Yücel

Assoc. Prof.

After the Sheikh Sait Rebellion in the Early Republican Period, the biggest rebellion in the Eastern Anatolia Region was the Ağrı Rebellion that lasted for four years between 1926 and1930. The Ağrı Rebellion broke out at a time when the Great Depression has occupied the country’s agenda. While the rulers tried to reduce the impact of the economic contraction, they also tried to suppress this uprising, which was attended by different Kurdish tribes in the east.While the Ağrı Rebellion was underway, the government decided to exile some Kurdish tribal leaders, who have the potential to interfere with the military measures, to the western parts of the country. One of them is Sheikh Abdulkadir, the Chief of the Sakanlı Tribe. Although there were people of Sakanlı in the rebellion area, Sheikh Abdulkadir preferred to be passive and did not actually participate in the rebellion initially. Only after he was exiled to Bergama for the second time in 1928 that he decided to take part at the last stage of the uprising.Participating in the last link of the Ağrı Rebellion, Sheikh Abdulkadir, the Chief of the Sakanlı tribe, fled to Iran after the failure of the rebellion. Undoubtedly the biggest factors that facilitated his escape was the fact that Jalal tribe had branches in both Turkey and Iran. Abdulkadir, who used the title of sheikh, dominated other Kurdish tribal groups with his leadership qualities. The Sakanlı chief stayed in Iran for 16 years and cooperated with foreign states, primarily the Russians, vis-a-vis Turkey. Although he also had some contacts with the Iranian state, he was mostly protected by the Russians, as the latter reinforced the tribe with weapons, ammo and money. Indeed, the Russian government wanted to use the Kurdish tribes in the case of a German invasion of the Caucasus during the Second World War or in Turkey’s entry into the war on the side of the Axis Powers.Sheikh Abdulkadir, who took refuge in Iran after the rebellion, continued his contacts within Turkey. He continued his constant communication with either the tribal members or the Iranians he held with money. On the other hand, the Turkish Government followed the Sakanlı tribe and chieftain through their spies. The information and rumours compiled during this period were first evaluated locally and then sent to the capital. In particular, Ağrı and Kars Governorships have made great efforts in this regard.&nbsp;When the Russians investigated this claim and learned that it was not true, the relations with the Sakanlı became more strained. Sheikh Abdulkadir died n 1946, few&nbsp;months after he served as the governor, and the relations between Turkey and the rest of the tribe improved thereafter.In addition to the public order report, it is possible to find information in various individual sources about the Sakanlı Tribe Chief Sheikh Abdulkadir and his family who took refuge in Iran after the Ağrı Rebellion. The Sakanlı chief did not take part in the first phase of the uprising. Because the government forced him to live in Izmir twice at different times. Being sent into exile was not easy for a tribal leader to easily accept, since the exile shook Sheikh Abdulkadir’s authority and brought him under state control. The head of the people of Sakanlı, who drew the first and rejected the second, entered the game at the last link of the attempt. Undoubtedly, explaining the rebellion to the exile only by exile would distort the truth. The process is teeming with Kurdish nationalism and dreams of establishing an independent state. As a result, Sheikh Abdulkadir escaped to Iran, where he would remain until death when he failed. He intensified relations with the Russians and Iranians during his period as a fugitive.The main purpose of this study is to reveal the contacts of the Sakanlı Tribe Chief Sheikh Abdulkadir in Iran and reveal the state of security in Ağrı in 1943. It seeks to examine which states have come into contact with Sakanlı, who fled to Iran after the Ağrı Rebellion, hat crimes are the public order events focused on, whether there was information about the Ağrı Rebellion and Sakanlı in the public order report dated 1943. This research solely focuses on 1943, Because, in the screening in the Archive of the General Directorate of Security (EGM), the first public order report sent by the Ağrı Police Department to the Police Department is from this year. No similar reports from previous years could be located. The report is based on East Beyazıt. In this context: The causes, development, suppression and results of the Ağrı Rebellion are not the subject of the research. However, in the context of the subject will be mentioned from place to place. The review first included the Sakanlı tribe, followed by an emphasis public security.

Doğu Beyazıt’ta Asayiş ve Aşiret (1943)

Ahmet

After the abolition of the Janissary Corp, the police organization affiliated with Tophane-i Amire Consultancy was established to ensure public order and security in the capital and the provinces, and a Zaptiye organization independent of General Staff (Bâb-ı Seraskerî) was established. Until 1879, the police and gendarmerie were independent of the army, but commanded from the same center. In Urfa, after the Tanzimat, the timar was abolished, and the Zaptiye organizations had been established since 1867. During this period, tribes were also assigned the task of providing security.During the reign of Abdulhamit II, considerable improvements were made in both the number and education of the police. While previously literacy was not a criterion for being a police officer, in this period, police were also trained in judicial and administrative issues in addition to reading and writing. In this period, significant advances were made in the development of the police in Istanbul, and the development of the police in the provinces accelerated. These developments are clearly observed in the Aleppo Province. In this period, the first police officers appointed to Urfa in 1889, which was a sanjak of Aleppo Province, were commissioner Kadri Efendi and police Yunus Efendi. In 1892, outside of Urfa, police were appointed for the first time in the Birecik town. The number of police in the Urfa banner increased in the following years.&nbsp;During the Second Constitutional period, the police organization was restructured, new arrangements were made, and the uniforms were changed by dismissal, recruitment, and assignment. After the 31 March Incident, the Supervision of Zaptieh was eliminated. With the law adopted on August 4, 1909, General Directorate of security and a police directorate affiliated to the Province of Istanbul were established. By the law published on June 4, 1911, a branch was established for the safety and security of the country, Public Directorate of Security under the Ministry of Interior, and a separate directorate was established under the name of the Istanbul Police Directorate, supervised by the Minister of İnterior.Urfa, connected to the Province of Aleppo, became the independent sanjak of Urfa on April 13, 1910.The Urfa Police Service was also separated from the Aleppo Province and connected directly to the General Directorate of Security. In 1910, there was a deputy commissioner and ten police officers in Urfa.II. During the constitutional period, the number of police in the Urfa police force increased. II. During the reign of Abdulhamit II, the police consisted of Muslims exclusively, whereas in the constitutional period, non-Muslim police officers were also appointed. In addition, police officers graduated from schools such as Ottoman junior high school (Rüşdiye) and high school (İdadi). Moreover, police officers who received medical and madrasa education were accepted. Some police officers switched from sergeants, master sergeants, and guards to policemen.New regulations regarding the police force were enacted during the Union and Progress period. A new police order prepared in 1913 was more in line with the principles of the new period and met the needs of the time. The Committee of Union and Progress developed parallel to the period in the Urfa Police Service. In 1913, there was an increase in the number of Urfa police crew, but this was not sufficient. During this period, most of the police officers in Urfa were from Urfa, and the minority was from other cities. Policemen living in Urfa and its vicinity graduated from the Beirut Police School and other police officers came from cities such as from Edirne and Thessaloniki. They were trained in police schools close to their hometowns. The vast majority of police officers spoke at least one foreign language (e.g., Arabic, Armenian, Kurdish, and French). Apart from the Muslims, non-Muslim policemen also served. Some of the police officers were appointed during the reign of Abdulhamit II and continued his duties after the Second Constitutional Era.The General Directorate of Security issued a circular on May 4, 1914 and requested that police officers gather at the headquarters. Due to the insufficient number of police in Urfa, police and gendarmerie cooperated in some police stations, while only gendarmes took part in some police stations. Although the number of police in Urfa was insufficient, the police played an effective role in ensuring security with their devoted efforts.After Operation Sarıkamış failed, the Russians captured Van, Muş, and Bitlis, and then occupied the territory up to the west of Trabzon on the coast of Erzurum and Erzincan. People living in these occupied areas migrated to other places. Some of the immigrants who came to Urfa were former police officers in Van and Bitlis. These police officers were temporarily employed in Urfa during their stay.

Osmanlı Devleti’nde Polis Teşkilatının Kurulması: Urfa Örneği (1845-1918)

Resul

Assist. Prof.

This study discussed the issue of Turkey’s border relations with Syria, Iraq and Iran from 1923 until 1940. Several parameters were effective on shaping these relations or changing their course. The first of these parameters, the de facto Iraq’s border with Syria and Turkey was not drawn legally by the Lausanne Treaty. The French and English mandate governments established over Syria and Iraq respectively were far from displaying a friendly attitude in the process of drawing the borders. Their weapon against Turkey in that period was to encourage and provoke the Kurdish separatism. Another matter affecting Turkey’s border relations with neighboring countries was the responsibility of a new state established by a nation that had just come out of long battles, to fulfil a very difficult mission like providing safety and order throughout a border line of thousands of kilometers in the steepest geography within a short time. In other words the conditions of the era and the region were not appropriate for idealizing border relations with neighboring countries at all.&nbsp;Good or bad relations on the Turkey-Syria border depended on good or bad relations of Turkey with France which established a mandate government in Syria. France supported activities of the gangs established on the Syrian border with the purpose of pillaging and the ideal of Kurdish separatism against Turkey. Indeed this was experienced despite the treaty of amity that France concluded with Turkey several times on various dates. A treaty was concluded between France and Syria on 9 September 1936 for the sake of Syria’s independence. The treaty brought up the issue concerning the status of the Sancak region, which would continue between Turkey and France until 1939. France displayed an anti-Turkish attitude in the beginning; however, they began to give positive responses to the demands of Turkey when the World War 2 broke out, because they did not intend to lose the Turkish Government in this geography. As a matter of fact, with the relations ameliorating, the Hatay state which was established in the Sancak region, decided to join Turkey in 1939. Amelioration of the Turkey-France relations before the World War 2, not only enabled Turkey to get what they needed concerning the issue of Hatay. It also reduced the anti-Turkish activities of the gangs and organizations supported by France since the proclamation of the Republic throughout the border line, significantly. The Hoybun Association, which was one of these organizations, considerably lost their areas of activity and influence with the outbreak of the World War 2 and finally dispersed in 1946. This shows that as long as diplomatic relations between two neighboring countries are good, many of the possible safety issues along the border line can be solved.&nbsp;The Iraq border of Turkey has always been active since 1923. During the times when Iraq was under the rule of Britain, the British conducted activities offending the Turks first with Mosul issue and then supporting the spread of Kurdish separatism. For that purpose they continuously supported the anti-Turkish Nasturi and Kurdish elements in the region. The relations between Iraq and Turkey ameliorated after the British rule. In this context a consensus was made to act in unison against the tribes damaging both countries. This consensus was occasionally put into practice and very important goals were achieved regarding border safety.&nbsp;The relations of Turkey with Iran in the 1920s were not good due to the border safety. Together with the change of administration in Iran and amelioration of the relations between the two countries, many incidents violating order and safety on the border in the 1930s were prevented. However, this did not last long. Many incidents aimed at pillaging occurred on the Turkish-Iranian border at the beginning of the 1940s. However, it should be noted that while some of the order-related incidents observed on the Iranian border during the first years of the Republic were led by famous Kurdish tribal leaders, the incidents in the 1940s were completely aimed at pillaging. In addition we can say that these incidents were influenced by the world conditions. It is because Iran was occupied by Western states during that war in 1941. Thus it was not possible to expect Iran which experienced such problems, to provide border security as in the 1930s.&nbsp;It is possible to state that as well as military and administrative measures were taken throughout the border lines, successful foreign policies were also effective on the amelioration of the relations of Turkey with its neighbors during that period.&nbsp;

Türkiye’nin Doğu ve Güneyindeki Komşularıyla Sınır İlişkilerine Dair Bir Değerlendirme (1923-1940)

Nilüfer

Cyprus, which is only 70 km away from Turkey, is located in a strategic position in terms of the security of Anatolia and the Mediterranean. Throughout its history, the island has been ruled by Hittites, Egyptians, Phoenicians, Assyrians, Persians, Romans, Arabs, Byzantines, Venetians, Genoese, Ottomans and the British; however, it has never been under Greek rule. The Ottoman Empire applied the Nation System on the island, whereas the Greek Cyprus Orthodox Archbishopric had broad legal, religious, and financial powers and a strong and coordinated church organization across the island. This structure appointed archbishops as “Ethnarhis” or “national leaders.” However, with the establishment of the Greek State, the Greek Orthodox community in Cyprus was consistent with their ambitions as in Anatolia and Thrace and insisted that the island had a Hellenic character. To achieve this goal, the Greek State maintained close contact with Greek community institutions, schools, and churches in Cyprus, which is 550 km away, even from Crete. In particular, Eleftherios Venizelos came to power in 1910, and Greece’s interest in Cyprus thus increased.Greek Cypriots welcomed the establishment of the British administration to replace the Ottoman administration on the island in 1878, hoping that Britain would offer Cyprus to Greece. The population balance between Turks and Greeks in the establishment of the British administration deteriorated in comparison with the Turks. The British administration did not have considerable affiliation with the Greeks, and the number of Greek members in the Assembly of Kavanin was always higher than that of the Turks and British. Despite to this, the Greeks complained about various issues. Orthodox clergymen led these complaints and voiced their demands for the unification of the island with Greece, which is also termed the Enosis. In the British administration, Orthodox clergymen continued to be the leaders of their communities in the tradition&nbsp;carried on from the Ottoman Empire. This thesis is validated because most signatories of the documents in the archives, which we use in our article as examples of the Enosis activities of Orthodox clergymen, involved the clergy.We processed the period we studied under three headings: 1914–1925, 1925–1947, and 1947–1954. Archbishop Kyrillos III stands out among the leaders of the Greek Cypriots who supported the Greek army in every way during 1914–1925, so much so that a delegation from the Greek Cypriots led by Kyrillos III acting in London before the Paris Peace Conference lobbied in favor of Enosis and presented the memorandum. Kyrillos III stated that they were expecting the island to be given to Greece by Britain, which Greek Cypriots knew liberally while presenting a memorandum to the British Minister of Colony during the period of the Lausanne talks. In 1925, the British declared Cyprus a crown colony, removed the High Commission, and established a governor’s office. During this period, Britain wanted to dominate the island. However, Kyrillos III complained that Britain was burdened with tax on Cyprus. He fought hard for the Enosis and constantly complained that the British government had declared the island a crown colony without the permission of the people of Cyprus. With the arrival of Makarios II as the Archbishop in 1947, a growing movement emerged among the Greeks for Enosis. Archbishop Makarios III’s public vote among the Greeks in the churches of the island on whether they wanted Enosis hints on the subsequent events in Cyprus. In February 1951, the Greek Prime Minister, Sofoklis Venizelos, the son of Eleftherios Venizelos, stated that Cyprus should be given to Greece. With this declaration, Greece officially took its place on the stage as one of the actors related to the island. Archbishop Makarios III swore for the Ethniki Organosis Kyprion Agoniston (EOKA) with its leader Georgios Grivas and rallied the Greek youth on the island.The names of the archbishops and metropolitans changed because of the unilateral annexation of the island by Britain during 1914–1954 when the Cyprus problem was discusses at the United Nations. The places of Sofronios III and Kyrillos III were taken by Makarios II and Makarios III. However, the discourses of the Orthodox leaders and their efforts to realize Enosis have never changed. It can be said that this issue was transferred from father to son for Greek statesmen by looking at the speeches and actions of Greek Prime Ministers Eleftherios and Sofoklis Venizelos. Orthodox clergymen further led riots on the island against the British administration. Sometimes this uprising was for economic reasons as that in the 1931 rebellion, but the primary aim was to ensure the unification of Cyprus with Greece.

