı, hakemlerin talepleri doğrultusunda yazarların gerçekleştirdiği düzenlemelerin ve hakem sürecinin sonrasında baş editör tarafından verilir.

Hakemlik Hakkında

Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirirler. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar. Gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalacağını garanti eder.Baş editör içerik ve yayının toplam kalitesinden sorumludur. Gereğinde hata sayfası yayınlamalı ya da düzeltme yapmalıdır.Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemler, araştırma, yazarlar ve/veya araştırmaya fon sağlayanlarla çıkar çatışması içinde olmamalıdır. Hakemler değerlendirmelerinin sonucunda tarafsız bir yargıya varmalıdırlar. Gönderilmiş yazılara ilişkin tüm bilginin gizli tutulmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar.Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir. Bazı durumlarda editörün kararıyla, ilgili hakemlerin makaleye ait yorumları aynı makaleyi yorumlayan diğer hakemlere gönderilerek hakemlerin bu süreçte aydınlatılması sağlanabilir.

Daha önce yayınlanmamış ya da yayınlanmak üzere başka bir dergide halen değerlendirmede olmayan ve her bir yazar tarafından onaylanan makaleler değerlendirilmek üzere kabul edilir. Gönderilen ve ön kontrolü geçen makaleler iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir. Editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, cinsel yöneliminden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirir. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar.Seçilen makaleler en az iki ulusal/uluslararası hakeme değerlendirmeye gönderilir; yayın kararı, hakemlerin talepleri doğrultusunda yazarların gerçekleştirdiği düzenlemelerin ve hakem sürecinin sonrasında baş editör tarafından verilir.Hakemlerin değerlendirmeleri objektif olmalıdır. Hakem süreci sırasında hakemlerin aşağıdaki hususları dikkate alarak değerlendirmelerini yapmaları beklenir.-Makale yeni ve önemli bir bilgi içeriyor mu?-Öz, makalenin içeriğini net ve düzgün bir şekilde tanımlıyor mu?-Yöntem bütünlüklü ve anlaşılır şekilde tanımlanmış mı?-Yapılan yorum ve varılan sonuçlar bulgularla kanıtlanıyor mu?-Alandaki diğer çalışmalara yeterli referans verilmiş mi?-Dil kalitesi yeterli mi?Hakemler, gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar. Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir.

