Nevzat

Assist. Prof.

This article will focus on the travels in search for knowledge, which is a tradition peculiar to the Medieval Islamic World in the context of the necessity of travel, promoting travel, difficulties of travel, age of travel, travel as a means of collecting information and travel as a means of circulating information. The Holy Prophet says in one hadith that “scholars are heirs of the prophets”. İmam al-Haramayn al-Djuwaynī also states in his poem that it is ony possible to obtain knowledge by fulfilling six basic conditions and one of them is abroad (gurbet). In this context, it is seen that in the Medieval Islamic world, the tradition of traveling in search for knowledge is closely related to the attitude of Islam to the way of reaching knowledge and the viewpoints of Islamic scholars was formed within this framework.In the Islamic world, the principle of travels in search for knowledge was initiated mainly by hadith collectors. For them, the terms talab al-hadith (search for hadith) or talab al-ilm (search for knowledge) were used to describe travels for the purpose of obtaining information about the hadith and to learn other sciences; these are described as al-rihla fi talab al-hadith or al-rihla fi taleb al-ilm. This travel phenomenon is mainly a result of the effort and sensitivity in the verification and compilation of the hadiths that were not written after the death of the Holy Prophet. Accordingly, by way of example, the muhaddith Djabir b. Abdallah travelled on a journey of one month to Damascus in order to listen to a single hadith from Abdallah b. Anas. People who wanted to earn good deeds by studying the hadith of the Holy Prophet, regardless of the distances and hardship of the long journeys, have undertaken long journeys. There are countless scholars in Islamic history and tabakat books who used the expression “gathered hadith” or “traveled to various places in order to learn the science of hadith” to describe themselves. This tradition became a valid basis for both religious and rational sciences because of the conditions of the period and the scattered knowledge. Therefore, science enthusiasts (seekers) of knowledge had to go to the distant lands in order to meet with the information carriers (scholars) to learn directly from them. Accordingly, Ibn Khaldun points out the necessity of traveling to learn knowledge by saying that “traveling to learn information and meeting with masters is useful and perfect in learning information from them directly”. However, during these travels, science enthusiasts could be exposed to many financial and moral difficulties. From their biographies, we learn that they left their homelands in order to gain knowledge (science), despite being separated from their families and friends; they endured fatigue, hunger, thirst, endangered their lives and goods or lost their health and spent all their time traveling around the countries. One example is Abu Muhammad Abdurrahman b. Yusuf b. Said b. Harras al-Marvazī who states that he was forced to drink his urine because he was very thirsty while travelling for science. Similarly, Abu Nasr Muhammad b. Ahmed al-Marvazī also endured the danger of drowning in the sea on a journey and survived by clinging to a piece of wood. However, the Islamic scholars and students of the period, above all, considered travel to be a test of their lives and the problems they suffered as tools that brought them to the level of scholarship.On the other hand, the construction of educational institutions and sheltered places by the statesmen, providing the needs of the scholars and the seekers of knowledge, granting them and offering them security, somewhat compensated for the difficulties of travel. It also had a mission to increasing, encouraging and perpetuating scientific (scholarly) activities. For example, Nizam al-Mulk provided many endowments and rewards to scholars, zahids and sufis, and built madrasahs, masjids and ribats in many cities within the Seljuk domains. For this reason, Sıbt Ibn al-Jawzī notes that he revived not only science (scholarship) but also revived the science (scholarship) market. This had an important role in the development and continuity of sciences and intellectual life in the Islamic world.In the medieval Islamic world, children were encouraged to start education when they reached a suitable age. In this respect, travel, which was accepted as an indispensable activity in education, represented a stage after primary education. Although it is difficult to specify a certain age for travel, it can be seen that it usually started from the age of 10 and was carried out intensively during adolescence and adulthood. The famous historian Muhammed b. Djarir at-Taberî made his first expedition to Rey at the age of 12. Abu Sad Ahmed b. Muhammad b. Ahmed al-İsfahani started traveling at the age of 16. The main purpose of knowledge enthusiasts, who were put into this difficult and adventurous life even before reaching the age of puberty was to collect and possess information (knowledge) that was scattered and distant from them, or to be part of it. Realization of this aim enabled many thinkers to grow in different branches of science such as Bukhari, Abu Hanifa ed-Dinavarī, Mes’udī, Yakut al-Hamevī, al-Birunī, Gazzalī, es-Sem’anī, İbn al-Athir, Mevlana. It has also enabled the emergence of a rich literature in the Islamic world in almost every field of science. In addition, scientific travels, by spreading the knowledge accumulated in certain centers to the whole of the Islamic geography, proved instrumental in the wide development thoughout the Islamic world of cultural and scientific terms. Because information (knowledge) enthusiasts returned to their hometowns and began treatment in these places after visiting the major civil centers of the period due to educational institutions and learning conditions, served the dissemination of knowledge or education and the creation of a scientific-cultural revival from the center to the periphery. In addition, these travels brought to life by scholars, students, and sheikhs served to transfer all kinds of elements, as well as knowledge, and enabled the formation of a common and shared system of thought and culture in the medieval Islamic world.

The Travels in Search for Knowledge in the Medieval Islamic World

Onur

Prof.

This essay examines the views about Turks, the East and Islam of three different travelers who had different backgrounds and travel aims. It will be possible to exhibit the relationship between their understanding as well as interpretation of the East and their aim of travel, thus similarities and differences of and its impact on the formation of their views. Robert the Monk’s Latin rendition of a travelogue by an anonymous soldier entitled ‘The History of Jerusalem’ was completed in the early twelfth century. This important historicalliterary document of Western Orientalism and its opposite Turkish image, has since been translated several times into many languages, including the German translation of 1502, reprinted by Barbara Haupt in 1972, which I have used in this article.Robert the Monk suggests that Christians living in Anatolia and the Holy Land were killed, imprisoned, or forcibly Islamized by ‘unbelievers,’ meaning Turks. Stating that the first encounter of the Turks with the Crusader army took place near Nicaea, Robert calls the surrender of the Crusader commander Prince Raynardus to the Turks as ‘Being Southerner’. Thus, he describes the South as a symbol of cowardice, resistlessness, compliance, unprincipledness, and the North as a symbol of militancy, fearlessness, and nonsubmissiveness. In this context, like the Asia-Europe and East-West dilemma, the NorthSouth contrast becomes important in terms of Orientalism and the Turkish image. From Robert’s account, it becomes clear that the Crusaders participated in the campaign not only to achieve a sacred goal, but to become personally rich. As he describes it, the Crusaders rob the dead bodies of their enemies, and words were not enough describing the amount of gold and silver they find. Robert describes in detail Tarsus and Antioch where the founding churches of Christianity are located and where the Turks were defeated. He tells how the Christians who defeated the Turks in these cities seized great spoils. After the murder of a crusader commander in Antioch and the defeat of the Crusaders by the Turks, a knight named Wido tells God: ‘Almighty God, where is your power? If you are omnipotent, why did you stand by? such events happen; how did you allow such a disaster? Why did you become a laughingstock of the Turks?’ These words can be characterized as an indication of&nbsp;the conditioning of the church. Following Hegel, who said that the Crusades caused the West to break away from the East forever, it can be said that although the Crusades encouraged all kinds of devout Christian religiosity, they also set the stage for the temporariness of thought in Europe.‘The History of Jerusalem’ describes almost entirely the conflicts between the Turks and the Crusader army and their consequences. It is full of the many characterizations that shaped the Turkish image that settled in Europe over the centuries. These are negative imageforming characterizations such as ‘brutal’, ‘treacherous’, ‘wild’, ‘coward’, and ‘barbarian.’ Because of its dissemination by the church, this book made significant contributions to the dissemination of the negative Turkish image throughout Europe. Johan Schiltberger, the first German prisoner to remain as a prisoner for an extended period among the Turks and the Mongols, describes extensively their styles, daily life, and traditions. Dozens of editions of Schiltberger’s travelogue were published in various places. The first edition was published in 1460. One of them, entitled ‘Chronicles and Descriptions About Turkey,’ was published in Nuremberg in 1530 with a preface by Martin Luther. Luther’s preface thoroughly increased the influence of the travelogue. The edition of 1550 is entitled ‘The Miraculous and Brief History of Schiltberger, from Munich in Bavaria, Being Captured by the Turks, taken to the Land of Unbelievers and Returned to His Homeland’ (Ein wunderbarliche unnd kürtzweilige Histori, wie Schildtberger, einer auß der Stat München in Bayern, von den Türcken gefangen, in die Heydenschafft gefüret unnd wider heymkommen). I have used the edition of this travelogue published in Ulm in 1476.Schiltberger was a prisoner between 1394 and 1427. A section of his work titled ‘What did the Turkish Sultan do, how did he treat the prisoners, how did he kill them?’ describes the behavior of the Turks against prisoners. After being brought to Anatolia, Schiltberger served the Sultan for twelve years. Having fallen captive to the Mongols, Schiltberger learned about the Caucasian countries, Iran, and Armenia. He describes the differences of the beliefs of Armenians and Jews from Western Christianity and the original aspects of Islam in detail. By his assessments of the actions of Timur and his army, he gives shape to the Eastern or Asian image of Europe, hence the Orientalist knowledge. According to Schiltberger, for three days Timur had severed heads collected in Syria and created towers from them. These and similar narratives exemplified the cruelty of eastern despotism, and are instrumentalized case by case when it serves the situation and purpose which turns out to be one of the main pillars of Orientalism.Alexander Pushkin travelled to Erzurum during the Ottoman-Russian war in JuneJuly 1829. A contemporary of Byron and Goethe, who were both active and determined&nbsp;philhellenists, Pushkin explained that the Russians did not participate in the war to talk about their triumphs. His travelogue is a document of Pushkin’s identification with Europe. Pushkin puts forward a ‘normal Western attitude’ against what he called the ‘high flown Eastern attitude’. Although he always distinguishes between Asia and Europe or East and West, he nevertheless also criticizes his own prejudices. According to Pushkin, who treats Georgians and Armenians with a positive emphasis, the Turks are uncouth, ignorant, and rude. He also understood that the Russians tried to instrumentalize the Ottoman Armenians in the 1800s to achieve their own goals.Just like the medieval travelogue, Pushkin states that the Turks ‘behead’ their enemies. The image of the beheading Turk is a constantly recurring feature in early travel writings about the East. This image was perpetuated throughout Europe through the first newspapers called ‘New news’ published between 1500 and 1600. Pushkin, in the ‘Erzurum Gates’ section, explains the situation of the defeated and imprisoned Turkish troops with his own words: ‘This much was unbearable!’ According to the writer, there is a deep expression of calmness and majesty on the ‘beautiful face’ of a Turkish Pasha who was captured by the Cossacks in the Russian army. These narratives can be regarded as an indicator of Pushkin’s humanistic and impartial attitude. According to Pushkin, the basic characteristics of the East and Asia are poverty and primitiveness. Like most Western travelers and writers, Pushkin, was very curious about the harem. Visiting the harem of the Turkish commander in Erzurum, he states that seeing and experiencing the harem is the subject of a true Eastern novel. Also, here a son had his father beheaded. This, he suggests, is the true East. As can be seen, images of hitting the neck or cutting the head are also constantly repeated by Pushkin.