Venizelos Arşivi’ndeki*  Belgelerle Kıbrıslı Ortodoks Din Adamlarının Enosis’e Yönelik Girişimlerine Örnekler (1914-1954)

Burçin

The Ottoman Empire was defeated in the First World War lasting between 1914 and 1918. Having defeated from the First World War, The Armistice of Mudros was signed on October 30, 1918. The signing meant that the Ottoman Empire left the war with defeat. Especially the 7th article of the armistice prepared a legal basis for the the Allied occupations. According to this article, the Entente States could occupy any strategic point in a situation that would threaten their own security. In another article says that control of railways would be given to the Entente States. Eventually, after the armistice the Entente States started to occupy various parts of the Ottoman Empire. One of those parts was Eastern Thrace railways. At first Eastern Thrace Railway was managed by the French forces. After a while the Greeks took the Eastern Thrace Railway under their own control.The rapid spread of the occupations by the Entente States within the borders of the Ottoman Empire caused the minorities in the country to increase their separatist activities. Minorities took advantage of this environment and established gangs in some regions and the public order in the country gradually deteriorated. Whereas Armenians were active in Eastern Anatolia, Greeks wanted İzmir and Eastern Thrace. On the other hand, the government followed a quite moderate policy to prevent occupations and ensure public order. In order to calm the events that took place in various regions, it decided to send advisory committees. The first delegation created for this purpose was sent to Anatolia and the second one to Thrace. Şehzade (Prince) Cemaleddin Efendi, the religious leader Ziyaeddin Efendi together with Fevzi and Cevad Pashas took part in this second delegation. The trip to Thrace started on April 28, 1919 and lasted about 12 days. The first visit was to Edirne and then the second one was to Kırklareli and Tekirdağ respectively. The final stop for the trip was in Çorlu. After that they returned to Istanbul on May 10, 1919. The delegation first appeared before Damad Ferit Pasha, the Grand Vizier in Istanbul. Then they also made a presentation to the ministerial council with a -four page report- on the region. The report was prepared by Fevzi and Cevat Pashas.The report was prepared in twelve articles. In the report, after the Armistice of Mudros, the basic issues of Thrace such as education, justice, health, agriculture and&nbsp;public order were explained and solutions about problems were offered. After the appearance of the report, Edirne Governor Salim Pasha was invited to Istanbul and obliged to defend against the allegations in the report. The Governor Salim Pasha accepted some problems and refused the others.The committe’s report is an assessment of another eye that observed the problems within the province. In this respect, it is more objective. The report not only identifies problems in the province by the experienced statesmen, but also includes solutions to them. In addition, it is seen that positive situations are appreciated. Meanwhile, the governor’s answer is more of his own personal assessment because of its defensive nature. In this respect it is more subjective.It is seen that the delegation and the governor have different opinions about Thrace Pashaeli Society. As it is known, Thrace Pashaeli Society is an organization that aimed to preserve the integrity of Thrace within the Ottoman Empire at all costs. Even though it is possible that the Society did not fully want to disclose its aims to the chief of defense, Fevzi Pasha and the former Minister of War, Cevad Pasha during the visit, the members of the delegation fulfilled their national and historical duties in the report with their positive thoughts regarding the Thrace Pashaeli Society. Nevertheless, the governor’s negative opinions about this society show us how serious the situation was for those seeking a way of emancipation out of the existing regional or national predicament. It is understood that Governor Salim Pasha had similar political views with the Government of Damat Ferit Pasha. Therefore he stood against the Thrace Pashaeli Society. The Governor, like Damat Ferit Pasha Government, seems to have been far from comprehending the seriousness of the situation in general.

Rumeli Heyet-i Nasihası’nın Raporu ve Edirne Valisi Salim Paşa’nın Cevabı

Kenan

Lecturer

On May 15, 1919, the Greek army occupied İzmir, and the occupation eventually spread to Western Anatolia. The majority of the people living in Western Anatolia, a productive population engaged in agriculture, had to migrate with the occupation. With this migration, the previously productive inhabitants found themselves in the position of consumers and in need of government assistance.Established in Ankara on April 23, 1920, the Grand National Parliament faced a major migration problem from the outset. This problem raised the issue of social assistance, and for the first time in Turkish history, an entire ministry was dedicated to this work. The May 2, 1920 law that established the government also included a provision for the creation of the Ministry of Health and Social Assistance. Another organization that extended a helping hand to the villagers who had left their land because of the occupation is the General Directorate of Immigration within the Ministry of Interior. The Grand National Parliament, which had adopted the idea of “populism” since its establishment and worked for the welfare and happiness of the people, provided important aid to the needy migrant villagers through these two organizations. The deputies of the occupied regions undersigned many important regulations along with law proposals that they submitted to the Grand National Parliament. Within the scope of the accepted laws, the government aimed to provide agricultural equipment, seeds, and edible food to the villagers and to help them become productive. It is noteworthy that the Grand National Parliament did not make a regional distinction in the form of east or west when assisting migrants and needy peasants. The refugees in the Eastern Province who had to leave their homes because of the Russian occupation but who experienced great deprivation after returning also benefited from the legal arrangements made for the needy refugees and peasants in Western Anatolia.The work of the Grand National Parliament in this regard intensified after the Great Attack. The return of the refugees and peasants after the Greek army withdrew from the occupation areas emerged as an important issue. The Greek army caused great damage both during the occupation years and when leaving Western Anatolia. Repairing burned and destroyed households, extraditing refugees, and providing aid to the needy peasants were among the urgent problems the government had to face. However, while the migrants returned to their homes, important allocations from the budget for livestock, agricultural equipment, and seeds were made for villagers in need. However, as the treasury lacked the necessary resources for everyone, they could not distribute these allocations in full or had difficulty delivering them to those in need. In such cases, the government provided in-kind assistance to the needy. In addition to cereals in military warehouses distributed as seeds, surplus animals in the army’s possession were also distributed to the needy farmers. The crops and agricultural equipment belonging to the Greeks and Armenians who had left Anatolia with the Greek Army were also distributed to the Turkish Muslim farmers, thus preserving the national wealth.Some scholars have emphasized that a close examination of the debates of the Grand National Parliament both during and after the occupation years as well as during the return of refugees to their homelands reveals that making needy peasants productive meant struggling for economic survival. That is, a strong economic structure was needed for the national welfare and the well-being of the people.Historians have demonstrated that democracy only develops in a healthy manner in societies with high levels of welfare. In this respect, the government must strive to ensure the welfare of peasants, who constitute a large part of the population. To this end, the society as a whole has to equip them with the means to ensure their livelihoods and provide the infrastructure for the healthy development of democracy.

Yunan İşgali Sırasında Göç Eden ve Büyük Taarruz Sonrasında Memleketlerine Dönen Muhtaç Köylülere TBMM’nin Yaptığı Yardımlar

Nurten

In World War I, Romania fought on the side of the Entente States and faced defeat. The Alliance States seized products and goods owned by Romania, either through the Warrant or by purchasing them. Later, at the end of the war when Romania was considered one of the victorious countries, it demanded the return of the properties that the Central Powers had taken. Among the requested products and materials were machines from the Altın Yıldız Company. The company had paid for the proprietary machines and had a receipt as proof. The Ottoman government, not wanting to have a political problem with Romania, asked the Altın Yıldız Company to return the machines from the Oltanya Factory. However, the company argued that this was unlawful and that the government could not be the decision maker. Returning the machines, it said, would make the company suffer great losses. Further, the machines from the Oltanya Factory had not been confiscated as part of a war treaty but had been taken with the consent of the owners, who were paid for them.The Ottoman government deemed it appropriate to give threshing machines that had been ordered from Germany for the Defterdar Textiles Factory in Istanbul and were in crates in the factory, to the Altın Yıldız Company. Thus, the company would also be prevented from suffering losses. In other words, a kind of exchange process would take place. At first, the Altın Yıldız Company objected, but it later accepted the exchange on some terms. But there arose a foreign exchange difference between the prices of the machines at the time of purchase and their erstwhile current prices. In addition, some machines were damaged and no refund was possible. Their cost would be determined and deducted from the total amount paid for the machines. The Defterdar Mensucat Factory machines that the government planned to give to the Altın Yıldız Company should have corresponded to the price of the machines that the company would return to Romania. It was not known the exact packaging and transportation costs paid by company officials during the delivery of the Oltanya Factory machines from Romania.To discuss the return of the machines, a Mixed Commission was established which included the Ottoman government, Altın Yıldız Company, and Romania’s representative in Istanbul. The commission, which met three times a week, regularly conveyed information about the talks to the government. The Legal Advisory was also asked about the issue and found it was in favor of the Altın Yıldız Company. In the Sevres Peace Treaty signed after the war, there was no provision regarding the return of property belonging to private individuals. However, as mentioned above, the Ottoman government, seeking to avoid tension with Romania during this period, accepted the return of the machines of the Oltanya Factory. The government sought solutions to the problem in order to avoid making the Altın Yıldız Company suffer. The problem, which had started in 1918 with Romania’s request to return the machines, resulted in the signing of a contract on November 3, 1921, stating the conditions under which the machines would be returned.According to the Ottoman Bank’s schedule, the Oltanya Weaving Factory agreed to take back the machines by paying the exchange difference between the two dates. In addition, the machine owners and the Istanbul Representation of Romania issued a statement that they would not claim damages against the Ottoman government, the Altın Yıldız Company, or any person. The machines to were returned after that.Although the Altın Yıldız Company agreed to take the German threshing machines and return the Oltanya machines to the government, it did not return all the machines it had bought from Oltanya until all parts of the German threshing machines were delivered. Problems stemming from this issue continued until 1922.

I. Dünya Savaşı’nda Romanya’dan Türkiye’ye Getirilen Dokuma Makinelerinin İadesi Sorunu

Kader

The tax structure inherited from the Ottoman Empire was tried to be rebuilt many times in the first years of the Republic. However, an effective functioning tax system has never been implemented. After the wars, fiscal discipline and equivalent budget became the main target of the Republican administration. As Mustafa Kemal stated on March 1, 1923, it was necessary to benefit from the country’s income sources without resorting to external sources. In addition, the state had to create a source of income not only for the basic functions of the state, but also for funds required for railway investments and public spending such as the construction of the new capital Ankara and expropriation.The Republican administration tried to carry out a kind of tax reform with a series of new tax laws, the majority of which coincided with the years 1926 and 1927, after the Aşar Tax (Tithe) was abolished in 1925. The removal of aşar, an important income item that provided 22% of the budget revenues, was aimed to reduce the burden of the agricultural sector. However, the state turned to indirect taxes to compensate for the declining revenues. Faced with a serious financial crisis after 1930 with the effect of the world depression, the government introduced new taxes to be applied to civil servant salaries and workers’ wages. The fact that the added taxes were independent from the changes in income increased the tax burden of the public. In addition to taxes, goods consumed by large masses such as tobacco, alcohol, cigarette paper, salt, matches, sugar, and oil were taken to the state monopoly. Thus, with the monopoly prices added to most goods, the state went to increase its revenues. Indirect taxes on consumer goods led to an increased tax burden as they were collected regardless of income. In addition, due to the decrease in the purchasing power of the public, tax revenues decreased since the mid-1920s. In the following years, a regular tax system could not be developed, and the use of state monopoly revenues and extraordinary taxes during the crisis affected the commercial and social life negatively.According to the census made in 1927, the industrial basis of the economy in the first years of the Republic was lagging behind. Even in order to maintain a very low&nbsp;consumption level, the country had to import from sugar to cotton weaving, cotton yarn and woolen weaving. Taxes, regardless of profit or loss, had an adverse effect on industrial activities, in the industrial sector, which needed government protection. By the 1930s, removing some tax exemptions granted to the industrialists increased the costs and the increased costs were reflected in the market prices. The possibility of the industrialists to compete with foreign goods at home and abroad became difficult.&nbsp;While market-oriented agriculture, which was dependent on commercial loans, declined with the decrease in prices, many producers returned to production at subsistence level due to the bankruptcy of commercial companies. On the one hand, while wheat prices were falling, the state imposed customs and sales taxes on a small number of goods purchased by small and medium-sized producers from the market. At the same time, new taxes were introduced to the agricultural sector and the burden of old taxes increased as agricultural prices fell below their pre-1929 levels. With falling grain prices and rising taxes, many peasants had to work as partners by abandoning or selling their land and animals.With the impact of the 1929 world crisis, the tax burdens of all segments increased, from rural producers to civil servants and workers in the city. While the purchasing power of a large segment of the society decreased, the cost of living made it very difficult to live by. With the reflection of the increasing taxes on the market prices, the cost of living gradually increased and the purchasing power decreased considerably in this period. With the decrease in production and consumption, the collection rates of the taxes levied by the state over the years decreased. The government found the remedy by imposing new taxes or expanding the scope of existing ones. This situation created a vicious circle that negatively affected the economic activities.

Atatürk Dönemi’nde Uygulanan Vergi Politikasının İktisadi Kesimler Üzerindeki Etkisi

Murat

Rafael de Nogales Mendes, Osmanlı Ordusunda Dört Yıl (1915- 1919), Çeviren: Vedii İlmen, İstanbul, Yaba Yayınları, 2016, 307 s.

Mustafa

Prof.

Gürsoy

Prof. Dr.

The Republic of Türkiye was recognized politically, legally, and economically through the Treaty of Lausanne, which also established its borders. At the Lausanne Conference, negotiations were held extensively during the meetings to find solutions to the several issues that had been inherited from the Ottoman Empire. The Turkish committee resolved some issues by confirming the international contracts and agreements that had been signed during the Ottoman era. In this sense, Türkiye undertook to participate and approve the contracts and treaties listed under 14 titles in the Article 100 of the Treaty of Lausanne. One of these contracts was the Convention Revising the General Act of Berlin of 1885 and the General Act and Declaration of Brussels of 1890, signed at Saint-Germain-en-Laye on September 10, 1919.The first of the agreements referred to in this convention was the General Act of Berlin, which dated from February 26, 1885, in which the Ottoman Empire had become a party to the issue of Africa’s future for preventing the slave trade. The Ottoman Empire had approved this contract on June 25, 1885. The second agreement the Ottoman Empire had joined as a party was the Declaration of Brussels on July 2, 1890 and again involved the issue of preventing the slave trade. The states that signed the Treaty of Lausanne also approved the General Act of Berlin and the Declaration of Brussels as well. The agreement mentioned in Article 100 was the Convention of St. Germain-en-Laye, dated September 10, 1919. Essentially, the 1885 General Act of Berlin, the 1890 General Act and Declaration of Brussels were revised through this contract to which the Ottoman Empire had not become a party.The Treaty of Lausanne presented a perspective for solving the problems remaining from the Ottoman Empire. One of the most important indicators of this was how the 1919 Convention of St. Germain-en-Laye, which had redrafted the Berlin Contract of February 26, 1885 as well as the General Act and Declaration of Brussels of July 2, 1890 for preventing the slave trade, was placed in front of Türkiye. The Treaty of Lausanne therefore resolved the issue that the Ottoman government had not been a party to the Convention of St. Germain-en-Laye in 1919. The Treaty of Lausanne also had fundamental articles regarding the commercial future of Africa. One should also keep in mind that Türkiye showed initiative in rejecting slavery and slave trade by becoming a party to the Convention of St. Germain-en-Laye, as positioned in Article 100 of the Treaty of Lausanne.While reconstructing the Middle East as the winners of World War I, the Allies tried to get the states that had lost the war to accept Africa’s de facto status in order to protect the bases they had established there by using the discourse of prohibiting slavery and slave trading. The Allies were very successful in this strategy. In addition, the Allies gained the opportunity to design Africa in accordance with their wishes both commercially and politically while on the other hand sharing the lands of Middle East.While Germany, having been defeated in World War I, was made to sign the Treaty of Versailles, one of the dictated articles pertained to the redrafting the 1885 Berlin Contract and 1890 General Act and Declaration of Brussels. The Convention of St. Germain-en-Laye also ensured Austria to accept the same article, as well as the mentioned article again occurring in the Treaty of Trianon that was signed with Hungary. Türkiye’s turn came next, and Türkiye was also made to accept the same principles through the Treaty of Lausanne on July 24, 1923.

