In the last thirty years, conservatives, increasingly defined by their religious identities, have undergone both ideological and sociological transformations. They have emerged as a group frequently discussed in academic and intellectual circles. Islamism, which encompasses all aspects of life in a way distinct from Islam, advocates for the existence of an organized system with its own principles and structure, and uses politics to achieve this. Islamism defines Islam not only as a religion but also as a socio-political movement in the struggle against irreligion, oppression, and exploitation. As Şerif Mardin puts it, Islamism should not be defined solely by religious variables, as it is influenced by non-religious aspects of society. Islamism has been shaped by this complex process, positioning itself against Kemalism in Turkish politics. Conservatism, on the other hand, developed first as a defensive response and later as a political movement in reaction to the destruction caused by modernity. It is an ideology that finds the true meaning of human existence within societal institutions like tradition, family, and religion. Conservatism rejects the idea of societal intervention and emphasizes social balance and hierarchies. Due to the elitist nature of Kemalism, conservatives—especially the religious segments—have been criticized and labeled as reactionary, backward, underdeveloped, or “Eastern.” Although there are significant theoretical differences between Islamism and conservatism, there is a general consensus in Türkiye today that Islamist thought has become more conservative. This shift is attributed to the AK Party, which, rather than adhering to the general principles of Islamism, adopted attitudes specific to conservatism. The AK Party has defined itself as a “conservative democratic” party, establishing a link with conservatism through the religious references it uses. However, the approaches of conservatives and Islamists toward religion are fundamentally incompatible. While Islamists emphasize universalism, conservatives prioritize tradition and national sensitivities.

In this study, which engages in the theoretical discussion of Islamism and conservatism, the transformation of Islamism as a modern ideology is examined through the role of the AK Party, which defined itself with a conservative democratic identity, moving from the Milli Selamet Party to the Refah Party, and then from Refah to the Fazilet Party, thereby distancing itself from Islamist ideology. This study is based on a fieldwork approach that compares the ideological foundation of the conservative segment with Islamism from a theoretical standpoint. A methodological interpretive approach is employed, utilizing qualitative research methods, one of which is the “in-depth interview” technique. Interviews were conducted with eight individuals and analyzed. Two visits were made to Istanbul and one to Ankara. Six of the interviews were conducted in Istanbul, and two in Ankara. On average, each interview lasted at least two hours, with some lasting up to three or three and a half hours. The responses were not recorded but were noted down. The participants were individuals who had higher education, were middle-aged, had direct or indirect connections to the AK Party, were open to critical thinking, and were able to question their (self-described) community. They were contacted through intermediaries. The questions posed were about conservatives’ experiences of modernization, relationships between men and women, the effects and significance of the February 28 process, individualization and secularization processes, and the meaning of the changes they experienced in their world. The study attempts to critically discuss the changes they have undergone over the past 30 years, based on the fieldwork data, analyzing both the positive and negative aspects of the changes from their perspectives. Islamism, which emerged with the migration of large groups of people from rural areas to cities in the Turkish modernization process, highlighted the presence of these people in cities and stood against the Kemalist ideology. However, it did not manage to differentiate its perspective from Kemalism. Conservatism, on the other hand, became the ideology of the right-wing groups flowing into the cities. Yet, faced with the emergence of individualism in urban areas, it experienced a loss of meaning, and conservative masses quickly shifted into a secularization process. Conservatives who defended religion and tradition were most exposed to this process during the AK Party era. 

The study found that the struggles of the February 28 process are not sufficiently recognized in the memories and among the younger conservative generation, and this process has lost meaning in the community as well. Regarding the relationships between men and women, conservative men viewed conservative women as guardians of feudalism, and no change in this perspective was observed. The fact that conservative men recognize no woman other than their mothers has led to significant problems. A new type of “feminine man” has emerged, and divorces have been increasing within the conservative community. There has been more interaction and understanding between secular and conservative men and women, and it has become normalized not to share the same ideology and worldview. Neoliberalism has played an important role in integrating economic and cultural fields into the world, and conservatives have contributed to this. However, it has been observed that many of the values and institutions that conservatives thought they were preserving have become hollow. In other words, conservatives have experienced a process where the negative aspects of secularization have become more pronounced.