1. Amaç ve KapsamBaşvurunuzu darulfunun ilahiyat’a göndermeden önce lütfen derginin “<a href="https://iupress.istanbul.edu.tr/tr/journal/ilahiyatjournal/information/amac-ve-kapsam" target="_blank">Amaç ve Kapsam</a>” sayfasını inceleyiniz. Derginin kapsamı dışında kalan çalışmalar değerlendirme sürecine alınmamaktadır. 2. Başvuru TürleriYayımlanmak üzere gönderilen çalışmalar Baş Editör &amp; Alan Editörleri tarafından amaç, konu, içerik, sunuş tarzı ve yazım kurallarına uygunluk açısından incelenmektedir. Çalışmanız, kaynakçası hariç olmak üzere, 5000-8000 kelime olmalıdır. Dergiye gönderilen tüm makale türlerine uygulanacak editöryal değerlendirme kriterleri aşağıda sıralanmaktadır: (1) Bilimsel yeterliliğin yüksek olması (2) Çalışmanın kuramsal dayanaklarının açık bir şekilde ifade edilmesi (3) Alana kavramsal veya metodolojik düzeyde katkı sağlaması (4) Metnin teori veya yöntem açısından yenilik sunması (5) Çalışmada güncel yöntemlerin kullanılmasına özen gösterilmesi 2.1. Araştırma Makalesidarulfunun ilahiyat, din ile ilgili temel sorunları ortaya koyan ve bunlara çözüm önerileri getiren çalışmaların yayımlanmasını hedeflemektedir. Bununla birlikte özgün araştırmalarda bazı hususlara ayrıca dikkat edilmektedir: (a) Araştırmanın dayandığı kuramsal çerçevenin kapsamlı bir şekilde ifade edilmesi (b) Araştırmanın kuramsal ve uygulama olarak alana katkısının zikredilmesi (c) Çalışmanın din bilimlerindeki bilgi birikimine orijinal katkı sağlaması (d) Çalışmanın özgün bir tezi olup bu tezin kendi içerisinde tutarlı bir şekilde sunulması (e) Çalışmanın yaklaşım ve metodolojisine dair esasların açık bir şekilde ortaya konulması 2.2. Araştırma NotuAraştırma notları, yapılan araştırmalar aracılığıyla edinilen akademik tecrübenin paylaşılmasını hedeflemektedir. Araştırmacıların şahsi değerlendirmelerini de aktarabilecekleri bu türden yazılar 2500 kelimeyi aşmamalıdır. 2.3. Toplantı ÖzetiUlusal veya uluslararası akademik toplantıların içeriklerine dair değerlendirmeleri içeren toplantı özeti, 1500 kelimeyi aşmamalıdır. Hazırlanan metinde özellikle toplantının akademik anlamdaki katkısı ele alınmış olmalıdır. 2.4. Kitap DeğerlendirmesiDergiye gönderilecek olan kitap değerlendirmeleri 1500 kelimeyi aşmamalıdır. 3.Genel Biçim Özellikleri 3.1. Yazı Tipi: Bütün metinde 10 punto Times New Roman yazı karakteri kullanılır. Tablo ve şekillerin nasıl hazırlanacağına dair ilgili bölüme bakınız. 3.2. Sayfa Yapısı: A4 boyutlarındaki kâğıda üst, alt, sağ ve sol boşluk 2,5 cm (0.98 inç) bırakılarak, iki yana dayalı, satır sonu tirelemesiz şekilde olmalıdır. Çalışmalar tek sütun olarak hazırlanmalıdır. Paragraflarda ve başlıklarda girinti ve çıkıntı olmamalıdır. 3.3. Paragraf Yapısı: Paragraf sekmesinde girintiler bölümünde; önce ve sonra alanı 0,6 nk satır aralığı 1,5 olmalıdır. 3.4. Kelime Sınırı: Dergiye gönderilen yazılar 5.000-8.000 kelime arası olmalıdır. 3.5. Öz: 150-200 kelime arasında olmalıdır. 3.6 Anahtar Kelimeler: 5-8 kelime arasında olmalıdır. 3.7. Extended Summary: İngilizce olmayan makaleler için, kabulü takiben 1000-1500 kelimelik İngilizce extended summary istenmektedir. 3.8. Ana Metin: Ana metnin nasıl görüneceğine dair örnek bir metin için lütfen [04_ana_metin.pdf] dosyasını inceleyiniz. Yüklediğiniz ana metnin yazar bilgilerini içermemelidir. Yüklemeden önce bu bilgileri çıkardığınızdan emin olun; yazarla ilgili bilgiler başlık sayfasında ayrıca yer almalıdır. Nicel ve nitel çalışmalar Giriş, Yöntem, Bulgular ve Tartışma bölümlerini içermelidir. Yöntem kısmında mutlaka Örneklem/Çalışma Grubu, Veri Toplama Araçları ve İşlem alt bölümleri bulunmalıdır. Model alt bölümüne sadece özgün bir model kullanılmışsa yer verilmelidir. 3.9. Başlık Sayfası: Aşağıdaki bilgiler Başlık Sayfasında yer almalıdır.(i) Makalenin başlığı (ii) Makalenin kategorisi (iii) Yazar(ların) isim ve soyadları (iv) Yazar(ların) kurum bilgileri (kurum, şehir, ülke) (v) Yazar(ların) e-mail adresleri (vi) Yazar(ların) Orcid’leri (vii) Finansal destek, çıkar çatışması ve teşekkür ile ilgili bilgiler. 