Afrika’da Köleliğin Kaldırılmasına Dair 10 Eylül 1919 Tarihli Saint Germain-en-Laye Sözleşmesi ve Lozan Barış Antlaşması’nda Türkiye Tarafından Onaylanması

Çağla

The Italo-Turkish War started with an attack by Italy in 1911. It started a period of wars for the Ottoman Empire in the 20th century, shook its dominance in the Mediterranean, and was important in terms of Italy taking its place among the other states of England and France who were colonizing North Africa. At the end of the war, Italy had taken the Dodecanese Islands hostage in addition to Tripoli, thus extending its rule to the Aegean and capturing strategically important islands there.During World War I, Italy demanded a portion of Anatolia through the secret treaties signed with the Allied Powers. However, Italy was unable to get what she wanted at the Paris Peace Conference that had convened at the end of the war, which led Italy to make bilateral agreements with Greece. At the Lausanne Conference held after the Turkish War of Independence, the secret diplomacy of Greece regarding the Dodecanese Islands yielded no results. In 1923, Mussolini showed his stance in the Mediterranean by invading Corfu, and relations between the Greece and Türkiye deteriorated. Meanwhile, Mussolini’s statements that armed the islands against Türkiye in 1924 after Lausanne had caused Türkiye to take some precautions. The War Games organized by Mustafa Kemal Pasha in İzmir in 1924 was also a result of this attempt.The start of Turkish-British negotiations in 1924 regarding Mosul and the resultant stalemate caused Britain to put Italy into action. Britain wanted Türkiye to remain weak in terms of the Mosul issue by having it fear Italy with regard to the Aegean and thus entered a process of rapprochement with Italy. In 1925, the anti-Turkish General Theodoros Pangalos, who had come to power through a military coup in Greece, entered the process of rapprochement with Italy and found the appropriate opportunity to become a partner in this plan to realize his ideas about Anatolia. Thus, the two dictators accelerated their diplomatic visits by concentrating on an operation plan to be carried out in İzmir regarding the Dodecanese Islands.This threat had emerged from Britain in the background while appearing to have emerged between Italy and Greece; it caused Türkiye to take measures against an attack from the Aegean. The 1926 agreement between Türkiye and Britain regarding Mosul and the overthrow of General Pangalos by coup in the same year caused Italy to soften its policy toward Türkiye, and tensions ended before a war could start. Another important point regarding Italy and Greece’s development of policies against Türkiye under the patronage of Britain was that their fascist governments were at work in these two countries. For Pangalos and Mussolini, who had united on common grounds in the context of expansionist foreign policy, they had resultantly viewed Türkiye as a geography where they could realize the goals they had been unable to achieve during the National Struggle. However, the fact that the targets of both countries involved Western Anatolia created questions about what kind of division they could envisage in the event of a possible attack. Because this attack did not take place, predicting how they would have divided the spoils within the framework of a consensus is difficult. However, Pangalos being a Mussolini fan and Mussolini’s uncompromisingly harsh image does pave the way for predictions more or less.However, the aggressive foreign policies were in fact generally the product of restless domestic policies. This is not difficult to see in the examples of Italy and Greece. Neither country’s expectations were satisfied after World War I. While Greece had problems arising from the population exchange, Italy had difficulties coping with the economic and social chaos World War I had brought about. Still, while both were victors in the war, being victorious does not seem to always bring an environment of peace and development.Pangalos’ rapprochement with Italy in terms of foreign policy during the year he was in power had important consequences for Greece. The tense relations, especially due to the Corfu crisis, were replaced by a friendly process, and Greece gained a friend, at least until 1940. Still, his attempt at friendship was a product of his opposition to Türkiye, which he had defined as an enemy. Because of this, after Pangalos lost power in 1926, Greece would enter a normalization process and start to take concrete steps to resolve its problems with Türkiye.

İki Savaş Arası Dönemde Ege’de Yunan-İtalyan Tehdidi ve Savaş Gerilimi (1924-1926)

Volkan

Hatay is the gateway to the Eastern Mediterranean, located in the south of Türkiye. During the First World War, Britain and France shared the region through secret treaties they made between themselves. After the Armistice of Mudros, first Britain and then France occupied the İskenderun Port. The French occupied Antakya on December 7, 1918 and had to fight against the regional independence forces until 1921. Their divideand-rule policy shaped the administrative structure against the Turks. In the Ankara agreement signed between Türkiye and France in 1921, the right to special administration was granted to İskenderun Sanjak. According to the treaty, Turkish became the official language, and the cultural rights of the Turkish were guaranteed, but France never met the terms of the agreement. According to this agreement, İskenderun Sanjak remained outside the borders of Türkiye. However, Tayfur Sökmen had always been in contact with Ankara. He organized the people of the region against the French on the order of Atatürk. To reduce the Turkish population, the French took the lands held by the Turks and distributed them to their supporters, Armenians, and Arabs, and tried to destroy Turkish culture among the Arab population. Atatürk visiting Adana on March 15, 1923, promised the people of Antakya who welcomed him that he would save them when the time came. Until 1936, the case of the Turks remained pending. However, with the change of the Straits regime in favor of Türkiye, Atatürk would bring the Hatay issue to the Turkish Grand National Assembly. Especially with France’s giving independence to Syria and ignoring the İskenderun Sanjak, the Hatay issue would be moved to Geneva. According to the Turkish thesis, the Sanjak should be completely independent and the official language in the region should be Turkish. This thesis was not accepted by the French. Especially in November–December 1936, the decision of the Turks not to participate in the elections held in Sanjak to send a deputy to the Syrian Assembly and the rising tension caused the murder of two young Turkish people at a mass meeting in Hatay. Martial law was declared in Hatay, and under the oppressive conditions, the Turks were forced with arms and bayonets to go to the ballot boxes. Then Atatürk went to Ulukışla to inspect the military units used to intimidate France. This situation had repercussions in a short time. Thousands of Turks welcomed the observer delegation sent to Hatay by the League of Nations. Britain and France, who met again in Geneva shortly after, agreed on Hatay. The report submitted by Sandler on January 27, 1937, was accepted, and Sanjak was accepted as a separate entity. Prime Minister İsmet İnönü’s visit to Britain on May 14, 1937 and his meeting with British Foreign Minister Eden also produced a solution in a short time on the Hatay issue. The Sanjak Constitution and Statute were adopted on May 29, 1937. It was decided that the Constitution would come into force on November 29, 1937. While the Turks of Hatay were celebrating this development, the Syrian Assembly declared the Sanjak to be an inseparable part of Syria. The oppression and persecution of Turks by the Arab and French officials in Hatay were increasing day by day. France, unbeknownst to Türkiye, acted together with the mandate officers in Hatay and prepared an election directive. However, the Ankara government protested to the League of Nations and did not recognize the election directive prepared by France. Thus, a new election commission was established by the League of Nations, and two representatives, one from Greece and one from Yugoslavia, were added to this commission upon the request of Türkiye. In the elections held in Hatay in May 1938, the pressure on the Turks continued. Thereupon, Atatürk’s visit to Mersin to inspect military units again yielded results in a short time. France approved the Turkish soldiers’ presence in Hatay at the time of the election. However, Türkiye did not consider agreeing with France before the Hatay issue was resolved. Eventually Hatay gained its independence through Atatürk’s military and diplomatic maneuvers. Hatay State was established on September 2, 1938. On June 29, 1939, the Hatay Assembly decided the state to join the territory of Türkiye. On July 23, French soldiers withdrew from Hatay, which has become a part of Türkiye.&nbsp;

Atatürk’ün Dış Politika Zaferi: Hatay’ın  Türkiye’ye İltihakının Dışişleri Bakanlığı  Türk Diplomatik Arşiv Belgeleri Üzerinden  Değerlendirilmesi (1936-1939)

Elçin

The Lotus Case was a prominent event for the young Republic of Türkiye in the 1920s, because this case gave Türkiye an opportunity after the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne to show the new Turkish State as being contemporary, independent, and equal to other European states in every international area, especially in law. The accident occurred as follows: A collision on the high seas between the French steamer the Lotus and the Turkish steamer the Bozkurt in 1926 resulted in the sinking of the Turkish vessel and the death of eight Turkish nationals. When the French ship reached İstanbul, the Turkish authorities instituted criminal proceedings against the French officer on watch at the time of the collision (i.e., Lieutenant Desmons). The Turkish Court rejected Desmons’ objection that Türkiye had no jurisdiction and, after a trial, sentenced him to 80 days in prison and a fine of 22 pounds. The French Government evaluated Türkiye’s action as a violation of international law and demanded reparations. The arguments put forward by the two parties involved whether or not Türkiye had any jurisdiction to prosecute the case according to the principles of international law. Türkiye and France agreed to refer this dispute over jurisdiction to the Permanent Court of International Justice. In court, then Minister of Justice Mahmut Esat Bozkurt represented the Turkish side. The court ultimately decided that Türkiye had not violated international law by instituting criminal proceedings against Desmons. The case was followed with great interest by Britain and America. These two countries made statements about the case both in their official papers and their press. For instance, the British press frequently reported on the event based on French newspapers. In addition, the press made some comments against Türkiye, using words such as “arrogant” and “capricious” to define Türkiye’s attitude toward British authors. While British newspapers were making comments about the case and Türkiye, British official documents only made brief mention of how the incident was perceived in terms of the French press. Compared to the British official documents, American official documents dealt with the issue in more detail. For instance, the&nbsp;American official documents on the issue conveyed the views of both the French press as well as the Turkish press about the case. These documents discussed whether the Turkish courts had been impartial and stated that the International Court of Justice in Hague would ultimately bring a solution to the problem. The American press also stated that the French government had made strong protests and would take more active measures. In addition, the US press talked about how French Prime Minister M. Poincare had found Türkiye’s attitude to be a clear violation of international law and how the French government could accept no further delays in liberating Desmons. The US Press also stated France to have all along contended that Türkiye, by arresting an officer on its ship, had set Turkish law, which was applicable solely in its own territorial waters, against the well-recognized rule of international maritime code. This code stated that in the case of an accident, the involved parties were solely under the disciplinary jurisdiction of the admiralty courts of their own countries. In addition, the American press asserted that Türkiye had given in and turned over the affair to the international court due to Premier Poincare’s ultimatum to Türkiye regarding Desmon’s release. When the Permanent Court of International Justice ultimately declared that Türkiye’s actions had not constituted a violation of the principles of international law, some American newspapers interpreted this result as a success for Turkish policy. As mentioned before, Türkiye had signed the Treaty of Lausanne in July 1923. One of the successes of this peace treaty was the abolishment of capitulations. As a result, the Lotus Case ruling in favor of Türkiye is understood again to exemplify how the capitulations had come to an end. With the example of the Lotus Case, all European states, especially France, understood once again that the old Ottoman State had come to an end and that the new Turkish Republic had been born with its own independence and contemporary principles.&nbsp;

Genç Cumhuriyetin İlk Deniz Hukuku Zaferi  Bozkurt Lotus Davası ve Uluslararası Yankıları Üzerine Örnekler

Nuri

The Ottoman intellectuals who had gained some superficial information about Western civilization up to the Tanzimat, generally through various embassy reports and books, had the opportunity to get to know Western civilization more closely during the modernization that followed the Tanzimat. In this process, they realized that Western civilization had developed in a way that could not be compared to Ottoman civilization. They believed that, in order to reach the level of progress of European societies, very radical reforms should first be made in political and social life.Therefore, they engaged in voluminous long-term activities aimed at simultaneously changing both the political regime and the social mentality. Their primary goal was to break the domination over individual and social life by various interest groups who were profiting from the current conditions in both political and social life and who constantly abused Islam for their own interests. To do this, the government system first needed to be secularized, separating religion from the state.Hence, one can say a religious project was underway in the minds of Ottoman intellectuals and statesmen during the modernization period, no matter to which school of thought they belonged. Still, to think that this project was more of a civilization project rather than a purely absolute religious project would be more accurate. In addition, the main basis of civilization involves religion, and both concepts have been used for a long time to convey practically the same meanings. Taking this situation into account would make seeing the consolidation of any reformist thought toward the institutional or religious structure of Islam more accurate through Islamic references as a necessary condition for a new civilization conception rather than as a policy for&nbsp; gaining political legitimacy. As Menapirzade Nuri and Ahmet Midhat Efendi in particular emphasized, this was because those who claimed Islam as also being opposed to civilization had based their claim on the semantic similarity between the words civilization and progress and on those who were against the concept of progress. Moreover, some ignorant scholars were found to try to portray this claim as a religious ruling. In addition, Western Orientalists who claimed that Islam prevented progress were encountered. Finally, Western states also used the concept of civilization as an exploitative political instrument and used the discourse of bringing civilization to the entire Islamic geography. Many compelling internal and external factors similar to these also occurred. Therefore, despite their different worldviews, Ottoman intellectuals who admired the Europe’s level of development had to consider the concepts of civilization and progress alongside the religion of Islam as a result of all these political and social reasons. In other words, they had to undertake the defense of Islam against both ignorant Islamic scholars as well as Orientalists who claimed Islam to prevent progress. According to Engelhardt, however, the main goal of this process of social change that was conceptualized through such terms as Westernizing, Europeanizing, contemporizing, and modernizing, was to bring Muslim Ottoman society closer to the Christian European society in all aspects. To do this, both the government and society first needed to be saved from the domination of religion as it had in Europe and be given a secular structure.As a matter of fact, the environment of relative freedom created by the Second Constitutional Monarchy and the great disasters Türkiye experienced against Western states in the following period led to the emergence of extremely radical discourses around the issues of religion, civilization, and European civilization. Western intellectuals’ contemporary civilizational conceptualizations had initially envisaged a Lutheran reform in Islam that caused intense long-lasting debates in the Turkish press.Hence, this article will first summarize the discourses of certain Ottoman intellectuals, namely Ziya Gökalp and Celal Nuri İleri, who referred to Protestant European societies only as a criterion of contemporary civilization and stated that a Lutheran reform should take place in Islam. Then the study demonstrates a few examples of the fatwas of some Islamic scholars who had used religion as a means of political or social pressure for their personal comfort, which resultantly justified all these reformist discourses. The article’s second section will touch upon Mehmet Akif’s original place in&nbsp;&nbsp;Islamic modernism. The final section will attempt to draw attention to the lack of any rational basis in the discourses that had declared Akif to be an enemy of civilization by distorting some of his statements on the concept of civilization, not only in terms of semantics but also in terms of syntax.

İkinci Meşrutiyetten Cumhuriyete Türk  Basınında Muasır Medeniyet Tartışmaları,  İslâm Modernizmi ve Mehmet Âkif

Res. Assist. Dr.

The Ottoman Empire became involved in the First World War by bombing the Sevastopol Port of Russia on October 29, 1914. Enver Pasha played a critical role in the course of the war by simultaneously undertaking the duties of the Minister of War, Chief of the Military Staff, and Deputy Commander-in-Chief. Enver Pasha and a group of former administrators had to leave the country as a result of the Ottoman Empire’s acceptance of defeat with the Armistice of Mudros signed on October 30, 1918. Enver Pasha had contacts in various countries, especially Russia, during his time abroad. Using these contacts, he attempted to become a power element both in Central Asia and in the Ottoman geography. At first, he thought of establishing an army in Central Asia and attacking the British colonial roads with support from Russia. However, following the Battle of İnönü, he began to adopt the idea of crossing into Anatolia more. This idea caused a conflict between Enver Pasha and Mustafa Kemal Pasha. In this period, the French Government was criticized by its public opinion for the existing occupation in Antep (Aintab) and its surroundings. Questioning the logic of being an occupier in this region, thousands of kilometers away from France, the French public wanted to prevent further loss of soldiers and money. The French Government began to seek a dialog formula with Ankara at the point when its national interests met with the demands of its public opinion. Meanwhile, news about the National Struggle Movement in Anatolia and Mustafa Kemal Pasha began to appear in the French press, and some French writers began to publish books about the National Struggle. In such an environment, the tension between Mustafa Kemal Pasha and Enver Pasha was reflected in the French press. Even in some books published in France at that time, various opinions were put forward on this issue. This tension was so high that it even came to the fore in the French parliament. The French Government was questioning the results of the partition agreements with Britain specific to the Ottoman geography while trying to calculate the consequences of reconciliation with the Ankara Government after the Battle of Sakarya resulted in a Turkish victory. At this point, whether the center of gravity in Anatolia was on the side of Mustafa Kemal Pasha or Enver Pasha became a matter of curiosity in French public. This study examines how the tension between Mustafa Kemal Pasha and Enver Pasha during the War of Independence was perceived by French public.We used thirteen different French newspapers for this study. We particularly focused on Le Petit Parisien, Le Petit Journal, Le Journal, and Le Matin, the so-called big five newspapers. Le Temps, a newspaper close to the state, l’Humanité and Le Populaire, representing the radical left, Le Radical, a weekly–monthly publication with a socialist tendency, Journal des Débats appealing to the bourgeois class, Le Gaulois, a right leaning paper; and although their circulations were low, Le Figaro, which had a strong influence, and L’Action Française with Bonapartist tendencies, and Excelsior, known for their visual materials and published weekly, were the other sources of our research. In addition, to understand the opinion of the French Government, we used French diplomatic documents and parliamentary debates of the French Chamber of Deputies. Moreover, the book named L’Aventure Kémaliste (Kemalist Adventure), which was published in Paris during the years of our research, is among the sources used.The results revealed that in the French public opinion, the tension between Mustafa Kemal Pasha and Enver Pasha was misinterpreted as a “cooperation” rather than a “disagreement” or a “conflict” until the Ankara Treaty was signed between the Ankara Government and France on October 20, 1921. It was observed that in French politics, it was claimed that Mustafa Kemal Pasha and Enver Pasha acted together and that Enver Pasha established the dialog between Ankara and Moscow. In addition, it was observed that the idea that these two important figures, who were allegedly in cooperation, were also pro-German was adopted. Furthermore, the press was in line with the opinions of French politicians in that period until the Ankara Treaty. Some columnists even claimed that the cooperation between Mustafa Kemal Pasha and Enver Pasha was organized by Germany and Russia to put the French in trouble in Muslim geographies, especially in North Africa. In addition, this study based on newspapers with different political tendencies determined that the French newspapers approached our research topic from the same perspective, regardless of their political tendencies. It seems that the French public at last began to fully understand the tension between Mustafa Kemal Pasha and Enver Pasha only with Franklin Bouillon’s visit to Ankara following the Turkish victory in the Battle of Sakarya. More specifically, after the Ankara Treaty was signed at the end of this visit, the French began to show considerable interest in Mustafa Kemal Pasha&nbsp;&nbsp;and the Turkish War of Independence and constantly sent journalists to Ankara. However, it is noteworthy that even in some news published after the visit, unrealistic information and claims on the subject continued to appear in the French public occasionally. This may be due to the limited communication conditions of the period and perhaps the disinformation of French news sources abroad.

