Liutauras

Highly Skilled Migration from Lithuania: A Critical Overview of the Period 1990-2018

Olgu

Assist. Prof.

The Syrian internal war that erupted in 2011 led millions of Syrians to leave their countries looking for refuge in Turkey. According to the figures provided by the Republic of Turkey’s Ministry of Interior Directorate General of Migration Management, the number of Syrians under temporary protection with registered biometric data was 3,674,588 as of October 10, 2019 (Mülteci Derneği, 2019). As Turkey hosts more than 3 million Syrians, the refugee integration policies regarding access to health, education, labor market, and citizenship are under intense public debate. Syrian entrepreneurs residing in specifically near border regions and big metropolitan cities like İstanbul are also known to have set up small shops in various sectors. According to the Union of Chambers and Commodity Exchanges of Turkey, 173 corporations and 8,038 limited companies operating with Syrian financial capital are found between January, 2013 and April, 2019 (TOBB Kurulan-Kapanan Şirket İstatistikleri, 2019). Accordingly, migrant entrepreneurship has been asserted to not only be able to foster migrant’s self-reliance and integration into the host society, but also to be able to ease the social and cultural adaptation processes of migrants into their new environment (Özservet, 2017, p. 3). In this respect, analyzing the dynamics and the difficulties within the field of migrant entrepreneurship is essential.This study shows that the existing theoretical approaches in understanding migrant small-business ownership do not provide a composite, multi-layered framework. It asserts that the dynamics of hardship faced by Syrian refugees and Syrian survival strategies cannot be fully understood by existing theoretical approaches. The existing literature on refugee-owned small businesses is discussed under three groupings: agency-oriented theories, structuralism, and mixed approaches of embeddedness. However, the paper adopts a Bourdieusian approach to explore the opportunities&nbsp;provided by Bourdieusian sociology in understanding the multi-layered dynamics of Syrian entrepreneurship. The main research questions of the paper are as follows: What are the possible opportunities for Bourdieu’s concepts to shed light on Syrian small-business ownership? Does Bourdieusian field theory provide a composite, relational approach to understanding Syrian refugee small-business ownership? In so doing, the multi-layered and relational concepts of Bourdieusian sociology have been operationalized in order to fill the gaps within the existing literature on migrant/refugee entrepreneurship. By using the full theoretical model of Pierre Bourdieu’s multi-layered relational concepts, the study aims to develop a more nuanced understanding of the dynamics in migrant entrepreneurship. The paper provides researchers with a toolkit for working on migrant/refugee small-business ownership.The paper contains five sections. The first section sets the aim and methodology of the study. The second section discusses the analytical models in understanding migrant entrepreneurship. The third section elaborates on the theoretical approaches that shed light on migrant entrepreneurship. These last two sections critically engage with these models and theoretical approaches by showing the gaps within them. The fourth section sets out the Bourdieusian approach and operationalizes his concepts into the research area of Syrian small-business ownership in Turkey. The paper concludes with key research findings and implications for researchers and practitioners. The methodological approach performs a critical evaluation of the theoretical approaches and analytical models to understand the dynamics within migrant entrepreneurship. Accordingly, a small number of academic studies on Syrian entrepreneurship in Turkey are discussed in relation to the theoretical approaches and analytical models. In addition to the critical elaboration of secondary resources regarding the literature on Syrian entrepreneurship in Turkey, I have utilized the field work observations I made during the research project titled A New Perspective on the Processes of Adaptation and Integration of Urban Refugees: A Social Innovation Experiment Aimed at Building Inclusive Cities, which was funded by the Scientific and Technological Research Council of Turkey’s (TÜBİTAK) Priority Area R&amp;D Funding Program No. 1003 (117K826) where I worked as a researcher. Next, a multi-level research framework that incorporates the micro, mid, and macro dynamics within Syrian entrepreneurship is presented using Bourdieusian concepts. Finally, the Bourdieusian concepts are operationalized into Syrian small-business ownership.&nbsp;Rather than borrowing piecemeal from Bourdieu’s work, Bourdieu’s full theoretical account opens up fresh and innovative possibilities for theoretical and empirical research. The research shows how Bourdieu’s concepts, field, habitus, and forms of capital are constitutively bound up within each other. First, one of the advantages of Bourdieu’s theory in the context of small business ownership lies in its dynamic approach that enables discussion on how changes in the political economy have affected&nbsp;migrant labor markets and immigrants’ interests and employability, particularly ethnic entrepreneurship. A Bourdieusian approach calls for an assessment of deeper political structures and the power relations that shape the current configuration of social and economic life.The concept of habitus offers a powerful means for linking the micro and macro processes in ethnic entrepreneurship. The habitus also links past fields to present fields and enables researchers to conduct comparative studies, as habitus takes into account the entrepreneur’s own sense of the structures, meanings, and definitions that people bring to their situation in the confrontation and negotiation between themselves and the structures.Adjusting to the field of entrepreneurship requires investment and the transformation of forms of capital that are needed in small business ownership. The formation and activation of social, cultural, and economic capital, rather than pre-existing, exists solely in relation to the field of entrepreneurship. A Bourdieusian approach enables researchers to focus on the formation and reproduction of concrete social network ties in a specific field. As Bourdieu and Wacquant (1992, p. 101) put it, “Capital does not exist and function except in relation to a field.”Moreover, the findings from the study suggest that not all Syrian shopkeepers possess these capitals equally. The ability to overcome difficulties in small business ownership is dependent on the volume and quality of social capital. Inequalities in the distribution of forms of capital in a particular moment in time could lead to different entrepreneurial strategies within the members of the Syrian community.This study shows that existing theoretical approaches for understanding migrant small-business ownership do not provide a composite, multi-layered framework. It asserts that the dynamics of hardship faced by Syrian entrepreneurs cannot be fully understood through existing theoretical approaches.The Bourdieusian framework has a greater potential for explaining the dynamics within Syrian entrepreneurship and provides researcher better analytical tools for understanding the dynamics of Syrian small-business ownership.

Opportunities for Understanding Syrian Refugees’ Entrepreneurship in Turkey Using the Bourdieusian Approach

Kemal

Assoc. Prof.

This study examines certain indicators regarding homeownership and the conditions and quality of housing as included in the micro-data from the Income and Living Conditions (EU-SILC) Survey TurkStat carried out between 2006 and 2015 in the context of their relation to socio-economic factors in comparison with the European Union. This study also proposes to develop a housing quality index using 16 variables indicative of housing quality.The study aims to shed light on the problems to be solved in urban transformation by examining various aspects of the dimensions of housing deprivation in the context of the findings related to Turkey’s housing and living conditions.When evaluating homeownership, Turkey is seen to have a housing deficit. In particular, cities with a population over 20,000 have a homeownership rate of 50%. The homeownership rate for households in lower-income levels is around 35-40%, while the homeownership rate for households in rural areas is 75%. Homeownership in Turkey lags behind European Union countries. The government should provide support in meeting low-income households’ housing needs by providing loans that are as favorable as possible. Turkey should facilitate homeownership, especially for households in the lower-income segments of urban areas.40% of the households in Turkey are tenancies. Turkey still has widespread tenancy compared to other countries. A homeownership rate of 70-75% and tenancy rate of 25- 30%, as in the European Union, can be considered as targets for Turkey.When considering income level apart from the lowest income bracket, not much difference is found in terms of housing conditions among the others; their housing quality index values resemble one another. As such, the lowest income households are the ones facing housing deprivation.As shown by the results, the housing sector, being an important sector in Turkey, will maintain its vitality as long as conditions remain suitable in the coming years. In addition, Turkey does not appear to have a high probability of crisis due to housing mortgages. Mortgage rates are not high, though they have been increasing annually; while 27% of houses in European Union countries have mortgages, Turkey’s rate is 6%.Home ownership is not a sufficient condition on its own. The housing condition where one lives is extremely important in terms of quality of life. Living in high standard housing has now become people’s basic need. A low housing standard is defined as housing deprivation. Houses that do not have enough comfort negatively affect people’s quality of life. In this regard, Turkey needs to internalize and institutionalize this need without making any standards concessions while reconciling with the contractors, buyers, and the government that controls them.In terms of the number of rooms and areas utilized in houses, Turkey ranks higher than European Union averages. The average size of utilized space is 96 m2 in the European Union, while this number is 102.3 m2 in Turkey. In 2006, the quality indicator index scores of households throughout Turkey increased from 102,000 to 108,000; most importantly, the positive growth of 16% from the low-income to middle-income brackets shows socio-economic development to be continuing.Compared with EU averages, Turkey continues to have heating problems in houses due to insufficient insulation and 23% of houses are unable to receive enough sunlight. Such problems in the European Union are at a minimum level of 5-6%. While 33.4% of the European Union’s population is very pleased with the houses they live in, this rate is only 5.8% in Turkey. About 70% of the population in Turkey has stated being satisfied with their homes, with 26.3% stating being completely unsatisfied.Turkey has a highly developed housing price index, but this index is limited to pricing. Therefore, developing new indices with diverse quality indicators will positively impact housing standards in Turkey. This article creates a housing quality indicator index using 16 housing variables. According to the index scores, housing quality, which had had a value of 102,208 in 2006, reached 108,684 in 2015, increasing 1,000-2,000 points annually on average.The research findings indicate no extreme regional inequality to be present in Turkey in terms of housing quality index scores; housing quality standards are close to one another in all regions.The housing quality index is a measurement and assessment tool that has been designed to evaluate housing in terms of quality rather than cost. Determining prices by measuring the quality of housing and then publishing these will provide customers with significant benefits.

Home Ownership, Housing Conditions, and the Housing Quality Index in Turkey

Zübeyir

Ümmügülsüm

Historically, the sociology of religion has dealt mostly with macro sociological problems. Perhaps the most important of these is whether religion has been able to continue its existence and influence as a social institution since modernization. These debates have been shaped around secularization theories and studied extensively up to the 1980s. Later on, as sociologists in general began working on micro-level problems, sociologists of religion started working on micro-issues such as how religion affects individuals’ lives. The proliferation of research on micro problems has made ethnographic field research and quantitative methods more visible.Using quantitative techniques, scientists have tried to answer questions regarding the differences between men and women in their religiosity (Cornwall, 1989; de Vaus &amp; McAllister, 1987), the differences in religiosity between younger and older adults (Young &amp; Dowling, 1987), and the effects of education on religion (Albrecht &amp; Heaton, 1984; Hunsberger, 1978). Similarly, studies examining the effects of religious groups and socialization experiences on individuals’ religiosity can be mentioned within this framework.Understanding religiosity’s interactions with individuals’ attitudes and behaviors emerged as the next step in quantitative studies on religiosity. In this context, sociologists have studied the effects of religiosity on choosing friends, work, and where to live, as well as political preferences (Malka, Lelkes, Srivastava, Cohen, &amp; Miller, 2012), voting behaviors (Gerber, Gruber, &amp; Hungerman, 2016; Miller &amp; Wattenburg, 1984; Smith &amp; Walker, 2013), consumption habits (Wilkes, Burnett, &amp; Howell, 1986), participation levels in volunteer activities (Park &amp; Smith, 2000; Taniguchi &amp; Thomas, 2011; Wuthnow &amp; Hodkinson, 1990; Yeung, 2004), civic engagement levels (Smidth, 1999; Wuthnow, 1999), life satisfaction (Willits &amp; Crider, 1988), and marital satisfaction (Brown, Orbuch, &amp; Bauermeister, 2008; Dudley &amp; Kosinski, 1990; Gaunt, 2006; Hunt &amp; King, 1974; Shehan, Wilbur, &amp; Lee, 1990).Because sociology of religion focuses more on theoretical discussions in Turkey, the number of religious studies conducted using quantitative methods is very low. Moreover, the findings from these few studies have been shared only as descriptive statistics, with no competent studies based on advanced analyses being produced.International studies such as the World Values Survey and the International Social Survey Program (ISSP), which enable comparisons around the world, have also included questions about religiosity. However, given that their primary focus is to make international comparisons, their sample sizes are too small to make national analyses. No study is found in Turkey to have examined the effects of socio-economic and socio-demographic variables on religiosity using multivariate techniques.&nbsp;This article attempts to fill this gap in the literature. The effects of demographic variables such as age, gender, and marital status and social class variables such as education level, rural or city origin, family religiosity, and sect on religiosity in Turkey have been examined using multivariate analysis.Religiosity is a multidimensional concept encompassing several unique but interrelated dimensions such as religious beliefs, religious practices, and saliency of religion. This article uses three different measures of religiosity: self-reported religiousness, frequency of performing the five daily prayers, and attitudes towards Islamic inheritance where male descendants inherit twice as much as female descendants.MethodThis article uses the dataset from the Survey of Religious Life in Turkey (SRLT, 2013), which was prepared by the Directorate of Religious Affairs (DRA) with the support of the Turkish Statistical Institute (TURKSTAT). The purpose of SRLT is to determine the religious tendencies of citizens and their reflections on daily life. The sample consists of 21,490 participants and is representative of the entire Turkish population over 18 years of age. This study is based on the multiple regression analysis, as it aims to reveal the effects of many variables simultaneously and separately. Logistic regression analysis is preferred more than other methods for explaining the relationship between variables in cases where the dependent variable is categorical. Because religiosity is an ordinal dependent variable, this research needs to use ordinal logistic regression analysis. The three models have the same independent variables.Independent VariablesSelf-rated religiosity has been measured by asking the participants the question, “Which of the following statements reflects your sense of religiosity?” The answers given to this question are (1) “I am quite religious,” (2) “I am religious,” (3) “I am neither religious nor non-religious,” (4) “I am not religious,” and (5) “I am not at all religious.” In order to convert this to a positive sequence, the values for this variable have been reverse coded. The second dependent variable, the frequency of performing the five daily prayers, is measured through the question, “How often do you perform&nbsp;the five daily prayers?” The answers are (1) “Always,” (2) “Most of the time,” (3) “Occasionally,” (4) “Rarely,” and (5) “Never.” This variable has also been reverse coded. The third dependent variable is measured by the question “Indicate your views on the following statements: When distributing inheritance, I give men a double share.” The answer categories are (1) “I agree,” (2) “I partially agree,” and (3) “I disagree.” This item has also been reverse coded so that higher values mean higher religiosity.Independent VariablesThis research uses the following variables as the independent variables: (1) gender, (2) education, (3) age, (4) employment status, (5) income level, (6) marital status, (7) settlement (rural-urban), (8) family religiousness, and (9) sect.FindingsGender Gender appears to have a statistically significant effect on religiosity levels for all three models. Even when controlling the effects of other independent variables, women have been observed to be more religious than men in the first two models. Women define themselves as more religious than men. Similarly, women pray more often than men. Unlike the first two models, however, women are less religious than men when taking attitudes towards inheritance distribution into consideration.Age Age has a positive effect on religiousness. In the first two models, religiosity gradually increases with age. However, the effect of age on attitudes towards inheritance sharing is slightly more limited.Settlement According to the first two models, people living in the city are less religious than those living in rural areas. Indeed, those living in the city feel less religious and pray less frequently than those living in rural areas. However, the third model shows that those who live in rural areas have a more negative attitude toward Islamic inheritance distribution than those living in the city.Employment StatusIn all three models, those who work actively in a job are less religious than those who do not work.Marital Status All three models show that married people are more religious than unmarried people are.&nbsp;EducationAccording to the first model, the highest level of religiosity is observed among secondary school graduates, followed by post secondary vocational college and primary school graduates, respectively. Those who have no formal education pray the most frequently, whereas university graduates pray more frequently than high school graduates. Those with no formal education have a more positive attitude towards Islamic inheritance distribution than university graduates.Family ReligiosityIn all three models, family religiosity appears to have a positive effect on religiosity. As family religiosity increases, participants are more likely to feel religious, pray more frequently, and have a more positive attitude towards Islamic inheritance distribution.Sect According to the regression results, sect has a significant effect on religiousness levels. In all three indicators of religiousness, Hanafi and Shafi’i individuals are more likely to be religious than those from other sects. Shafi’i individuals are the most religious with respect to all three indicators.ConclusionThe findings from the three models show level of religiosity in Turkey to not change with respect to income groups. One important finding from this study is that age has significant implications for religious self-assessment and frequency of prayer. Similarly, many studies conducted in Turkey and in the world have shown a positive relationship to exist between age and religiosity (Argue, Johnson, &amp; White, 1999; Taplamacıoğlu, 1962). Consistent with the literature, married people are found to be more religious than unmarried people. Furthermore, family religiosity has a positive effect on religiosity. Another prominent finding from this study is that the factors affecting the attitudes towards heritage shares in Islamic law differ from those that affect the level of self-evaluated religiousness and frequency of prayer. Another result of the research is the significant effect sect has on religiousness. Hanafi and Shafi’i individuals have been found to be more religious than other sects for all three measures.