Turkish, Eastern, and Islamic Image in Travelogues

Andrea

Reorienting Orientalism: Ottoman Historiography and the Representation of Seventeenth-Century French Travelogues

Mohammad

Eighteenth-Century European Medical Encounters with The Ottoman Levant

Cumhur

Alim

Assoc. Prof.

Nadejda

By the end of the 18th century, the most important problem of the Russian’s Empire foreign policy was the “Eastern question”. The interest of Russian society in the Ottoman Empire’s traditions, customs, religion, military affairs and economy was linked to the necessity of finding ways for cooperation between both states in military, diplomatic and economic spheres. In this situation, literary works served as a source of useful information apart from the reports of diplomatic embassies about an exotic country. Among them was the travel notes, ‘Unlucky adventures of Vasili Baranikov, tradesman from Nizhny Novgorod in three continents: America, Asia and Europe from 1780 to 1787,’ that was published in the last third of the 18th century (1787). On the eve of the Ottoman-Russian War of 1787-1791, the Nizhny Novgorod merchant Vasily Baranshikov worked in St. Petersburg, then travels as a sailor to Copenhagen, where local scammers fraudulently deliver him to the ship of slavers. For about two months, Baranschikov serves as a recruit on the island of St. Thomas, then as a laborer on the island of Puerto Rico. In October 1782, he finally got his freedom and went to Europe as a sailor on a Venetian merchant ship. However, near the coast of Africa, Basil was captured by Turkish pirates, circumcised to Islam, and sold as a slave to Palestine. A year later, Baranschikov fled to Venice, and from there fate throws him to Istanbul, where he spent about 10 months in the janissary service.Vasily Baranschikov described the Ottoman Empire as follows: the geography and architecture of Istanbul, the system of civil, spiritual and military ranks, the way of life, military service and everyday life of the Janissaries, the judicial system, the Sultan’s harem, and religious rites. The author managed to convert to Islam, married and lived almost a year as an ordinary janissary having, of course, sufficiently mastered the language – all this together makes his work truly unique and informative from the point of view of the researcher, despite a significant share of artistic fiction.The present article is devoted to the image of Istanbul and representation of Ottoman society through the eyes of a Nizhny Novgorod citizen in a work of art that was written during the escalation of the Russian-Turkish conflict, and therefore intentionally lacks obvious expressions of the author’s admiration for Istanbul (excluding descriptions of the city’s geographical location and luxury architecture). In the article are discussed the issues of state administration and religion of the Ottoman Empire and ways of their comparison with the Russian reality. The author analyzed the daily life and service of the Janissaries, as well&nbsp;as the author’s representation of the transformation of the janissary corps in the 18th century: from a formidable isolated force and participants in Palace coups by the end of the 18th century, the Janissaries turn into family merchants and artisans, thereby destroying the border between the military and trade and craft layers of the population. The author did not ignore the Ottoman judicial system based on the Muslim tradition. It is noted that criminal offenses are not treated as accurately here as in Russia, but self-destructive punishments against dishonest merchants and impaling Greeks accused of treason or murder are widespread. Throughout the text, the author highlights the brutality of the Ottoman system of punishments. This is why Russian traditions are regularly contrasted with the Ottoman ones, and such attempts to define social, cultural, and religious boundaries are usually found throughout the story – in homesickness and remorse over the ‘forced’ betrayal of the Orthodox faith. In particular, attention is paid to the peculiarities of Ottoman family life. The author’s surprise was caused by complete obedience to his father – in-law and wife since such a way of life was alien to the young Nizhny Novgorod merchant, who, by the way, was waiting to return to his wife and two children in Nizhny Novgorod. Even more astonishing were polygamy in the Ottoman Empire and the Sultan’s harem: describing the Islamic picture of Paradise, he draws an interesting analogy with the Sultan’s earthly life, noting that Paradise was embodied in the Sultan’s harems and luxurious life. The author is particularly interested in social mobility when converting to Islam against the background of relatively peaceful coexistence of representatives of many nations and religions. In particular, the article highlights the activities of the Enderun court school, which prepared gifted children for the highest military and civil posts of the Ottoman Empire. The author notes the strict discipline and humility of students who received a comprehensive education at school (military Affairs, languages, music training, art), while working in the Palace services. Thus, the Russian author notes and describes to his compatriots a new format of education for the Russian Empire, which was characterized by increased attention to the talents of the pupil. This system implied complete obedience to the official-fully developed, humble and loyal to the Sultan. The Ottoman Empire inherited the Roman tradition of granting citizenship to foreigners, allowing the most capable people to fill leadership positions regardless of ethnicity or social origin. It was this principle that became the main concept of the Enderun School and the foundation of a competent administrative system and, as a result – the centuries old power of the Ottoman Empire.The article raises the problem of authorship and authenticity of a work of art and the degree of its value as a historical source. The opinions of scientists may be various about the personality and authorship of Vasily Baranshchikov, but for a historian-researcher who studies the history of Eastern societies and the Ottoman Empire in particular, ‘Unlucky adventures’ is a unique source on the history of Ottoman society in the last third of the 18th century. So, in our opinion, the main feature of the work is its autobiographical character, and&nbsp;although the goals of its writing largely determined the style of presentation and assessment of what is happening, the source of the author, who lived in Istanbul for about 10 months, was mostly his own experience and observations. The information about a particular state accumulated by a person of a different mentality and religion always allows you to look at the described state from a new angle. When analyzing the travelogue, it is important to take into account that the author was not an outside observer of the daily life of Ottoman society, but, in fact, a part of it: he spends almost a year in Istanbul; converts to Islam, serves as a janissary, marries – that is, leads an absolutely ordinary life of a local resident. As a result, we see the view of a foreigner, but well acquainted with the Ottoman reality. The focus is on the peculiarities of Istanbul Russian man in the East in the period of aggravation of relations between Russia and the Ottoman Empire, as well as the specifics of self-identification and perception of the “other” by our compatriot.

Ottoman Society in the Last Quarter of the 18th Century in the Travelogue of the Merchant Vasily Baranshikov From Nizhny Novgorod

Arzu

In addition to being literary genre, travelogues are closely related to disciplines of history and geography. Like any other philosophical view and art-work, travelogues also carry many pros and cons. One common critique of travelogues is that they are written only from the author’s point of view whereby the author’s biases and preferences cannot be completely disregarded. It is also observed that most travel writers exaggerate in order to influence and persuade their readers. Consequently, the information contained cannot be guaranteed to be reliable because of the authors’ biases and exaggerations. Nevertheless, travel writing still presents vast information merged into conceptual thoughts specific to the country under observation, not only from the stand point of geography but also from the point of view of social structure.&nbsp;The first travelogue in Urdu was written by Yousuf Kambal Posh in 1837 after his adventurous trip to London. Thereafter, travelogues about Turkey and Turks were written by other writers in Urdu. It is pertinent to mention that the travelers from the Indian subcontinent also made efforts to convey their thoughts through travelogues and visited Turkey especially during the reign of Abdulhamid II. Travelogues of this period narrated information about Turkey in various domains, from politics to culture, from education to everyday life.&nbsp;The travelogues of this era were deeply influenced by the ideas of Panislamism, first conceived by Abdulhamid II, linking Turkey with the South Asian subcontinent. After 1857, Muslims from the Subcontinent turned their faces to the Ottoman Empire and tried to provide financial and moral support to their Turkish brothers to whom they were connected via the caliphate bond. In the first phase of these travelogues, authors writing travelogues about Turkey in Urdu were mostly prominent educationalists and jurists from the Indian subcontinent. One of the main motives that brought them to the Ottoman lands was to inscribe the metaphysical forces of Istanbul, to observe and then share academic views with their own people, creating public about the Turks while at the same time ensuring coordination amongst the Islamic countries. Examining the travelogues of Shibli Naumani, Abdurrahman Amritsari and Sheikh Abdulqadir, we find that detailed information about the Turks and the sociocultural state of affairs in the Ottoman Empire is provided.&nbsp;The Selamlik ceremony, for example, was of great importance to these foreign travelers travelling from the sub-continent. In these travelogues, the authors wrote that although the Selamlik ceremony had a social aspect that enabled the Sultan and the people to get closer, it also enabled the Sultan to inspect the current situation of the military. They also explain that, being Muslims, they are proud to comprehend the glory of the Ottoman Empire at this very ceremony. Some of these travelers from the sub-continent were bestowed “Tamgha-e Majidi” by then Khalifa of time Abdulhamid II.