Millî Mücadele Döneminde Mustafa Kemal  Paşa-Enver Paşa Çatışmasının Fransız  Kamuoyundaki Algılanış Biçimi

Nurettin

Although the proclamation of the republic was left until after the peace treaty, a number of radical changes were known to have been made during the National Struggle that formed the basis of the Republican regime. The first important step that was taken toward these changes and innovation movements can be expressed as the establishment of the Turkish Grand National Assembly (TGNA) in April 1920. While the establishment of the TGNA underlined the will of the nation, it also allowed the National Struggle movement to gain legitimacy. Secondly, the emphasis on the sovereignty of the nation in Article 1 of the Constitution adopted on January 20, 1921 marked an important step that had been taken in the process leading to the proclamation of the republic. In addition to these, the abolition of the sultanate on November 1, 1922 was a declaration that no authority or person could be effective other than the parliament and that the appropriate time to name the regime that was now being de facto implemented was believed to have come.The discussions on determining the republican regime as the form of government were brought to the agenda by both national and local press organs. First published on December 10, 1918, İstikbal Newspaper was one of these organs supporting the National Struggle movement. The newspaper dealt with the pre- and post-proclamation of the republic with the news articles it published and later made serious criticisms against the method that had been followed during the proclamation. Although the newspaper had accepted the regime that existed before the proclamation to already be a republic and included articles praising the republican regime, it criticized how the proclamation had been imposed by taking advantage of the cabinet crisis.From the beginning of the preparations for the amendments to the 1921 Constitution to the proclamation of the republic, İstikbal Newspaper closely followed the developments within this scope and conveyed these goings on to readers with an oppositional approach, though this oppositional attitude was not directed toward the republican regime. With the adoption of the new regime, the powers of parliament had&nbsp;been reduced compared to the parliamentary governmental system, and the prime ministerial and especially presidential offices had been given broad powers. The newspaper interpreted this situation as a departure from the principles of sovereignty and nationalism and a shift away from the axis of democracy. In this context, the newspaper increased its dosage of criticism and emphasized how granting wide powers to a person or office other than the parliament could lead to the transformation of the political system into a dictatorship in the future. The articles published in the newspaper emphasized that the powers of the parliament should not be given to any one person or authority.Although İstikbal Newspaper stated that the proclamation of the republic had been carried out in a hurry as a fait accompli, the news articles it published also accepted the inevitability of the republican regime being established after the sultanate was abolished. This situation may be viewed as a contradiction. However, the main issue the newspaper addressed was how the change had been made in a short period of time, not by consulting the nation but with the encouragement and guidance of a certain cadre of people. In addition, the oppositional attitude of the press toward the proclamation of the republic and the regulations of 1923 shows the press at that time to have had broad freedoms. Indeed, the articles İstikbal Newspaper published were seen to have an extremely high level of criticism against the government and the Halk Fırkası [People’s Party]. İstikbal Newspaper displayed an oppositional attitude toward the methods followed while proclaiming the republic and expressed its thoughts on the supremacy of the parliament and the sovereignty of the nation with great courage and open-heartedness, which played an important role in maintaining awareness in public consciousness.&nbsp;

Cumhuriyetin İlanına Metodolojik Bir  Muhalefet: Trabzon’da Çıkan İstikbal Gazetesi

Mehmet Fahri

Every nation-state needs a historical conception that will feed its cultivated sense of national identity and give it mythological and symbolic aspects. The thought in this field is shaped, above all, around an origin myth that will provide the nation-state with a reason for existence, distinguish it from others, and give its citizens the feeling of being “ancient”. A “legitimate” history thesis outlines the official identity boundaries of the nation-state and informs its citizens about the ancestral lineage to which they belong. At the same time, it meets the standards of its time because it is covered in a scientific outfit. In this sense, the official history thesis is also a “thesis of belonging”.&nbsp;It was crucial for the fledgling Turkish Republic of the 1930s to develop a historical perspective that would define its people and give meaning to their belonging. In this view, the First and Second Turkish History Congresses are crucial in terms of making the state’s official understanding of history visible. By disseminating the official history thesis, these congresses demonstrate the supremacy of the government’s own identity conception. In order to establish the geographical basis of the inhabitants of the Turkish nation-state, the fundamental content of the Turkish History Thesis is primarily shaped by the creation of the territorial genealogy of Anatolia. The idea that the existence of ancient civilizations of Anatolian origin like the Sumerians, Hittites, and Etruscans in this geography is “ancient” compared to the others - like the Greeks or Armenians - gives historical validity to the relationship between modern Turkish identity and the idea of homeland. Here, a new set of symbols, myths, and traditions supplied by the line of historical and ethnic continuity based on Central Asia can be used to replace the Ottoman-Islamic past with a legitimate one.The goal of Blue Anatolianism is to diversify and enhance the official Turkish History Thesis rather than to depart from it. In the early republican period, Blue Anatolianists, who advocated “to bring the West here, to themselves, instead of going to the West”, became the creators of their own unique discourse. The need to define a geography that is more “local” and closer to the young Republic’s center, as a reaction to the “extreme” nature of the idea of origin that will base the nation-state identity of the Turkish History Thesis, is where this alternative perspective expresses itself most clearly. The official history theory, which based citizenship identification on ethnicity, had a “surreal” component, although Blue Anatolianists promoted a territorial interpretation of culture. In reality, the alternative discourse that Blue Anatolianism contributes to the fundamental framework of national identity gives meaning to its originality as a theory of territorial nationalism.Intellectually, the Neo-Greekism advocated in the 1910s by authors like Yahya Kemal and Yakup Kadri forms the foundation of the Blue Anatolia thesis. This also highlights the concept of humanism, which forms the basis of the thesis’s effort to diversify the official historical narrative. The desire to link this geographical association with Anatolia has its roots in Neo-Greeks, who believe that “in order to understand Europe, we need to start from Greece” and foresee a Turkish identity facing the West. However, this Anatolia is not the generalizing Anatolia of the official history thesis, nor is it the Anatolia of the Anatolianist ideology, which would develop a conservative mystification in the years to come. Neo-Greek Anatolia is a geographical extension of the Mediterranean and Aegean seas, and unmistakably resembles European territory.The Blue Anatolianist movement shifts the construction of belonging in the official discourse from the ethnic to the geographical. As a result, the present Mediterranean interpretation, which replaces the nomadic pathos emanating from Central Asia that serves as the foundation of the Turkish History Thesis, also becomes the focus of a secular and humanist worldview with Anatolia at its core, opening the way to multiculturalism.The uniqueness of Blue Anatolianism as a theory of territorial nationalism lies in the fact that the identity it advances is based on geographical inheritance, and in a sense, it equates being a citizen of the Republic of Türkiye with being the heir of all communities who have lived here since the earliest times of Anatolia. The movement’s founding theorist, the Fisherman of Halicarnassus, stated in one of his writings that the core of modern Turkish identity is a singular identity that “started to flow long before the Hittites” and embodies the traits from all "Phrygian, Lydian, Ionian, Persian, Byzantine, Seljuk, and Ottoman" civilizations.One of the most significant cultural outputs of the movement was the writings of Azra Erhat (a pupil of the Fisherman of Halicarnassus), particularly her translations from classical Greek. On the other hand, Blue Anatolianism developed into a formalized political and cultural movement thanks to the activities of Sabahattin Eyüboglu, an intellectual from the same time period.&nbsp;

Toprağa Bağlı Bir Milliyetçilik Teorisi Olarak  Mavi Anadolu İdeali

Ercan

Kemal Tahir holds a significant position in the annals of Turkish literature and intellectual discourse. His life’s dedication revolved around delving into the intricacies of the nation’s realities. Utilizing novels as a medium, he sought to communicate both history and reality. His perspectives on historical and social matters have been subjects of deliberation within intellectual and literary circles. An enduring topic of discussion has been Kemal Tahir’s stance on banditry. Central to his main thesis is the argument that a bandit “cannot be a hero”, portraying banditry as a social phenomenon. Although banditry is subtly alluded to in many of his village-themed novels, this study accentuates his views through an examination of the novels “Yorgun Savaşçı” and “Rahmet Yolları Kesti”. The former unfolds during the National Struggle era, marked by the absence of state authority, revealing the widespread prevalence of banditry. The latter, set in the mid-1930s concurrent with the establishment of the Ankara Government and the solidification of state authority, is noteworthy for its portrayal of a bandit narrative. In both of Kemal Tahir’s novels, various individual and societal elements pertinent to the genesis of banditry are underscored. These elements encapsulate the author’s overarching perspectives on the phenomenon. According to the author, the notion of appreciating honest bandits is a concept proposed by “semi-intellectuals” resulting from an evaluation that is detached from Anatolian cultural norms. It remains nothing more than a folkloric imagination. Bandits, or robbers, are individuals with a low sense of social morality, displaying cowardice, susceptibility to manipulation by others, aversion to work, and an inability to do anything other than feign. There is a certain period of banditry. Banditry is the product of a period of turmoil and war. The most decisive factor in the emergence of banditry is the power of the state. If the state is strong in the political, economic and military fields, it does not last long even if bandit movements are seen. Banditry arises from a combination of factors, including the pursuit of notoriety, a desire for bravery, avarice for monetary gain, and other individual motives. The perpetuation of banditry is further influenced by the populace’s fear and mistrust of the state, with the continuation of such activities contingent upon the strength or weakness of the state. In instances where villagers perceive a lack of power, there is a tendency to idealize bandits, portraying them as heroes and transforming them into&nbsp; legendary figures. The allegiance of a bandit aligns with the stronger party, manipulated by those individuals. Kemal Tahir equated banditry with theft, positing that it does not manifest in a well-ordered and fearless society. In societies undergoing moral decay, banditry tends to emerge, and the admiration for banditry persists.In conclusion, as we intricately intertwined the bandit phenomenon depicted in Kemal Tahir’s novels “Yorgun Savaşçı” and “Rahmet Yolları Kesti” with the author’s perspectives within the realms of both Turkish literature and historical reality, it becomes evident that Kemal Tahir faced substantial criticism throughout his lifetime. The true essence of what the author aimed to convey remains challenging to assess objectively. The limited recognition bestowed upon his views and literary persona in the 20th century has contributed to certain challenges confronting Turkish society today. Presently, there is a more objective approach to the author. Nevertheless, it remains challenging to surpass comparisons with Yaşar Kemal, particularly concerning the concept of banditry. Currently, we find significant parallels between the author’s viewpoint on banditry and historical actualities. This circumstance calls for an assessment of his novels not solely in the context of banditry but also with regard to other historical and literary facets, free from comparisons and biases. Kemal Tahir has bequeathed a substantial legacy contributing to our comprehension of the challenges in literature, art, and society in the 21st century. The extent to which we can preserve, convey, and transmit this heritage to new generations will be highly valued.

Kemal Tahir’in “Yorgun Savaşçı” ve “Rahmet  Yolları Kesti” Romanlarında Eşkıyalık Teması  (1919-1939)

Betül

While beginning the preparations for the 10th anniversary of Türkiye, political and intellectual circles proposed the newly emerging idea to establish a museum exhibiting the 10-year course of the revolutions that had taken place in Türkiye by making use of the possibilities of contemporary museology. Upon adopting this idea, attempts were initiated to establish a revolution museum. In fact, the Istanbul Municipality had initiated some local activities regarding this issue in previous years. However, officials had a more comprehensive concept for the Revolution Museum in mind compared to these previous activities. Although all the necessary artifacts for the museum were available, these were understood to be insufficient for inaugurating what would be a well-established museum. Thus, the need to have experts who’d been trained according to the museum discipline clearly came before these artifacts.&nbsp;As a result, the politicians and bureaucrats had no choice but to assign an authorized commission specifically for this job, upon which the Committee of Museums was formed to establish the Revolution Museum. The members of this committee consisted of names such as Kadro journal’s editor Şevket Süreyya Aydemir, Foreign Ministry Advisor and Secretary General of the Balkan Union Abdülhak Şinasi Hisar, historian Enver Behnan Şapolyo, Sami Çölgeçen, and Hamit Zübeyir Koşay. The missions the state officials expected from the museum were to keep the revolutionary movements alive, to revive their vital aspects, and to display the 10-year-old history using examples. The museum committee was requested to illustrate almost 10 years of flowing history in the museum. However, the committee members, who were the leading figures in terms of history and museology, had different views toward the idea of revolution. Another issue upon which they were unable to agree was whether to include the Tanzimat Reform Era or the Turkish National Struggle period as the historical starting point of the Revolution Museum. All these expectations and disagreements from the committee members prevented them from establishing the museum.&nbsp;&nbsp;Revolution museums had emerged as products of the new states and ideologies established after the revolutions. Considered as places of promotion, history, memory, and evidence collection, revolution museums are definable as places built as archives,research centers, educational institutions, and propaganda tools in the world states that had undergone ideological and structural revolution at the beginning of the 20th century.Revolution museums feature more their educational functions than their exhibiting and preserving ones. These museums reflect cultural and modern developments of a nation as well as its vital struggles against its enemies in history. Thus, they have made important contributions to the field of public education both in Türkiye and the world. Şevket Süreyya (Aydemir) Bey also expressed this feature of revolution museums in his report from August 27, 1933. The four-page report lists information, documents, maps, photographs, tables, materials etc. about the Battle of Sakarya exhibit planned in the museum, after which he stated how this hall would instruct visitors about the Battle of Sakarya.The Revolution Museum would finally come into existence in 1939 after Atatürk’s death, when the house where Atatürk had lived in Şişli, Istanbul was opened to the public as a museum. In addition, the Institute of Turkish Revolution History in affiliation with Ankara University Faculty of Language, History, and Geography was opened during the time when Hasan Ali Yücel was the Minister of Education. The Revolution History Museum was also established in Ankara in 1942 within the body of the Turkish Revolution History Institute. The materials that had been collected for the Revolution Museum planned in Ankara before were given to the Turkish Revolution History Institute in 1943.The Revolution Museum had been intended to be created similar to the Ankara People’s House. This study will address the efforts to establish a revolution museum whose idea had been put forward in 1933; the criticisms, different views, and discussions of the examples of revolution museums in Russia and Italy; the attempts to establish a similar model of revolution museum; and the reasons why the museum had failed to be established. As sources, this article utilized the archival materials, newspapers, journals and official reports of the period.&nbsp;