Socio-demographic and Socio-cultural Predictors of Religiosity in Turkey

Ceren

As in many other countries, public health practice during Turkey’s Interwar Period was focused on children. The result of socially redefining the body since the late 18th century had positioned health policies at a leading position. The influence of positivism in every field resulted in glorifying the sciences that study society and paved the way for interventions in areas such as crime, poverty, and productivity. In addition, this interest was taken over by the republic and reshaped in the context of constructing the nation and citizenship.This article explores the relationship between pronatalist policies and citizenship education in the Early Republican Period. It analyzes the meanings attributed to the children of the country and reveals the relationship between the fight against tuberculosis and these meanings. The study has not considered childhood experiences from an insider perspective nor has it included children’s voices as a source. Instead, the article focuses on the meanings and biopolitical discourses adults and physicians in particular imposed on children in the Late Ottoman and Early Republican Periods, historicizing these starting from the Late Ottoman Period.The main sources used in the article are texts that discuss the population problems of the period which physicians produced in the first quarter of the century. In this period, physicians occupied an important place in state cadres and played a decisive role in producing health and population policies. Therefore, the texts written by the members of this profession provide information on how the population problem was handled in the eyes of the state. The texts generally include articles on health, epidemics, and children deaths, as well as chapters prepared for children to read in publications from the Istanbul Society for the War against Tuberculosis.The article discusses the impact of the idea of biopolitics on the newly founded Turkey in terms of children’s health and tuberculosis. It establishes on a historical basis the process of modern medicine’s expansion into areas that intervened in individuals’ daily lives and its engagement in population debates. For this purpose, the study first discusses the theoretical framework of the relationship between the national population problem and children’s health, then describes the course of concrete discussions about children’s health in the Late Ottoman and Early Republican Periods, and lastly explains the place tuberculosis occupied in the field of children’s health, the forms of health propaganda, and the discourse produced over the citizen child.In the Early Republican Period, population policies were shaped to support pronatalism and these policies were able to be implemented with the support of the educated elites of the period, especially physicians. Physicians and bureaucrats attributed as much importance to propaganda as they did to inaugurating a national health system because they believed that health propaganda could prevent epidemics&nbsp;and decrease child death rates. But health propaganda, rather than mere health, also included the discourse produced for realizing the civilization project that was envisioned as an inherent part of nationalization. In other words, being able to behave healthily also became one of the basic skills expected of a responsible citizen.Three elements have been found that made this transformation possible: medical, scientific, and political. The medical aspect involved transitioning from an understanding of public health based on sanitary conditions to one based on personal hygiene. New public health practices spread the idea of the risk of transmitting diseases from a particular area to all areas, and thus the area medical knowledge was able to reach became unlimited. Observation and intervention in the field of the infinite danger zone included new administrative techniques and discourses; as a result, citizenship education was able to be included in health education.Secondly and scientifically, although germ theory had been produced in the previous century, it had only been able to become widespread in the 20th century; after this, the transfer of hygienic practices to all strata of society could finally be expected and targeted. The presence of microbes provided and justified scientific grounds for suggesting compliance with personal hygiene rules to prevent diseases, as in the case of tuberculosis. In this way, the social causes of the disease were rendered invisible and a significant part of the fight against tuberculosis could be transferred away from the responsibility of the state to individual responsibility and institutional volunteerism.&nbsp;Thirdly and politically, the overlap of nationalist and political propagandas had a historical background. Insufficiency of the population since the 19th century had been considered as the crucial concern the ruling elites had to concretely solve in terms of security and labor shortages in the Interwar Period. After the demographic transformation and destruction of fundamental institutions such as family and education that had been provoked by the cultural crisis, physicians found a domain where they could impose their power of knowledge to restore these institutions.In this context, the solution to the population and cultural crises brought the new family and new woman forward and at the same time produced a language based on the understanding of the citizen child: healthy children were indispensable for maintaining the regime and nation. In this sense, pronatalist policies merged with eugenics through the fear of degeneration, at least in the eyes of physicians and bureaucrats. Parents who could not provide children with the environment and knowledge necessary for a healthy life were accused on a scale that ranged from neglect of national duty to murder. In the case of tuberculosis, both adults and children were expected to educate each other. Only then could current or future adults become citizens who were healthy-bodied, healthy-minded, moral, and civilized.

Constructing the Healthy Individual in the Early Republic: Pronatalist Policies, Child Health, and Tuberculosis

Tuğba

Alanur

Apart from live births, induced abortion (hereinafter referred to as abortion) is the most widely studied topic among pregnancy terminations from a multidisciplinary perspective. It is a main topic in demography, is affected deeply by micro-level fertility decisions, and is a topic of population policies that affect this demographic event at a macro level.The 1994 ICPD Conference in Cairo recognized that women should have access to reproductive health services that would also allow them to control their fertility. The provision of safe abortion services during the first 10-12 weeks of a pregnancy is recognized as part of this access. Eliminating unwanted pregnancies and maternal deaths due to unsafe abortion were parts of the Millennium Development Goals and currently part of Sustainable Development Goals (Sedgh, Singh, &amp; Hussain, 2014; World Health Organization [WHO], 2015).&nbsp;Globally speaking, abortion levels have been going down in developed countries since the 1990s (down from 46 abortions per 1,000 women to 27 per 1,000); however, this does not necessarily hold for developing countries (fluctuating between 39 to 36 per 1,000 women). In Turkey, the trend has been a downward one since the mid1980s, an era marked by the enactment of a population law that legalized abortion on demand up to the tenth week of pregnancy. An increase in the percentage of pregnancies ending in abortion was observed in demographic surveys following this law, but a consistent trend has been observed since (Table 1). Since the beginning of the 1980s, the use of modern contraceptives has been increasing, and total fertility rate has been decreasing; both of which are in line with the abortion trend.On the other hand, the drop in the level of abortions from 2008 to 2013 was somehow sharper than expected, where the number of induced abortions per 100 pregnancies dropped by half from 10 to 5. The confidence intervals of these estimates are non-overlapping (Adalı, Çavlin, &amp; Berktaş, 2015). A closer look into these two years reveals that contraception use and total fertility rate remained at similar levels. Thus, this study aims to investigate whether the decline can be attributed to a specific group of women and to find out which pregnancies end in abortion based on data from 2013.Data and Method The study mainly uses data from the 2013 Turkey Demographic and Health Survey, a large-scale household survey that interviewed 11,794 households and 9,746 women. The survey is based on a multistage, stratified cluster sample. Analysis has been done using the Complex Samples module of SPSS 23, which allows for these design variables and sample weights to be taken into account. All the interviewed women were asked detailed information about their reproductive history over the five years preceding the survey date using a calendar module. Monthly information on the use of contraceptives, discontinuation of contraception and the reasons for it, pregnancies, and pregnancy outcomes were recorded in this module. The data used in this study is based on this calendar data, where each case is an event defined by a terminated pregnancy (through a live birth, an abortion, a miscarriage, or a stillbirth). To study the determinants of abortion, an indicator variable that takes the value of 1 if pregnancy ended in an abortion has been defined as the dependent variable.Theoretical FrameworkThe determinants of abortion have been categorized under two main headings in this study: demographic determinants and socio-economic/cultural determinants. The variables under these two headings have been selected according to the literature. Among the demographic determinants are: the woman’s age at time of abortion, whether the current pregnancy will cause her to exceed her ideal number of children, whether she has had a son, whether she has previously had an abortion, whether she has ever used modern contraceptives, and whether the current pregnancy was a result of contraceptive failure. The selected socio-economic and cultural determinants are: type of place of residence as (i.e., urban or rural), region, education level, household wealth index, woman’s employment status, mother tongue, and religiosity (as defined by certain practices).ResultsA comparison of two surveys from 2008 and 2013 reveals that abortion declined in all subgroups of women, regardless of age, socio-economic status, or parity. Looking at the magnitude of the decline, the decline appears more rapid for more educated women and women in wealthier households. The logistic regression analysis has been carried out in two steps, with only demographic determinants as the first step and with all variables combined in the second step. The significant determinants in the first model are age (higher odds of abortion for higher ages), previous abortion experience (higher odds if yes), modern contraceptive use (higher odds if yes), and contraceptive failure as cause of pregnancy (higher odds when pregnancy unplanned). When demographic variables were controlled for, no socio-economic variables proved significant. Only religiosity is signficant among this block of variables, with the pregnancies to women who are less religious having higher odds of being terminated through an abortion. The addition of this block of variables also changed the significance of one demographic variable that compares the odds of having an abortion for women with at least one son, and women with daughters only against having no children; and the odds of abortion significantly increase for the foremost category.Conclusion and DiscussionThe findings imply that the rapid decline in recent years could not be attributed to a specific socio-economic group. The regression analysis shows that such determinants are not significant when controlling for demographic variables. The fact that contraception use has not changed remarkably between 2008 and 2013 leads to questioning the supply side of abortion services. In the last decade, Turkey has witnessed a change in population policies where government officials have made public anti-abortion statements. Despite no changes to the 1983 law, multiple studies by NGOs and universities have shown signs of abortion services vanishing from public hospitals (Bianet, 2015; Mor Çatı Kadın Sığınağı Vakfı, 2015; O’Neil, 2017; Topgül, Adalı, Çavlin, &amp; Dayan, 2017). The decline in abortions in Turkey might be attributed to this situation, which would call for measures to ensure women regain their right to reproductive health services.

The Prevelance of Induced Abortion in Turkey and the Factors Affecting Its Decision

Sutay

Fuat

Turkey has experienced significant social transformations such as industrialization, urbanization, economic development, raising education level, internal and external migration and globalization since the second half of the 20th century up to the present. Together with this rapid economic and social change, Turkey’s social structure has transformed from traditional, rural, agricultural, and patriarchal to an industrial society with increasingly modern and urban. Despite all these changes, Turkey generally still has a family-oriented social structure (Öztan, 2014). However, the claim that the patriarchal family ideology has wholly lost influence in all segments of society is difficult to argue.The aim of this study is to assess and evaluate what is expected economically from children based on data from the 2016 Turkish Family Structure Research carried out by the Turkey Statistical Institute (TurkStat) and the Ministry of Family and Social Policy (ASPB). The study is mainly based on the assumption that individuals’ demographic, socioeconomic, cultural and residential characteristics significantly affect the meanings attributed to children’s economic value/material benefit. According to this approach, the level of financial/economic contribution expected from children is argued to be significantly lower for those from younger generations who have lived longer duration in an urban social environment, have fewer children, have higher education and socioeconomic statuses and adopt more secular attitudes compared to those from older generations in rural settlement with more children, lower education and socioeconomic statuses and more religious attitudes.Methodology Micro-data from the 2016 Turkish Family Structure Research (TurkStat, 2016b) has been analyzed using the multinomial logistic regression model. The analysis unit consists of individuals with at least one child of their own or as a step-parent.Dependent VariableIn the model, the participants who stated agreeing (68.5%) with the expression “Once grown up, children should financially support their parents” have been defined as the reference category for the dependent variable.Independent Variables The last categories have been defined as the reference category for the independent variables.Demographic variables. These include gender (1 = female; 2 = male), age (between 15-29 years old = 1; between 30-39 = 2; between 40 and 49 = 3; and 50 or older = 4)&nbsp;and number of children (one child = 1; two children = 2; three children = 3; and four children and above = 4).Socioeconomic variables. These include education level (university level or higher = 1, high school = 2, primary/secondary school = 3, and never finished grade school = 4) and household income level (highest = 1, high = 2, upper middle = 3, lower middle = 4, low = 5, and lowest = 6).Cultural attitude variables. These variables involve: Gender preference for an only child (respondents were asked to answer the question, “If you were to have only one child, what would you want your child’s gender to be?” with answers rated as girl = 1, boy = 2, and doesn’t matter = 3), the impact of religious belief on life (index variable where no impact = 1, low impact = 2, moderate impact = 3, and high impact = 4), and tolerance levels (index variable where tolerant = 1, partially tolerant = 2, and not tolerant = 3).NUTS-1 Regions. These include the place where one resided until the age of 15 (Provincial center = 1, District center = 2, Overseas = 3, and town/village = 4) and NUTS-1 geographical regions (Istanbul = 1, Western Marmara = 2, Aegean = 3, Eastern Marmara = 4, Western Anatolia = 5, Mediterranean = 6, Central Anatolia = 7, Western Black Sea = 8, Eastern Black Sea = 9, Northeast Anatolia = 10, Middle-East Anatolia = 11, and Southeast Anatolia = 12).No multicollinearity has been found among the independent variables.ResultsOur study has shown the last model containing the independent variables to perform better than the fixed model (intercepts only). All the independent variables included in the model contribute significantly to the model itself.&nbsp;Gender. Female respondents tend to disagree with the expression “Once having grown up, children should financially support their parents” (the dependent variable) 26% more than male respondents.Age. Younger respondents tend to disagree with this expression significantly more than respondents 50 years and older.Number of child. Respondents with one or two children tend to disagree with this expression significantly more than respondents with three or more children.Education level. Respondents with high school or higher education levels tend to disagree with this expression significantly more than respondents with lower education levels.Household welfare level. The higher one’s household welfare level, the higher the probablity one will disagree with this expression.Gender preference for an only child. Taking the answer “It doesn’t matter” as the reference point, those who prefer a daughter tend to disagree with the expression (dependent variable) 14% more.The effect of religious beliefs on life practices. A negative and significant relationship has been detected between the level of the effect of religious belief on life practices with the tendency to disagree with the expression. Thus, the expected level of financial contribution is significantly lower among respondents with more secular attitudes compared to those with religious ones.Tolerance level. Those who responded being more tolerant of differences in malefemale relations and marriage tend to disagree with the expression “Once having grown up, children should financially support their parents” significantly more than those who responded as not being tolerant.Type of place of residence Residence locale until the age of 15. Respondents who resided in urban locales such as “provincial centers” and “district centers” longer until the age of 15 tend to disagree or partially agree with this expression significantly more than respondents who had lived mostly in “town” or “village settlements.”NUTS-1 Regions: Every region of Turkey tends to disagree with this expression more compared to the Southeast Anatolian Region which is the reference category of the research.Discussion and Conclusion The vast majority of women in Turkey are not included in the labor force. Therefore, most women do not have direct social security. Thus, women in Turkey have relatively lower incomes than men in general and are mostly covered by social security through their husbands/fathers. However, the findings from the model show that, while keeping all other variables being kept under control, women tend to reject expecting children to contribute economically to their parents more than men. One noteworthy finding from the study is that despite their relatively less secure socioeconomic conditions, women are more inclined than men to change the traditional social acceptance. When evaluating participants’ approaches with respect to age group and number of children, our model’s findings are seen to overlap with the findings from previous studies. Participants younger than middle-aged with one or two children tend to have lower economic expectations from their compare to those middle-aged and older with&nbsp;more than two children. The same situation is valid for the socioeconomic and residence variables we used in our study; participants with higher education and economic status levels who have lived longer in urban areas have significantly lower expectations of economic contributions from their children when they grow up compared to those with lower education and economic status levels who have lived longer in rural areas. This finding is also consistent with the results from previous studies.The model demonstrates that the more secular and more tolerant participants differ from the more religious and less tolerant participants by “not having economic expectations from children.” Therefore, even among individuals with similar socioeconomic conditions, having different cultural attitudes and thoughts can have an impact that is able to vary perceptions and expectations regarding children. This finding is the current study’s most original contribution to the relevant literature. Our study shows that socio-cultural tendencies and attitudes in particular should be taken into consideration in studies on the values and perceptions attributed to children.In conclusion, our study demonstrates one of the most important changes in the family structure in Turkey to be the decrease in economic expectations from children as a result of variations in demographics, education level, and economic status; increased prosperity and secularization; increased tolerance toward differences; and the urbanization of the population. As a matter of fact, this situation is closely related to the fact that children in today’s globalized world of consumption have turned into a consumer issue that causes certain expenses for families rather than providing economic benefits.