The Ceremony of the Selamlik in the Travelogues Written in Urdu

Valerie

Eastern Exoticism: Thackeray as Tourist and Anti-Tourist

Selda

Studies of orientalism take their arguments from the conflict areas of imperialism and antiimperialism. Consequently, information about the East produced by western orientalists has been questioned, accused of being biased or rejected completely. Of course, Edward Said had an important influence on this after the seventies. Said argued in a critical way that the East was the most important external “reality” of modern Europe. Today we call this “the other” or “otherisation”. Although we are discussing orientalism within the boundaries of political history or generalization of Eastern through the eyes of the West/Western conceptions of the Orient, we take advantage of its experience at the point we have reached today. The rise in the generation of orientalist knowledge, especially in the 19th century, is remarkable. One case in point is that, Europeans of the early 19th century were keenly interested in the mysterious and enormous remains of the ancient Egyptian civilizations. Among them was a twenty-fouryear-old Englishman, Edward William Lane (1801-1876) who wrote as a result of three trips to Egypt undertaken at different times. Lane’s first trip to Egypt was between 1825-1828, his second trip between 1833-1835, and his third journey between 1842-1849. The Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge supported his travels to Egypt, because Lane did not have any job or salary. Sometimes assistance was provided by socially eminent figures, such as Algernon Percy, the 4th Duke of Northumberland, and John Russell, 1st Earl Russell.Various biographies of Lane’s life have already been written. Leila Ahmed wrote first modern biographical assessment, Edward W. Lane: A Study of His Life and Works and of British Ideas of the Middle East in the Nineteenth Century (1978). It was followed by Jason Thompson’s Edward William Lane The Life of the Pioneering Egyptologist and Orient (2010). These two biographical works are largely based on his letters to friends. Ahmed’s book can also be considered as a cultural history because of focusing on the nature of Lane’s published works. On the other hand, Jason Thompson’s study succeeded in completing the missing pieces of Lane’s life by used archival resources such as private manuscripts and letters at the Griffith Institute in Oxford, as well as papers of Lane’s close friends Sir Gardner Wilkinson and Joseph Bonomi at the Bodleian Library. Thompson was rightly aware that Lane’s life could not be understood without considering his activities and, for this reason, consulted the testimony of Egyptologists such as Joseph Bonomi, Robert Hay, and John Gardner Wilkinson who were in contact with him.Lane recorded his observations and researches on the space, structures and habitats, traditions and cultures of ancient and modern Egypt in his Description of Egypt (not published until 2000), An Account of the Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians (1836), One Thousand and One Nights (1840), Selections from Kur’ân (1843) and an Arabic-English Lexicon (first volume, 1863). After Lane finally left Cairo in 1849, he started working on&nbsp;Arabic-English Lexicon, devoting himself to the dictionary until he died in 1876.&nbsp;During his first visit to Egypt, while working on Ancient Egypt, in time he became interested in Arabic and the culture of contemporary Egyptians, their daily lives and customs. At this point, the focus of Lane’s work was to explain Egypt and Egyptians with a scientific eye. He wrote his books for the early Victorian English reading public. Based on personal experience, especially in An Account of the Manners of the Modern Egyptians, he presented the British people a peerless tableux of a Egyptian society. Actually Lane began to work as an engraver, not an orientalist, Arabist or writer. When Lane first went to Egypt in 1825 with a new drawing device, camera lucida. His drawings via the camera lucida and their explanations were included in his work Description of Egypt which was not published until 2000.&nbsp;Lane tried to live like an Egyptian during his travels. He immersed himself in a contemporary Egyptian life and described it vividly. His lifestyle made it possible for him to observe Egyptian society closely, spending time in coffee houses and praying in mosques. Lane traveled to Egypt at a time when Istanbul and Cairo began separating administratively and militarily. However, this separation was not included in his studies. Turks were still regarded as elite in the eyes of Egyptian society. Because of this, Lane dressed in Ottoman style, never dressing in European clothing during his life in Cairo. According to him, Ottoman meant Turk and vice versa. However, Lane was interested in the native culture, not the ruling or bureaucratic elites. He resided at Cairo, at different times. As his pursuits required that he should not draw attention in public as a European, he separated himself as much as possible from the Europeans and lived in a part of the town, near Babu’l-Hadid, somewhat remote from the Frank quarters. Lane built a Muslim identity for himself using the name Mansur Efendizâde. He was able to adapt easily to the life of the Egyptians: speaking Arabic and conforming with the manners of his Muslim neighbors. As he reported, Lane was treated with respect and affability by all the Egyptians with whom he had any dealings.There are a limited number of studies about the Victorian orientalist Edward William Lane (1801-1876) by Turkish scholars since Lane dealt with Arabic and especially Egypt. If he had been a traveler whose road passed by Istanbul and Anatolia, he would have attracted more Turkish readers and researchers. Such being the case, the aim of this essay is to introduce a British Arabist- Orientalist researcher and his works, which came to Ottoman Egypt with a great curiosity in the 19th century, to more Turkish readers. I trace Lane’s character and his studies of folklore in the contexts of orientalist discourses. This paper examines how Egypt was perceived by Lane at a time when Egyptian society was beginning to be modernized. What makes Lane important for the Turkish reader is that he witnessed Egyptian society at a time when power was passing from the Ottoman administration to Mehmed Ali Pasha’s.

Portrait of a British Orientalist: Edward William Lane (1801-1876)

Özge

Res. Assist.

An Imperial Traveler: Mark Sykes and His Impressions in the Middle East through His Article and Notes in the Late 19th Century

Aslı

The Battle of Kars During the Russo-Turkish War (1877- 1878) in V. P. Meshcherskiy's ‘Caucasian Travel Diary’

Mustafa

The First World War is one of the founding events of the modern world. In World War I historiography, the causes and consequences of this great event have been written mostly from the perspectives of political and military history.The diplomatic crisis caused by the colonial rivalry of the nineteenth century, the armament race and the problem of nationalities were shown as causeS of the war. However, this founding event is not only a political, military and diplomatic issue, but also the result and cause of mental, cultural and intellectual transformation, technological developments and social changes.&nbsp;The period between 1914-1918 witnessed a unique transformation of human life in all its aspects in a very short time, changes which would normally be expected to take a very long time. Modern historiography also dwells on the dimensions of this transformation that remain outside the political and military aspects and are neglected in conventional historiography. Therefore, it is possible to look at the historiography of the war from the perspective of travel and at the historiography of travel from the perspective of war.&nbsp;In this study, the relationship between war and travel phenomena is specifically evaluated over the travel experiences in the Ottoman domains and of Ottoman subjects between 1914- 1918. By using the testimonies of the dynastic members, statesmen, officers, soldiers and civilians who experienced the First World War in different ways, the "travels" caused by the war are brought into focus. It is argued that increasing mass mobility caused by war, which are generally compulsory "travels", increased world knowledge and manners. It is claimed that war and travel are not as incompatible, irreconcilable and unthinkable together as it might seem.The nineteenth century was a period when scientific and technical developments increased curiosity and knowledge about the world on the one hand and made it easier to travel around the world on the other. In this period, travel became widespread and the concept of tourism emerged. The First World War, which spread over more than four years and over vast geographies, ended this trend. States and armies have restricted freedom of movement. Declining economic welfare under war conditions and the loss of sense of security reduced the motivation to travel. On the other hand, the war period has also led to an unprecedented massive spatial mobility. In this article, it is argued that newspapers, propaganda publications,&nbsp;military diaries, war memoirs, military reports can be accepted as kinds of travel literature with alternative readings. All these texts refer to physical and human geography suggesting that, rather than simply being interrupted during the war years, travel literature expanded and diversified and enriched in content.In this study, the phenomenon of travel during the First World War is examined under four headings: olitical and diplomatic travels; military travels; culture, art, scientific research and information travels; compulsory travels of ordinary people. Reciprocal visits of members of the warring dynasties were the leading political and diplomatic travels. Emperors, kings and princes traveled to allied countries to improve their diplomatic relations. They went on domestic trips to renew the loyalty of their citizens. They visited the fronts to give morale to the military. These travels were followed by the travels of statesmen, high-level bureaucrats and parliamentarians. Generals from the allied armies made mutual headquarters visits.It is the constant displacement of soldiers and low-ranking officers for military reasons that made the travel phenomenon massive in the World War I. Millions of soldiers took first theoretical and then applied geography lessons during the four-year war. They roamed not only in their own countries but also into other countries as combatants or captives. They went to places they wouldn't normally see. Some of these people kept diaries. Some of them wrote about the places they visited and saw in their memoirs. Some of them described the geographies they traveled around in their letters. As a result of all these observations and testimonies, the world became a much better known place when the war ended.Culture, art, scientific research and information travels were another category of travel that had a significant share during the war years. These are the travels of professional journalists, poets, writers, painters, photographers, scientists and researchers who are taken to the fronts and behind the front lines so that they can explain the war to the masses. The impressions of these professionals in the places they visit, their writings and drawings have played an important role in increasing the knowledge of the world, as they reach a wider audience. In this way, people from different professions, gender and age groups have increased their knowledge and experience of the world. All these people have acquired knowledge and experiences that would otherwise not be possible in times of war.Finally, the forced displacement of ordinary people is an important part of the travel phenomenon during the war years. These are the "travelers" of the war who left the fewest written witnesses behind them. Sometimes they migrated within one country and sometimes from one country to another. The ‘travels’ of these people were rarely written in their own words but often by soldiers who witnessed their migration. However, immigrant convoys have become one of the important sources of geography knowledge in the twentieth century.All these travels, classified in four categories, replaced the tourist travels that were cut off with the outbreak of the war in 1914. The new forms of mass travel came to an end with the end of the war. The authoritarian and totalitarian regimes that rose in the interwar period have closed the borders and raised the barriers between the borders.&nbsp;This study shows how, despite the enormous destruction and tragedy caused by the First World War, humanity enriched its knowledge and experience about the earth. During the war years, millions of people saw for the first time in other countries a wild animal, an exotic fruit, a production technique they did not know. Individual experiences first belonged to oral culture and gradually to written culture, spread and became permanent. The important sites of the war, such as Gallipoli, Galicia, Verdun, and other geographies, took place in the collective memories of people living in other continents. The Ottoman physical and human geography also became more accurately known. War made it possible to replace the prejudices in the minds of the elite and ordinary people with the ability of concrete sensation, observation and empathy. The same can be said for the physical and human geography knowledge of the Ottoman peoples about the rest of the world.