Atatürk Döneminde “İnkılâp Müzesi”  Kurulması Girişimleri

Ceyhun

A general belief exists in Turkish culture that music had developed around the palace. However, when examining traditional Ottoman music, music was seen to have not only been limited to the palace environment but to have also developed in cities, homes, coffee houses, mosques, and Mevlevi lodges. For this reason, Turkish music culture did not follow a Western course to the public.Ottoman music began being influenced by the West in the 18th century when Selim III brought Western musicians to Istanbul for his opera concert. By including Western music groups in their touring schedules, Istanbul society’s interest in Western music has become fashionable and the people of Istanbul encountered polyphonic Western music in this way. With the proclamation of the Tanzimat, modernization efforts in the field of music intensified, and a Palace Orchestra and Fasıl [program of musical pieces] Committee were included within the body of the Mızıka-yı Hümâyun [military band] founded by Giusepe Donizetti. Despite these modernization efforts, Western music could only be situated academically during the Republican period.The main idea and infrastructure of the innovations that Atatürk planned to make in the field of music were formed on the framework the Tanzimat had started. The aim was to have the revolution to be made in the field of music be inspired by Western music and to create a new Turkish music that the West would listen to with respect.Ziya Gökalp’s views on music were also influential in determining the music policy of the period. Although his knowledge of music is controversial, Gökalp wrote in his work “The Principles of Turkism” that two types of music exist in Turkey: The first of which is the Turkish music born out of the people, and the other is the Ottoman music that had been translated from Byzantium by al-Farabi. Gökalp also stated that he found Eastern music to be sick and non-national and argued folk music to be the music of Turkish culture and Western music to be the music of the new civilization.As a matter of fact, Atatürk thought that national Turkish music could be created by blending folk music, which is seen as the core music of the Turks, with polyphonic Western music. This understanding of music aimed to use the strengths of Western music in Turkish music by adopting the musical institutions of the West and planned in practice to synthesize the polyphonic techniques of Western music with Turkish folk music melodies.Apart from the institutional reform studies and practices carried out to create a national form of music, another aim was to culturally internalize Western-based Turkish music. In this context, two vocal competitions were organized by the Cumhuriyet newspaper between 1930-1931. The aim of this study is to examine these vocal competitions the Cumhuriyet newspaper held. In this context, the article examines the 1930 for the “Song of the Nations” contest to select the Turkish participant of another international song contest held in Paris to play the leading actress in the French film La Chanson Des Nations; and also the “Nightingale of Türkiye vocal contest” held in 1931 by performing a content analysis of the news published at this time. The study examines within its scope the newspaper issues of Cumhuriyet, which organized the competitions, as well as the issues of Son Posta that involved the competitions between November 1930 and March 1931; and it attempts to determine how much the competitions had been affected by the alafranga and alaturka debates and the extent which the contests affected the reforms to be made in the field of musicIn particular, the competition in the field of Western music organized by Cumhuriyet newspaper for people to participate in the movie “Song of Nations” in 1930 created the atmosphere the Republican regime desired. The intellectual personality of Hudadat Şakir Hanım, who came first in this competition, can be said to have been suitable for the Turkish national music culture the Republican regime wanted to create.Nightingale of Türkiye vocal competition held in 1931 did not attract as much attention as the movie “Song of Nations” contest in 1930. Cenap Şahabettin said that the songs in Nightingale of Türkiye competition made his soul feel old, that he had listened to all the “Istanbul nightingales” with his ears closed, and that he had a hidden sadness in his mouth upon leaving the hall. Şahabettin’s comments are in line with Atatürk’s criticisms of Turkish music.The alafranga-alaturka debates appeared in the vocal contests and continued into early 1930s. These debates even lasted until the end of the ban on Turkish music radio broadcasting in 1934. Later Atatürk tried to express that his words on the subject were misunderstood in different environments. Because his greatest desire was to ensure that Türkiye adopted the modern music technique as well as to have the Turkish compositions that were loved and listened to in the country also be heard in Europe.&nbsp;

Müzik İnkılâbını “Milletler Şarkısı” Filmi  (1930) ve “Türkiye Bülbülü” (1931) Ses  Yarışmaları Üzerinden Okumak

Serdar

Öğretim Görevlisi Dr.

The political system in Türkiye is the main factor that determines the media regime. During the early Republican period, multi-party life was tried twice, and the press gained the opportunity to make its voice heard compared with the single-party years. After the failure of these attempts, the press largely lost this freedom with the adoption of the Press Law in 1931. For this reason, the press demonstrated its ideological tendencies through issues related to foreign policy instead of discussing domestic politics and the regime.On September 1, 1939, the Second World War began with the German invasion of Poland. The Soviet-Finnish Winter War, which also emerged as a local war during the Second World War, was an event that exhibited the ideological tendencies of the Turkish press.Immediately prior to the Second World War, Soviet Russia wanted to expand its borders to the Baltic region to secure its borders against the increasing danger from Germany. Toward this end, it demanded certain regulations and argued that the FinnishSoviet border was only 32 km from Petrograd. However, Finland refused these demands. After the talks were interrupted, the Winter War began on November 30, 1939, when Soviet Russia attacked Helsinki. Contrary to expectations, Finland displayed great resistance by using the climatic and geographical conditions in its favor. However, Finland, which did not find the help it expected, needed to ask for peace and submitted to Soviet demands at the end of the war that lasted for 104 days.Contrary to the common belief in Turkish historiography, Türkiye followed a policy&nbsp; of alliance with Britain and France instead of an active neutrality policy during this period. This policy was a factor that determined the attitude of the press towards the Winter War. However, a number of differences existed among the three abovementioned newspapers. The ideological tendencies of these newspapers played a role in the basis of these differences.Cumhuriyet, Yeni Sabah, and Tan newspapers represented the three tendencies of the Turkish press during the Second World War. Cumhuriyet is known for being pro-German, Yeni Sabah for being pro-British, and Tan for being pro-Soviet. Therefore, the study also examined the positions taken by these newspapers based on their attitude toward the Soviet-Finnish Winter WarYeni Sabah, especially its editor-in-chief Hüseyin Cahid Yalçın, was worried that Soviet Russia would approach Germany due to this war. However, in the later days of the war, after the Allied states clarified their stance in favor of Finland, Yeni Sabah also took a stance in favor of Finland. Yet, the tone it used against Soviet Russia was extremely careful. In other words, Yeni Sabah refrained from using a harsh style against Germany and Soviet Russia.Cumhuriyet, which was described as pro-German due to its editorial policy during the Second World War, openly took the side of Finland during the Winter War. The unexpected resistance from Finland was met with enthusiasm. Cumhuriyet like Yeni Sabah associated the heroism of the Finns against the Russians with their “Turkish roots” and covered the subject intensively. Cumhuriyet differs from the other two newspapers due to its critical language against the Allies and Soviet Russia. In particular, names, such as Peyami Safa (known for his anti-communist ideas) and Muharrem Feyzi Togay (defender of Turanist thought), used harsh language against Soviet Russia. On the other hand, Zekeriya Sertel, the editor-in-chief of the Tan, argued that the Soviet Union had lacked imperialist goals and made justifiable demands in favor of socialism.&nbsp;&nbsp;

1939-40 Sovyet-Fin Kış Savaşı’nın Yeni Sabah,  Cumhuriyet ve Tan Gazetelerine Yansıması ve  Bu Gazetelerin İdeolojik Pozisyonları Üzerine  Değerlendirmeler

Gülmelek

Çağrı

Populism, which is a modern social phenomenon, emerges, develops and transforms in different ways throughout history. The Narodnik movement, in which Russian intellectuals supported the peasants, and the populist movement of the People’s Party in the United States, in which the cotton workers of the South defended their rights against the rich merchants of the North, are based on agrarian radicalism, but their political actors and ideological backgrounds differ. The populism that has been observed in many parts of the world since then appears in Türkiye under the name “populism” and embodies the understanding of “populism in spite of the people” inherited from Ottoman intellectuals, similar to Russian populism. Social scientists studying Turkish populism generally trace early populism in Türkiye to the modernization movement of the late Ottoman period and consider “populism” that emerged during this period as an intellectual movement distinct from political populism in democratic countries. It is argued that populism in its modern sense emerged with the transition to a multiparty system in Türkiye; thus, the relationship between populism and democracy becomes clear. The DP which came to power in 1950 with populist promises and its populist policies, became symbols of the democratization of the Turkish political system. Populism as a political style and strategic tool of the period of DP is based on the discourse of the national will. DP Government, used this will; the nation, claimed as the owner of the will, were the citizens reduced to the vote. Representing the sovereignty of the people, the DP unites different social segments in democratic demands. On the axis of trend between democratization in the first period of DP and authoritarianism in its second period, the leader’s nonbureaucratic, informal and personalized relations with the public, became more evident. In this process, it can be said that plebiscitary politics along with a system based on patronage and clientelism were important strategies of DP populism. It can even be argued that DP transformed this political style into a strategy more in the context of winning votes and achieving victory in political competition. This strategy is also reflected in the civil administrative arrangements of that time. The governments of DP, by winning the elections in 1950 and remaining in power for ten years, added a total of 5 new provinces and 141 new subprovinces to the civil administrative organization. In other words, 19% of the 26 newly established provinces and 22% of the 640 subprovinces in the first hundred years of the Republic occurred in the period of DP. In this context the averages obtained by dividing the number of newly established provinces and subprovinces by the duration of the government show that the period of DP is the second period with the highest average in the history of the Republic.&nbsp;This study analyzed the civil administrative arrangements enacted by the DP during its ten year power as part of its populist policies. It is claimed that the implemented regulations were based on the personalized relationship between the party leader Adnan Menderes and the people, sometimes being part of his patronage politics, and sometimes being used as a political strategy when its cost could not be covered. The main goal of this political strategy was to get the most votes. The political strategy that Menderes built on rewardpunishment relationship was also based on the democratic demands of the people. The demands of the local people to be a province or district were also taken into account by DP to obtain better services and prestige; regulations announced to the public were rearranged according to the reaction of the people. Especially in preparation for the 1957 elections, as part of the strategy to gather votes, the demand of the people was instrumentalized, and the good news were announced that many localities would become provinces or subprovinces. While it is possible for a place to legitimately become a province or subprovince for geographic and economic reasons, it is also apparent that the decisions made during the period of DP were made in accordance with the personal interests of the political leader. The justifications put forward during the realization of the civil administrative arrangements, which were based on personalized relationships rather than institutional ones, show that the arrangements were an instrument of the populist politics of DP.&nbsp;&nbsp;

Popülist Politika Perspektifinden Demokrat  Parti Dönemindeki Mülki İdare Düzenlemeleri

Mahmut

Siyasi Görüşleriyle Prens Sabahattin Hakkında  Bir Kitap

Hande

Bir Başka Açıdan 6-7 Eylül Olayları

Tuğba

Atatürk ve Suikast

Güler

Erken Cumhuriyet Dönemi, Modernleşme ve  Ulus İnşası Sürecine İlişkin literatüre, Yeni ve  Önemli Katkılar Sunan Kitap

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Yasin

Cyprus has for many years attracted international attention due to its strategic location. The island came under Ottoman rule in 1571. In 1878, British forces took over the island from the Ottoman administration, in exchange for protection against Russian attacks. In response to the entry of the Ottoman Empire into the First World War on the side of Germany, Britain added the island unilaterally to its own territory on 5 November 1914. During the negotiations in Lausanne, the Turkish side accepted that Cyprus belonged to Britain. The declaration of the establishment of the Turkish Republic of Cyprus took place on 16 August 1960, with both Turkish and Greek Cypriots taking part in the administration of the country. However, the Republic of Cyprus was not able to continue for long. Clashes resumed on the island after Makarios attempted to restrict the rights acquired by the Cypriot Turks in the 1960 constitution.Following the collapse of the Republic of Cyprus in December 1963, Turkish Cypriots established their own administration on the island. First, a separate Turkish administration called “General Committee” was established in 1964. Then, in November 1967, the Provisional Turkish Cypriot Administration was established. Thus, Turkish Cypriots tried to ensure their security in a more organized way. Britain did not support the steps taken by the Turkish Cypriots on the island. After Turkey’s 1974 military intervention, the Autonomous Turkish Cypriot Administration was established in October 1974 in the north of the island. On February 13, 1975, the founding of the Turkish Federated State of Cyprus (TFSC) was announced.Against this background, this study deals with the response of the British parliament to the declaration of the establishment of the TFSC by Turkish Cypriots in 1975. One of the countries that reacted strongly to the Turkish military intervention on the island in 1974 was Britain. The announcement of the establishment of the TFSC also provoked a strong reaction from Britain. In the statements made by the British government, the establishment of the TFSC was declared to be an “undesired development”. This study examines the approach of British MPs to the TFSC through discussions in the House of Commons.The first result of the study shows that British MPs did not support the announcement of the establishment of the TFSC. British MPs reacted to this and they questioned whether the British government knew about this announcement beforehand. British MPs also sought an answer to the question of why the government had not taken any steps to prevent the establishment of the TFSC. British government officials emphasized in their statements that they did not know that the founding of the TFSC would be announced. In addition, they expressed with certainty that the newly established Turkish administration would not be recognized by Britain. Another point that the study draws attention to was that because Ankara supported the TFSC, some MPs wanted the British government to “punish” Turkey. Moreover, one member of parliament wanted the British government to work for the suspension of Turkeys’ UN membership. However, British government officials stated that they did not support such a proposal.Some MPs expressed in the British parliament that Britain, which is one of the guarantor states in Cyprus, should take more initiative in seeking a resolution to the Cyprus problem. In response to this proposal, government officials pointed out the necessity to continue negotiations between the Turkish and Greek Cypriots for peace in Cyprus. British deputies expressed that there would be no results from long-standing inter-communal talks. They argued that the British government should follow a more active policy for peace in Cyprus. Government officials disagreed with these suggestions and stated that Britain could not act alone. Other guarantor states in Cyprus would have to agree together on a solution. Thus, the government did not take into consideration the active policy proposal for a solution to the Cyprus problem. Finally, another issue that came up after the announcement of the establishment of the TFSC was the situation of British citizens on the island. Some MPs proposed to open an official representative office within the boundaries of the TFSC for British citizens. However, British government officials opposed this proposal.&nbsp;As a result, MPs in the British parliament did not accept the announcement of the TFSC. Furthermore, there were deputies who said that the Turks should not be declared solely responsible for the Cyprus problem. However, this view did not cause any change in the policy of the British government and the TFSC was not recognized by the British government.

Kıbrıs Türk Federe Devleti’nin (1975) Kuruluş İlanına İngiliz Parlamentosunun Tepkisi

Yusuf

II. ABDÜLHAMİD ÖZELİNDE OSMANLI’DA BİSMARCK ALGISI

İsmail

At the end of the Second World War, a fast decolonization process started in the British Empire. This situation re-triggered the sovereignty debate in Cyprus. Repre-sentatives of the Greek Cypriots had been trying to make Cyprus a territory of Gree-ce for many years. Enosis, which meant the annexation of the island to Greece, was a strong feeling among Greek Cypriots. They also wanted to take advantage of the decolonization process. However, Great Britain did not favor the annexation of the island to Greece due to its interests in the Middle East. Great Britain favored making a more libertarian constitution on the island instead of enosis. The Greek Cypriots responded to this approach of the British government by declaring that they would never step back from the enosis.Enosis was not only prevented by Britain’s interests in the Middle East. Tur-kish Cypriots were also strongly opposed to enosis. Because Turks living on other islands, especially in Crete, had to leave their homeland due to Greek pressure, they were concerned the same outcome would happen on their own. That is why the Tur-kish Cypriots defended the continuation of the British rule on the island, or it should have been given to Turkey, which was the former owner of the island. On the other hand, Turkey was also against enosis because Turkey saw the enosis as an instrument of the expansionist politics of Greece. Despite the Turkish Cypriots’ and Turkey’s objections, Greek Cypriots insisted on demanding Enosis.The date of 18 October 1950 was a turning point for enosis because of Maka-rios III, whose original name was Mikhail Christodoulos Mouskos, was elected as archbishop. Makarios was ready to use all the facilities of the church for enosis. Eno-sis was a historical task, a national and religious issue for him. For that reason, he regarded leading the struggle for enosis as a great honor. According to Makarios, there were two ways to achieve enosis: diplomacy or armed struggle. He applied all the diplomatic methods he knew between 1950 and 1955. In this context, he organi-zed demonstrations in Athens and Nicosia; directed the public opinion, sought sup-port from the Greek lobby in the USA; and pressured the British administration.&nbsp;&nbsp;All the diplomatic initiatives of Makarios and Greece failed to persuade Bri-tain for enosis. Therefore, Greece applied to the United Nations to obtain the right of self-determination for Cyprus on August 16, 1954. However, the United Nations rejected Greece’s application. In the same period, besides diplomatic initiatives, an armed terrorist organization was established to carry out terrorist acts on the island, but this organization declined to take any action until the United Nations made its decision on Cyprus. The name of this&nbsp;organization was EOKA. It was founded under the leadership of retired Colonel Grivas and Makarios, and its aim was to carry out enosis through terrorist attacks.&nbsp;&nbsp;The establishment activities of EOKA began secretly in 1951, and had comp-leted all preparations by 1 April 1955. EOKA carried out all its activities on the is-land mostly through youth organizations such as PEON and OHEN. The Cyprus Church provided financial support to EOKA. Thanks to this financial support, the necessary weapons could be purchased. In order to become a member of EOKA, it was necessary to be Greek, a supporter of enosis and not be a communist. Therefore, EOKA was a pan-helenic fascist organization whose purpose was limited to enosis. Consequently, EOKA cannot be described as an organization that is fighting against colonialism to gain independency for its own folk because it wanted only enosis, not national independence. It was clear that EOKA’s motivation to resort to armed struggle against the British colonial administration was never independence.