Factors Affecting Children’s Economic Value in Turkey: A Sociological Analysis of the 2016 Family Structure Research

Murat

Prof.

Assortative Mating and Women’s Working-Hours Decisions in Turkey

Adobea

Social Contexts of Living with HIV/AIDS in the Eastern Region of Ghana

Mahmut

Reconsidering the Fundamental Problems of Vocational Education and Training in Turkey and Proposed Solutions for Restructuring

Amir

Iran’s Second Demographic Transition and BelowReplacement Fertility: Implications for Population Policies

İsmail

Prof. Dr.

Yazı Çağrısı “Dijital Ekonomide Öznellikler” Özel Sayısı

MAKALE ÇAĞRISI-ÖZEL SAYI

Sosyoloji Dergisi 2025 Haziran Sayısı Yazı Çağrısı

Şeyda

“Günümüzde Claude Lévi-Strauss”

Claude

Mutfak Üçgeni

Res. Assist.

“Yeryüzünde Bir Parantez: Philippe Descola ile Söyleşi”

Frédéric

Preparing cities for future pandemics. A Lévi-Straussian analysis of the H5N1 avian influenza in Hong Kong, Istanbul and New York in 2005

Gözde

Assist. Prof. Dr.

This study is based on the argument that neo-evolutionary sociology, by distancing itself from old deterministic polarizations in the 21st century and adopting a more careful synthesis of biological and sociological data, provides an indispensable methodology for re-examining the dualisms of human-nature and nature-culture. However, a comprehensive theoretical analysis of neo-evolutionary sociology extends beyond the scope of this study and constitutes a distinct research inquiry in its own right. In this context, the relevance of neo-evolutionary sociology is considered exclusively through its intersections with Lévi-Strauss’s inverted anthropological approach, which critiques the Western tendency to evaluate both Western and non-Western societies through the binary opposition of self and other. This approach serves an explanatory function in understanding how neo-evolutionary sociology, which reflects the contemporary reconceptualization of the long-standing relationship between sociology and biology, situates itself within academic discourse. In other words, this study is structured around the objective of substantiating this claim and elucidating the relevant connections in a concrete manner. Throughout the 19th century, Darwin’s theory of evolution, which fundamentally transformed the prevailing definition of humanity, began to exert its influence on sociology as well. It is no coincidence that the founding figures of modern social sciences, particularly in anthropology and sociology, were deeply influenced by evolutionary thought when constructing their theories. However, from the early 20th century onward, this initially welcomed approach gradually acquired negative connotations. Nevertheless, deterministic attempts to explain human nature and society through biological and evolutionary theories continued to be strongly emphasized. A reaction to this perspective was inevitable. Alternative models emerged, seeking to define human beings and the foundations of their social relations primarily through cultural and social determinants. Consequently, within the scientific paradigm of the 20th century, two polarized and equally deterministic camps emerged, each attempting to dismiss the other, thereby obstructing the possibility of a holistic evaluation that incorporates both biological and sociological data. Moreover, the neglect of certain data led to rigid and incomplete assessments, rendering them susceptible to ideological interpretations. From the second half of the 20th century onward, the idea that the relationship between the social sciences and biology could be reconsidered within a non-deterministic framework gained increasing acceptance. This development was further reinforced by the accumulation of new empirical findings in both biology and sociology, which increasingly contradicted the positivist and deterministic scientific paradigms of the 19th century and the first half of the 20th century. In other words, the realization that nature does not consist solely of predictable and identifiable regular laws contributed to the maturation of the idea that humans and societies do not operate according to rigid and unchanging principles. In this regard, employing the methodology of neo-evolutionary sociology to examine the dualisms of nature-culture and human-nature, along with integrating Lévi-Strauss’s anthropological and social perspectives, constitutes a functional effort to concretize these contexts. Lévi-Strauss’s sensitivity to paradigm shifts in the second half of the 20th century, his critique of orthodox models in anthropology, and his proposal of a new perspective provide a dynamic framework that can deepen both constructive and critical thought in contemporary discussions on neo-evolutionary sociology. Lévi-Strauss occupies a unique position within the anthropological tradition due to his unconventional perspective on the modern-primitive and nature-culture dualisms produced by Enlightenment and modern scientific thought. He positions himself at the intersection where Western identity, initially constructed through encounters with non-Western civilizations before the 19th century, was reconstructed in the second half of the 20th century using the same methods but in an inverted manner. His primary aim was to question whether the model of the Western individual and society—constructed as progressive, evolutionary, rational, advanced, knowledgeable, and capable of mastering nature—truly corresponded to the semantic patterns associated with these concepts. Thus, one of the fundamental premises of Lévi-Strauss’s thought is that the distinction between modern and primitive, as well as between nature and culture, is itself a product of the Western human and societal model developed from the 19th century onward. This foundational idea was not exclusive to Lévi-Strauss but became increasingly significant within the social sciences in the second half of the 20th century. Until humans learned to coexist with nature rather than struggle against it, they lived within nature. Humans produce culture through their interaction with nature. Over time, when this culture is positioned in opposition to nature and becomes strong enough to shape human existence, it transforms into a second nature. However, since this second nature is human-made, it inherently contains contradictions. Calling it a second nature does not render it truly natural, as the fundamental characteristic of the first and true nature is its indifference to human affairs. Nature’s indifference to humans is its defining quality, as it liberates human existence from the limitations of artificial structures. Culture, on the other hand, is directly tied to how humans construct reality. It changes dynamically as humans attribute new meanings to it and has no independent agency beyond human influence. Because culture is an artificial nature dependent on human agency, it is perpetually embedded in ideologies, conflicts, and competition. Consequently, the idea that human nature is inherently based on competition and conflict remains functional within naturalist and orthodox evolutionary thought. Lévi-Strauss, as an anthropologist who directly engages with the observer-observed distinction, offers a methodology applicable to all sociological concepts. In particular, his approach provides a useful perspective for the contemporary trend of re-evaluating sociology and biology together within the framework of neo-evolutionary sociology. Unlike past positivist approaches that adhered to evolutionary and universal laws, this contemporary trend represents a more complex and reflexive convergence of sociology and biology, raising the question of whether this intersection symbolizes a new epistemological shift. Thus, reconsidering Lévi-Strauss within this current context allows us to interpret him as a methodological guide in the synthesis of sociology and biology. Lévi-Strauss fundamentally opposed the evolutionary and social Darwinist perspectives that dominated the 19th century and the first half of the 20th century. In this respect, he aligns with the reversal efforts undertaken by neo-evolutionary sociology in the 21st century. While 19th century evolutionary thought was often infused with universal, ideological assumptions, neo-evolutionary sociology seeks to establish itself as a new and productive interdisciplinary branch. Given that this approach aims to escape the determinisms of both evolutionary and social constructionist perspectives, reconsidering Lévi-Strauss within this framework becomes particularly meaningful. The paradigm of evaluating human societies through the lens of development and progress within the framework of modernization has become so dominant that it continues to exert influence even in the 21st century. Similarly, past understandings of biological and sociological evolution legitimized hierarchies between modernized societies and so-called primitive communities by grounding them in the supposedly objective knowledge of modern natural sciences. Neo-evolutionary sociology emerged precisely as a critical response to such ideological and deterministic perspectives, aiming to offer a more holistic synthesis. In this regard, the fundamental concerns and objectives of both perspectives are similar: while Lévi-Strauss critiques the deterministic and ideological narrative of modernization and modernity based on the nature-culture dualism, neo-evolutionary sociology questions the hierarchical structures imposed on societies through a rigid and reductionist link between biology and sociology. Recognizing the significance of these discussions is crucial for the theoretical development of sociology. Rather than avoiding such syntheses due to past deterministic concerns, it is necessary to engage with these issues more closely.

Yeni Evrimsel Sosyoloji Perspektifinden Lévi-Strauss’a Bakmak:  Doğa-Kültür İkiliği

Sylvia

Lévi-Strauss: Reason And Sensibility

Jeferson

The cities of Claude Lévi-Strauss

Yaşar

French anthropologist Claude Lévi-Strauss is one of the most influential figures in the discipline. He is known for his studies on myth and kinship. In his early career, he mainly focused on Native American cultures. In the following years, his work expanded into many areas, from the kitchen to the arts. Even though he never wrote explicitly about the philosophy of science, his various comparisons between modern and so-called “primitive” cultures allowed him to develop an epistemological stance.First, his structural anthropology is characterized by an opposition to hierarchical explanations of cultural differences. Unlike anthropological theories that focus on cultural distances, structural anthropology is more of a theoretical perspective that highlights cultural similarities. By doing so, it reminds us not only that universal standards for hierarchy don’t exist but also that the fundamentals of modern and “primitive” cultures are not so different. This approach underpins the epistemological stance outlined earlier.Most notably,&nbsp;The Savage Mind, published in 1962, is a defense of the so-called primitive way of thinking. In this book, Lévi-Strauss attempts to replace evolutionary perspectives on the relationship between modern and primitive minds with a more horizontal view. The idea that different ways of thinking can be valid simultaneously is a view Lévi-Strauss continued to advocate throughout his life. This claim, however, sparked a lot of criticism.Some argue that Lévi-Strauss undervalued the contributions of science by defending the dignity of the "savage mind." According to Maxim Rodinson, since Lévi-Strauss bwas influenced by cultural relativist fallacy of contemporary anthropology, his stance was unscientific. Edmund Leach also criticizes Lévi-Strauss, arguing that his theory is not consistent with empirical realities. For Leach, Lévi-Strauss is “a poet in a laboratory.” Another scholar places LéviStrauss’s work within a postmodern context, due to his critique of the Western rational mind.&nbsp;However, not everyone agrees that Lévi-Strauss undermined modern science or that he was anti-scientific. Another group of anthropologists highlights how committed he was to the scientific method and the positivist paradigm. Clifford Geertz, for example, argues that no one in the history of anthropology, other than Lévi-Strauss, has so strongly insisted that anthropology is a positive science. Hugo Nutini also praises Lévi-Strauss for his effort to follow developments in the physical sciences to open new paths for cultural anthropology. These differing opinions about Lévi-Strauss’s epistemological stance are contradictory. It seems that for those who try to categorize him narrowly, defending the "savage mind" while remaining committed to modern science seems inconceivable.&nbsp;However, a comprehensive approach to structural anthropology can help resolve this apparent contradiction. In academic discussion, those who focus solely on Lévi-Strauss’s defense of the savage mind often ignore his use of models, mathematical formulations, and his pursuit of certainty in structural anthropology. This represents a limited view. Both elements—scientific rigor and the defense of the savage mind—are present in Lévi-Strauss’s thought.In his early articles, Lévi-Strauss investigated methods to align anthropology with the natural sciences. In&nbsp;“Structural Analysis in Linguistics and in Anthropology”, he presents linguistics as a model discipline with completed scientific development, in contrast to other social sciences. According to Lévi-Strauss, linguistics deserves to be called a "science" and embodies a positivist method. Anthropology, he argues, should strive to reach the same scientific rigor. In another article,&nbsp;“History and Ethnology”, he clearly states that being scientific means striving for certainty. Later, Lévi-Strauss applied these theoretical principles to the field of mythology.In 1955, he wrote&nbsp;The Structural Study of Myth. In these studies, it becomes clear that simplifying complex phenomena is, for Lévi-Strauss, a key feature of scientific theory. While earlier approaches considered myths to be meaningless or disorganized, Lévi-Strauss persistently sought to uncover regularities among different myths from around the world. To find order in the chaos of countless myths, he applied the methods of phonology. Just as phonological units gain meaning only in relation to others, mythological units can similarly be organized through their interrelations. He even illustrated the mathematical relationships between these units using formulas.&nbsp;At the same time, Lévi-Strauss argued that the savage mind is as valid a way of explaining reality as modern science. However, this does not mean they are the same. He claimed that “primitive” cultures also engaged in “observation” and “experiments,” much like modern science, and that both operate according to a basic human drive to seek order in the universe. He distinguishes the savage mind by calling it the “science of the concrete.” While the science of the concrete works like a “bricolage”—based on secondary qualities such as smell, taste, color, and temperature —modern science, based on primary qualities, functions like engineering, relying on pre-constructed models. The outcomes of both epistemes differ. Lévi-Strauss never denies the achievements of modern science. We can dominate nature with the power of modern science. It is evident that neither myth nor magic enables us to do such things; we can drive cars or turn on radios because of modern science. But the key point is that so-called “primitive” people lack this kind of power not because they are incapable, but because they choose not to pursue it.Therefore, Lévi-Strauss argues that all humans possess a universal cognitive capacity that enables cultures to develop distinct forms of knowledge. These forms of knowledge, while varied, are all in harmony with the way nature unfolds and opens itself to human understanding. However, Lévi-Strauss emphasizes that not all cognitive capacities can be developed at the same time.It is therefore consistent that Lévi-Strauss, while remaining faithful to the methods of positive science, also seeks justice for the 'savage mind,' long regarded as its opposite. He does not abandon science while defending the validity of the savage mind. On the contrary, he attempts to enrich modern science by expanding its boundaries to include and understand this alternative way of thinking, instead of dismissing it as meaningless. His approval of modern science’s growing attention to secondary qualities reflects this broader effort. Lévi-Strauss’s epistemological stance is grounded in expanding the boundaries of science, without becoming unscientific or abandoning scientific rigor.

Claude Lévi-Strauss’ta Epistemolojik Genişleme: Bilimsel Kesinlik Arayışı ve Yaban Düşüncenin Savunusu Yan Yana Gelebilir Mi?