3.10. Tablo, Şekil ve EklerTablo ve Şekiller: Tablo, şekil, resim, grafik vb. unsurlar metin içerisinde yer almalıdır. Çalışmanın sonunda ayrıca verilmemelidir. Tablo ve şekillerde genel şablonun dışında 9 punto Times New Roman yazı karakteri kullanılır. Paragraf sekmesinde girintiler bölümünde; • önce ve sonra alanı 0 nk, • satır aralığı tek olmalıdır. Tablo ve şekiller sola dayalı olmalı ve metin kaydırma özelliği kapalı olmalıdır. Ekler: Her bir ek ayrı sayfalarda, kaynakçadan sonra verilmelidir.3.11. Referans Stili:darulfunun ilahiyat, metin içi alıntılama ve kaynak gösterme için CMOS (The Chicago Manual of Style) kaynak stilinin 17. edisyonunu benimser. CMOS 17 hakkında bilgi için: <a href="http://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide.html" target="_blank">http://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide.html</a>3.12. Genişletilmiş Özet:darulfunun ilahiyat yayımladığı makalelerin uluslararası kamuoyu ile paylaşılmasını ve makalelerin etki üretmesini önemsemektedir. Bunun için Türkçe ve Arapça çalışmalar İngilizce geniş özetle (extended summary) birlikte yayımlanır. Bu kapsamda yazarlardan makaleyi temsil edecek geniş özet hazırlamaları talep edilir. 1000-1500 kelime arasında olması beklenen geniş özet; makalenin temel bölümlerindeki (Giriş/Literatür, Yöntem, Bulgular, Tartışma/Sonuç vb.) ana tartışmaları yansıtır. 4. Yabancı Dilde Başvurulardarulfunun ilahiyat; Türkçe, İngilizce ve Arapça dillerinde başvuru kabul etmektedir. Bu dillerde gelen başvurular hakem değerlendirmesinden önce dil yeterlilikleri ve kullanımları bakımından incelenmektedir. Ana dilde bir hakemin anlayamayacağı düzeyde olduğu tespit edilen başvurular hakem değerlendirme sürecine alınmaz ve yazarına dil düzeltmesi için gönderilir. 5. ORCIDİstanbul Üniversitesi; etik, şeffaf ve adil bir editör ve hakem değerlendirme sürecini önemsemektedir. Bu kapsamda İstanbul Üniversitesi, Open Researcher and Contributor ID (ORCID) platformunu desteklemektedir. ORCID, araştırmacıları ayrıştırabilmek için dijital bir kimlik numarası atayarak araştırmacı ile araştırmacının daha önceki faaliyetlerini eşleştirmektedir. darulfunun ilahiyat’ın yayımladığı makalelerde yazarlar ORCID numaraları ile birlikte yer almaktadırlar. Yazarların başvuru esnasında ORCID bilgilerini sağlamaları talep edilmektedir. ORCID Numaranız henüz yoksa şu [<a href="http://orcid.org/register" target="_blank">http://orcid.org/register</a>] linkten edinebilirsiniz. 6. Başvuru Gönderimidarulfunun ilahiyat’a çalışmanızı göndermek için aşağıdaki bağlantıya tıklayınız.[<a href="https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/darulfunun" target="_blank">https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/darulfunun</a>]. Başvuru gönderimi sürecinde bir problemle karşılaşırsanız, lütfen <a href="mailto:ilahiyat.editor@istanbul.edu.tr" target="_blank">ilahiyat.editor@istanbul.edu.tr</a> ile irtibata geçiniz. Önemli Not: darulfunun ilahiyat, yazarlardan herhangi bir ücret talep etmemektedir. 7. Yayım Süreci7.1. Kabul Sonrası Yayıma kabul edilen bir çalışmanın neticesi Sorumlu Yazara bildirilir. Sorumlu Yazarın ilgili raporlara göre düzenlediği çalışma Baş Editör veya Alan Editörü tarafından incelenir. Onaylanan çalışma tashih ve redaksiyon sürecine alınır. 7.1.2. OnlineFirstOnlineFirst, İstanbul Üniversitesinin basıma hazır makaleleri baskıdan önce Online olarak yayımladığı ortamdır. OnlineFirst olarak yayımlanan bir makaleye cilt, sayı bilgileri atanmamakta, makale DOI (Digital Object Identifiers) numarası ile yayımlanmaktadır. Makale ilgili sayıda yayımlandığında OnlineFirst sayfasından kaldırılmakta ve web sitesinde, yayımlandığı sayı içerisine alınmaktadır. Yayım kabulü alan bir çalışma yaklaşık 30 gün içerisinde OnlineFirst'te yayımlanmaktadır. 8. İletişimdarulfunun ilahiyat ile ilgili bütün sorularınız için <a href="mailto:ilahiyat.editor@istanbul.edu.tr" target="_blank">ilahiyat.editor@istanbul.edu.tr</a> elektronik posta adresi yoluyla iletişime geçebilirsiniz.