Düşünceden Eyleme EOKA

Instructor

BİRİNCİ DÜNYA SAVAŞI’NDA İNGİLİZLERCE HİNDİSTAN’A GÖNDERİLEN TÜRK ESİRLERİ

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Hüseyin

This study’s purpose is to provide information about Ali Saib Bey, who was in service in various provincial offices in the Ottoman State for many years and was the author of the annex which constitutes the main subject of the article. On the other hand, another purpose of the study was to determine the issues and recommendations stated in the annex and reveal whether these recommendations were realized through archive documents.The civil service life of a public servant who served in the Ottoman provinces for many years will be examined in this study. Many issues such as his duties, assignments, and rewards taken by this officer in the provinces will be revealed in this section. In addition, the presentation of the annex that Ali Saib Bey wrote was also important in terms of showing what problems he had in Shkoder, which would come out shortly after the Ottoman Empire, and what recommendations were put forward to overcome these problems. The question of whether these recommendations were taken into consideration were examined through documents in the Presidential Ottoman Archives. It is thought that the findings obtained within the framework of this annex, which reveal the central-provincial relations and have not been studied before, will contribute to the history of this territory.The first step in the method followed during the study was to collect data about the civil service life of Ali Saib Efendi, the owner of the annex. Later, it was evaluated in accordance with the original partition by making content analysis of the annex. And then, the documents obtained as a result of the review carried out in the Presidential Ottoman Archive on the subjects mentioned in the annex were compared. The studies conducted on the related territory were utilized for the data related to Shkoder. In this respect, the main source of the study was the annex of Ali Saib Bey and the documents obtained in the Presidential Ottoman Archive.Ali Saib Bey, the son of a soldier father, started his career as a correspondence clerk in Malatya sanjak at a very young age and served in many parts of the country. Ali Saib Efendi, who came to Shkoder with his position as a provincial letter officer on February 1, 1909, also served as deputy governor of Shkoder during this duty. Ali Saib Bey, who briefly summarized his civil service life in this way, wrote an annex dated October 29, 1911 that formed the subject of this study. Initially, he transferred the geographical borders and population information of the province. In the section titled political and social situation and urgent needs of Shkoder, he emphasized the issue of Malesori, for which he was also assigned. One of the important determinations he made was that it was the most important problem of the people in this place to be in ignorance and misery. Also, the efforts of Austria and Italy to influence here are another issue that was mentioned in the annex. It was understood from the statements of Ali Saib Bey that they took the hearts of the people through the great investments they made in the region and that even some of the Muslims in the Malesori region left their religions for this reason. It was a remarkable determination that the people in Malesori and Shkoder took refuge in the patronage of Montenegro, which was their enemy. An important determination in this section was that the Ottoman ambassador in Çetine was acting as if he were supporting Montenegro. After this section, Ali Saib Bey gave information about the law that he defined as “not fit for civilization and humanity” under the title of Dukakin Law. The next title was education. In the annex stating that Shkoder was not at the desired level in education, it was worth noting that many of the teachers with insufficient salaries did not know Ottoman Turkish. The most important recommendation in this section was that an industrial school should be opened there. Under the title of Public Works, it mentioned that the situation of the roads was very bad and that it was necessary to do something as soon as possible. Another point mentioned in this section was that foreign engineers and conductors did not want to go to their places owing to various excuses. Under the public order title, it determined that the coast of Shkoder Lake, up to Boyana and Drac, was open to smuggling and that it was a necessity to set up observation towers in suitable places on the coast, and he emphasized the necessity of installing a telephone line between them. In the title on agriculture, he stated that agriculture was done in the old way due to the financial deficiencies of the people. Therefore, he emphasized that it was necessary to increase the capital of the agricultural bank there and to open the branch of the bank in some towns. Opening a sample field on which Ali Saib Bey was standing was one of the recommendations put into practice. Another important determination in this section is that Shkoder was very rich in terms of forest but it was not utilized properly. Under the heading of civil service, some significant opinions were given about administrative arrangements that needed to be made by giving the current administrative division of Shkoder. The most noteworthy of these was the proposal to assign the Muslims or Christians in Shkoder, who could speak the local language, as the head of the district. Under the heading of officers to be assigned to Shkoder, it was requested that the unqualified ones be taken from there and replaced by experienced officers, and that the salaries and liabilities of the officers who would work there should be made regularly. The most striking point in the headline of politics to be implemented in Shkoder was that almost all of the people across the province had an attitude towards the government and that the people of the territory should not behave violently as a result of their nature, but it would not also result in being too soft. The only thing to do was to meet in the middle. It was another recommendation that mobile doctors should be assigned there and that these doctors should constantly treat people who were sick in the villages and mountains and make the state propaganda. Finally, it was recommended that the loyalty of the people to the state should be provided through the Muslim and Christian opinion leaders and that the financial support should be provided to poor people as much as possible.The annex written by an officer who worked in different parts of the Ottoman Empire as the correspondence clerk of Shkoder was an important document in order to understand center-provincial relations. There were some recommendations by Ali Saib Bey that were realized as well as those that could not be realized due to financial difficulties. As a result, thinking about how to manage Shkoder better and how to handle the current problems, Ali Saib Bey explained these issues in detail. However, neither this annex nor the efforts of the Ottoman State yielded any results, and Shkoder came out of the hands of the Ottomans as a result of the Balkan Wars.

Osmanlı Taşrasında Bir Kamu Görevlisi, Ali Saib Bey ve İşkodra Vilayetine Dair Layihası

Davud

The Ottoman Empire, which joined the First World War on the side of the Central Powers, had to fight actively on many fronts due to its strategic and geopolitical position. These fronts stretched from the Caucasus to Iraq, from the Suez Canal to the Dardanelles. In addition, Ottoman forces also operated in areas that were not actively involved in conflict, taking active or passive defensive measures. The Ottoman Empire’s Deputy Commander-In-Chief in Thrace carried out military operations in case of a military landing by the Allied forces and as such took various measures in the Black Sea, Marmara, western Anatolia and around Iskenderun.&nbsp;The Ottoman Empire’s Western Anatolian coasts being under the threat of the British and French Navy , and having the assistance of the Allied Forces to carry out air operations with aircraft carriers wherever they wanted, led to the deployment of aviation units by the Ottoman Commander-in-Chief in the relevant regions.The Ottoman Empire entered the First World War with six aircraft at the beginning of the war. After some time, the Ottoman Empire was in active at the front with 1500 personnel and 450 aircraft which were received from its ally Germany. At the beginning of the war, the Ottoman Deputy Commander-in-chief sent two aircraft to the Dardanelles and one plane to Izmir, taking into account the strategic and geopolitical situation of the Dardanelles and Izmir region. Over time, air troops were deployed in the region with aircraft from Germany and the amount of aircraft was increased.At the beginning of the First World War, measures were taken by sending planes around Çanakkale and Izmir, and in 1915, also to the Dardanelles Front battles began with the offensive of the Allied Forces. On March 18, 1915, the Allies did not succeed in their naval operation, followed by a landing on the Gallipoli peninsula on April 25, 1915. However, the Entente forces withdrew from the region at the beginning of 1916, failing to achieve any success as a result of the joint defence of the Turkish land, air and naval forces.After the victory of the Turkish forces in the Dardanelles, the Allied forces carried out operations until the end of the war in the western Anatolia region with the air and&nbsp;naval forces they had gathered in the islands . The Allied tactical operation was aimed at maintaining the control of the Straits and preventing entry and exit from there. Consequently, the region was constantly supervised by both sea and air elements due to its strategic importance. In addition, from time to time western Anatolian coasts, cities and ports were harassed and bombed by Allied naval and air elements.The activity of the Allied forces was marked by the formation of 1st and 6th divisions in and around Çanakkale, which included the Western Anatolia region, and 5th and 12th divisions around Izmir, in order to follow, explore, monitor and report the situation to the command levels as quickly as possible. The possibility and expectation that the Entente forces would make a landing over Gallipoli or Izmir after the battles of the Dardanelles made the formation of the air defense forces mandatory in addition to the precautionary measures of the Ottoman State. The aim was to secure the capital Istanbul with air troops from the relevant regions in the Dardanelles and to advance against the Allied Air Forces. It was also intended to preempt possible landings into the region with the air forces in Izmir.The Aegean Sea and the islands were monitored by the units and platoons established, and from time to time the allied bases there were bombed. Air battles took place with the aircraft of the Allied forces. From the point of view of the opposing forces, the strategic importance of the Ottoman territory led to Allied aircraft carrying out aerial attacks on Istanbul and Izmir from time to time. Although these aerial attacks did not affect the outcome of the war, they played their part in terms of psychological effects. The Allied elements demonstrated effectiveness, particularly by bombing strategic public institutions, air bases and warships.The headquarters of the British Air Force in the Mediterranean was assembled and directed at a command post in Malta. The air operations against Istanbul and Izmir were carried out by the air units based at Mondros, under the command of Colonel Gordon. After the battles of the Dardanelles, 34 French and British aircraft based on the islands in the Aegean Sea operated on Western Anatolia. French aircraft served in Bozcaada, and a Greek aircraft station that was under the supervision of the Greek Ministry of War, was located in Mondros. Meanwhile, a base between Thasoz and Lesbos served the Entente aircraft. All these squadrons were managed under the command of the commander at Mondros.Turkish coasts were blockaded from 1915. French naval forces were completely under the control of Beirut, Iskenderun, and the Antalya coasts. The French, assisting their naval forces, began to conduct aerial reconnaissance from the Egyptian ports and the small islands of Ruad and Meis between Cyprus and Syria. Upon the increase of enemy activities in the Aegean Sea and Izmir region, the 5th Airborne Division was assigned the task of reconnaissance and control against the Entente activities in the region. In this context, flights were made from the islands of Chios, Sisam, Rhodes, Lesbos and Kösten (Uzunada), and mobility in the region was monitored.&nbsp;From all academic studies carried out on behalf of the history of aviation thus far, it can be seen based on archival documents that no studies have been conducted on the topic of the air operations carried out in the western Anatolia region after the Gallipoli victory. Having remedied this with this study, aviation activities realized in the said region have now been examined in the light of archival documents.

Çanakkale Zaferi’nden Sonra Batı Anadolu’da Havacılık Faaliyetleri (1915-1918)

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Yakın Dönem Türkiye Araştırmaları-Recent Period Turkish Studies, İstanbul Üniversitesi Atatürk İlkeleri ve İnkılap Tarihi Enstitüsü’nün yayınıdır. Açık-erişimli, bilimsel, hakemli ve bölgesel odaklı uluslararası bir dergidir; öncelikle Türkiye’nin tarihsel olarak ilişkili olduğu bölgeler olan Balkanlar, Doğu Avrupa, Doğu Akdeniz, Orta Asya ve Orta Doğu’dan akademisyenleri, okurları ve yazarları hedefler. Yılda iki defa Haziran ve Aralık aylarında yayınlanır. Derginin başlangıç tarihi 2002’dir. 2024 itibariyle basılı versiyon durdurulmuştur. Dergi sadece online olarak yayınlanmaktadır.

Dergi, yakın dönem Türk ve Dünya Tarihini ilgilendiren tarih, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Tarihi, Atatürk İlkeleri ve İnkılap Tarihi, Osmanlı Tarihi, sosyoloji, edebiyat, sanat tarihi, hukuk, siyaset bilimi, iktisat disiplinlerinden özgün araştırmalara dayanan çalışmaları yayınlanmaktadır . Derginin amacı Türkçe, İngilizce, Almanca ve Fransızca araştırma, inceleme, derleme yazıları yayınlamak suretiyle bilime katkı sağlamaktır. 

Dergi odaklandığı alanlarda boşluğu dolduracak özgün araştırmalara dayanan makaleler; incelenen konuları zengin bir kaynakçaya dayanarak değerlendiren, eleştiren ve bu konuda yeni ve dikkate değer görüşler ortaya koyan araştırma, inceleme ve derleme yazıları yayınlar.

Alanla ilgili çevirilere ve durumun belirtilmesi koşulu ile daha önce bir bilimsel kongrede sunulmuş ancak yayınlanmamış bildirilerin metinlere; Milli Mücadele ve Türkiye Cumhuriyeti ile ilgili eser, şahsiyet ve ilmi faaliyetlerin tanıtım yazılarına da dergide yer verilir.

Derginin tüm giderleri İstanbul Üniversitesi tarafından karşılanmaktadır. Dergide makale yayını ve makale süreçlerinin yürütülmesi ücrete tabi değildir. Dergiye gönderilen ya da yayın için kabul edilen makaleler için işlemleme ücreti ya da gönderim ücreti alınmaz.

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Yakın Dönem Türkiye Araştırmaları-Recent Period Turkish Studies, yılda iki defa yayınlanan (Aralık-Haziran) bilimsel, açık erişimli ve hakemli bir dergidir. Dergi, yakın dönem Türk ve Dünya Tarihini ilgilendiren tarih, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Tarihi, Atatürk İlkeleri ve İnkılap Tarihi, Osmanlı Tarihi, sosyoloji, edebiyat, sanat tarihi, hukuk, siyaset bilimi, iktisat disiplinlerinden özgün araştırmalara dayanan çalışmaları yayınlanmakta, bu sayede ulusal ve uluslararası düzeyde bilim dünyası ile akademisyenler arasında bir köprü görevi görmektedir.Yakın Dönem Türkiye Araştırmaları-Recent Period Turkish Studies dergisinin amacı Türkçe, İngilizce, Almanca ve Fransızca araştırma makaleleri ve inceleme yazıları yayınlamak suretiyle bilime katkı sağlamaktır.Yakın Dönem Türkiye Araştırmaları-Recent Period Turkish Studies dergisinin kapsamını yakın dönem Türk ve Dünya Tarihini ilgilendiren tarih, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Tarihi, Atatürk İlkeleri ve İnkılap Tarihi, Osmanlı Tarihi, sosyoloji, edebiyat, sanat tarihi, hukuk, siyaset bilimi, iktisat disiplinleri oluşturur. Dergi odaklandığı alanlarda boşluğu dolduracak özgün araştırmalara dayanan makaleler; incelenen konuları zengin bir kaynakçaya dayanarak değerlendiren, eleştiren ve bu konuda yeni ve dikkate değer görüşler ortaya koyan araştırma, inceleme ve derleme yazıları yayınlar. Alanla ilgili çeviriler ve durumun belirtilmesi koşulu ile daha önce bir bilimsel kongrede sunulmuş ancak yayınlanmamış bildirilerin metinleri; Milli Mücadele ve Türkiye Cumhuriyeti ile ilgili eser, şahsiyet ve ilmi faaliyetlerin tanıtım yazıları da dergide yayınlanır.