Zübeyde

The evolution of scientific methods has significantly reshaped disciplinary boundaries, enabling the integration of mathematics as a foundational tool across the natural sciences, social sciences, and humanities. Particularly after World War II, the pursuit of more systematic and objective analytical approaches led to the widespread adoption of mathematical thinking in the social sciences (Fararo, 2007). In the mid-20th century, social scientists developed a growing interest in systems theory and formal models as they sought to better understand the complexity of social phenomena. This intellectual climate also informed the work of Claude Lévi-Strauss, whose structuralist anthropology prominently incorporated mathematical models and formalist logic. Lévi-Strauss regarded mathematics not merely as a tool for statistical analysis but as a fundamental method for discerning the deep structures that underlie human culture and society. According to him, structural methods, which emerged as a natural outgrowth of modern mathematical advances, would bring rigor and internal coherence to the social sciences and the humanities (Lévi-Strauss, 2012, p. 399). His efforts to position anthropology as a “positive science” capable of generating formal and universal models exemplify this orientation (Tunçbilek, 2024, p. 247). For Lévi-Strauss, mathematics offered a means of analyzing cultural phenomena—such as kinship systems, myths, and rituals—through formal models that revealed the symbolic and relational logic beneath surface-level variations. He referred to this mode of analysis as “human mathematics”, emphasizing its qualitative, structural, and relational nature. Lévi-Strauss’s approach marked a departure from the conventional uses of mathematics in the social sciences, which often prioritized quantification and empirical generalization. Instead, he sought to formalize meaning, analogy, and symbolic structure—dimensions frequently overlooked in positivist paradigms. In his view, despite apparent cultural diversity, human societies exhibit universal patterns that can be expressed mathematically. The purpose of such modeling was not merely to measure or classify but to uncover the latent structure that governs symbolic and social relationships. Thus, his work laid an important foundation for later developments in structurally oriented computational methodologies.Today, Lévi-Strauss’s insights are remarkably prescient in the context of computational social science (CSS), a field that integrates digital tools, large-scale data analysis, and algorithmic modeling to study social processes. The rise of big data analytics has enabled researchers to analyze massive datasets, detecting patterns and correlations that would otherwise remain obscured (Lazer et al., 2009). These methods mirror, in some respects, Lévi-Strauss’s aspiration to reveal hidden structures, although they often lack the theoretical grounding and interpretive depth that characterized his work. In CSS, mathematical models are used to map and predict social behavior, track communication networks, and identify cultural trends. Techniques such as network analysis, natural language processing, and machine learning rely on detecting patterns and structural regularities across vast amounts of data. This operational logic, centered on pattern recognition, shares an affinity with Lévi-Strauss’s structuralist method. However, the epistemological orientation has shifted. Whereas Lévi-Strauss emphasized meaning, context, and symbolic logic, many contemporary approaches prioritize efficiency, scale, and computational optimization. This shift has led to growing critiques of computational approaches in the social sciences. Scholars have raised concerns that big data methodologies often operate with limited theoretical frameworks, leading to empiricism that privileges observable regularities over causal explanation and contextual interpretation. Critics point out that such approaches risk reducing complex, historically situated social phenomena to decontextualized data points and shallow correlations (Seaver &amp; Maurer, 2024). This critique is especially pertinent when data-driven models are applied without sufficient attention to the symbolic and cultural dimensions of social life—areas that Lévi-Strauss considered foundational.&nbsp;In this light, revisiting Lévi-Strauss’s “human mathematics” offers a valuable alternative. Rather than relying solely on pattern identification, his approach insists on embedding those patterns within a broader interpretive and theoretical framework. Structural analysis, in his work, functioned on both the syntactic and semantic levels—connecting formal relationships to cultural meaning. His method sought not only to model structures but also to understand their function and significance within specific cultural and historical contexts. The central question for contemporary social sciences, therefore, is how to synthesize the explanatory power of mathematical modeling with the interpretive depth of qualitative analysis. Achieving such integration requires preserving the discipline’s commitment to theoretical rigor while also engaging with the methodological innovations of the digital era. This need is increasingly reflected in a new generation of research that seeks to bridge computational and interpretive approaches. Examples of this synthesis can be found in a range of contemporary methodologies. Mohr’s formal analysis of institutional meaning structures, for instance, adapts structuralist principles to study organizational fields through computational methods. Lev Manovich’s “cultural analytics” project employs algorithmic tools to explore patterns in visual culture, treating images and aesthetics as structured data without sacrificing cultural nuance. Likewise, Nelson’s computational grounded theory reconstructs qualitative theory-building using digital tools while maintaining an interpretive foundation. All these approaches resonate with Lévi-Strauss’s conviction that mathematical models must serve not just to describe surface patterns, but also to illuminate the underlying symbolic and relational structures that give those patterns meaning.This convergence of digital humanities and computational social science is generating a new analytical paradigm— one that brings together the cultural meaning-making of the former with the formal abstraction and scalability of the latter. These emerging frameworks offer a promising response to critiques of both traditional and digital methodologies, allowing for analyses that are at once systematic and interpretively rich. They also expand the possibilities for cross-disciplinary collaboration, enabling researchers to explore questions that lie at the intersection of data, meaning, and structure. In this context, Lévi-Strauss’s concept of “human mathematics” should not be regarded merely as a theoretical artifact of mid-20th-century anthropology. Rather, it constitutes a forward-looking framework with the potential to inform and revitalize contemporary social science. By emphasizing the symbolic dimensions of structure, the importance of context, and the value of theoretical modeling, Lévi-Strauss offers tools for rethinking how we use data, algorithms, and formal analysis to study society. His legacy challenges us to ensure that the increasing mathematization of the social sciences does not come at the expense of their interpretive depth and critical potential. In conclusion, this extended reflection on Lévi-Strauss’s structuralist methodology and his notion of human mathematics reveals a compelling lineage between mid-20th-century structuralism and contemporary computational practices. It highlights the enduring relevance of structuralist thinking in an era dominated by data and algorithms, while also calling for a more reflexive and theoretically grounded use of computational tools. By revisiting and reimagining the principles proposed by Levi-Strauss, the social sciences can move toward a more holistic paradigm—one that honors both structure and meaning, pattern and interpretation.

Matematik ve Sosyal Bilimler: Lévi-Strauss’un Yapısalcılığından Hesaplamalı Sosyal Bilimlere

Enes

Lecturer

Louise Glück’s “A Myth of Innocence” and the Myth of Persephone:  A Structuralist Analysis through Lévi-Strauss

Kenan

Yiğitcan

The phenomenon of slum in Turkey emerged to meet the housing needs of people who went to large industrial cities with the internal migration flow that started after 1950, and became the solution to the housing problem and possible collective homelessness. Millions of immigrants have chosen the last one between options such as not being able to hold on in a big city and returning to their hometown, being on the street/homeless, and building their own house (slum), albeit both informal (informal) and illegal. Immigrants have mostly occupied vacant government-owned land, saved themselves from becoming homeless by building structures that are like houses but not like homes. Thanks to the slums formed as a result of the migrations after 1950, poor people have fulfilled their need for housing and have found this formula as a solution to the problem of homelessness. Slum districts and the reality of slums have been covered in many literary and artistic works, especially cinema and novels, and the hardships and joys experienced by the residents of slums have been transferred to novels and on the white screen. People who came to cities by emigrating looked for remedies in the face of high rents and the cost of owning a house, and they found the remedy by building miniature houses on government land. Thanks to the amnesty granted to the slums, which emerged as a remedy and a rebellion against homelessness, the governments turned a blind eye due to voting concerns and the bribery of low-ranking officials, the slums became the owners of the land they occupied and obtained huge annuities due to the fact that these plots remained in the city. As a rebellion, the squatters who have overcome the problems of homelessness have eaten too much of the fruits of their ordeals with the annuities they have provided these days.These slums have become neighborhoods in cities and have created their own culture along with it. The phenomenon of squatters, which has become widespread since the 1950s, has found a response in both cinema and literature. As seen in films such as Sultan, The Laughing Man (Gülen Adam), Are You Laughing Or Crying (Gülermisin Ağlarmısın), Turkish cinema conveyed the troubles experienced in slums to the audience in drama and comedy genres in the 1970s and 1980s. In the field of literature, especially novelists have focused on the squatter problem. Novels is of great importance for the new society formed in cities with internal migrations after 1950 to explain how housing, food and drink, homelessness, unemployment and social relations are and for society to perceive these relations. Orhan Kemal's novel "Gurbet Kuşları“, Demirtas Ceyhun's novel ”Asia“ (Asya), ”Berci Kristin Garbage Tales" (Berci Kristin Çöp Masalları) Latife Tekin's novel about slums and Orhan Pamuk's novel A Strangeness in My Head (Kafamda Bir Tuhaflık) tell us that people who are homeless, regardless of public or private property, find a cure for their homelessness by placing slums on vacant land, and it seems that the winner of the war they are fighting against homelessness is capable people known for their daredevils. In Hasan Izzettin Dinamo's novel titled "Sheep Father“ (Koyun Baba); the novel's protagonist, philosophy teacher Ahmet, was exiled from the city to a rural place during the One-Party period because of his thoughts, during this period he received the nickname ”Sheep Father" due to his life on the mountain. When the DP Government won the general elections in 1950, his exile in the countryside ended; he was asked to leave the place of exile by the new government, which used more liberal rhetoric, considered itself against the bans and suggested that he had come to work to show that he was pursuing a policy against the bans. Ahmet took with him a young woman, Ayse, nicknamed Buncuk, who would later become his wife, and made his way to Istanbul, struggling to get rid of homelessness and survive in Istanbul, where he came from. Emphasizing that people attempt an illegal job by building illegal structures, people in despair make their slums without recognizing the law with a rebellion, intimidation and running away are not the solution, Dinamo wrote in his novel that struggling people will win victory, the slums where they meet their housing needs today will turn into a fortune for them tomorrow, and conveyed to the reader by writing in his novel the idea that slums will turn into a fortune for themselves tomorrow.Hasan Izzettin Dinamo also addressed the phenomenon of slums as a solution to the housing crisis and, in his own words, “an uprising against homelessness” in his novel Koyu Baba (1976); he explained how immigrants took advantage of legal loopholes when building their slums, and what difficulties they faced and found solutions to them when building their slums. As can be seen both in sociological research and in Turkish novels and cinema, the phenomenon of squatters can be said to have come into consideration as a solution to a collective and public housing problem from the point of origin. This makes it necessary to consider the issue in the context of homelessness and homelessness recovery. Within the scope of the article, a conceptual framework is drawn primarily to illuminate the regions where slum life converges with homelessness, thus trying to draw attention to the transitional region between slum Decadence and homelessness literatures. Then, it is examined how slums are dealt with in Turkish cinema, especially in the context of solving the housing problem, and how they are interpreted as a collective solution and remedy, especially in the face of homelessness, through several examples. After that, in order to form the main focus of the article, it is discussed whether the slum can be considered as an “uprising against homelessness” or - in a more neutral phrase - “a form of combating homelessness” or “a way to get rid of homelessness” in Turkish literature and the novel Koyun Baba, in which the slum is associated with homelessness in the author's words. This research examines the housing solutions of the slum construction process that arise at the intersection of urban poverty and the housing problem and phenomena such as the "temporary extended family”; it attempts to address different aspects of homelessness by associating them with concepts such as “unsafe housing” and “inadequate/unsuitable housing”, which are used to describe “hidden homelessness” and “getting rid of homelessness”, as well as “housing exclusion”.&nbsp;

“Evsizliğe Karşı Bir Ayaklanma” Olarak Gecekondu ya da Gecekonduya Evsizlikten Bakmak: Hasan İzzettin Dinamo’nun Koyun Baba Romanı Örneği

Abdullah

Bentham’s Calculus: The Economy of Coercion and Mechanisms of Security

Res. Assist. Dr.

Levent

Ersin

There is a cyclical relationship between Mobil değersizleştirme, globalisation and the information society. Globalisation and the information society have led to people developing greater access to and dependence on smartphones and social media. Epistemologically, the term ‘Mobil değersizleştirme,’ a combination of the words “phone” and ‘snubbing,’ refers to the act of ignoring (disrespecting) the person in front of you by focusing your attention on your mobile device instead of communicating directly with them in a social setting. In this context, Mobil değersizleştirme can be defined as a person physically ignoring someone which is physically present and focusing on their phone. On a sociological level, Mobil değersizleştirme is becoming widespread as a behaviour that has negative effects on relationships between people due to the increasing speed of communication and the information society. Mobil değersizleştirme can lead to communication breakdowns at the local level while people communicate on a global scale, and it can cause people to lose their social skills. Additionally, Mobil değersizleştirme can hinder the development of critical thinking, creativity, and problem=solving skills, which are essential in an information society.There are various factors behind Mobil değersizleştirme behaviour. Some of these can be listed as follows:<ul><li>Phone addiction: Some people use their phones excessively and cannot function without them. This leads to phone use disrupting social interactions.&nbsp;</li><li>Social media addiction: Social media platforms enable people to stay constantly updated and look into the lives of others. This causes people to neglect their real=life relationships and feel inadequate.</li><li>Personality traits: Certain personality traits are associated with Mobil değersizleştirme behaviour. For example, narcissistic, Machiavellian, psychopathic, and cynical individuals are more likely to engage in Mobil değersizleştirme.</li><li>Lack of social skills: Some people struggle with face=to=face communication and use their phones as an escape route. This is perceived as disrespectful by the other person.</li></ul>Mobil değersizleştirme behaviour has various negative consequences for both the phubbers and the person being hubbed. Some of these are as follows:<ul><li>Decline in relationship quality: Mobil değersizleştirme reduces satisfaction, trust, commitment and closeness in relationships. It also increases negative emotions such as conflict, stress, jealousy and loneliness in relationships.&nbsp;</li><li>Deterioration of psychological health: Mobil değersizleştirme leads to psychological problems such as depression, anxiety, low self=esteem, social exclusion, and alienation.</li><li>&nbsp;Decline in social skills: Mobil değersizleştirme hinders the development of social skills and reduces communication quality. People who engage in Mobil değersizleştirme have difficulty understanding the feelings, thoughts, and needs of others and lack empathy. Mobil değersizleştirme is a situation that negatively affects the relationship quality and psychological health of both the person engaging in Mobil değersizleştirme and the person being hubbed. With its widespread use in social settings, it is being addressed as a sociological problem. This study, which aims to determine the theoretical framework of the concept of Mobil değersizleştirme, which is a relatively new concept in the literature but is rapidly expanding in terms of its factual dimension, seeks to analyse scientific works published in the Web of Science index database using a bibliometric method. Thus, the factual dimension of the concept of Mobil değersizleştirme will be better understood, and efforts will be made to fill the gaps in the Turkish literature.</li></ul>The main objective of this study is to understand what the concept of ‘Mobil değersizleştirme’ means and to reveal its factual plane. The research is based on the bibliometric analysis of scientific works found in the Web of Science Core Collection in order to identify the research areas of the concept of ‘Mobil değersizleştirme’. The bibliometric analysis method allows for the analysis of the research topic by examining the leading publications in the field, as well as the collaboration structures and intellectual structure of the research areas specific to the topic. The findings obtained because of the analysis conducted in the study are as follows:<ul><li>According to the WOS database, which covers 287 scientific studies on the concept of ‘Mobil değersizleştirme,’ the research field categories with the highest weight are Psychology (51.9%) and Psychiatry (10.45%). From a conceptual perspective, other research areas that address the concept of ‘Mobil değersizleştirme’ are Computer Science (9.4%), Communication (9.05%), Family Studies (6.62%), Education and Teaching Studies (6.27%), Other topics in Social Sciences (4.87%), Business (3.14%) and Ecology (3.14%) research areas. Based on the fact that a large portion of the studies on the concept of ‘Mobil değersizleştirme’ in WOS were conducted in the fields of Psychology and Psychiatry, it can be understood that the concept primarily contains a psychological element.</li><li>Based on the findings, it would not be wrong to say that the aforementioned psychological context intersects most with computer science, communication, family studies, and education studies. The distribution of studies on the concept of ‘Mobil değersizleştirme’ in WOS by years is shown below. Within this framework, it can be seen that the concept of ‘Mobil değersizleştirme,’ which was first addressed in 2014 with one study within the scope of WOS, has been the subject of 87 scientific studies in 2022, showing an increasing trend over the years. In this context, it can be understood that the concept of ‘Mobil değersizleştirme,’ which can be considered quite new, is receiving increasing attention in academic studies.</li><li>Bibliometric studies generally focus on countries, researchers, institutions, and documents. A country publication citation network map was identified based on the total connection strength of 51 countries with at least one publication and one citation from 57 countries with scientific studies on the concept of ‘Mobil değersizleştirme.’ In this context, countries such as China, the United States (US), the United Kingdom, Türkiye, and the Netherlands appear to have formed network centres.</li><li>Another point emphasised in bibliometric studies is the identification of researchers who stand out for their contributions to the field. This provides other researchers with an advantage in literature searches. A cluster of author-citation relationship maps was identified based on the total connection strength of 564 authors who published at least one publication and received one citation related to the concept of ‘Mobil değersizleştirme’ . Within this framework, researchers such as Pencheng Wang, Xingchao Wang, and Brandon T. Mcdaniel was found to be the researcher who received the most citations related to the concept.</li><li>Another important point revealed by bibliometric analyses is the identification of universities and institutions that have contributed the most to the field. Among the 417 institutions that published at least one paper and received one citation on the concept of ‘Mobil değersizleştirme,’ 327 institutions were identified based on their total connection strength, with Renmin University of China ranking first with 958 units. Following Renmin University, Kent University ranked second with 793 units of connection strength, and Baylor University ranked third with 605 units, according to the analysis. Based on these results, it can be understood that there is no Western dominance in scientific studies on the concept of ‘Mobil değersizleştirme.’ On the contrary, the inclusion of universities from East Asia, such as Renmin University and Shanxi University, as well as universities in Türkiye, such as Çoruh and Osmangazi, indicates that the concept is significant worldwide and has found its place in scientific studies.</li><li>According to the results of the concept coherence analysis of the research, ‘Family Mobil değersiz= leştirme (31), Adolescence (19), Tech Conference (18), Smartphone (18), Addiction (16), Relationship Satisfaction (16), Smartphone Addiction (15), and Smartphones (15)’ were found. However, in recent years, a correlation has been observed with concepts related to the economics of work, such as ‘business, work performance, and job satisfaction.’ The concept of job satisfaction, which has a negative correlation with the concept, was found to be unrelated in the study. This situation essentially points to a new area of study in the literature. In this context, when we look more closely at the relationship between job satisfaction and Mobil değersizleştirme, we see that Mobil değersizleştirme behaviour, which has become widespread among managers in recent years, has a demotivating effect on employees in terms of work performance and commitment to work. It can be seen that the two concepts are intertwined negatively. Indeed, the work conducted by Yousaf et al. in 2022 supports this situation. The study found that Mobil değersizleştirme behaviour reduces employees’ intrinsic motivation, which in turn weakens their job satisfaction (Yousaf et al., 2022).&nbsp;</li></ul>The results obtained in the study reveal important information about working life through bibliometric analysis and offer new perspectives for future studies. It is understood that Mobil değersizleştirme is a popular concept that is developing and attracting interest in different disciplines in the academic community. This situation can be evaluated as both positive and negative results. Indeed, the fact that the concept is new but has begun to be researched can frequently be considered positive in terms of its contribution to the academic literature. However, the fact that the concept is rapidly developing in today’s world and is widely discussed indicates that mobile devaluation in social life is becoming widespread among people. Necessary measures must be taken to prevent this situation from leading to future social deterioration.