War as World“View”: Travels to and from Turkey in the Years of World War I

Veysel

Instructor

Representations of the Turks in Twentieth Century British Travel Writing on Asia Minor

Ceylan

Charles D. Sabatos, Frontier Orientalism and the Turkish Image in Central European Literature, Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2020. pp. xx+184. ISBN 978-1793614872

Donna

Henrietta Liston’s Travels: The Turkish Journals, 1812-1820, eds., Patrick Hart, Valerie Kennedy and Dora Petherbridge, with F. Özden Mercan, Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh 2020. pp. ix-246, illustrated. ISBN 9781474467353

Halil

Travel Writing in the Nineteenth Century: Filling the Blank Spaces, ed. Tim Youngs, Anthem Press, London & New York 2006. pp xv+250. ISBN 1843312182

Prof. Dr.

Gerald

Metin

Nathan

Transforming the Religious Landscape: Emperor Leo VI and His Struggle for Supremacy over the Church

Murat

Assoc. Prof. Dr.

This study comparatively examines Christianity as a factor in the foreign policy of the Sassanid Dynasty (224-651), that ruled Iran and its surrounding territory for more than four centuries, and the Ilkhanid Dynasty (1256-1353), described by researchers as the Iranian Mongols. The study narrows down the framework of the cross-reading based on these two dynasties as much as possible in the context of Christianity. For instance, the article makes no mention of the geography of the Caucasus, which constantly confronted the Sassanid and Eastern Roman against each other, apart from a few exceptions. Similarly, the study excludes the Ilkhanids’ relations with the Cilician Armenians in particular, as well as the Ilkhanids’ commercial ties with the Venetians and Genoese.&nbsp;As a result of the comparative readings, issues are observed to come to the forefront such as the religious beliefs of the Sassanid and Ilkhanid rulers and their wives, the situation of the Eastern Church during these two periods, and the persecution of Christians, especially in the case of the Sassanids. Although some Sassanid and Ilkhanid rulers and their wives being mentioned as Christians and the struggle of the Eastern Church to survive under a government that does not coincide with its own creed appear to be closely related issues, no reference is found regarding a systematic persecution of Christians by the time of the Ilkhanids. On the other hand, while sources dealing with the Christianity of some Sassanid kings do actually exist, the fact that secular and religious administrators of this state are held responsible for the Christian persecution in the Persian Martyrs Narratives raises some questions. This strengthens the assumption that these narratives of martyrdom had been created to serve a specific purpose. During the preparation phase of this article, the ups and downs the Christians had experienced under the Sassanids greatly facilitated observing the members of the Eastern Church within the Ilkhanate, and even more importantly, raised further doubts.&nbsp;The foreign policy of the two dynasties in their foundation periods differed from each other in the context of Christianity. When the Sassanid dynasty was founded, the Roman Empire was far remowed from Christianity. For this reason, Christianity did not perform an important function in external politics during the reigns of the first Sassanid rulers Ardashir I and Shapur I. Christianity is seen to have emerged as an important element regarding both domestic and foreign policy during the reign of Constantine I. Although this has been reflected to the present an incomplete form, the Christians living among the Sassanids in particular were mentioned in the negotiations between Constantine I and Shapur II. The adventure of Christianity, which thus began in the relations of the two sides, continued almost uninterruptedly until the fall of the Sassanids.&nbsp;The tendency of the Roman Empire to use the Christians within the Sassanids had already emerged during the reign of Constantine I, and this intention was maintained in the following&nbsp;period with some interventions in the organization of the Eastern Church in the Iranian geography. The most obvious instance regarding this topic involved Theodosius II sending Bishop Marutha to the Sassanids during the reign of Yazdegerd I. In 410, Marutha, who had contributed to convening the Council of Isaac, tried to shape the Eastern Church within the framework of the Nicene Creed. Unlike Yazdegerd I, Yazdegerd II is depicted with a negative image in the Christian sources. The positive image drawn for Yazdegerd I in the Christian historiography was also valid for Khosrow I. The wars against Eastern Roman during the reign of Khosrow II allowed different Christian sects to occur among the Sassanids.While warfare was the main factor in the positioning of Christians within the Mongol Empire during the reign of Ögedei Khan, diplomacy replaced it in the following period. This situation arose from the difference between the religious identities of the neighboring states of the Near East during the Sassanid and Ilkhanid periods. The Ilkhanids reigned in the Near East in a region surrounded by Muslims. Therefore, they endeavored to find Christian allies, even if they were far away. Unlike the Sassanids, the Ilkhanids came into contact with the Christian world in their early years; thus, the Islamic factor became decisive in religio-political matters during Ilkhanid Dynasty. Noteworthily, the Ilkhanids did not compromise on their Christianitybased foreign policy despite the presence of Muslim Il Khans such as Ahmad Tekuder and Ghazan Khan.&nbsp;&nbsp;On the other hand, the factors of women and the catholicos were observed to have had a significant impact on the relations the Sassanids and Ilkhanids had with the Christian world. The Christian women among the Sassanids and Ilkhanids, (e.g., Shirin, Doquz Khatun), seem to be a suitable topic for comparison. The adventure of the Eastern Church from the Sassanid Dynasty to the time of the Ilkhanids was quite colorful. After the fall of the Sassanids, the Eastern Church had to live under the rule of the caliphate states (i.e., Umayyads and Abbasids), and especially the Turkish dynasties. During this period, the Eastern missions became the main target for the members of the Eastern church, with a substantial percentage of Christian communities being formed this way in Central Asia and China. By the time of the Ilkhanids, the Eastern Church that had been established under the Sassanids was experiencing a very different process, because this time corresponds to when the presence of the Muslims in the Near East who had ended the Sassanids; began to be questioned. The Sassanid past prior to the Muslim rule must undoubtedly have been considered to be a legacy that positively nourished the Eastern Church during the time of the Il Khans, who had not yet embraced Islam. The Eastern Church did not have a faultless internal structure during the Ilkhanid dynasty, nor did it have a harmonious relationship with the secular administrators. The fact that the Ilkhanid government had to begin with an anti-Islamic attitude inevitably brought a Mongol-Christian alliance to the agenda. However, the divisions within Christianity that emerged during the reign of the Sassanids had not disappeared by the time of the Ilkhanids.&nbsp;When viewed from the outside, an Eastern Church and Ilkhanate alliance should be regarded as usual in an region encircled by Muslim states. If the reports, exchanged letters and rumors in the sources are all reflections of the truth, then they indicate that the Christians had had astonishing efficiency during the time of these two dynasties. Due to the authors’ focus on the deeds of the leading political figures, the extent to which ordinary Christians were aware of and satisfied with the ongoing politics of these two states is impossible to determine. This is precisely the reason why the sceptical approach adopted by contemporary scholars toward the reports of the Christian persecution in Late Antiquity should also be taken into consideration in relation to success stories.

Christianity in the Foreign Policy of the Sassanid and Ilkhanid Dynasties

Hüseyin

Assist. Prof. Dr.