Amaç ve Kapsam

<ul><li>Web of Science – Emerging Sources Citation Index (ESCI) </li><li>TÜBİTAK ULAKBİM TR Dizin</li><li>DOAJ</li><li>ERIH PLUS </li><li>EBSCO Central &amp; Eastern European Academic Source</li><li>Research Bible (ResearchBib)</li><li>İslâm Araştırmaları Merkezi (İSAM)</li><li>Sosyal Bilimler Atıf Dizini (SOBIAD)</li><li>Scopus</li></ul>

Dizinler

Dergi yayın etiğinde en yüksek standartlara bağlıdır ve <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a> ve <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> tarafından yayınlanan etik yayıncılık ilkelerini benimser; Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing başlığı altında ifade edilen ilkeler için: <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a> Gönderilen makaleler derginin amaç ve kapsamına uygun olmalıdır. Orijinal, yayınlanmamış ve başka bir dergide değerlendirme sürecinde olmayan, her bir yazar tarafından içeriği ve gönderimi onaylanmış yazılar değerlendirmeye kabul edilir. Makale yayınlanmak üzere Dergiye gönderildikten sonra yazarlardan hiçbirinin ismi, tüm yazarların yazılı izni olmadan yazar listesinden silinemez ve yeni bir isim yazar olarak eklenemez ve yazar sırası değiştirilemez.İntihal, duplikasyon, sahte yazarlık/inkar edilen yazarlık, araştrma/veri fabrikasyonu, makale dilimleme, dilimleyerek yayın, telif hakları ihlali ve çıkar çatışmasının gizlenmesi, etik dışı davranışlar olarak kabul edilir. Kabul edilen etik standartlara uygun olmayan tüm makaleler yayından çıkarılır. Buna yayından sonra tespit edilen olası kuraldışı, uygunsuzluklar içeren makaleler de dahildir.İntihal Ön kontrolden geçirilen makaleler, iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal/kendi kendine intihal tespit edilirse yazarlar bilgilendirilir. Editörler, gerekli olması halinde makaleyi değerlendirme ya da üretim sürecinin çeşitli aşamalarında intihal kontrolüne tabi tutabilirler. Yüksek benzerlik oranları, bir makalenin kabul edilmeden önce ve hatta kabul edildikten sonra reddedilmesine neden olabilir. Makalenin türüne bağlı olarak, bunun oranın %15 veya %20'den az olması beklenir.Çift Kör Hakemlikİntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir. Editör, makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakemlikten geçmesini sağlar ve makale biçimsel esaslara uygun ise, gelen yazıyı yurtiçinden ve /veya yurtdışından en az iki hakemin değerlendirmesine sunar, hakemler gerek gördüğü takdirde yazıda istenen değişiklikler yazarlar tarafından yapıldıktan sonra yayınlanmasına onay verir.

Politikalar

Dergi açık erişimlidir ve derginin tüm içeriği okura ya da okurun dahil olduğu kuruma ücretsiz olarak sunulur. Okurlar, ticari amaç haricinde, yayıncı ya da yazardan izin almadan dergi makalelerinin tam metnini okuyabilir, indirebilir, kopyalayabilir, arayabilir ve link sağlayabilir. Bu <a href="https://www.budapestopenaccessinitiative.org/translations/turkish-translation" target="_blank">BOAI</a> açık erişim tanımıyla uyumludur. Derginin açık erişimli makaleleri Creative Commons Atıf-GayrıTicari 4.0 Uluslararası (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.tr" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) olarak lisanslıdır.

Derginin tüm giderleri İstanbul Üniversitesi tarafından karşılanmaktadır. Dergide makale yayını ve makale süreçlerinin yürütülmesi ücrete tabi değildir. Dergiye gönderilen ya da yayın için kabul edilen makaleler için işlemleme ücreti ya da gönderim ücreti alınmaz.

Yazarlar dergide yayınlanan çalışmalarının telif hakkına sahiptirler ve çalışmaları  Creative Commons Atıf-GayrıTicari 4.0 Uluslararası (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.tr" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) olarak lisanslıdır. CC BY-NC 4.0 lisansı, eserin ticari kullanım dışında her boyut ve formatta paylaşılmasına, kopyalanmasına, çoğaltılmasına ve orijinal esere uygun şekilde atıfta bulunmak kaydıyla yeniden düzenleme, dönüştürme ve eserin üzerine inşa etme dâhil adapte edilmesine izin verir.

Editörler, yayınlanan makalede, bulguları, yorumları ve sonuçları etkilemeyen küçük hatalar tespit edilirse düzeltme yayınlamayı düşünebilirler. Editörler, bulguları ve sonuçları geçersiz kılan büyük hatalar / ihlaller söz konusu olduğunda, makaleyi geri çekmeyi düşünmelidir. Yazarlar tarafından araştırma veya yayını kötüye kullanmaya yönelik olasılık söz konusu ise; bulguların güvenilir olmadığına ve yazarların kurumlarının olayı soruşturmadığına dair kanıtlar var veya olası soruşturma haksız veya sonuçsuz görünüyor ise, editörler endişe ifadesi yayınlamayı düşünmelidir. Düzeltme, geri çekme veya endişe ifadesi ile ilgili olarak <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/flowcharts/complete-set-english" target="_blank">COPE</a> ve &#65279;<a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/" target="_blank">ICJME</a>&#65279; yönergeleri dikkate alınır.

Dergide yayınlanan tüm yazıların korunmasını ve kalıcı olarak erişilebilir olmasını sağlamak için makaleler, ulusal bir arşiv sitesi olarak hizmet veren ve aynı zamanda LOCKSS'in içeriği toplamasına, korumasına ve sunmasına izin veren Dergipark'ta saklanmaktadır.Ek olarak, yazarların kendilerinin makalelerinin son PDF sürümünü Open Archives Initiative (<a href="https://www.openarchives.org/" target="_blank">https://www.openarchives.org/</a>) standartlarına uygun açık elektronik arşivlerde arşivlemeleri önerilir. Yazarlar, yayınladıkları arşiv versiyonundan, İ.Ü. Yayınevinin dergi web sitesinin URL'sine bağlantı sağlamalıdır.

<div style="text-align: left;">Yakın Dönem Türkiye Araştırmaları- Recent Period Turkish Studies, yayın etiğinde en yüksek standartlara bağlıdır ve <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a> ve <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> tarafından yayınlanan etik yayıncılık ilkelerini benimser; Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing başlığı altında ifade edilen ilkeler için adres: <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a></div>Gönderilen tüm makaleler orijinal, yayınlanmamış ve başka bir dergide değerlendirme sürecinde olmamalıdır. Yazar makalenin orijinal olduğu, daha önce başka bir yerde yayınlanmadığı ve başka bir yerde, başka bir dilde yayınlanmak üzere değerlendirmede olmadığını beyan etmelidir. Uygulamadaki telif kanunları ve anlaşmaları gözetilmelidir. Telife bağlı materyaller (örneğin tablolar, şekiller veya büyük alıntılar) gerekli izin ve teşekkürle kullanılmalıdır. Başka yazarların, katkıda bulunanların çalışmaları ya da yararlanılan kaynaklar uygun biçimde kullanılmalı ve referanslarda belirtilmelidir. Her bir makale editörlerden biri ve en az iki hakem tarafından çift kör değerlendirmeden geçirilir. İntihal, duplikasyon, sahte yazarlık/inkar edilen yazarlık, araştırma/veri fabrikasyonu, makale dilimleme, dilimleyerek yayın, telif hakları ihlali ve çıkar çatışmasının gizlenmesi, etik dışı davranışlar olarak kabul edilir.Kabul edilen etik standartlara uygun olmayan tüm makaleler yayından çıkarılır. Buna yayından sonra tespit edilen olası kuraldışı, uygunsuzluklar içeren makaleler de dahildir.

Etik

Yakın Dönem Türkiye Araştırmaları- Recent Period Turkish Studies araştırma etiğinde en yüksek standartları gözetir ve aşağıda tanımlanan uluslararası araştırma etiği ilkelerini benimser. Makalelerin etik kurallara uygunluğu yazarların sorumluluğundadır.<ul><li style="text-align: left;">Araştırmanın tasarlanması, tasarımın gözden geçirilmesi ve araştırmanın yürütülmesinde, bütünlük, kalite ve şeffaflık ilkeleri sağlanmalıdır.</li><li style="text-align: left;">Araştırma ekibi ve katılımcılar, araştırmanın amacı, yöntemleri ve öngörülen olası kullanımları; araştırmaya katılımın gerektirdikleri ve varsa riskleri hakkında tam olarak bilgilendirilmelidir.</li><li style="text-align: left;">Araştırma katılımcılarının sağladığı bilgilerin gizliliği ve yanıt verenlerin gizliliği sağlanmalıdır. Araştırma katılımcıların özerkliğini ve saygınlığını koruyacak şekilde tasarlanmalıdır.</li><li style="text-align: left;">Araştırma katılımcıları gönüllü olarak araştırmada yer almalı, herhangi bir zorlama altında olmamalıdırlar.</li><li style="text-align: left;">Katılımcıların zarar görmesinden kaçınılmalıdır. Araştırma, katılımcıları riske sokmayacak şekilde planlanmalıdır.</li><li style="text-align: left;">Araştırma bağımsızlığıyla ilgili açık ve net olunmalı; çıkar çatışması varsa belirtilmelidir.</li><li style="text-align: left;">İnsan denekler ile yapılan deneysel çalışmalarda, araştırmaya katılmaya karar veren katılımcıların yazılı bilgilendirilmiş onayı alınmalıdır. Çocukların ve vesayet altındakilerin veya tasdiklenmiş akıl hastalığı bulunanların yasal vasisinin onayı alınmalıdır.</li><li style="text-align: left;">Çalışma herhangi bir kurum ya da kuruluşta gerçekleştirilecekse bu kurum ya da kuruluştan çalışma yapılacağına dair onay alınmalıdır.</li><li style="text-align: left;">İnsan öğesi bulunan çalışmalarda, “yöntem” bölümünde katılımcılardan “bilgilendirilmiş onam” alındığının ve çalışmanın yapıldığı kurumdan etik kurul onayı alındığı belirtilmesi gerekir.</li></ul>

Makalelerin bilimsel ve etik kurallara uygunluğu yazarların sorumluluğundadır. Yazar makalenin orijinal olduğu, daha önce başka bir yerde yayınlanmadığı ve başka bir yerde, başka bir dilde yayınlanmak üzere değerlendirmede olmadığı konusunda teminat sağlamalıdır. Uygulamadaki telif kanunları ve anlaşmaları gözetilmelidir. Telife bağlı materyaller (örneğin tablolar, şekiller veya büyük alıntılar) gerekli izin ve teşekkürle kullanılmalıdır. Başka yazarların, katkıda bulunanların çalışmaları ya da yararlanılan kaynaklar uygun biçimde kullanılmalı ve referanslarda belirtilmelidir. Gönderilen makalede tüm yazarların akademik ve bilimsel olarak doğrudan katkısı olmalıdır, bu bağlamda “yazar” yayınlanan bir araştırmanın kavramsallaştırılmasına ve dizaynına, verilerin elde edilmesine, analizine ya da yorumlanmasına belirgin katkı yapan, yazının yazılması ya da bunun içerik açısından eleştirel biçimde gözden geçirilmesinde görev yapan birisi olarak görülür. Yazar olabilmenin diğer koşulları ise, makaledeki çalışmayı planlamak veya icra etmek ve / veya revize etmektir. Fon sağlanması, veri toplanması ya da araştırma grubunun genel süpervizyonu tek başına yazarlık hakkı kazandırmaz. Yazar olarak gösterilen tüm bireyler sayılan tüm ölçütleri karşılamalıdır ve yukarıdaki ölçütleri karşılayan her birey yazar olarak gösterilebilir. Yazarların isim sıralaması ortak verilen bir karar olmalıdır. Tüm yazarlar yazar sıralamasını <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/50820B6B44BF4741BF802244D5C926E7" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formunda</a> imzalı olarak belirtmek zorundadırlar.Yazarlık için yeterli ölçütleri karşılamayan ancak çalışmaya katkısı olan tüm bireyler “teşekkür / bilgiler” kısmında sıralanmalıdır. Bunlara örnek olarak ise sadece teknik destek sağlayan, yazıma yardımcı olan ya da sadece genel bir destek sağlayan, finansal ve materyal desteği sunan kişiler verilebilir.Bütün yazarlar, araştırmanın sonuçlarını ya da bilimsel değerlendirmeyi etkileyebilme potansiyeli olan finansal ilişkiler, çıkar çatışması ve çıkar rekabetini beyan etmelidirler. Bir yazar kendi yayınlanmış yazısında belirgin bir hata ya da yanlışlık tespit ederse, bu yanlışlıklara ilişkin düzeltme ya da geri çekme için editör ile hemen temasa geçme ve işbirliği yapma sorumluluğunu taşır.

Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirirler. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar. Gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalacağını garanti eder. Baş editör içerik ve yayının toplam kalitesinden sorumludur. Gereğinde hata sayfası yayınlamalı ya da düzeltme yapmalıdır. Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemler, araştırma, yazarlar ve/veya araştırmaya fon sağlayanlarla çıkar çatışması içinde olmamalıdır. Hakemler değerlendirmelerinin sonucunda tarafsız bir yargıya varmalıdırlar. Gönderilmiş yazılara ilişkin tüm bilginin gizli tutulmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar. Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir. Bazı durumlarda editörün kararıyla, ilgili hakemlerin makaleye ait yorumları aynı makaleyi yorumlayan diğer hakemlere gönderilerek hakemlerin bu süreçte aydınlatılması sağlanabilir.

Daha önce yayınlanmamış ya da yayınlanmak üzere başka bir dergide halen değerlendirmede olmayan ve her bir yazar tarafından onaylanan makaleler değerlendirilmek üzere kabul edilir. Gönderilen ve ön kontrolü geçen makaleler iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir.Seçilen makaleler en az iki ulusal/uluslararası hakeme çift taraflı kör hakemlik ile değerlendirmeye gönderilir; yayın kararı, hakemlerin talepleri doğrultusunda yazarların gerçekleştirdiği düzenlemelerin ve hakem sürecinin sonrasında baş editör tarafından verilir.

Hakemlik Hakkında

Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirir. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar. Gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalacağını garanti eder. Baş editör içerik ve yayının toplam kalitesinden sorumludur. Gereğinde hata sayfası yayınlamalı ya da düzeltme yapmalıdır.Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemlerin araştırmayla ilgili, yazarlarla ve/veya araştırmanın finansal destekçileriyle çıkar çatışmaları olmamalıdır. Değerlendirmelerinin sonucunda tarafsız bir yargıya varmalıdırlar. Gönderilmiş yazılara ilişkin tüm bilginin gizli tutulmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar.Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir. Bazı durumlarda editörün kararıyla, ilgili hakemlerin makaleye ait yorumları aynı makaleyi yorumlayan diğer hakemlere gönderilerek hakemlerin bu süreçte aydınlatılması sağlanabilir.

Daha önce yayınlanmamış ya da yayınlanmak üzere başka bir dergide halen değerlendirmede olmayan ve her bir yazar tarafından onaylanan makaleler değerlendirilmek üzere kabul edilir. Gönderilen ve ön kontrolü geçen makaleler iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir. Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirir. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar.Seçilen makaleler en az iki ulusal/uluslararası hakeme değerlendirmeye gönderilir; yayın kararı, hakemlerin talepleri doğrultusunda yazarların gerçekleştirdiği düzenlemelerin ve hakem sürecinin sonrasında baş editör tarafından verilir.Hakemlerin değerlendirmeleri objektif olmalıdır. Hakem süreci sırasında hakemlerin aşağıdaki hususları dikkate alarak değerlendirmelerini yapmaları beklenir.-Makale yeni ve önemli bir bilgi içeriyor mu?-Öz, makalenin içeriğini net ve düzgün bir şekilde tanımlıyor mu?-Yöntem bütünlüklü ve anlaşılır şekilde tanımlanmış mı?-Yapılan yorum ve varılan sonuçlar bulgularla kanıtlanıyor mu?-Alandaki diğer çalışmalara yeterli referans verilmiş mi?-Dil kalitesi yeterli mi?Hakemler, gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar. Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir.