Yazım Kuralları

Derleme yazıları okuyucular için bir konudaki kaynaklara ulaşmayı kolaylaştıran bir araç olsa da, her zaman orijinal çalışmayı doğru olarak yansıtmaz. Bu yüzden mümkün olduğunca yazarlar orijinal çalışmaları kaynak göstermelidir. Öte yandan, bir konuda çok fazla sayıda orijinal çalışmanın kaynak gösterilmesi yer israfına neden olabilir. Birkaç anahtar orijinal çalışmanın kaynak gösterilmesi genelde uzun listelerle aynı işi görür. Ayrıca günümüzde kaynaklar elektronik versiyonlara eklenebilmekte ve okuyucular elektronik literatür taramalarıyla yayınlara kolaylıkla ulaşabilmektedir.Kabul edilmiş ancak henüz sayıya dahil edilmemiş makaleler Early View olarak yayınlanır ve bu makalelere atıflar “advance online publication” şeklinde verilmelidir. Genel bir kaynaktan elde edilemeyecek temel bir konu olmadıkça “kişisel iletişimlere” atıfta bulunulmamalıdır. Eğer atıfta bulunulursa parantez içinde iletişim kurulan kişinin adı ve iletişimin tarihi belirtilmelidir. Bilimsel makaleler için yazarlar bu kaynaktan yazılı izin ve iletişimin doğruluğunu gösterir belge almalıdır. Kaynakların doğruluğundan yazar(lar) sorumludur. Tüm kaynaklar metinde belirtilmelidir. Kaynaklar alfabetik olarak sıralanmalıdır.Referans Stili ve Formatıdarulfunun ilahiyat, metin içi alıntılama ve kaynak gösterme için CMOS (The Chicago Manual of Style) kaynak stilinin 17. edisyonunu benimser. CMOS 17 hakkında bilgi için: <a href="http://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide.html" target="_blank">http://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide.html</a>

Aşağıdaki listede yer alan bilgilerin eksik olmadığından emin olun:●     Yazarlara Bilgide detaylı olarak anlatılan dergi politikalarının gözden geçirildiğiü    Başka bir dergiye gönderilmemiş olduğu bilgisiü    Sponsor veya ticari bir firma ile ilişkisi (varsa belirtiniz)ü    İngilizce yönünden kontrolünün yapıldığıü    Kaynakların CMOS (The Chicago Manuel of Style) 17’ye göre belirtildiği●    <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/7281EBE3E18F4E5A95833E5ED0CEFE2E" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a> ●    Daha önce basılmış ve telife bağlı materyal (yazı-resim-tablo) kullanılmış ise izin belgesi●    <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/86901235EFBC49D4A777998E400664C4" target="_blank">Kapak sayfası</a>ü    Makalenin türüü    Makalenin Türkçe ve İngilizce başlığıü    Yazarların ismi soyadı, unvanları ve bağlı oldukları kurumlar (üniversite ve fakülte bilgisinden sonra şehir ve ülke bilgisi de yer almalıdır), e-posta adresleriü    Sorumlu yazarın e-posta adresi, açık yazışma adresi, iş telefonu, GSM, faks nosuü    Tüm yazarların ORCID’leri●    Makale ana metniü    Makalenin Türkçe ve İngilizce başlığıü    Özetler: 150-200 kelime Türkçe ve 150-200 kelime İngilizceü    Anahtar Kelimeler: 5-8 adet Türkçe ve 5-8 adet İngilizceü    Makale Türkçe ise, 1000-1500 kelime İngilizce genişletilmiş özet (Extended Abstract)ü    Makale ana metin bölümleriü    Finansal destek (varsa belirtiniz)ü    Çıkar çatışması (varsa belirtiniz)ü    Teşekkür (varsa belirtiniz)ü    Kaynaklarü    Tablolar-Resimler, Şekiller (başlık, tanım ve alt yazılarıyla)

<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/AD920A7B60664BFAAE54AA21893A2EC6" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/86901235EFBC49D4A777998E400664C4" target="_blank">Kapak Sayfası </a>

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