The climax of an ambassador’s diplomatic mission is being received by the highest authority of the state to which one has traveled. In the case of Haci Halil Efendi, these offices were occupied by the Holy Roman German Emperor Franz I and by his wife Maria Theresia, Archduchess of Austria and Queen of Hungary, Croatia, and Bohemia. Both official receptions involved Halil Efendi delivering the nâme-i hümâyûn [letters to foreign rulers] declaring Sultan Osman III as the new ruler of the Ottoman throne. The intermediary was first received by Kaiser Franz I on May 14, 1755, which is when Halil Efendi handed over the nâme-i hümâyûn that had been entrusted to him in Istanbul. Both an image and a transcription of this letter is found below. Subsequently on May 17, Halil Efendi paid an official visit to Queen Maria Theresia, to whom he also handed over the other copy of the sultanic document during the reception ceremony. Both an image and a comparison with the kaiser’s beşâretnâme are also found below. Both documents are identical apart from the name and title of the recipients, with the address of one of course having been arranged in accordance with feminine case norms.Due to no known sefâretnâme [book of embassy] being available regarding Halil Efendi’s embassy, one can only learn about the ambassador’s diplomatic mission through contemporary German sources. In this context, the Austrian archival documents and the contemporary newspaper reports based on them provide a generalized picture. On April 16, 1755, the intermediary and his entourage, a retinue of 54 men, arrived in the suburb of Schwechat, the last stop before arriving in the city of Vienna. One Viennese newspaper first described in detail the order in which Halil Efendi as an intermediary and then his extraordinary envoy entered the large city of approximately 170,000 inhabitants (based on the data from the previous year), as well how the usual customary ceremonial procession took place. This event had attracted the attention of the European public and could also be read about in Spenersche Zeitung, a newspaper published in Berlin.The diplomatic representatives of the Ottoman Empire that were sent to Vienna, sometimes with a large and other times with a small entourage were always the center of attention, and the entrance of the flamboyant ambassadorial procession to the Habsburg capital had been placed on the agenda days in advance. The main reason for this was that the Ottomans had not resorted to establishing permanent embassies in Christian capitals until the end of the 18th century and only sent diplomats on ad hoc missions to perform a specific service. Thus, the news of the arrival of the Ottoman embassy in Vienna, Paris, Berlin and later London led the citizens of these cities to gather along the processional route on the day of arrival and to admire this exotic sight. Judging from the impression conveyed in the public records of the period, the entry of the Ottoman envoy into the city and their sumptuous reception can be&nbsp;said to have fueled fairy-tale dreams of an extravagantly rich oriental country. In addition, the 1739 Treaty of Belgrade and the long period of peace, as well as the intense interest of Maria Theresia as the ruler of the Habsburg lands and Jeanne Antoinette Poisson as Marquise de Pompadour and the most famous and favourite of King Louis XV of France led to the Turkish called Turquerie, as seen in the oil paintings they had commissioned wherein they were portrayed as lady sultans, announcing themselves to the high society; this fashion reached its peak in Europe in the 18th century.Approximately three months after the first reception ceremonies, the Ottoman envoy led by Haci Halil Efendi paid a farewell visit to Kaiser Franz I on August 25, 1755 and to Queen Maria Theresia August 27, this time at Schönbrunn Palace, which had been used as a summer palace in Vienna since 1745. Detailed information about these official receptions can be found in the Viennese newspapers as well as in archival records. Finally, Haci Halil Efendi left his residence with his entourage on September 18, 1755 after 8 a.m. under the protection of the Leopold-Dhaunisch troop of the Viennese city garrison, boarded a ship anchored in the Danube tributary, and started his journey back to Istanbul.Both beşâretnâmes, the sub-type of nâme-i hümâyûn at the center of this article, are found among the Türkische Urkunden [Turkish Documents] Collection and Varia und Collectanea [Miscellaneous Collection] preserved in the Austrian State Archives. The documents are written in celî divânî calligraphy style on large-sized âbâdî [manilla] paper with a flamboyant and rather large gilded tughra at the top of the text. The nâme prepared for Maria Theresia measures 182 x 78.5 cm. The documents are in very good condition. Although the text from the nâme that had been prepared for Kaiser Franz I is included in the history written by Mehmed Hâkim Efendi, one of the chroniclers of the period, the abbreviations at the beginning and end of Hâkim’s version, as well as some differences in wording between the original and the copy, necessitate viewing the original nâme in order to form a complete opinion on the beşâret-nâme. These sultanic documents were issued in Istanbul between December 16-25, 1754 CE (1-10 Ra 1168 AH). They also consist of a number of sections known as the erkan (singular rükn) [pillars/internal structure of the composition], which occur in the following order: tughra (imperial seal), elkāb [inscription], du‘a [salutation], nakl or iblâğ [expositionnarration], te’kid [reiteration], closing du‘a [salutation], târih [dating], and mahall-i tahrîh [formulation stating the place of issuance].&nbsp;This research paper Osman III’s proclamation to Austria regarding his accession and reveals a series of findings: Haci Halil Efendi had been sent as an intermediary and resided in Vienna with a retinue of 54 people; the officials in his retinue (i.e., envoy) have been individually identified for the first time; and the official receptions before the Kaiser had been made to the Austrian chancellor and vice-chancellor instead of the president of the Palace War Council, and this change was the result of recently modified protocol rules and caused an internal conflict in the Viennese court. In addition, the article has uncovered information about how well received the ambassador had been, the special efforts that were made to ensure this, how his embassy had been covered in the German press of the time, what the ambassador did during his days in Vienna, how the ceremonies for the official visits had been organized, and the exact dates of the embassy.In conclusion, similar to the envoys that were sent to the Ottoman capital for congratulatory occasions regarding the accession to the throne, the Ottoman envoys sent to foreign countries to proclaim the accession to the throne can also be said to be noteworthy for the history of Ottoman diplomacy.

The Beşaret-name sent to Austria with Halil Efendi announcing Osman III’s Accession to the Throne and the Envoy’s Vienna Days According to the Contemporary German Press

Ahmet

A Contribution to the History of Ottoman-English Diplomatic and Commercial Relations: The Ahdname of 1612

The significance of money changing and money changers (sarrafs) in the context of the Ottoman economy before 1750 requires further exploration. Research on their roles before this date is limited, partly due to the constraints of the primary sources available from that period and the little information they contain. Money changers, played important roles in historical, socio-political, and political-economic aspects since the early years of the Empire’s establishment, are considered a topic that needs to be more thoroughly examined in studies of the early modern period in Ottoman history. The increasing importance and influence money changers had in Ottoman finance and financial circles before the second half of the 18th century need to reveal their positions in the Ottoman financial sector.While Jewish names are frequently mentioned in relation to credit and money changing in the 16th-17 th centuries, the predominance of Armenian money changers from the 18th century onward shifted the focus in this profession away from Jews. Armenian money changers, particularly after the 1750s, gained more significance in the Ottoman economy. Indeed, studies emphasizing the diminishing influence of Jewish money changers in the Ottoman financial market-based on credit transactions have highlighted this trend.In addition to Armenians and Jews, Muslims also practiced the profession of money changing before this date. Muslims having been involved in money-changing from the early days of the Ottoman Empire. However, importance to is had in noting that mostly converts to Islam were to ones who engaged in this business. Among the first list of the 12, Istanbul money changers in 1691, three were Muslims. The list of had grown to 30 money changers in 1696, of whom only one was a Muslim named Beşir. Once the list of money changers reached 60 in 1710, it no longer contained any Muslims and Armenians constituted the majority.The central figure of this study is Beşir bin Abdullah, a convert and a Muslim who had also performed the Hajj pilgrimage. As declared by the central economic administration, Beşir was a prominent Istanbul money changer with close ties to the Imperial Mint. Abundant historical and economic research is found on the roles money changers had asssumed after the second half of the 18th century. Remarkably, these studies coincide with the period when significant challenges and changes began to occur in the Ottoman Empire’s economic course.This study focuses on Beşirʼs life and it in terms of his entry into the Ottoman world, his life as a Janissary, his relationships within the financial environment, and his accumulation of wealth. The study describes his social status and the career stages through which he progressed. The study also discusses the qualities of the life patterns that emerged as he climbed the career ladder in the early Ottoman world and examines the characteristics of the relationship networks Beşir established throughout his life as a Janissary and a money&nbsp;changer. The study investigates the impact these relationship connections, defined as social capital, had on his professional life. The studyʼs final section, subjects the wealth Beşir had accumulated throughout his life to qualitative and quantitative analyses.Beşirʼs possessions provide realistic information about the nature of his worldly goods. He was religious, interested in music, and had a sensitivity to clothing. He had a penchant for objects and furniture made from various metals. Near the end of his life, he freed one of the slaves he had purchased. Being a convert to Islam, he perhaps sought to alleviate the loneliness and longing for family that he had felt throughout his life in this way.While expanding his material world as a money changer, Beşir also was a Janissary, had accumulated a certain level of wealth. After becoming an official moneychanger, however he engaged in credit operations and managed money from various professionals, thereby increasing his comfort and joining the relatively wealthy class. The late 17th century was a challenging period for the Ottoman central administration. Wars with the Holy League had been ongoing, and structural changes in the economy were a consequence of the stateʼs efforts to reorganize itself. When Beşir became an official money changer, he had reached an important stage in his career. His inclusion onto the 1696 list of official money changers indicates that he had fulfilled the duties the state had assigned him. Although the long period of wars came to an end after the defeat at Senta the following year, the state was financially and economically worn out and had to make the right decisions to stand upright, fill its coffers, and improve its economy. Despite being the implementer of these policies in the field, Beşir unfortunately did not live much longer and passed away a year after the defeat at Senta. The Karlowitz Treaty signed a year after his death profoundly shook the Ottoman central administration, opening the door to efforts to rebuild prestige and reputation alongside territorial losses.In conclusion, Beşir had entered the Ottoman world and tried to sustain his life by utilizing the opportunities offered by this order. The net material accumulation he left behind was relatively low. However, his experiences, observations, and material as well as spiritual worlds were evidence of his sufficient success. Historical records can unexpectedly emerge at any moment, surprising historians and those interested in history. Beyond the existing documents used in this study, other historical will undoubtedly be found in the future that will reunite Beşir with researchers and readers, thus allowing them at that time to better understand Beşir, his life-as a Janissary who had entered Ottoman service alone and as a man who died alone, after living a solitary life apart from a brief marriage.

An Analysis Of Social Capital And Wealth Accumulation: The Estate Of El-Hac Beşi̇r Bi̇n Abdullah, One Of Istanbul’s First Gedi̇kli Sarrafs (1698)