Mobil Değersizleştirme Konusunun Akademik Üretimdeki Yeri: Bibliyometrik Bir Analiz

Merve

Assoc. Prof. Dr.

Young Women’s Transition to the Workforce: The Influence of Career-Decidedness on Happiness and the Mediating Role of SelfEsteem

Alptekin

Digital Atatürk, Collective Memory, and Political Longing: A Sociological Analysis of AI-Generated Representation of Atatürk on YouTube

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@JOURNAL_BOX_EARLYVIEW

Alexander

Tradition, Morality and Solidarity in Durkheim’s Theory

Çağrı

Since the 1950s, environmental sociology is hardly accepted despite existing social-environmental issues. These problems have been generated by the rapid industrialization and urbanization causing pollution in the post-war era. Environmental sociology was established in the 1970s when environmental problems gained public attention and the environmental movement emerged. The theories of sociologists Durkheim, Weber, who introduced the rationalization concept, and Marx, who introduced the theory of metabolic rift, were welcomed in environmental sociology. However, Durkheim was criticized that his methodological dictum was excluding society-environment interaction. There are two explanations for the association between Durkheim and societyenvironment interaction. On the one hand, the industrialism of his era caused the exclusion of environment from sociology. On the other hand, Durkheim’s works have significant references to environment that indicate a potential for environmental sociology. This paper aims to examine Durkheim’s sociological approach in terms of society-environment interaction. First, the foundation of environmental sociology is summarized. Then, both examples showing the exclusion of environment and societyenvironment interactions in Durkheim’s studies are shown. The paper concludes with the assessment of Durkheim’s contribution to current environmental sociology challenging ecological crisis that threatens society. Although the first years of sociology were marked by geographical and biological determinism, sociologists favoring a “world view” of development, progress, and modernism in later years ignored environment as an issue (Hannigan, 2006). After a century, when environmental problems had surfaced and threatened industrialized Western societies, environmental concerns and movement were accepted in society and from the cultural perspective. Two pioneers of environmental sociology, Dunlap and Catton (1978) criticized human exceptionalism paradigm of causing the exploitation of nature and Durkheim’s methodological dictum (Madappalli, 2016). The paradigm assumes nature as an endless resource and that the human progress is limitless, while human existence is unique as a result of its developed culture (Catton &amp; Dunlap, 1978) that “covers the dependence of human societies to biophysical environment” (Rice, 2013, p. 238). However, environmental problems and restrictions in the 1960s shook this paradigm and Durkheim’s methodological dictum that reportedly ignored society-environment interaction. Hence, environmental parameters were included in sociological researches. In fact, the New Ecological Paradigm (NEP) scale, developed by environmental sociologists, introduced “environmental facts” against the social facts of Durkheim. The paradigm aims to consider the effects of&nbsp;environmental problems like resource scarcity on main sociological research issues like stratification (Catton &amp; Dunlap, 1978). Hence, environmental sociologists, by using the New Ecological Paradigm, challenge Durkheim’s methodological dictum by accepting the effect of environment on society (Dunlap &amp; Catton, 1979). Durkheim was criticized for excluding the impact of the environment on sociology with his methodological dictum. Sociology, a social discipline excluding environment (Foster, 1999, p. 367), was positioned out of “psychology, biology, economics, and geography” by Marx, Weber, and Durkheim, the three fathers of sociology (Buttel, Dickens, Dunlap, &amp; Gijswijt, 2002, p. 5). However, Marx and Weber were applauded for their concepts, the metabolic rift and rationality, in environmental sociology, unlike Durkheim who was criticized for his methodological dictum that was believed to be against the use of biophysical parameters in sociology (Lidskog, Mol, &amp; Oosterveer, 2015). Durkheim defined social facts only with other social facts, ignoring the biophysical environment (Dunlap, 2016), and implied examination of social systems without using environmental parameters (Norgaard, 1997, p. 159). Durkheim developed a social reductionism to resist biological reductionism (Benton, 1991, as cited in Konak, 2010). Hence, traditional sociology following Durkheim’s approach excluded biophysical environment (Hoyen, 2013). To objectify society within a scientific discipline (Durkheim, 2016, pp. 58, 59, 168), Durkheim defended the use of social facts and collective consciousness against biology and psychology (Hannigan, 2006, p. 5), that social facts can only be explained by social facts (Buttel, 2002) that have power over individuals and are different from non-human and organic facts (Durkheim, 2016). As a result, the methodological dictum made Durkheim and sociologists ignore biological and physical parameters (Dunlap, 1997; Dunlap &amp; Catton, 2007). The exclusion of physical reality by Weberian and Durkheimian authors (Ritzer 1975; Choldin 1978, as cited in Dunlap &amp; Catton, 2007) should be seen as a constructive approach in the early years of sociology (Buttel, 2002). The exclusion of environment was dominant and environmental parameters were ignored in other subdisciplines like rural sociology until the 1970s; these subdisciplines are the foundation of environmental sociology (Dunlap &amp; Martin 1983, as cited in Dunlap, 2002). Durkheim implied the static position of nature throughout history while society changes and evolves (Durkheim, 2010; Gross, 2000; Jarvikoski, 1996). Durkheim separated the concept of evolution, originated from ecology and biology, from nature and integrated it into the social sphere (Durkheim, 2014). Furthermore, he put a sharp distinction between human society and animals, as they lack of morality and collective consciousness (Durkheim, 2010) and they are static unlike human societies (Durkheim, 2014). Although sociological theorists Durkheim, Weber, and Marx did not directly examine society-environment interaction; their studies indirectly included this issue (Hannigan, 2006, p. 5). Hence, Durkheim should be comprehended through the extensive framework of human-nature systems instead of narrow anthropocentricism (Rosa &amp; Richter, 2008). In fact, Durkheim did not deny the importance of biological and physical parameters in sociology (Jarvikoski, 1996). Moreover, Durkheim followed the example of natural science during the exploration of social reality (Durkheim, 2016). Despite a strong and common prejudice in traditional sociology, Durkheim’s studies involve many references to the environment. However, the methodological dictum of Durkheimian scholars reinstructed sociology (Catton, 2002), resulting in Dunlap and Catton, two founders of environmental sociology, strongly criticizing the Durkheimian theory. Contrarily, the limited prevalence of social facts and the emphasis on the environmental parameters in Durkheim’s studies are important objections to their critique (Rosa &amp; Richter, 2008). Çelebi (2007, p. 159) highlighted the importance of the balance between population and land as social facts that affect society. Durkheim considered the effects of the position of sun and the condition of the atmosphere to people, and his social morphology notion had other environmental insights like the use of land (Gross, 2000). He also implied the coevolution of nature and society in his work of Pragmatism and Sociology (Foster, 1999). According to him, nature is not the reverse of society, but a part, the highest representation, and complex form of nature (Durkheim 2010; Jarvikoski, 1996). Moreover, Durkheim (2016) implied similarities between “physical environment” and society and defined society as part of nature. Durkheim often referred to nature in his classical study of totemism. Tribe members lean toward plants, animals, and rocks in understanding their society. They imitate animals in their religious rituals. Safety and domination of nature make up their religion (Durkheim, 2010). Durkheim often used biological terms like species, population density, and resource scarcity in his explanation of social evolution and solidarity concepts (Buttel, 2002). He implied that division of labor exists in all living organisms, and transfers society from nature (Durkheim, 2014). On the other hand, his notion of competition and division of labor undermined environmental concerns like pollution and resource scarcity in urbanization (Lenski, 1984, as cited in Buttel &amp; Humprey, 2002). This paper aims to examine Durkheim’s sociological approach in terms of societyenvironment interaction. The construction process of sociology as a distinct discipline excluded environmental parameters. However, urbanization and industrialization in the 1950s have caused environmental concerns and movements in Western societies.&nbsp;The foundation of environmental sociology was challenged in the 1970s by the methodological dictum of Durkheim. Although some of his studies strongly separate society from environment like social facts, he often referred to environmental concepts like population, balance, organism, and resource scarcity. Durkheim also implied metabolic interaction between society and environment, and that society is a complex part of nature.

Durkheim’da Toplum-Çevre Etkileşimi: Dışlayıcı Toplumsal Olgulara Karşı Çevreci Potansiyel

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Eric

Durkheim and the Nation

Bjørn

From Holism to Participation: Three Phases in Durkheim’s Work

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Makale gönderimi İstanbul Üniversitesi Yayınevi Yönetim Sistemi üzerinden yapılmaktadır. 

Dergimiz 2023 yılından itibaren özel temalı sayı düzenine geçmiştir. Bu sebeple tema dışındaki konulardan yapılacak başvurular değerlendirme süreçlerine alınmayacaktır. İlgili yılın temalarını dergi ana sayfasından "Duyurular" altındaki makale çağrısı sekmesinden takip edebilirsiniz.

İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyoloji Dergisi, 1914’te kurulan ve Türkiye’de sosyolojinin bilimsel disiplin olarak gelişmesine önemli katkılar sağlayan İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Sosyoloji Bölümü bünyesinde yayımlanmaktadır. İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyoloji Dergisi, İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi ve Sosyoloji Bölümü geleneklerinden beslenmekte ve bu kurumlarda oluşan birikimin yeni bakışla ve ürünlerle sürdürülmesini önemsemektedir.

İlk sayısı 1917 yılında basılan ve Türkçedeki ilk sosyoloji dergisi olan İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyoloji Dergisi, hâlihazırda yılda iki kez (Haziran ve Aralık) yayımlanan hakemli akademik bir dergidir. Yayın dili Türkçe, İngilizce, Fransızca, Almanca’dır. Derginin basılı versiyonu 2022 itibariyle durdurulmuştur; dergi yayın hayatına e-dergi olarak devam etmektedir. 

İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyoloji Dergisi, yaklaşık 100 yıllık yayın döneminde Türkiye’de sosyoloji disiplinini şekillendiren tartışmalara kaynaklık eden akademik standardı yüksek kuramsal ve uygulamalı araştırmalar yayınlayarak sosyoloji alanının öncü ve önemli dergilerinden birisi olmuştur.

İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyoloji Dergisi, sosyoloji alanında çalışan akademisyenlerin yanı sıra, antropoloji, istatistik, ekonomi, eğitim, tarih, siyaset bilimi gibi diğer sosyal bilim alanlarında çalışan bilim adamlarının sosyolojik perspektiften hazırlanmış katkılarına da açıktır. Dergi ayrıca değerlendirme yazıları, konferans, sempozyum ve atölye raporlarına da yer vermektedir. Dergide ayrıca belli konulara ayrılmış periyodik özel sayılar da yayınlanmaktadır.

Derginin tüm giderleri İstanbul Üniversitesi tarafından karşılanmaktadır. Dergide makale yayını ve makale süreçlerinin yürütülmesi ücrete tabi değildir. Dergiye gönderilen ya da yayın için kabul edilen makaleler için işlemleme ücreti ya da gönderim ücreti alınmaz. Açık Erişim İlkesi ve Telif Hakkında bilgi için: http://istanbul.edu.tr:8080/journal/iusd/information/politikalar                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                             

ProQuest

Emerging Sources Citation Index (ESCI)

EBSCO

ERIH PLUS

TR Dizin

DOAJ

SOBIAD

Gale Cengage

Ulrichsweb

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İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyoloji Dergisi

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Editor in Chief

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Section Editor

Scientific Secretariat

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Publicity Manager

Editorial Assistant

Technical Specialist

Ethics Editor

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İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyoloji Dergisi, 1914’te kurulan ve Türkiye’de sosyolojinin bilimsel disiplin olarak gelişmesine önemli katkılar sağlayan İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Sosyoloji Bölümü bünyesinde yayımlanmaktadır.İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyoloji Dergisi, İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi ve Sosyoloji Bölümü geleneklerinden beslenmekte ve bu kurumlarda oluşan birikimin yeni bakışla ve ürünlerle sürdürülmesini önemsemektedir. İlk sayısı 1917 yılında basılan ve Türkçedeki ilk sosyoloji dergisi olan İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyoloji Dergisi, hâlihazırda yılda iki kez (Haziran ve Aralık) yayımlanan hakemli akademik bir dergidir.İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyoloji Dergisi, yaklaşık 100 yıllık yayın döneminde Türkiye’de sosyoloji disiplinini şekillendiren tartışmalara kaynaklık eden akademik standardı yüksek kuramsal ve uygulamalı araştırmalar yayınlayarak sosyoloji alanının öncü ve önemli dergilerinden birisi olmuştur.

Amaç ve Kapsam

<ul><li>Web of Science Emerging Sources Citation Index (ESCI)</li><li>TÜBİTAK ULAKBİM TR-Dizin</li><li>EBSCO Sociology Source Ultimate</li><li>EBSCO SocINDEX (with Full Text)</li><li>DOAJ</li><li>ProQuest CSA Sociological Abstract</li><li>Erih Plus</li><li>SOBİAD</li><li>Gale Cengage</li><li><a href="https://about.proquest.com/en/products-services/Ulrichsweb/" target="_blank" style="font-size: 14.6667px;">Ulrichsweb</a> </li>  </ul>

Dizinler

Dergi yayın etiğinde en yüksek standartlara bağlıdır ve <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a> ve <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> tarafından yayınlanan etik yayıncılık ilkelerini benimser; Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing başlığı altında ifade edilen ilkeler için: <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a> Gönderilen makaleler derginin amaç ve kapsamına uygun olmalıdır. Orijinal, yayınlanmamış ve başka bir dergide değerlendirme sürecinde olmayan, her bir yazar tarafından içeriği ve gönderimi onaylanmış yazılar değerlendirmeye kabul edilir. Makale yayınlanmak üzere Dergiye gönderildikten sonra yazarlardan hiçbirinin ismi, tüm yazarların yazılı izni olmadan yazar listesinden silinemez ve yeni bir isim yazar olarak eklenemez ve yazar sırası değiştirilemez.İntihal, duplikasyon, sahte yazarlık/inkar edilen yazarlık, araştrma/veri fabrikasyonu, makale dilimleme, dilimleyerek yayın, telif hakları ihlali ve çıkar çatışmasının gizlenmesi, etik dışı davranışlar olarak kabul edilir. Kabul edilen etik standartlara uygun olmayan tüm makaleler yayından çıkarılır. Buna yayından sonra tespit edilen olası kuraldışı, uygunsuzluklar içeren makaleler de dahildir.İntihal Ön kontrolden geçirilen makaleler, iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal/kendi kendine intihal tespit edilirse yazarlar bilgilendirilir. Editörler, gerekli olması halinde makaleyi değerlendirme ya da üretim sürecinin çeşitli aşamalarında intihal kontrolüne tabi tutabilirler. Yüksek benzerlik oranları, bir makalenin kabul edilmeden önce ve hatta kabul edildikten sonra reddedilmesine neden olabilir. Makalenin türüne bağlı olarak, bunun oranın %15 veya %20'den az olması beklenir.Çift Kör Hakemlikİntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir. Editör, makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakemlikten geçmesini sağlar ve makale biçimsel esaslara uygun ise, gelen yazıyı yurtiçinden ve /veya yurtdışından en az iki hakemin değerlendirmesine sunar, hakemler gerek gördüğü takdirde yazıda istenen değişiklikler yazarlar tarafından yapıldıktan sonra yayınlanmasına onay verir.