Aksi belirtilmedikçe gönderilen yazılarla ilgili tüm yazışmalar ilk yazarla yapılacaktır. Makale gönderimi online olarak ve <a href="http://rpts.istanbul.edu.tr" target="_blank">http://rpts.istanbul.edu.tr</a> adresinden erişilen <a href="http://dergipark.gov.tr/login" target="_blank">http://dergipark.gov.tr/login</a> üzerinden yapılmalıdır. Gönderilen yazılar, makale türünü belirten ve makaleyle ilgili detayları içeren (bkz: Son Kontrol Listesi) kapak sayfası; editöre mektup, yazının elektronik formunu içeren Microsoft Word 2003 ve üzerindeki versiyonları ile yazılmış elektronik dosya ve tüm yazarların imzaladığı Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu eklenerek gönderilmelidir. <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/766744E809F149E2BA81FA92CBBCE72A" target="_blank">Kapak Sayfası</a> ve <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/3AFB3D1E49CB441B8A3231E89A543986" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a> eksiksiz doldurulmalıdır. 1. Çalışmalar, A4 boyutunda, sol taraftan 4 cm, üst, alt ve sağ taraftan 2,5 cm. boşluk bırakılarak, 12 punto Times New Roman harf karakterleriyle ve 1,5 satır aralık ölçüsü ile ve iki yana yaslı olarak hazırlanmalıdır. Dipnotlar var ise, bu sınırlar içinde kalmalıdır ve 10 punto ile yazılmalıdır. Paragraflardan önce ve sonra 6 punto boşluk bırakılmalıdır. 2. Makalenin çeşitli, kısım, bölüm, altbölümlerinin başlıkları 14 punto ile yazılmalıdır. Başlıklardan önce ve sonra 6 punto boşluk bırakılmalıdır. 3. Başlık ve alt başlıklar sayfanın son satırı olarak yazılmamalıdır; sonraki sayfada yer almalıdır. Bir paragrafın ilk satırı sayfanın son satırı, paragrafın son satırı sayfanın ilk satırı olarak yazılmamalıdır. 4. Kısaltmalar, tablo, şekil ve sembol listeleri, önsöz, özetler, kaynaklar, ekler, metin içindeki tablo ve şekillerin isim ve açıklamaları ve dipnotlar 1 satır aralık ölçüsü ile yazılmalıdır. 5. Yazar/yazarların adları ve bilgileri çalışma metninde yer almamalı, yazara/yazarlara dair tüm bilgiler makale dosyası ve Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu ile birlikte sisteme yüklenecek olan Kapak Sayfasında belirtilmelidir. Kapak sayfasında, makalenin başlığı, yazar veya yazarların bağlı bulundukları kurum ve unvanları, kendilerine ulaşılabilecek adresler, cep, iş ve faks numaraları, ORCID ve e-posta adresleri yer almalıdır. 6. Giriş bölümünden önce 100-200 kelimelik çalışmanın kapsamını, amacını, ulaşılan sonuçları ve kullanılan yöntemi kaydeden Türkçe ve İngilizce öz ile 600-800 kelimelik İngilizce genişletilmiş özet yer almalıdır. Çalışmanın İngilizce başlığı İngilizce özün üzerinde yer almalıdır. İngilizce ve Türkçe özlerin altında çalışmanın içeriğini temsil eden, 5 adet Türkçe, 5 adet İngilizce anahtar kelime yer almalıdır. 7. Çalışmaların başlıca şu unsurları içermesi gerekmektedir: Makale dilinde başlık, öz ve anahtar kelimeler; İngilizce başlık, öz ve anahtar kelimeler; İngilizce genişletilmiş özet, ana metin bölümleri, kaynaklar, tablolar ve şekiller. 8. Çalışmalarda tablo, grafik ve şekil gibi göstergeler ancak çalışmanın takip edilebilmesi açısından gereklilik arz ettiği durumlarda, numaralandırılarak, tanımlayıcı bir başlık ile birlikte verilmelidir. Demografik özellikler gibi metin içinde verilebilecek veriler, ayrıca tablolar ile ifade edilmemelidir. 9. Dergide yayınlanan yazıların tüm sorumluluğu ve belirtilen görüşler yazarlara aittir; İstanbul Üniversitesi Atatürk İlkeleri ve İnkılap Tarihi Enstitüsü bir sorumluluk yüklenmez. 10. Yayın kurulu ve hakem raporları doğrultusunda yazarlardan, metin üzerinde bazı düzeltmeler yapmaları istenebilir.

Yazım Kuralları

Atıflar (Referans, Gönderme) Makalede, başka kaynaklardan yapılan alıntılar,  ya aynen aktarılır veya özü değiştirilmemek kaydıyla kaynak çalışmayı yapanın kendi cümleleriyle özetlenerek yahut yorumlanarak verilir. Her iki durumda da alıntı yapılan kaynağa (metin, tablo, şekil ve benzeri dahil) mutlaka atıfta bulunulmalıdır. Bu konuda aşağıdaki ilkeler uygulanır: a. Kaynaktan aynen alınan bilgiler (alıntı), çift tırnak içinde (“.....”) gösterilirler. Makaleyi hazırlayanın, kaynaktaki bilginin özünü değil, biçimini değiştirerek yaptığı alıntılar ise,  çift tırnak arasına alınmadan gösterilirler. Her iki alıntı türünde de ilgili kaynağa mutlaka atıf yapılır ve atıfların her birine, sayfa altı dipnot şeklinde birbirini izleyen numara verilir. b. Makalede, kaynaktan aynen aktarılan bilgilerin tamamı verilebileceği gibi, örneğin cümle, paragraf veya sayfalar halindeki bilgilerin sadece belli kısımları da verilebilir. Bu durumda, cümlelerde belli kelimelerin, çeşitli cümlelerin, paragraf ve sayfaların atlanarak verildiğini göstermek üzere, atlanan yerler üç nokta (...) ile belirtilir. c. Başka kaynaklardaki bilgilerin aynen aktarılması durumunda, kaynaklarda noktalama işaretleri ve çeviri yanlışları dahil olmak üzere harf, cümle, tarih, yer vb. gibi yanlışlıklar da tekrarlanır. Makale yazarı, kaynak metindeki yanlışlıkları düzelterek vermek isterse, o zaman doğru bilgi, yanlış bilgiden hemen sonra bir parantez içinde gösterilir. d. Kaynaklardan aynen yapılan alıntılar, bir cümleyi aşmayacak uzunluktaysa, makale metni içinde verilirler. Daha uzun alıntılarda,  alıntının ilk ve son satırları ile makale metni arasında en az çift aralıklı boşluk bırakılarak, alıntı ile metnin ayırt edilmesi sağlanır.  Bu tür alıntılar için, makale metninde kullanılan puntodan daha küçük punto kullanılır.Referans Dipnotları İle İlgili KurallarReferans dipnotlarında, ilgili kaynağa ilk kez referans veriliyorsa, eserin tam künyesi (yazar adı soyadı, eser adı, varsa çeviren/editör/derleyen bilgisi, yayınlandığı yer, yayınevi ve tarih) verilmelidir. Şöyle ki:Salahi Ramazan Sonyel, Türk Kurtuluş Savaşı ve Dış Politika I, Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayınları, Ankara, 1973, s. 10.Erol Güngör, Kültür Değişmesi ve Milliyetçilik, 2. Baskı, Ötüken Yayınları, İstanbul, 1984, s. 24.Eğer referans dipnotlarında, aynı kaynağa ikinci veya daha fazla atıfta bulunuluyorsa, yukarıdaki bilgiler uygun şekilde kısaltılarak verilir:Erol Güngör, Kültür Değişmesi …,  s. 35.Editörlü kitapta yazarın makalesine/kitap bölümüne referans:İlk referans:Hüseyin Bağcı, “Demokrat Parti’nin Ortadoğu Politikası”, Türk Dış Politikasının Analizi, der. Faruk Söylemezoğlu, Der Yayınları, İstanbul, 1994, s. 93-94.Sonraki referanslar:Hüseyin Bağcı, “Demokrat Parti’nin Ortadoğu Politikası”, s. 98.Süreli yayında makaleye referans:                                        İlk referans:Fahrettin Kırzıoğlu, “Mustafa Kemal Paşa-Erzurum İlişkileri (1919-1920)”, Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Dergisi, VII/20, 1991, s. 223-266.Mustafa Budak, “Ermeni Meselesi Açısından Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi’nin Önemi”, Yakın Dönem Türkiye Araştırmaları Dergisi, C. 17, S. 34, 2018, s. 209.Sonraki referanslar:Fahrettin Kırzıoğlu, “Mustafa Kemal Paşa-Erzurum İlişkileri (1919-1920)”,  s. 225.Gazetelerdeki makale ve haber yazıları aşağıdaki gibi gösterilmelidir:“Hükümet-i Osmaniyye’nin Sulh Konferansına Teklifâtını Hâvi Muhtıra”, İkdam, 3 Mart 1335 (1919), s. 1.“DP Kongresi Saat 10’da Açıldı”, Vakit, 15 Ekim 1955, s. 1-2.“İnönü ve Gülek’in Menderes’e Geçmiş Olsun Telgrafları”, Ulus, 19 Şubat 1959, s. 1-2.Arşiv belgelerine referans:Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Cumhurbaşkanlığı Devlet Arşivleri Başkanlığı Osmanlı Arşivi (BOA), Bab-ı Âlî Evrak Odası (BEO), 3733/236781 (Sadaret’ten Harbiye Nezareti’ne gönderilen 1 Teşrîn-i Sânî 1326 [14 Kasım 1910] tarihli tezkire).Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Cumhurbaşkanlığı Devlet Arşivleri Başkanlığı Cumhuriyet Arşivi (BCA), 030-01-37/222-1 (6-7 Eylül olaylarında zarar görenlere maddi destekler hakkında).Aynı arşiv ve fon isimleri, ikinci ve sonraki atıflarda kodlarıyla yazılmalıdır: BOA, BEO, 3733/236781.Elektronik/internet kaynağa referans:TBMM, Süreli Yayınlar, III. Menderes Hükümeti, (Çevrimiçi), <a href="http://www.tbmm.gov.tr">www.tbmm.gov.tr</a>, 8 Aralık 2013.Ayhan Kamel, “İkinci Dünya Savaşı’nın Bitiminden Günümüze Kadar Türk-Rus İlişkileri”, (Çevrimiçi), <a href="http://www.dispolitika.org.tr">www.dispolitika.org.tr</a>, 7 Aralık 2013.John N. Berry, &#34;Educate Library Leaders,” Library Journal, February 15, 1998 (Çevrimiçi), http//www.epnet.com/ehost, 3 Nisan 2019.KaynakçaKaynakçada kitap ve makaleler aşağıdaki şekilde gösterilmelidir:Satan, Ali: Türk ve İngiliz Belgelerinde Halifeliğin Kaldırılması, Yazıgen Yayıncılık, İstanbul, 2017.Türkmen, Zekeriya: “Mustafa Kemal Paşa ve Yıldırım Orduları Grup Komutanlığı”, Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Dergisi, C. XVI, S. 47, Temmuz 2000, s. 395-419.Ek/EklerMakalenin ek kısmında, metinle ilgili resimler, tablolar, formlar, anket sorularının listeleri, önemli belgelerin kopyaları, fotoğraf, harita vb. gibi malzemeler bulunur. Bu tür tek bir malzeme için sadece bir ek, birden çok malzeme için de gerekli görülürse, birden çok ek yer alır. Ekler, birbirinden ayırt edilmesi gerekecek sayıda ise Ek-1, Ek-2 vb. şekilde birbirini izleyecek biçimde numaralanır. Her numaranın karşısına, Ek’in içeriğini belirten bir başlığın konulması önerilir.Ek’te yer alan bilgiler, başka kaynaklardan aktarıldığı takdirde, bu kaynaklara ilişkin referanslar dipnotta mutlaka belirtilmelidir.

<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/7095F8015B8849A6ACB95630DDDB7854" target="_blank">Kapak Sayfası</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/50820B6B44BF4741BF802244D5C926E7" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/3C1E8159CCCB4F4DA235DF62FB6B6C38" target="">Yazar Formu</a>

Aşağıdaki listede eksik olmadığından emin olun:● Editöre mektup<ul><li>Makalenin türü</li><li>Başka bir dergiye gönderilmemiş olduğu bilgisi</li><li>Sponsor veya ticari bir firma ile ilişkisi (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Kaynakların derginin kullandığı referans sistemine uygun düzenlendiği</li><li>İngilizce yönünden kontrolünün yapıldığı</li><li>Yazarlara Bilgide detaylı olarak anlatılan dergi politikalarının gözden geçirildiği</li></ul><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/7786EC0A4CD041C680BFF8CC6931373A" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/3C1E8159CCCB4F4DA235DF62FB6B6C38" target="_blank">Yazar Formu</a>Daha önce basılmış materyal (yazı-resim-tablo) kullanılmış ise izin belgesi<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/F42D157D554641E59A6C3DFBCE4E96A0" target="_blank">Kapak sayfası</a><ul><li>Makalenin kategorisi</li><li>Makale dilinde ve İngilizce başlık</li><li>Yazarların ismi soyadı, unvanları ve bağlı oldukları kurumlar (üniversite ve fakülte bilgisinden sonra şehir ve ülke bilgisi de yer almalıdır), e-posta adresleri</li><li>Sorumlu yazarın e-posta adresi, açık yazışma adresi, iş telefonu, GSM, faks nosu</li><li>Tüm yazarların ORCID’leri</li></ul>● Makale ana metni<ul><li>Makale dilinde ve İngilizce başlık</li><li>Özetler: 100-200 kelime makale dilinde ve 100-200 kelime İngilizce</li><li>Anahtar Kelimeler: 5 adet makale dilinde ve 5 adet İngilizce</li><li>İngilizce olmayan makaleler için İngilizce genişletilmiş Özet (Extended Abstract) 600-800 kelime</li><li>Makale ana metin bölümleri</li><li>Teşekkür (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Finansal Destek (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Çıkar Çatışması (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Son notlar (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Kaynaklar</li><li>Tablolar-Resimler, Şekiller (başlık, tanım ve alt yazılarıyla)</li></ul>

Başeditör Ad: Prof. Dr. Mustafa BUDAK E-posta: mustafa.budak@istanbul.edu.tr Telefon: (0212) 440 00 00 (Dahili: 11950) Adres: İstanbul Üniversitesi Atatürk İlkeleri ve İnkılap Tarihi Enstitüsü, Süleymaniye Mah. Besim Ömer Paşa Cad. No: 19 Kat: 4 Fatih - İstanbulEditörAd: Dr. Öğr. Üyesi Hayrünisa ALP E-posta: hyralp@istanbul.edu.tr Telefon: (0212) 440 00 00 (Dahili: 11956) Adres: İstanbul Üniversitesi Atatürk İlkeleri ve İnkılap Tarihi Enstitüsü, Süleymaniye Mah. Besim Ömer Paşa Cad. No: 19 Kat: 4 Fatih - İstanbulEditörAd: Dr. Öğr. Üyesi Yakup AHBAB E-posta: yakupahbab@hotmail.com Telefon: (0212) 440 00 00 (Dahili: 10627) Adres: İstanbul Üniversitesi Atatürk İlkeleri ve İnkılap Tarihi Enstitüsü, Süleymaniye Mah. Besim Ömer Paşa Cad. No: 19 Kat: 4 Fatih - İstanbulDergi İletişimAd: Doç. Dr. Önder KOCATÜRK E-posta: onder.kocaturk@istanbul.edu.tr Telefon: 1) 05362689505 2) 02163189780 3) 0212440 00 00 (Dahili: 10443) Adres: İstanbul Üniversitesi Atatürk İlkeleri ve İnkılap Tarihi Enstitüsü, Süleymaniye Mah. Besim Ömer Paşa Cad. No: 19 Kat: 4 Fatih - İstanbulDergi İletişimAd: Arş. Gör. Duygu SAYGIN E-posta: duygu.saygin@istanbul.edu.tr Telefon: (0212) 440 00 00 (Dahili: 10437) Adres: İstanbul Üniversitesi Atatürk İlkeleri ve İnkılap Tarihi Enstitüsü, Süleymaniye Mah. Besim Ömer Paşa Cad. No: 19 Kat: 4 Fatih - İstanbulDergi İletişimAd: Arş. Gör. Umut DERE E-posta: umutdere@istanbul.edu.tr Telefon: (0212) 440 00 00 (Dahili: 11955) Adres: İstanbul Üniversitesi Atatürk İlkeleri ve İnkılap Tarihi Enstitüsü, Süleymaniye Mah. Besim Ömer Paşa Cad. No: 19 Kat: 4 Fatih - İstanbul

Sayı Türü	Regular
Editör(ler)	Mustafa Budak
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Yakın Dönem Türkiye Araştırmaları

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SAYI 38, 2020