Şit

The Druze of Hauran were the only group of people to have posed serious challenges to the provincial government in Syria in the early years of Abdulhamid II’s reign. By 1878, the Druze had already become a locally powerful group in Hauran, where despite its strategic importance, the Ottoman government was unable to take the measures necessary to impose its authority in the aftermath of the Russo-Ottoman War of 1877-1878. The local government became weak to the point that it put the regional balance in danger. In other words, the Ottoman authorities held that a peaceful future between the Druze and the other Arab tribes in Hauran depended on a delicate balance that was already under serious threat. To preserve the local balance, the successive governors-general and the central government agreed that the rising power of the Druze should be taken under control by gradually increasing state authority and integrating the region into the Ottoman system. Hence, they firstly tried to limit the new Druze migrations to the region and prevent the Druze from taking new non-Druze villages under their control. Secondly, they tried to gain the support of the strong Arab tribes in and around Hauran against the Druze, and this was apparently one of the decisive factors that contributed to achieving a peaceful solution. Thirdly, the local government secured the cooperation of some distinguished local tribes such as the Ruwala, and more importantly convinced the powerful Atrash family to work with the government. Lastly, the Ottoman authorities spent every effort to prevent foreign interference in Druze affairs, especially from the British, believing that doing so would strengthen the government’s position regarding bringing the Druze to the negotiating table.Nevertheless, the period under study witnessed the Druze to make efforts to increase their power in the region using practically all opportunities, whether peaceful or otherwise. The case of Ibn Abū ‘Assāf at Izra‘ is one significant example of the peaceful attempts for Druze expansion around Laja. As explained, Cevdet Pasha and the Sublime Porte stood firmly to prevent Ibn Abū ‘Assāf from achieving his goal, and they succeeded without using military force despite the district governor being in favor of a military solution. Realizing the degree of determination on the government’s side, Ibn Abū ‘Assāf for his part wisely accepted a middle-ground solution, which in reality meant recognizing his strong position in the region.&nbsp;As for Midhat Pasha’s attitude towards the Druze issue, the governor-general faced the problem at a time when his relations with the central government and the commander of the Fifth Army Corps in Syria were strained. He resigned on October 19, 1879 before taking any action regarding the conflict in Busra al-Harir that had happened in early October. Only when Abdulhamid II refused to accept his resignation did Midhat Pasha start to correspond with the Porte regarding the Busra al-Harir conflict and express his view that the developments in Hauran had reached such a degree that no other way existed apart from the use of force. Both&nbsp;the Sultan and the Grand Vizier insisted that peace should be achieved by reconciling the two parties. By the end of October 1879, Midhat Pasha recognized the fact that the Palace, the Sublime Porte, and the British government, all but him, were all insisting on peaceful solutions and the necessity for avoiding the use of force. The central government underlined time and again the need to use notables and other locally influential figures as mediators between the two parties. The government even put pressure on Midhat Pasha to proceed to Hauran in person and supervise negotiations. Although he resisted this last request, Midhat Pasha finally sent a delegation headed by the Lebanese Druze sheikh Said Talhuq Bey, who played an important role in reconciling the two parties.The final incident that provided another opportunity to see the Ottoman policy succeed toward the Druze of Hauran took place in late January 1881 at Karak village. The Karak incident was the bloodiest of the three incidents this paper examines. The Sultan, the Porte, and the governor-general unanimously agreed that the conflict had to be solved as soon as possible by peaceful means. Moreover, Abdulhamid II and Hamdi Pasha both held the view that the conflict was not an ordinary blood feud; rather it could be the result of a foreign, probably British, instigation. Hence, Hamdi Pasha took effective measures to prevent communications of the Hauran Druzes with other Druzes in different mutasarrifliks as well as their correspondence with the British and other foreign representatives in the region. They underlined that the speed of achieving a peaceful solution was crucial to prevent any foreign intervention.&nbsp;After solemnly assuring the central government that he would not use military force and only the culprits would be brought to justice, Hamdi Pasha deployed more than the usual number of military units to Hauran and sent a special commission to resolve the conflict peacefully. He consistently tried to separate the innocent Druze from the guilty ones, and published proclamations stating that the commission will only interrogate the Druze who had taken part in the incident with the others being able to continue their usual work. He also assured the Druze sheikhs that the commission’s proceedings would be just and reconciliatory (adilane ve muslihane) and that the commission would attempt to work with them to achieve justice. In the end, the commission worked with the powerful Atrash family to reach a settlement. Moreover, Hamdi Pasha managed to gain the support of strong Arab tribes in the region against these Druze. Thus, the Ottoman position can safely be said to have been considerably strengthened as a result of the new measures the government had taken. Lastly, the findings of this article support the existing view that the Ottoman Empire preferred negotiation and reconciliation over coercion in its relations with the Arab tribes in the Bilad al-Sham region during and after the Tanzimat.

Ottoman Policy Toward the Druzes of Hauran (Syria) During the Early Years of Abdulhamid II (1878-1881)

@JOURNAL_BOX_CURRENT

@JOURNAL_BOX_EARLYVIEW

Vural

It is well known that many Iranian scholars and intellectuals traveled between Ajam and Rum towards the end of the 15th century, in order to secure wealthy and benevolent patrons. The reason for the mobility of scholars, which can be traced back to the reign of Murad the Second (1421-1451), was undoubtedly related to the changes occurred across the Islamic world. Of these changes, the conquest of Istanbul was the most important. Adding “the protector of Islam” to his extant titulatures with this conquest, Sultan Mehmed the Conqueror, proclaimed that he was the only representative of the Islamic world. The second reason was the decline of Timurid Empire after the demise of Shahrukh (d. 1447) who were the reputed patron of science and art like&nbsp;his father towards the second half of the 15th century. By exiling scholars and crafters from newly conquered lands to his capital Samarqand, Timur created a Renaissance era and bequeathed this cultural heritage to his successors. Timurid princes’ fights for the throne perpetuated in Iraq, Fars, Mazandaran, Mawara al-Nahr and Khurasan, and several handovers and plunders of Samarqand and Herat precipitated the exodus of Timurid scholars and craftsmen in order to secure wealthy patrons and safe places, after the demise of Shahrukh. This chaotic atmosphere pervaded in Iran and on the other hand Ottoman sultans’ patronage of science and art made the Ottoman lands a safe and inviting shelter for Iranian scholars and literary men. Based on the claims that they were the only representative of Islam, the Ottomans’ superiority over the Aqquyunlus who presented themselves as Timur’s licit heirs, led this competition to another phase. Reputed with his wealth, benevolence and power, Sultan Mehmed the Conqueror made his capital Istanbul a center of attraction for Iranian scholars and poets.&nbsp;His patronage of science and art had spread across Iran so much so that his palace was replete with Iranian scholars and encomiasts at the very beginning of his reign. Along with scholars and bureaucrats such as Şemseddin Fenârî, Molla Gürânî, Mevlana Şeyh Ebu İshak Tebrizî and Ali Kuşçu, encomiasts and man of letters such as Ma’âlî, Kâşifî, Hamidî, and Kabûlî presented their works to Sultan Mehmed and, made contributions to sultan’s imperial image from the viewpoint of Ajamness. It is also well known that Sultan Mehmed endeavored to take famous Iranian scholars under his patronage and, for this purpose he sends them enticing gifts.&nbsp;Benevolent and wealthy image of Sultan Mehmed the Conqueror and, his capital’s hallmark as a center for a multi-cultural junction, attracted another Ajam known as Riyâzî. He was less known among the Ajams in Sultan’s palace. Neither contemporary chroniclers nor collection of the biographies of poets mention him. Beside his Persian epistle, which he penned on the occasion of Sultan Mehmed’s conquest of Akçahisar and constitutes the subject of the present study, there are at least three copies of his Divan survived to this date. None of these primary sources provide any information concerning his migration from Ajam to Rum and his residence in Istanbul. According to his Divan, his full name was Mawlana Riyâzî-i Samarqandî. This specifies the fact that he was native of Timurids’ cultural center Samarqand. Most probably in order to escape the political chaos and seeking a new patron, he headed towards Istanbul, after the decline of the Timurid Empire in Iran and Mawara al-Nahr. In the patrimonial states of the 16th-century Islamic world, scholars and craftier were more depended on court patronage. Because of that sultans were the only resorts. When the scholars fell from the grace of their patron(s), they set on a journey seeking for welfare and patronage in another sultan’s court.&nbsp;Riyâzî’s venture was not different from the scholars and bureaucrats who lost their patronage and set out to secure a new one in 15th and 16th centuries Islamic world. Although it is not known how and when he managed, he might have come to Istanbul and secured Sultan Mehmed’s patronage prior to 1479. Beyond the Sultan Mehmed’s personal interest to attract many Iranians, this phenomenon should be supported with the role which sultan played himself. Eventually, patronizing Muslim scholars and craftsmen was an indispensable source of legitimacy for the sultan who had claims for superiority in the Islamic world.&nbsp;&nbsp;Although his contemporaries Ma’âlî and Kabûlî gave huge details on their journeys, observations on the palace and how they managed to secure Sultan’s patronage, neither in his Persian epistle presented to Sultan Mehmed nor in his Divan replete with poems of love and separation Riyâzî-i Samarqandî does not provide any information about himself and his personal experiences. In contrast to Ma’âlî, Kabûlî, and Hamidî, he has never presented a panegyric to his patron. The only information about his life in Istanbul was his disease, which he could not recuperate and finally died in 884/1479-80. Though he did not relate his observations on the palace and the Sultan, and how he behaved, accounts of other Ajam’s provide details about the perception of Ajamness in the Ottoman palace, which we can further elaborate on. Furthermore, it is well known that there was a competition of superiority between highly-educated Ajams and their rival Rumîs in Sultan Mehmed’s palace.Riyâzî-i Samarqandî penned his Persian epistle entitled with Risâle-i Tehniyet-i ‘Iyd ve Nevrûz Berây-ı Ebu’l-feth Sultan Mehmed or Tehniyet-i ‘Iyd ve Fethnâme-i Akçahisar in 1479 on the occasion of the conquest of Akçahisar in Albania and presented to the Sultan. The seal of Sultan Mehmed on the folios verifies that the epistle was accepted to the personal library of Sultan. The coincidence of Sultan Mehmed’s conquest of Akçahisar with Nawruz feast was a double occasion for Riyâzî to present himself to the Sultan. Unlike his fellows in this genre, he merely confined his epistle to create an imperial image for the Sultan with titles and titulatures, which he formulated for him. He furthermore explained the reason for giving these titles to the Sultan under each titulatures. It should also be specified that this Persian epistle penned and presented to the Sultan to proclaim Ottoman dynasty’s superiority over the other dynasties such as Aqquyunlu and Mamluk, and to show them how Ottomans were the only protectors of Islam.As a wealthy, powerful, benevolent and just sultan, Mehmed the Conqueror took many Iranian scholars, encomiasts, and craftsmen under his patronage. Thus, he commenced “Eastern Renaissance” which would last in his successor’s reign Bayezid the Second (1481-1512). Thanks to this cultural mobility, those who came from Ajam, penned and presented many epistles and panegyric to the Sultan. It should not be forgotten that Iranian shahnama-writers had major contributions for the creation of the imperial image of Sultan Mehmed, which would be imitated in Bayezid the Second’s reign as well. It can be concluded that like his Iranian contemporaries’ pieces, Riyâzî-i Samarqandî’s Persian epistle was also a contribution to create an imperial image for the Sultan from the viewpoint of an Ajam.