Politikalar

Dergi açık erişimlidir ve derginin tüm içeriği okura ya da okurun dahil olduğu kuruma ücretsiz olarak sunulur. Okurlar, ticari amaç haricinde, yayıncı ya da yazardan izin almadan dergi makalelerinin tam metnini okuyabilir, indirebilir, kopyalayabilir, arayabilir ve link sağlayabilir. Bu <a href="https://www.budapestopenaccessinitiative.org/translations/turkish-translation" target="_blank">BOAI</a> açık erişim tanımıyla uyumludur. Derginin açık erişimli makaleleri Creative Commons Atıf-GayrıTicari 4.0 Uluslararası (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.tr" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) olarak lisanslıdır.

Derginin tüm giderleri İstanbul Üniversitesi tarafından karşılanmaktadır. Dergide makale yayını ve makale süreçlerinin yürütülmesi ücrete tabi değildir. Dergiye gönderilen ya da yayın için kabul edilen makaleler için işlemleme ücreti ya da gönderim ücreti alınmaz.

Yazarlar dergide yayınlanan çalışmalarının telif hakkına sahiptirler ve çalışmaları  Creative Commons Atıf-GayrıTicari 4.0 Uluslararası (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.tr" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) olarak lisanslıdır. CC BY-NC 4.0 lisansı, eserin ticari kullanım dışında her boyut ve formatta paylaşılmasına, kopyalanmasına, çoğaltılmasına ve orijinal esere uygun şekilde atıfta bulunmak kaydıyla yeniden düzenleme, dönüştürme ve eserin üzerine inşa etme dâhil adapte edilmesine izin verir.

Editörler, yayınlanan makalede, bulguları, yorumları ve sonuçları etkilemeyen küçük hatalar tespit edilirse düzeltme yayınlamayı düşünebilirler. Editörler, bulguları ve sonuçları geçersiz kılan büyük hatalar / ihlaller söz konusu olduğunda, makaleyi geri çekmeyi düşünmelidir. Yazarlar tarafından araştırma veya yayını kötüye kullanmaya yönelik olasılık söz konusu ise; bulguların güvenilir olmadığına ve yazarların kurumlarının olayı soruşturmadığına dair kanıtlar var veya olası soruşturma haksız veya sonuçsuz görünüyor ise, editörler endişe ifadesi yayınlamayı düşünmelidir. Düzeltme, geri çekme veya endişe ifadesi ile ilgili olarak <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/flowcharts/complete-set-english" target="_blank">COPE</a> ve <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/" target="_blank">ICJME</a> yönergeleri dikkate alınır.Geri ÇekmeDergi geri çekme durumunda <a href="https://publicationethics.org/sites/default/files/retraction-guidelines-cope.pdf" target="_blank">COPE Retraction Guidelines</a>’ı izler. Editör, aşağıdaki durumlarda bir makaleyi geri çekme hakkına sahiptir: <ul><li>Büyük bir hata (örn. yanlış hesaplama veya deneysel hata), uydurma öğeler  (örn. veri) veya tahrifat (örn. görüntü manipülasyonu) gibi bulguların güvenilmez olduğu sonucunu çıkarmaya dair açık kanıtlar varsa; </li><li>İçerikte intihal varsa; </li><li>Uygun atıf yapılmadan başka bir yerde yayınlanmışsa;</li><li>Kullanım izni olmayan materyal veya veri içeriyorsa;</li><li>Telif hakkı ihlali veya başka bir ciddi yasal sorun varsa;</li><li>Etik olmayan araştırma içeriyorsa; </li><li>Hakem değerlendirme sürecinin bozulduğuna veya manipüle edildiğine dair kanıt varsa;</li><li>Yazar(lar), editörün görüşüne göre, çalışmanın yorumlanmasını veya editörlerin ve hakemlerin tavsiyelerini önemli derecede etkileyebilecek, kritik bir çıkar çatışmasını açıklamamış ise.</li></ul>Geri çekme durumunda aşağıdaki adımlar izlenir:<ul><li>Makale başlığını da içeren geri çekme bildirimi derginin bir sonraki sayısında yayınlanır. Geri çekme bildirimi  içindekiler tablosunda sayfa nosu verilerek listelenir. </li><li>Elektronik versiyonda geri çekme bildirimi ile orijinal makale arasında link sağlanır. </li><li>Online makaleden önce geri çekme bildirimini içeren sayfa gelir; okuyucu daha sonra makalenin kendisine geçebilir.</li><li>Orijinal makale, her sayfadaki .pdf üzerinde “geri çekildiğini” belirten bir filigran dışında değişmeden kalır.</li></ul>Yasal Nedenlerle Makalenin KaldırılmasıAşağıdaki durumlarda, üst veriler (başlık ve yazarlar) hariç olmak üzere, makale metni kaldırılır ve makalenin yasal nedenlerle kaldırıldığını bildiren bir sayfa makalenin yerini alır. <ul><li>Makalenin karalayıcı içerik ihtiva ettiği veya başkalarının yasal haklarını ihlal ettiği tespit edilir ve geri çekmenin yeterli bir çözüm olmadığı düşünülürse;</li><li>Makale bir mahkeme kararına konu olmuşsa veya olacağına dair makul bir neden varsa;</li><li>Kamu sağlığı açısından önemli bir risk söz konusu ise;  </li></ul>

Dergide yayınlanan tüm yazıların korunmasını ve kalıcı olarak erişilebilir olmasını sağlamak için makaleler, ulusal bir arşiv sitesi olarak hizmet veren ve aynı zamanda LOCKSS'in içeriği toplamasına, korumasına ve sunmasına izin veren Dergipark'ta saklanmaktadır.Ek olarak, yazarların kendilerinin makalelerinin son PDF sürümünü Open Archives Initiative (<a href="https://www.openarchives.org/" target="_blank">https://www.openarchives.org/</a>) standartlarına uygun açık elektronik arşivlerde arşivlemeleri önerilir. Yazarlar, yayınladıkları arşiv versiyonundan, İ.Ü. Yayınevinin dergi web sitesinin URL'sine bağlantı sağlamalıdır.

Yapay Zeka konusundaki gelişmeler ve akademik yayıncılıkta görülen uygulamalar dikkate alınarak oluşturulan Yapay Zeka Politikası, yazarların, hakemlerin ve editörlerin bu türden teknolojilerin kullanımında uymaları gereken editöryal ve etik ilkeleri içerir. Yapay Zeka politikasının oluşturulmasında, aşağıdaki kaynaklar dikkate alınmıştır:Committee on Publication Ethics <a href="https://publicationethics.org/guidance/cope-position/authorship-and-ai-tools" target="_blank">(COPE) - Authorship and AI tools</a>; International Committee of Medical Journal Editors <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/browse/roles-and-responsibilities/defining-the-role-of-authors-and-contributors.html#four" target="_blank">(ICMJE) - Artificial Intelligence (AI)-Assisted Technology; World Association of Medical Editors  (WAME) Chatbots, Generative AI, and Scholarly Manuscripts</a><a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/browse/roles-and-responsibilities/defining-the-role-of-authors-and-contributors.html#four"></a>Yapay Zeka destekli teknolojiler (Büyük Dil Modelleri [LLM'ler], sohbet robotları veya görüntü oluşturucular gibi), metin, görüntü, ses ve sentetik veriler dahil olmak üzere çeşitli içerikler geliştirebilmekte ve üretebilmektedir. Bu yetenekleri etik ve güvenli bir şekilde kullanıldığında üretkenliği artırabilir ve yeniliği teşvik edebilir; ancak insan yönlendirmesi olmadan kullanımında doğru olmayan ve taraflı sonuçlar; atıf verme konusunda eksikler ve hatalar; gizlilik ve fikri mülkiyet haklarının korunmasında eksiklikler; yazar ve yayıncıların haklarının potansiyel ihlali gibi riskler taşımaktadır. IUPress, Yapay Zeka kullanımı konusunda söz konusu riskleri bertaraf etmeyi amaçlayan aşağıdaki temel ilkeleri benimser:  <ul><li>İçerik üretiminde kullanılan (metin, şekiller, resimler ve kod dahil ancak bunlarla sınırlı olmamak üzere) her türlü Yapay Zeka ile ilgili ayrıntılar çalışmanın uygun bölümünde (bilgi notu olarak ve/veya metod kısmında) beyan edilmeli ve net biçimde açıklanmalıdır. </li><li>Hiçbir Yapay Zeka aracı hiçbir bilimsel çalışmada yazar olarak listelenemez. </li><li>Yazarlar, herhangi bir şekilde Yapay Zeka kullanımı durumunda da çalışmalarının doğruluğu, bütünlüğü ve özgünlüğünden sorumludur; başkalarının fikirleri, verileri, kelimeleri veya diğer materyallerini doğru referanslama ve atıf ile sunmakla yükümlüdürler. </li><li>Hakemler ve editörler gönderilen çalışmayı tamamen ya da kısmen hiçbir üretken Yapay Zeka uygulamasına yükleyemez. </li></ul>IUPress yayınlarının editöryal süreçlerinde, Yapay Zeka ile üretilmiş içerikleri tespit eden yardımcı araçlar editörlerin kullanımındadır. Öte yandan okunurluğu, dil ve grammeri iyileştirme ve geliştirme konusunda önerilerde bulunan Yapay Zeka araçlarının kullanılması yaygındır ve IUPress  yayınlarında bu türden Yapay Zeka araçları editörlerin ve yazarların gözetiminde kullanılabilir.

Yapay Zeka Politikası

<ul><li>Yazarlar, gönderdikleri çalışmayı oluştururken <a target="_blank">Yapay Zeka destekli teknolojiler (Büyük Dil Modelleri [LLM'ler], sohbet robotları veya görüntü oluşturucular gibi) </a>kullandılarsa, bunu  beyan etmekle yükümlüdür. </li><li>Yazarlar hem ön yazıda hem de sunulan çalışmanın uygun bölümünde (bilgi notu olarak ve/veya metod kısmında), hangi Yapay Zeka aracını ve hangi versiyonunu ne amaçla kullandıklarını açıklamalıdır. </li><li>Yapay Zeka destekli teknolojilerden yararlanılarak oluşturulan içeriğin ve alıntıların doğruluğu, geçerliliği ve uygunluğunun sağlanması, olası hata, tutarsızlık ve taraflı sonuçların giderilmesi yazarların sorumluluğundadır. </li><li>Yazarlar, Yapay Zeka destekli teknolojiler ile üretilmiş metinlerde intihal potansiyeli olduğunu dikkate alarak, olası intihali bertaraf etmek için orijinal kaynakları mutlaka kontrol etmelidir. Kontrol ettiğini ve kaynakların orijnal kaynaklar olduğunu teyid etmelidir.  </li><li>Yapay Zeka destekli araçlar (ChatGPT gibi) yazar olarak listelenemez çünkü çalışmanın doğruluğundan, bütünlüğünden ve orijinalliğinden sorumlu olamazlar ve bu sorumluluklar yazarlık için şarttır. Bu nedenle, Yapay Zeka destekli teknolojilerin kullanımını içeren tüm materyallerden yazarlar sorumludur. Yazarlar, makalede yer alan ve çalışmanın hipotezlerini, yorumlarını, sonuçlarını, sınırlamalarını ve çıkarımlarını bildiren tüm ifadelerin kendi fikirlerini temsil ettiğinden emin olmalıdırlar.  </li><li>Yazarların, Yapay Zeka araçlarını temel araştırmacı ve yazar sorumluluklarının yerini alacak, aşağıdaki şekillerde kullanarak oluşturdukları çalışmalar bilimsel yayıncılık ve yayın etiği ilkelerine aykırıdır ve bu türden çalışmaların yayınlarda yer almasına izin verilmez: <ul><li>Titiz revizyon olmadan metin veya kod oluşturma, </li><li>Sağlam bir metodoloji olmadan eksik verileri ikame etmek için sentetik veri üretimi,  </li><li>Özetler veya ek materyaller de dahil olmak üzere her türlü hatalı, sentetik içerik oluşturulması </li><li>Yapay Zeka kullanımı ile görüntü ve şekillerin (resimler, çizelgeler, veri tabloları, tıbbi görüntüler, görüntü parçacıkları, bilgisayar kodları ve formüller) veya orijinal araştırma verilerinin oluşturulması ve manipüle edilmesi (bir görüntü veya şekil içinde belirli bir özelliğin artırılması, gizlenmesi, taşınması, kaldırılması veya eklenmesi).</li></ul></li></ul>

Hakem sürecinde gizliliğin korunması, değerlendirilen çalışmanın bu süreçte paylaşılmaması veya kullanılmaması esastır.  <a></a><a href="https://publicationethics.org/sites/default/files/ethical-guidelines-peer-reviewers-cope.pdf" target="_blank">(COPE – Ethical Guidelines for Peer Reviewers</a>) <ul><li>Hakemler, kendilerine değerlendirme için gönderilen bir makaleyi veya herhangi bir bölümünü gözden geçirme, değerlendirme veya karar verme sürecine yardımcı olması için üretken Yapay Zeka araçlarına veya Büyük Dil Modellerine yüklememelidirler; zira hakemlerin bu türden Yapay Zeka araçlarına içerik yüklemesi yazarların gizlilik ve mülkiyet haklarını ihlal eder.  </li><li>Bilimsel bir makalenin incelenmesi, yalnızca insanlara atfedilebilecek sorumluluktur. Hakem değerlendirmesi için gereken eleştirel düşünme ve orijinal değerlendirme bu teknolojinin kapsamı dışındadır ve teknolojinin makale hakkında yanlış, eksik veya önyargılı sonuçlar üretme riski vardır. Hakem raporu ve karar mektupları, hakemlerin ve editörlerin gönderilen içeriğe ilişkin kişisel değerlendirmelerini yansıtmalıdır. Hakem, raporunun içeriğinden sorumludur ve hesap vermekle sorumludur. </li><li>Yapay Zeka araçları, hakem değerlendirmesi ile bağlantılı olarak hakem değerlendirme raporu dilinin kalitesini artırmak için (çeviri veya dil düzenlemesi için) sınırlı bir şekilde kullanılabilir. Böyle bir kullanım olduğunda, hakem raporu iletirken, kullanımı beyan etmelidir. </li><li>Bir başvuruda üretken Yapay Zekanın uygunsuz veya açıklanmamış kullanımından şüphelenen hakemler, endişelerini dergi editörüne bildirmelidir. </li></ul>

Editörler dergiye gönderilen makalelerin değerlendirme sürecinde gizliliğinin korunmasını sağlamakla yükümlüdürler, değerlendirilen çalışmanın bu sürece dahil olan taraflar dışında paylaşılmaması veya kullanılmaması esastır <a href="https://publicationethics.org/files/Code_of_conduct_for_journal_editors_Mar11.pdf" target="_blank">(COPE – Code of Conduct and Best Practice Guidelines for Journal Editors)</a>.<ul><li>Editörler, yazarların gizlilik ve mülkiyet haklarını ihlal edebileceğinden, gönderilen bir makaleyi veya herhangi bir bölümünü gözden geçirme, değerlendirilme veya karar verme sürecine yardımcı olması için üretken Yapay Zeka  araçlarına veya Büyük Dil Modelleri'ne yüklememelidir. </li><li>Bilimsel bir makalenin editoryal değerlendirmesini yönetmek, yalnızca insanlara atfedilebilecek sorumluluklar anlamına gelir. Üretken Yapay Zeka veya Yapay Zeka destekli teknolojiler, editörler tarafından bir makalenin değerlendirme veya karar verme sürecine yardımcı olmak için kullanılmamalıdır, çünkü bu iş için gereken eleştirel düşünme ve orijinal değerlendirme bu teknolojinin kapsamı dışındadır ve teknolojinin makale hakkında yanlış, eksik veya önyargılı sonuçlar üretme riski vardır. Editör, editoryal süreçten, nihai karardan ve bunların yazarlara iletilmesinden sorumlu ve mesuldür.</li><li>Editörler, karar mektupları veya yayınlanmamış araştırmaların özetlerini oluşturmak için üretken Yapay Zeka aracı kullanmamalıdır. </li><li>Editörler, uygun hakemleri bulma konusunda yardımcı olması için üretken Yapay Zeka araçlarını kullanabilir.</li><li>Editörler, gönderilen bir makalede veya gönderilen bir hakem raporunda üretken Yapay Zeka kullanıldığından şüphelenirse konuyla ilgili editoryal bir değerlendirme yapmalı ve politikayı göz önünde bulundurmalıdır. </li></ul>

İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyoloji Dergisi, yayın etiğinde en yüksek standartlara bağlıdır ve <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a> ve <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> tarafından yayınlanan etik yayıncılık ilkelerini benimser; Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing başlığı altında ifade edilen ilkeler için adres: <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a>Gönderilen tüm makaleler orijinal, yayınlanmamış ve başka bir dergide değerlendirme sürecinde olmamalıdır. Yazar makalenin orijinal olduğu, daha önce başka bir yerde yayınlanmadığı ve başka bir yerde, başka bir dilde yayınlanmak üzere değerlendirmede olmadığını beyan etmelidir. Uygulamadaki telif kanunları ve anlaşmaları gözetilmelidir. Telife bağlı materyaller (örneğin tablolar, şekiller veya büyük alıntılar) gerekli izin ve teşekkürle kullanılmalıdır. Başka yazarların, katkıda bulunanların çalışmaları ya da yararlanılan kaynaklar uygun biçimde kullanılmalı ve referanslarda belirtilmelidir. Her bir makale editörlerden biri ve en az iki hakem tarafından çift kör değerlendirmeden geçirilir. İntihal, duplikasyon, sahte yazarlık/inkar edilen yazarlık, araştırma/veri fabrikasyonu, makale dilimleme, dilimleyerek yayın, telif hakları ihlali ve çıkar çatışmasının gizlenmesi, etik dışı davranışlar olarak kabul edilir.Kabul edilen etik standartlara uygun olmayan tüm makaleler yayından çıkarılır. Buna yayından sonra tespit edilen olası kuraldışı, uygunsuzluklar içeren makaleler de dahildir.

