Migrants are often forced to cope with a variety of problems, such as loneliness and foreignness. As people who are far away from the places of their birth and upbringing (Adıgüzel, 2019), migrants not only try to adapt themselves to the societies they migrated to but also attempt to maintain their relationships with their home countries. The emergence of new media tools can make those attempts much easier in several ways (Dekker & Engbersen, 2014; Komito, 2011). Although digital gaming is a recently popularized media tool and is often criticized for its possible negative impacts, there are limited studies regarding its implication for migrants’ social relationships and social adaptation. This study examines how digital games could influence the course of migrants’ social adaptation and transnational relationships.  

Digital games have become a part of everyday life for many these days. Online games are especially enjoyed by millions of players worldwide, bringing together people from different corners of the world who accumulate social capital through these interactions (Trepte et al., 2012). This element of interaction indicates a social dimension of these games. As Williams and Steinkuehler (2006) state, just like bars and cafés, which are traditional places for social interaction, digital games can function as alternative places outside of home and workplace, that is, a third place for socialization. While living far from their homeland, migrants can use digital games as a third space for socialization and spending time with friends and relatives in their home countries. In his case study of African migrants in the USA, Bayeck (2020) finds that digital games can sustain migrants’ transnational social networks, reduce their sense of alienation by being connected with different communities, and help them understand the social practices of the countries they have migrated to, which might initially seem confusing. Dralega and Corneliussen’s studies (2018; 2017) show that digital games could connect the locals and the minority, help minorities engage with the broader community, and support the social adaptation process of migrants. 

This study adopts a qualitative method to delve deeper into a subject that has been newly explored in social sciences (Cresswell, 2020, p. 48). Data was collected through semi-structured interviews. The participants of the study were selected through a purposive sampling method. They were contacted through gamers’ sites and groups on social media platforms, such as Facebook, Twitter, and Reddit. Ten Turkish gamers, who lived outside Turkey or who had been abroad longer than a year and considered living overseas again, were selected as interviewees. Interviews were conducted by the first author between 16 March and 17 April 2022, using the online meeting software of the participants’ choice. The interviews lasted between 30 to 60 minutes and were voice- or video-recorded according to the participants’ choice. All the participants gave their consent to the recordings. Data was analyzed according to the thematic structure of the interview. The collected data was analyzed under three themes. The first theme is about the participants’ demographic characteristics and migration experiences. The second theme is about the participants’ perceptions of digital games and their preferences regarding game choices. The last theme delves into the participants’ experiences of transnational social relations in digital games, particularly in relation to social adaptation as migrants. The final theme is presented in two different sections in this paper. 

The findings of the study show that based on participants’ perception of digital games and the importance they attach to games and their sociability, digital games showed the ability to help migrants maintain and make new transnational social relationships as well as cope with adaptation processes as migrants in different degrees. Digital games can be quite an effective tool for migrants to maintain their relationships with native countries. Eight out of ten participants maintained their existing relationships in their homelands through digital games. As William and Steinkuehler (2006) also point out, the participants saw digital games as a third place for socialization, a space where they spent time with the people they missed. Thus, digital games provide migrants with means to maintain relationships they do not want to leave behind and fulfill their longing for them. At the same time, digital games also act as a platform where the participants meet new friends from their homelands. In this respect, it is possible to say that digital games have a significant potential for developing and sustaining transnational relationships and creating social space beyond borders.

This research also finds that digital games could have positive implications for social adaptation. A number of participants expressed that playing digital games enhanced their social relationships in their host countries. One of the participants made most of her friends in Poland, where she had lived, at a local game café. Another participant’s friendship with one of his colleagues was strengthened through playing digital games together. Friendship with gamers from different backgrounds can help an individual easily adapt to a new cultural environment. One of the participants, who had no difficulty adapting to life in a foreign country, said that he had played digital games with gamers from different countries. He further added that he had once even joined a guild named the “Hellenic Horde,” which consisted of Greek gamers from Cyprus, and became good friends with them. It is significant that the participant, who is a Turk, formed a strong bond with other gamers in a Greek guild despite the historical tension between the people of Turkish and Greek origins in Cyprus. This underscores the fact that establishing transnational relationships in their home countries does not necessarily hinder their adaption to the societies they have migrated to. On the contrary, they can be more understanding and adaptive to different cultures (Vertovec, 2009, p. 78). Digital games, which help cross-cultural communications (Binark & Bayraktutan Sütcü, 2008), can make migrants’ adaptation to different cultural environments easier.

It seems that the degree to which migrants benefit from digital games in terms of transnational relationships and social adaptation varies according to their own level of sociability, choice of games, cultural conservativeness, and the importance they attach to games. The participants who are introverted and prefer playing games on their own tend to benefit from gaming as a socialization tool. However, the participants who are extroverts and play games with other players tend to make and maintain transnational friendships through digital games, as well as adapting to social life in their host countries. Similarly, the benefit of socialization varies according to the weight of digital games in migrants’ lives. The participants who attach special importance to digital games are more inclined to leverage them for socialization than those who regard digital games as mere recreation. The benefits of socialization differ according to the way migrants play games as well as the importance they attach to them. This indicates that digital games may not be beneficial in all circumstances.

Cultural attachment is another factor for migrants’ transnational relationships and social integration. The participants who harbor biases against other cultures tend to develop more relationships with the gamers hailing from the same place of origin. On the one hand, migrants’ religious and cultural attachment makes them feel close to their homelands. On the other hand, this type of transnational relationship may hinder their sociocultural adaptation (Pitkänen et al., 2012, p. 217–218). One of the participants, identified as K8, was culturally and religiously attached to Turkey and kept a distance from other cultures. Among all the participants, he had experienced the most difficulty in social adaptation. At the same time, he seemed to have benefited very little from digital games in terms of socialization. Thus, as Crawford et al. (2011) argue, digital games should be treated as part of everyday lives, interactions, and practices rather than as an entirely different space from daily life. Our ideologies, culture, and values influence our everyday practices, and digital games constitute an integral part of such practices. 

The implications of digital games for transnational relationships and migrant adaptation indicate their potential as a significant social capital resource. Social capital, which is defined as resources one acquires through social connections, can provide non-material resources (e.g., emotional support, information, and advice) as well as material resources (e.g., money, food, and shelter) (Schiller et al., 1995). There are a number of studies that demonstrate that digital games can serve as sources of social capital. For instance, Zhong’s research (2011) shows that an exchange of emotional or other substantial support can be realized among gamers who play Massively Multiplayer Online Role-Playing Games due to an experience of cooperation and shared time and space. Zhong also finds evidence that digital games positively contribute to gamers’ participation in offline social life. The accounts of the participants in this study indicate many similarities with the findings of other related studies. For some participants (K1, K2, and K10), digital games provide a space for emotional support from friends and families back home. Meanwhile, digital games are viewed as one of the most important tools for migrants (K9) to develop social networks in their host local communities. Nevertheless, this study did not find any evidence indicating that social relationships developed through digital games provide individuals with material resources.