THE CONTRUBUTION OF AN IRANIAN LITERARY MAN TO THE IMPERIAL IMAGE OF THE MEHMED THE CONQUEROR: MAWLĀNĀ RIYĀZĪ-I SAMARQANDĪ

Arda

The efforts for founding an Israeli state in Palestine, which gained momentum with the Balfour Declaration issued in the end of World War I, constituted one of the most important problems causing instability in the Middle East during the interwar period. In this process, when Jewish immigration to Palestine increased and Arabs and Jews began to have serious conflicts in the region, Turkey did not get involved in the developments in Palestine. The conflicts became bitterer following World War II when the victorious USA began to back up the efforts for the establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine. The ambitions of Western countries and the Jews for Palestine became the prominent issue for Arab countries after World War II. Arab nationalists gathered around anti-Westernism and the Palestine issue.&nbsp;&nbsp;Unlike its passive position in the interwar period, Turkey began to take more active involvement in the Palestine issue after the war. Turkey’s increasing interest in the issue following 1945 was due to its convergence with Arab nations, rather than religious or nationalist considerations. Turkey was left alone against the Soviet Union by Western nations. With no alternative but to create stronger bonds with the states in the region against the Soviet threat, Turkey approached its Arab neighbours and realized that the Palestine issue was the first item on their agenda. When the Palestine issue was brought to UN, Turkey supported Arab nations due to its sense of solidarity with Arab nations and its concern that a Jewish state to be founded in the area might cause instability. Turkey’s support to Arab nations for the Palestine issue would come to an end with the improvements in Turkey’s relations with Western nations and the outbreak of the First Arab-Israeli War.As a result of its strategic alliance with Western nations against the Soviet Union threat, Turkey felt the need for acting in concert with its allies in the international area. Meanwhile, it became clear to Turkey during the First Arab-Israeli War that military alliance with Israel would be more beneficial than with Arabs. At this stage, the UN decided to set up a Conciliation Commission for resolution of the Palestine issue. Acting uniformly with Western nations in the Conciliation Commission and carrying out missions together with the USA and France, Turkey made it clear that it would no longer take an approach supporting Arab theses in the Palestine issue.The UN Conciliation Commission for Palestine was important in that it was the first multilateral attempt for resolution and Turkey’s first critical alliance with Western nations following World War II. Turkey was included in the conciliation commission with the USA and France due to its support for Arab countries in the conflict, but it did not maintain its support in the works of the commission. Commission membership increased Turkey’s diplomatic contact with Israel, and as a result&nbsp;of these interactions Turkey’s concerns over Israel disappeared and led Turkey to become the first Muslim country to recognize Israel.&nbsp;The Conciliation Commission was set up with great expectations and strong international support. At the time the Commission made serious efforts for resolution of the problem, the disagreement between the two parties was new and so there were suitable grounds for resolution. However, the biggest disadvantage of the Commission was its Western identity which caused lack of trust with Arab nations. France, a member of the Commission that aimed to provide suitable conditions for lasting peace following the First Arab-Israeli War, was known for its colonial past among Arab nations. Turkey’s membership was also met with mistrust due to memories from the Ottoman Empire period and the Hatay issue, which was seen as a conspiracy set against Arab countries by Turkey and Western nations. The USA was the only nation with no colonial past from the point of view of Arab nations. However, the USA’s strong support for the founding of a Jewish state in Palestine following World War II was known by the Arab public. For these reasons, the Commission’s neutrality was questioned by Arab nations.&nbsp;Between the Commission’s most active years of 1949 and 1952, Arab nations were devoid of strong governments that could sign a peace treaty with Israel, as they were struggling with political and military depression caused by the First Arab-Israeli War. Israel, on the other hand, had seen the weaknesses of Arab troops during the War, and aimed to extend and strengthen its boundaries through further conflicts rather than make peace with Arab nations. The works of the Conciliation Commission failed as they were trying to reconcile those with no power for making peace and those with no intention of doing so. After the Paris Conference of 1951, the Commission acknowledged that it would be unable to reach its aim of ensuring a peace accord, and decided to focus on the resolution of the problems of Arab refugees. However, it failed to gain effective results in its smaller targets because the parties of the Arab-Israeli conflict adopted more uncompromising attitudes as the Cold War began to influence the Palestine issue. During the course of the work of the Commission after 1952, the relations between some of the Arab nations that were expected to be made better through the joint efforts of the members, namely Turkey, the USA, and France, became even worse. With Arab nations being supported by the Soviet Union, and Israel by the USA in the international area, the parties of the conflict began to manifest their uncompromising attitudes more comfortably, which put the Conciliation Commission in a situation where it could no longer function.&nbsp;The Conciliation Commission was an unsuccessful experience on the part of Turkey. Turkish foreign policy pursued until the 1960s did more harm than good on&nbsp;the works of the Conciliation Commission. During the 1950s, Turkey formed closer economic and political relationships with Israel, while its relations with important Arab nations such as Egypt and Syria deteriorated. Such direct conflicts between Western and Arab nations as the Suez Crisis did not only worsen the relations between Western and Arab nations in the Conciliation Commission, but also caused Turkey to lose its role of mediator. With Cold War and the Soviet Union becoming more influential over Middle East, Turkey’s policies on Arab nations, especially Egypt and Syria, became stricter. When Turkey and Syria were on the brink of war in 1957, the two nations had no chance of cooperation and resolution under the Conciliation Commission. Egypt and Syria also sharpened their irreconcilable attitudes against Turkey both in terms of regional policies and of international relations with the support they received from the Soviet Union. Because Egypt perceived a Muslim state’s contribution to the resolution of the Palestine issue as interference in the internal affairs of Arab nations at a time when it saw itself as the protector of Arab nations, it did not support Turkey’s efforts for conciliation. The Conciliation Commission for Palestine was imbedded in history as another UN initiative that failed to provide solutions to international relations under the existing structure of the UN.

PALESTINE CONCILIATION COMMISSION AND TURKEY

@JOURNAL_BOX_FEATURED

Gökhan

Known as the Neo-Babylonian Chronicles, the cuneiform texts were compiled (copied) by Babylonian scribes and mostly concern the historical events of both the recent and distant past. Recorded concisely and chronologically, they detail events starting from the Babylonian king Nabunassar era in 747-734 BC and continue to the period just after the capture of Babylonia by the Persians in 539 BC. In this study, the records concerning the illnesses and disabilities of the Mesopotamian and Elamite kings in these chronicles will be discussed. We will attempt to determine the historical importance of these medical problems of the kings with regards to the medical history of Mesopotamia. Some assessments will be made concerning the relations between these records and the political, religious, and traditional aspects of Babylonian historiography. Additionally, other pieces of information in other chronicles such as Esarhaddon, Weidner, and Chronicle of Early Kings will be referred to when needed. Although numerous Babylonian and Assyrian kings are mentioned concerning political events in the Neo-Babylonian Chronicles, the only king whose illness is mentioned is the Neo-Assyrian king Esarhaddon (681- 669 BC). The king fell ill during one of his campaigns and subsequently died. There is not much detailed information about the king’s illness in the relevant chronicles. Similarly, the chronicles do not mention the illnesses of the Babylonian kings in much detail. While the Neo-Babylonian king Nabunassar (747-734 BC) died after becoming sick in his palace, another Babylonian king Nabonidus (555-539 BC) was also ill but recovered. In brief, it is observed that the medical backgrounds of some of the numerous Babylonian and Assyrian kings are mentioned in the Neo-Babylonian Chronicles and that these references are only superficial. However, it is very clear that the illnesses and disabilities of the Neo-Elamite kings, who reigned during the 1st millennium BC, are mentioned in more detail by the chronicle scribes. What is the reason behind the fact that no detailed information is given about the illnesses of the Assyrian and Babylonian kings, while the health situations and deaths of their contemporary Neo-Elamite kings include more details? There might be more than one answer to this question. One answer might be that the scribes could not find sufficient information in the ancient sources about these issues while compiling the chronicles. In addition, statements indicating that the demise of the kings did not result from an illness and particularly that some of them “died in the palaces” are either proof of&nbsp;the fact that there is not sufficient information about the cause of death of these kings or it is possible that these individuals were accepted as “well-remembered figures” in Babylonian history. However, another answer (and one which is the main focus of the study) should be sought in the relation between the medical knowledge and tradition of Babylonian historiography, in which political and religious ideologies are dominant. It is possible to find pieces of information about the health problems of kings such as Esarhaddon and Nabonidus in other cuneiform sources such as the royal inscriptions and correspondence. However, only in the chronicles is it possible to encounter details about the illnesses of the Elamite kings. The records of the death of two Neo-Elamite kings following a stroke and/or paralysis can be considered as an example of the reflection of a pro-Babylonian attitude towards historiography. It is certain that the scribe or scribes, who mentioned these pieces of information, are eager to leave no stone unturned about information and the details concerning the disabilities or deaths of the Elamite kings. It should be considered that a conscious preference in deciding which pieces of information to be recorded might be related to the world views of the scribes, the relevance of the kings, the form of the illnesses to be mentioned, divine background, and the political/ideological aspects of historiographical tradition. Similarly, this relation is conspicuous in the health problems of the Sargon of Akkad and Isin king Erra-imitti written in the records of the Chronicles of the Early Kings and Weidner as well.It is possible that some of the details concerning the illnesses of the kings might contain fabrications, exaggerations, or personal comments. However, even if these details are supported by information from other cuneiform sources or even if it is medically possible, it doesn’t change the possible views asserted in the study about the intentions behind adding them to the chronicles. Sometimes concise and sometimes relatively longer, the information provided by the chronicle writers about the illnesses of the Assyrian, Babylonian, and Elamite kings, and even about the Isin king Erra-imitti contribute to our knowledge about the medical history of ancient Mesopotamia. Independent from the individuals, since these medical cases (such as stroke, paralysis, fever, insomnia, and respiratory problems) are common in royal correspondence and literary texts and particularly in medical texts, they have no particular privilege. However, these medical details in the chronicles are important with regards to Babylonian historiography. It is observed in the chronicles that only the health problems of the kings are detailed with interest. However, some kings like the Neo-Babylonian King Nabonidus (who recovered after the illness), or kings who died without getting sick, are also discussed. Particularly in the latter case, it was also relevant that some of the scribes did not have knowledge about the causes of deaths of the kings. Additionally, it was recorded that some of the kings (like the Babylonian king Nabunassar) died in the palaces, even without getting sick. The Babylonian scribes were probably informed about the details of the illness of the Neo-Assyrian king Esarhaddon; however, they did not mention it. In fact, Esarhaddon was a Neo-Assyrian king, who was trying to revive the city of Babylonia and return it to its old magnificent days after his father, Sennacherib, wrathfully devastated the city. It can be considered that these kings were not remembered with ill feelings by later generations. However, this interpretation can involve problems, since it is a result of an overall general view about the whole life of the individual. It is also possible that they were punished with illnesses resulting in death by the gods due to their misconduct in any period of their kingdom or in any issue that might annoy (!) the gods.Therefore, all of these examples have great importance since they reflect the dominant understanding concerning the ancient Mesopotamian historiography: a religious belief that the illness is a divine punishment arising from the faults of an individual. The common trait of almost all of the kings, about whom the chronicles give detailed information concerning their illnesses, is that they were all remembered negatively with regards to the history of Babylonia. It is possible that there was an attempt to create a perception that the patron deity of the city of Babylon Marduk (Bel) punished these kings who were in the wrong. Illnesses and deaths related with these situations were remarkable events since they demonstrated the proof of the relation between the crime and the punishment. Thus, the motives behind the intention to abstain from recording the known or fabricated medical causes of deaths of some kings should not be examined, to a large extent, in the epistemological concerns. These motives should be investigated in the relations between historiography and its political, religious, and traditional aspects. For example, mentioning the insomnia problems of Sargon of Akkad doesn’t have a medical or historical importance in itself. This record reaches significance when there is an attempt to establish relations between the current ideologies and compilation of literary narratives, whose “reality is suspicious”, that are dated to the 1st millennium BC. It might also be mentioned that, sometimes while narrating, the role and influence of these relations are behind the inclusion of the themes and contents, which are thought to arouse curiosity and interest, with a high potential of speculation.