Etik

İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyoloji Dergisi araştırma etiğinde en yüksek standartları gözetir ve aşağıda tanımlanan uluslararası araştırma etiği ilkelerini benimser. Makalelerin etik kurallara uygunluğu yazarların sorumluluğundadır.<ul><li>Araştırmanın tasarlanması, tasarımın gözden geçirilmesi ve araştırmanın yürütülmesinde, bütünlük, kalite ve şeffaflık ilkeleri sağlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma ekibi ve katılımcılar, araştırmanın amacı, yöntemleri ve öngörülen olası kullanımları; araştırmaya katılımın gerektirdikleri ve varsa riskleri hakkında tam olarak bilgilendirilmelidir.</li><li>Araştırma katılımcılarının sağladığı bilgilerin gizliliği ve yanıt verenlerin gizliliği sağlanmalıdır. Araştırma katılımcıların özerkliğini ve saygınlığını koruyacak şekilde tasarlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma katılımcıları gönüllü olarak araştırmada yer almalı, herhangi bir zorlama altında olmamalıdırlar.</li><li>Katılımcıların zarar görmesinden kaçınılmalıdır. Araştırma, katılımcıları riske sokmayacak şekilde planlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma bağımsızlığıyla ilgili açık ve net olunmalı; çıkar çatışması varsa belirtilmelidir.</li><li>İnsan denekler ile yapılan deneysel çalışmalarda, araştırmaya katılmaya karar veren katılımcıların yazılı bilgilendirilmiş onayı alınmalıdır. Çocukların ve vesayet altındakilerin veya tasdiklenmiş akıl hastalığı bulunanların yasal vasisinin onayı alınmalıdır.</li><li>Çalışma herhangi bir kurum ya da kuruluşta gerçekleştirilecekse bu kurum ya da kuruluştan çalışma yapılacağına dair onay alınmalıdır.</li><li>İnsan öğesi bulunan çalışmalarda, “yöntem” bölümünde katılımcılardan “bilgilendirilmiş onam” alındığının ve çalışmanın yapıldığı kurumdan etik kurul onayı alındığı belirtilmesi gerekir.</li></ul>

Makalelerin bilimsel ve etik kurallara uygunluğu yazarların sorumluluğundadır. Yazar makalenin orijinal olduğu, daha önce başka bir yerde yayınlanmadığı ve başka bir yerde, başka bir dilde yayınlanmak üzere değerlendirmede olmadığı konusunda teminat sağlamalıdır. Uygulamadaki telif kanunları ve anlaşmaları gözetilmelidir. Telife bağlı materyaller (örneğin tablolar, şekiller veya büyük alıntılar) gerekli izin ve teşekkürle kullanılmalıdır. Başka yazarların, katkıda bulunanların çalışmaları ya da yararlanılan kaynaklar uygun biçimde kullanılmalı ve referanslarda belirtilmelidir.Gönderilen makalede tüm yazarların akademik ve bilimsel olarak doğrudan katkısı olmalıdır, bu bağlamda “yazar” yayınlanan bir araştırmanın kavramsallaştırılmasına ve dizaynına, verilerin elde edilmesine, analizine ya da yorumlanmasına belirgin katkı yapan, yazının yazılması ya da bunun içerik açısından eleştirel biçimde gözden geçirilmesinde görev yapan birisi olarak görülür. Yazar olabilmenin diğer koşulları ise, makaledeki çalışmayı planlamak veya icra etmek ve / veya revize etmektir. Fon sağlanması, veri toplanması ya da araştırma grubunun genel süpervizyonu tek başına yazarlık hakkı kazandırmaz. Yazar olarak gösterilen tüm bireyler sayılan tüm ölçütleri karşılamalıdır ve yukarıdaki ölçütleri karşılayan her birey yazar olarak gösterilebilir. Yazarların isim sıralaması ortak verilen bir karar olmalıdır. Tüm yazarlar yazar sıralamasını <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/E4B02593AB954F738F4F25A2A51326D4" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formunda</a> imzalı olarak belirtmek zorundadırlar.Yazarlık için yeterli ölçütleri karşılamayan ancak çalışmaya katkısı olan tüm bireyler “teşekkür / bilgiler” kısmında sıralanmalıdır. Bunlara örnek olarak ise sadece teknik destek sağlayan, yazıma yardımcı olan ya da sadece genel bir destek sağlayan, finansal ve materyal desteği sunan kişiler verilebilir.Bütün yazarlar, araştırmanın sonuçlarını ya da bilimsel değerlendirmeyi etkileyebilme potansiyeli olan finansal ilişkiler, çıkar çatışması ve çıkar rekabetini beyan etmelidirler. Bir yazar kendi yayınlanmış yazısında belirgin bir hata ya da yanlışlık tespit ederse, bu yanlışlıklara ilişkin düzeltme ya da geri çekme için editör ile hemen temasa geçme ve işbirliği yapma sorumluluğunu taşır.

Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirirler. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar. Gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalacağını garanti eder. Baş editör içerik ve yayının toplam kalitesinden sorumludur. Gereğinde hata sayfası yayınlamalı ya da düzeltme yapmalıdır. Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemler, araştırma, yazarlar ve/veya araştırmaya fon sağlayanlarla çıkar çatışması içinde olmamalıdır. Hakemler değerlendirmelerinin sonucunda tarafsız bir yargıya varmalıdırlar. Gönderilmiş yazılara ilişkin tüm bilginin gizli tutulmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar. Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir. Bazı durumlarda editörün kararıyla, ilgili hakemlerin makaleye ait yorumları aynı makaleyi yorumlayan diğer hakemlere gönderilerek hakemlerin bu süreçte aydınlatılması sağlanabilir.

Daha önce yayınlanmamış ya da yayınlanmak üzere başka bir dergide halen değerlendirmede olmayan ve her bir yazar tarafından onaylanan makaleler değerlendirilmek üzere kabul edilir. Gönderilen ve ön kontrolü geçen makaleler iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir.Seçilen makaleler en az iki ulusal/uluslararası hakeme çift taraflı kör hakemlik ile değerlendirmeye gönderilir; yayın kararı, hakemlerin talepleri doğrultusunda yazarların gerçekleştirdiği düzenlemelerin ve hakem sürecinin sonrasında baş editör tarafından verilir.

Hakemlik Hakkında

Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirirler. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar. Gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalacağını garanti eder.Baş editör içerik ve yayının toplam kalitesinden sorumludur. Gereğinde hata sayfası yayınlamalı ya da düzeltme yapmalıdır.Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemler, araştırma, yazarlar ve/veya araştırmaya fon sağlayanlarla çıkar çatışması içinde olmamalıdır. Hakemler değerlendirmelerinin sonucunda tarafsız bir yargıya varmalıdırlar. Gönderilmiş yazılara ilişkin tüm bilginin gizli tutulmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar.Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir. Bazı durumlarda editörün kararıyla, ilgili hakemlerin makaleye ait yorumları aynı makaleyi yorumlayan diğer hakemlere gönderilerek hakemlerin bu süreçte aydınlatılması sağlanabilir.

Daha önce yayınlanmamış ya da yayınlanmak üzere başka bir dergide halen değerlendirmede olmayan ve her bir yazar tarafından onaylanan makaleler değerlendirilmek üzere kabul edilir. Gönderilen ve ön kontrolü geçen makaleler iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir.Baş Editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirir. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar.Seçilen makaleler en az iki ulusal/uluslararası hakeme değerlendirmeye gönderilir; yayın kararı, hakemlerin talepleri doğrultusunda yazarların gerçekleştirdiği düzenlemelerin ve hakem sürecinin sonrasında baş editör tarafından verilir.Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemlerin değerlendirmeleri objektif olmalıdır. Hakem süreci sırasında hakemlerin aşağıdaki hususları dikkate alarak değerlendirmelerini yapmaları beklenir.-Makale yeni ve önemli bir bilgi içeriyor mu?-Öz, makalenin içeriğini net ve düzgün bir şekilde tanımlıyor mu?-Yöntem bütünlüklü ve anlaşılır şekilde tanımlanmış mı?-Yapılan yorum ve varılan sonuçlar bulgularla kanıtlanıyor mu?-Alandaki diğer çalışmalara yeterli referans verilmiş mi?-Dil kalitesi yeterli mi?Hakemler, gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar.Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir.

Genel Biçim Özellikleri<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/EB71013DC4F742EC8AC78EB353AD4C61" target="_blank">Yazım kuralları ile ilgili örnekler ve örnek makale şablonu için tıklayınız.</a>Yazı Tipi: Bütün metinde 10 punto Times New Roman yazı karakteri kullanılır. Tablo ve şekillerin nasıl hazırlanacağına dair ilgili bölüme bakınız.Sayfa Yapısı: A4 boyutlarındaki kâğıda üst, alt, sağ ve sol boşluk 2,5 cm (0.98 inç) bırakılarak, iki yana dayalı, satır sonu tirelemesiz şekilde olmalıdır. Çalışmalar tek sütun olarak hazırlanmalıdır. Paragraflarda ve başlıklarda girinti ve çıkıntı olmamalıdır.Paragraf Yapısı: Paragraf sekmesinde girintiler bölümünde; önce ve sonra alanı 0,6 nk satır aralığı 1,5 olmalıdır.Sayfa Sınırı: Yukarıdaki şablona göre hazırlanmış bir çalışma 20 sayfayı aşmamalıdır.Çalışma BölümleriBaşlık: Makale başlığı bold ve sola yaslı olmalıdır. Çalışma daha önce sunulmuşsa, bir projeden veya tezden üretilmişse vs. başlığın sonuna * dipnotu konularak açıklama yapılmalıdır.Yazar İsimleri: Yazar isimleri düz olmalıdır. Yazarın/yazarların tam adları, unvanları, çalıştıkları kurumlar, adres, telefon ve elektronik posta bilgileri belirtilmelidir.Öz: 150-200 kelime arasında olmalıdır. Özde atıf kullanılmamalıdır.Anahtar Kelimeler: 5-8 kelime arasında olmalıdır.Ana Metin: Nicel ve nitel çalışmalar Giriş, Yöntem, Bulgular ve Tartışma bölümlerini içermelidir.Yöntem kısmında mutlaka Örneklem/Çalışma Grubu, Veri Toplama Araçları ve İşlem alt bölümleri bulunmalıdır. Model alt bölümüne sadece özgün bir model kullanılmışsa yer verilmelidir.Derleme türü çalışmalar problemi ortaya koymalı, ilgili literatürü yetkin bir biçimde analiz etmeli, literatürdeki eksiklikler, boşluklar ve çelişkilerin üzerinde durmalı ve çözüm için atılması gereken adımlardan bahsetmelidir.Diğer çalışmalarda konunun türüne göre değişiklik yapılabilir, fakat bunun okuyucunun metinden faydalanmasını güçleştirecek detayda alt bölümler şeklinde olmamasına özen gösterilmelidir.Title: Makale başlığı bold ve sola yaslı olmalıdır. Çalışma daha önce sunulmuşsa, bir projeden veya tezden üretilmişse vs. başlığın sonuna * dipnotu konularak açıklama yapılmalıdır.Abstract: 150-200 kelime arasında olmalıdırKeywords: 5-8 kelime arasında olmalıdırExtended Abstract: 1000-1500 kelime arasında olmalıdırKaynakça: Hem metin içinde hem de kaynakçada Amerikan Psikologlar Birliği tarafından yayımlanan Publication Manual of American Psychological Association <a href="https://apastyle.apa.org/products/publication-manual-7th-edition" target="_blank">(APA) (7. baskı)</a> adlı kitapta belirtilen yazım kuralları uygulanmalıdır.Tablo, Şekil ve EklerTablo ve Şekiller: Tablo, şekil, resim, grafik vb. unsurlar metin içerisinde yer almalıdır. Çalışmanın sonunda ayrıca verilmemelidir.Tablo ve şekillerde genel şablonun dışında 9 punto Times New Roman yazı karakteri kullanılır. Paragraf sekmesinde girintiler bölümünde;• önce ve sonra alanı 0 nk,• satır aralığı tek olmalıdır.Tablo ve şekiller sola dayalı olmalı ve metin kaydırma özelliği kapalı olmalıdır. Tablo gösterimi için Örnek Makaleyi inceleyiniz.Ekler: Her bir ek ayrı sayfalarda, kaynakçadan sonra verilmelidir.Diğer: p değeri sadece tablo dışında gösterilmelidir. Tablo içerisinde ayrı bir p sütunu oluşturulmamalıdır. Metin içindeki p değerleri italik olarak gösterilmelidir. Verilen sayılarda virgülden sonra sadece iki digit/basamak kullanılmalıdır.

Yazım Kuralları

Makaleyi göndermeden önce Yazarlara Bilgi’yi lütfen okuyun ve aşağıdakilerin eksik olmadığından emin olun:<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/212A9245455F402992EFD09FE4B51625" target="_blank">Yazım kuralları ile ilgili örnekler ve örnek makale şablonu için tıklayınız.</a>Editöre mektup<ul type="disc"> <ul type="circle"> <li>Makalenin türü</li> <li>Başka bir dergiye gönderilmemiş olduğu bilgisi</li> <li>Sponsor veya ticari bir firma ile ilişkisi (varsa belirtiniz)</li> <li>Kaynakların <a href="https://apastyle.apa.org/products/publication-manual-7th-edition" target="_blank">APA7</a>’ye göre belirtildiği</li> <li>İngilizce yönünden kontrolünün yapıldığı</li> <li>Yazarlara Bilgide detaylı olarak anlatılan dergi politikalarının gözden geçirildiği</li> </ul> </ul><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/E4B02593AB954F738F4F25A2A51326D4" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a>Daha önce basılmış material (yazı-resim-tablo) kullanılmış ise izin belgesi<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/A889E731C7BA4220A543F0731EA124F3" target="_blank">Makale kapak sayfası</a><ul type="disc"> <ul type="circle"> <li>Makalenin kategorisi</li> <li>Makalenin Türkçe ve İngilizce başlığı</li> <li>Yazarların ismi soyadı, unvanları ve bağlı oldukları kurumlar (üniversite ve fakülte bilgisinden sonar şehir ve ülke bilgisi de yer almalıdır), e-posta adresleri</li> <li>Sorumlu yazarın e-posta adresi, açık yazışma adresi, iş telefonu, GSM, faks nosu</li> <li>Tüm yazarların ORCID’leri</li> </ul> </ul>Makalenin ana metni<ul type="disc"> <ul type="circle"> <li>Makalenin Türkçe ve İngilizce başlığı</li> <li>Özetler 150-200 kelime Türkçe ve 150-200 kelime İngilizce</li> <li>Anahtar Kelimeler: 5-8 arası Türkçe ve 5-8 arası İngilizce</li> <li>Makale Türkçe ise, İngilizce genişletilmiş özet (Extended Abstract) 1000-1500 kelime</li> <li>Makale ana metin bölümleri</li> <li>Teşekkür (varsa belirtiniz)</li> <li>Kaynaklar</li> <li>Tablolar-Resimler, Şekiller (başlık, tanım ve alt yazılarıyla)​</li></ul></ul>Ayrı Ayrı Yüklemeniz gereken dosyalar<ul type="disc"> <li><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/E4B02593AB954F738F4F25A2A51326D4" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a></li> <li>Resim, Tablo vb başka kaynaktan alındıysa izin belgesi</li> <li><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/A889E731C7BA4220A543F0731EA124F3" target="_blank">Makale Kapak Sayfası</a></li> <li>Makale Ana Metni Dosyası  (Bu dosya aşağıdaki unsurları içermelidir)</li> </ul><ul type="disc"> <ul type="circle"> <li>Makalenin Türkçe ve İngilizce başlığı</li> <li>Özetler 150-200 kelime Tükçe ve 150-200 kelime İngilizce</li> <li>Anahtar Kelimeler: 5-8 arası Türkçe ve 5-8 arası İngilizce</li> <li>Makale Türkçe ise, İngilizce genişletilmiş Özet (Extended Abstract)  1000-1500 kelime</li> <li>Makale ana metin bölümleri</li> <li>Teşekkür (varsa belirtiniz)</li> <li>Kaynaklar</li> <li>Tablolar-Resimler, Şekiller (başlık, tanım ve alt yazılarıyla)</li></ul></ul><ul type="disc"> </ul>

Derleme yazıları okuyucular için bir konudaki kaynaklara ulaşmayı kolaylaştıran bir araç olsa da, her zaman orijinal çalışmayı doğru olarak yansıtmaz. Bu yüzden mümkün olduğunca yazarlar orijinal çalışmaları kaynak göstermelidir. Öte yandan, bir konuda çok fazla sayıda orijinal çalışmanın kaynak gösterilmesi yer israfına neden olabilir. Birkaç anahtar orijinal çalışmanın kaynak gösterilmesi genelde uzun listelerle aynı işi görür. Ayrıca günümüzde kaynaklar elektronik versiyonlara eklenebilmekte ve okuyucular elektronik literatür taramalarıyla yayınlara kolaylıkla ulaşabilmektedir.Kabul edilmiş ancak henüz sayıya dahil edilmemiş makaleler Early View olarak yayınlanır ve bu makalelere atıflar “advance online publication” şeklinde verilmelidir. Genel bir kaynaktan elde edilemeyecek temel bir konu olmadıkça “kişisel iletişimlere” atıfta bulunulmamalıdır. Eğer atıfta bulunulursa parantez içinde iletişim kurulan kişinin adı ve iletişimin tarihi belirtilmelidir. Bilimsel makaleler için yazarlar bu kaynaktan yazılı izin ve iletişimin doğruluğunu gösterir belge almalıdır. Kaynakların doğruluğundan yazar(lar) sorumludur. Tüm kaynaklar metinde belirtilmelidir. Kaynaklar alfabetik olarak sıralanmalıdır.Referans Stili ve Formatıİstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyoloji Dergisi, metin içi alıntılama ve kaynak gösterme için APA (American Psychological Association) kaynak sitilinin 7. edisyonunu benimser. <a href="https://apastyle.apa.org/products/publication-manual-7th-edition" target="_blank">APA 7</a>.Edisyon hakkında bilgi için:-    American Psychological Association. (2010). Publication manual of the American PsychologicalAssociation (7th ed.). Washington, DC: APA.-    <a href="http://www.apastyle.org/" target="_blank">http://www.apastyle.org/</a>Kaynakların doğruluğundan yazar(lar) sorumludur. Tüm kaynaklar metinde belirtilmelidir. Kaynaklar aşağıdaki örneklerdeki gibi gösterilmelidir.Metin İçinde Kaynak GöstermeKaynaklar metinde parantez içinde yazarların soyadı ve yayın tarihi yazılarak belirtilmelidir.Birden fazla kaynak gösterilecekse kaynaklar arasında (;) işareti kullanılmalıdır. Kaynaklar alfabetik olarak sıralanmalıdır.Örnekler:Birden fazla kaynak;(Esin ve ark., 2002; Karasar 1995)Tek yazarlı kaynak;(Akyolcu, 2007)İki yazarlı kaynak;(Sayıner ve Demirci 2007, s. 72)Üç, dört ve beş yazarlı kaynak;Metin içinde ilk kullanımda: (Ailen, Ciambrune ve Welch 2000, s. 12–13) Metin içinde tekrarlayan kullanımlarda: (Ailen ve ark., 2000)Altı ve daha çok yazarlı kaynak;(Çavdar ve ark., 2003)Kaynaklar Bölümünde Kaynak GöstermeKullanılan tüm kaynaklar metnin sonunda ayrı bir bölüm halinde yazar soyadlarına göre alfabetik olarak numaralandırılmadan verilmelidir.Kaynak yazımı ile ilgili örnekler aşağıda verilmiştir.Kitapa) Türkçe KitapKarasar, N. (1995). Araştırmalarda rapor hazırlama (8.bs). Ankara: 3A Eğitim Danışmanlık Ltd.b) Türkçeye Çevrilmiş KitapMucchielli, A. (1991). Zihniyetler (A. Kotil, Çev.). İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları.c) Editörlü KitapÖren, T., Üney, T. ve Çölkesen, R. (Ed.). (2006). Türkiye bilişim ansiklopedisi. İstanbul: Papatya Yayıncılık.d) Çok Yazarlı Türkçe KitapTonta, Y., Bitirim, Y. ve Sever, H. (2002). Türkçe arama motorlarında performans değerlendirme. Ankara: Total Bilişim.e) İngilizce KitapKamien R., &amp; Kamien A. (2014). Music: An appreciation. New York, NY: McGraw-Hill Education.f) İngilizce Kitap İçerisinde BölümBassett, C. (2006). Cultural studies and new media. In G. Hall &amp; C. Birchall (Eds.), New cultural studies: Adventures in theory (pp. 220–237). Edinburgh, UK: Edinburgh University Press.g) Türkçe Kitap İçerisinde BölümErkmen, T. (2012). Örgüt kültürü: Fonksiyonları, öğeleri, işletme yönetimi ve liderlikteki önemi. M. Zencirkıran (Ed.), Örgüt sosyolojisi kitabı içinde (s. 233–263). Bursa: Dora Basım Yayın.h) Yayımcının ve Yazarın Kurum Olduğu YayınTürk Standartları Enstitüsü. (1974). Adlandırma ilkeleri. Ankara: Yazar.Makalea) Türkçe MakaleMutlu, B. ve Savaşer, S. (2007). Çocuğu ameliyat sonrası yoğun bakımda olan ebeveynlerde stres nedenleri ve azaltma girişimleri. İstanbul Üniversitesi Florence Nightingale Hemşirelik Dergisi, 15(60), 179–182.b) İngilizce Makalede Cillia, R., Reisigl, M., &amp; Wodak, R. (1999). The discursive construction of national identity. Discourse and Society, 10(2), 149–173. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957926599010002002c) Yediden Fazla Yazarlı MakaleLal, H., Cunningham, A. L., Godeaux, O., Chlibek, R., Diez-Domingo, J., Hwang, S.-J. ... Heineman, T. C. (2015). Efficacy of an adjuvanted herpes zoster subunit vaccine in older adults. New England Journal of Medicine, 372, 2087–2096. http://dx.doi.org/10.1056/NEJMoa1501184d) DOI’si Olmayan Online Edinilmiş MakaleAl, U. ve Doğan, G. (2012). Hacettepe Üniversitesi Bilgi ve Belge Yönetimi Bölümü tezlerinin atıf analizi. Türk Kütüphaneciliği, 26, 349–369. Erişim adresi: http://www.tk.org.tr/e) DOI’si Olan MakaleTurner, S. J. (2010). Website statistics 2.0: Using Google Analytics to measure library website effectiveness. Technical Services Quarterly, 27, 261–278. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07317131003765910f) Advance Online Olarak Yayımlanmış MakaleSmith, J. A. (2010). Citing advance online publication: A review. Journal of Psychology. Advance online publication. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/a45d7867g) Popüler Dergi MakalesiSemercioğlu, C. (2015, Haziran). Sıradanlığın rayihası. Sabit Fikir, 52, 38–39.Tez, Sunum, Bildiria) Türkçe TezlerSarı, E. (2008). Kültür kimlik ve politika: Mardin’de kültürlerarasılık. (Doktora Tezi). Ankara Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, Ankara.b)Ticari Veritabanında Yer Alan Yüksek Lisans Ya da Doktora TeziVan Brunt, D. (1997). Networked consumer health information systems (Doctoral dissertation). Available from ProQuest Dissertations and Theses. (UMI No. 9943436)c) Kurumsal Veritabanında Yer Alan İngilizce Yüksek Lisans/Doktora TeziYaylalı-Yıldız, B. (2014). University campuses as places of potential publicness: Exploring the politicals, social and cultural practices in Ege University (Doctoral dissertation). Retrieved from Retrieved from: http://library.iyte.edu.tr/tr/hizli-erisim/iyte-tez-portalid) Web’de Yer Alan İngilizce Yüksek Lisans/Doktora TeziTonta, Y. A. (1992). An analysis of search failures in online library catalogs (Doctoral dissertation, University of California, Berkeley). Retrieved from http://yunus.hacettepe.edu.tr/~tonta/yayinlar/phd/ickapak.htmle) Dissertations Abstracts International’da Yer Alan Yüksek Lisans/Doktora TeziAppelbaum, L. G. (2005). Three studies of human information processing: Texture amplifica&#173;tion, motion representation, and figure-ground segregation. Dissertation Abstracts International: Section B. Sciences and Engineering, 65(10), 5428.f) Sempozyum KatkısıKrinsky-McHale, S. J., Zigman, W. B. &amp; Silverman, W. (2012, August). Are neuropsychiatric symptoms markers of prodromal Alzheimer’s disease in adults with Down syndrome? In W. B. Zigman (Chair), Predictors of mild cognitive impairment, dementia, and mortality in adults with Down syndrome. Symposium conducted at American Psychological Association meeting, Orlando, FL.g) Online Olarak Erişilen Konferans Bildiri ÖzetiÇınar, M., Doğan, D. ve Seferoğlu, S. S. (2015, Şubat). Eğitimde dijital araçlar: Google sınıf uygulaması üzerine bir değerlendirme [Öz]. Akademik Bilişim Konferansında sunulan bildiri, Anadolu Üniversitesi, Eskişehir. Erişim adresi: http://ab2015.anadolu.edu.tr /index.php?menu=5&amp;submenu=27h) Düzenli Olarak Online Yayımlanan BildirilerHerculano-Houzel, S., Collins, C. E., Wong, P., Kaas, J. H., &amp; Lent, R. (2008). The basic nonuniformity of the cerebral cortex. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 105, 12593–12598. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.0805417105i) Kitap Şeklinde Yayımlanan BildirilerSchneider, R. (2013). Research data literacy. S. Kurbanoğlu ve ark. (Ed.), Communications in Computer and Information Science: Vol. 397. Worldwide Communalities and Challenges in Information Literacy Research and Practice içinde (s. 134–140) . Cham, İsviçre: Springer. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-03919-0j) Kongre BildirisiÇepni, S., Bacanak A. ve Özsevgeç T. (2001, Haziran). Fen bilgisi öğretmen adaylarının fen branşlarına karşı tutumları ile fen branşlarındaki başarılarının ilişkisi. X. Ulusal Eğitim Bilimleri Kongresi’nde sunulan bildiri, Abant İzzet Baysal Üniversitesi, BoluDiğer Kaynaklara) Gazete YazısıToker, Ç. (2015, 26 Haziran). ‘Unutma’ notları. Cumhuriyet, s. 13.b) Online Gazete YazısıTamer, M. (2015, 26 Haziran). E-ticaret hamle yapmak için tüketiciyi bekliyor. Milliyet. Erişim adresi: http://www.milliyetc) Web Page/Blog PostBordwell, D. (2013, June 18). David Koepp: Making the world movie-sized [Web log post]. Retrieved from http://www.davidbordwell.net/blog/page/27/d) Online Ansiklopedi/SözlükBilgi mimarisi. (2014, 20 Aralık). Vikipedi içinde. Erişim adresi: http://tr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bilgi_mimarisiMarcoux, A. (2008). Business ethics. In E. N. Zalta (Ed.), The Stanford encyclopedia of philosophy. Retrieved from http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/ethics-business/e) PodcastRadyo ODTÜ (Yapımcı). (2015, 13 Nisan). Modern sabahlar [Podcast]. Erişim adresi: http://www.radyoodtu.com.tr/f) Bir Televizyon Dizisinden Tek Bir BölümShore, D. (Senarist), Jackson, M. (Senarist) ve Bookstaver, S. (Yönetmen). (2012). Runaways [Televizyon dizisi bölümü]. D. Shore (Baş yapımcı), House M.D. içinde. New York, NY: Fox Broadcasting.g) Müzik KaydıSay, F. (2009). Galata Kulesi. İstanbul senfonisi [CD] içinde. İstanbul: Ak Müzik.Yukarıda sıralanan koşulları yerine getirmemiş çalışma kabul edilmez, eksiklerinin tamamlanması için yazara iade edilir. Yayın Komisyonu tarafından kabul edilen yazılar basıma kabul sırasına göre yayınlanır. Baskı tashihleri yazarlar tarafından yapılır.

Aşağıdaki listede eksik olmadığından emin olun:●    Editöre mektup<ul><li>Makalenin türü</li><li>Başka bir dergiye gönderilmemiş olduğu bilgisi</li><li>Sponsor veya ticari bir firma ile ilişkisi (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Kaynakların <a href="https://apastyle.apa.org/products/publication-manual-7th-edition" target="_blank">APA7</a>’ye göre belirtildiği</li><li>İngilizce yönünden kontrolünün yapıldığı</li><li>Yazarlara Bilgide detaylı olarak anlatılan dergi politikalarının gözden geçirildiği</li></ul>●    <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/E4B02593AB954F738F4F25A2A51326D4" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a>●    Daha önce basılmış materyal (yazı-resim-tablo) kullanılmış ise izin belgesi●    <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/A889E731C7BA4220A543F0731EA124F3" target="_blank">Kapak sayfası</a><ul><li>Makalenin kategorisi</li><li>Makale dilinde ve İngilizce başlık</li><li>Yazarların ismi soyadı, unvanları ve bağlı oldukları kurumlar (üniversite ve fakülte bilgisinden sonra şehir ve ülke bilgisi de yer almalıdır), e-posta adresleri</li><li>Sorumlu yazarın e-posta adresi, açık yazışma adresi, iş telefonu, GSM, faks nosu</li><li>Tüm yazarların ORCID’leri</li></ul>●    Makale ana metni<ul><li>Makale dilinde ve İngilizce başlık</li><li>Özetler 200-250 kelime makale dilinde ve 200-250 kelime İngilizce</li><li>Anahtar Kelimeler: 5 adet makale dilinde ve 5 adet İngilizce</li><li>İngilizce olmayan makaleler için (Örn, Almanca, Fransızca vd dillerdeki makaleler)</li><li>İngilizce genişletilmiş Özet (Extended Abstract) 600-800 kelime</li><li>Makale ana metin bölümleri</li><li>Teşekkür (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Finansal destek (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Çıkar çatışması (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Son notlar (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Kaynaklar</li><li>Tablolar-Resimler, Şekiller (başlık, tanım ve alt yazılarıyla)</li></ul>

<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/E4B02593AB954F738F4F25A2A51326D4" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/BC52482EF8BE495EA0FA24808A4A0321" target="_blank">Yazar Formu</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/A889E731C7BA4220A543F0731EA124F3" target="_blank">Kapak Sayfası</a>

Sayı Türü	Regular
Editör(ler)	İsmail Coşkun
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