IDEOLOGICAL READINGS THROUGH THE MEDICAL RECORDS: ILLNESSES IN THE NEO-BABYLONIAN CHRONICLES AND BABYLONIAN HISTORIOGRAPHY

Ebru

The Last Penetration of The Crusader Armies into the Seljuḳ Territory of Anatolia: Emperor Friedrich Barbarossa’s Crusade (1089-1190)In the 12th century, Anatolia witnessed the great struggles between the Crusaders and the Turks, and the Crusaders penetrated into Seljuḳ territory for the last time during the Third Crusade (1189–1192). By conquering Jerusalem in 1187, the Egyptian-Syrian ruler, Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn, put an end to the Crusaders’ domination in Jerusalem, which lasted 88 years. It was at this point that German Emperor Friedrich Barbarossa, who had accompanied his uncle Conrad III, King of Germany during the Second Crusade, once again agreed to participate in the Crusade—this time as a 70-year-old ruler. He formed an immense army with the goal of capturing Jerusalem from Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn. While the English and French kings traveled by sea to the Holy Land with their forces, Friedrich tried to reach the East through Anatolia. This paper discusses the march of the German Crusaders under the command of Friedrich Barbarossa in Anatolia, and the Seljuk-Crusader relations in this period.&nbsp;Emperor Friedrich, who started to prepare for the expedition after accepting the cross, sent ambassadors to Hungarian King Bela III, Byzantine Emperor Isaakios Angelos II, and Seljuk Sultan Ḳilidj Arslan II to ask for permission to pass through their countries. In response, Emperor Isaakios said that the Crusaders would be allowed to enter the territory of the empire if they promised not to take any action against the Byzantine State. When this stipulation was accepted by Friedrich, the Byzantine emperor agreed to provide guidance and suitable markets to the Crusaders during the transition from Anatolia. After that, Emperor Isaakios took the necessary measures in accordance with the agreement reached; however, Barbarossa’s contact with the enemies of Byzantine Serbs and Seljuks increased Isaakios’s concerns. Faced with such danger, Isaakios found it appropriate to contact Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn for the interest of his country. According to Ibn al-Asir, when Isaakios learned of the German emperor’s movement, he sent an envoy to Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn and promised that he would prevent Friedrich from passing through the Byzantine land.After the year-long preparations, Friedrich finally moved from Regensburg to the East in May 1189. His enormously large and well- organized army seemed almost invincible. Barbarossa passed Hungary, where he was welcomed by King Bela, and by crossing the Danube near Belgrade, he entered the Byzantine territory in 1189. The Crusader army was said to have 50,000 horsemen and 100,000 infantrymen. Meanwhile, the Serbs and Bulgarians’ attempt to form an alliance with the German emperor destressed the Byzantines.Because of the events in the Balkans, the relations between the two sides became so bad that Friedrich even contemplated attacking Istanbul. Eventually, Friedrich, who intended to arrive in Palestine after spending the winter months in Adrianople, went to Gallipoli in March 1190, and by crossing through the Dardanelles into Anatolia, he entered the path that Alexander the Great had followed about 15 centuries prior. After crossing the Granikos Stream and the Angelokomites River, the Crusaders followed a Byzantine military road between Miletopolis and today’s Balikesir (Akhyraous), and they moved southward through Balikesir-Ala Shehir before heading toward Seljuḳ territory after the Byzantine border town of Laodiceia (Denizli). The German emperor thought that he would easily pass from Anatolia, in accordance with the old friendship and the agreements between Ḳilidj Arslan II and him. In the last two years, he sent ambassadors to the sultan several times, and he stated that his intention was to go to Jerusalem. When the German army was in Adrianople, Sultan Ḳilidj Arslan and his son Malik Shah’s envoys had gone to Friedrich and promised to help him. Meanwhile, the Anatolian Seljuk State had lost its political unity. Sultan Ḳilidj Arslan did not actually have power. The feuds for the throne had begun among the Maliks soon after he allocated the country between his 11 sons in 1187. Because of these circumstances, the Turks were not in a position to openly fight against this enormous army, but they also did not want to let them pass through Anatolia. As a result, they followed the German Crusader army and harassed them. In the meantime, the Turkmens, who acted on their own at the borders, also pursued the Crusaders along the road from Denizli. The Turkmens initially retreated to the mountains and grazed large herds of animals (around 5,000) along the Germans’ way and therefore condemned the horses of the Crusaders to starvation. Then they suddenly attacked the Crusaders, who were devastated by fatigue and starvation. As&nbsp;a result of these attacks in the mountains and passages in the Uluborlu region, the Germans suffered great losses. While the attacks of the Turkmens continued along the way, the Germans were forced to carry out a series of fierce battles (from April 28 to May 18). The Turks also continued their activities around the Crusader camp at nights, shouting and shooting arrows until the morning, causing the Germans sleepless and troubled nights. In the meantime, under the rain of arrows that pierced the tents, the Crusaders were sometimes killed while they were asleep. For this reason, most of the Crusaders were unable to remove their armor at night for weeks. This situation created an exasperating impact on them. Also, the water resources along the way of the Crusader army were rendered unusable, all kinds of foodstuffs were destroyed, cities were evacuated, and the people hid in the forests and mountains.As a result of the war tactics applied by the Turks, the German army, which was miserable because of both the lack of food and water and the constant Turkish attacks, suffered heavy losses. They set Aḳshehir on fire and marched toward Iconium (Konya). After a fierce battle, Emperor Friedrich finally managed to enter Iconium by force on May 18th. However, after leaving Iconium, Friedrich drowned while crossing the Saleph River (Silifke /Salūḳiya). As a result of this, the German army disbanded (June 10, 1190), and only a small part of the army, led by his son Friedrich VI of Swabia, reached Acre.

THE LAST PENETRATION OF THE CRUSADER ARMIES INTO THE SELJUḲ TERRITORY OF ANATOLIA: EMPEROR FRIEDRICH BARBAROSSA’S CRUSADE (1089-1190)

@JOURNAL_BOX_MOSTREAD

Turkish Journal of History (Turk J Hist) is an international, scientific, open access periodical published in accordance with independent, unbiased, and double-blinded peer-review principles. This is a scholarly, international, peer-reviewed and open-access journal published three times a year in February, June and October.
The publication languages of the journal are Turkish and English. Turkish Journal of History (Turk J Hist) aims to contribute to the literature by publishing manuscripts at the highest scientific level on all fields of history. The journal publishes original articles and translations.
Turkish Journal of History (Turk J Hist) aims to contribute to the literature by publishing manuscripts at the highest scientific level on all fields of history.
Turkish Journal of History (Turk J Hist) publishes research articles and translations on national, regional and world history. The journal also includes book reviews and critiques.

Notes for Authors
1- The journal does not include the works of authors who do not belong to any university in the academic field and students who continue their graduate education.
2-  Two years following the publication of an author's first article in the journal, that author's second piece is published.
3- Studies of the "Book Review" type are not included in the journal.

Gültekin

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Turkish Journal of History

Tarih Dergisi (Turk J Hist), İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi’nin çift-kör hakemli açık erişimli bilimsel yayın organıdır. Dergi Şubat, Haziran ve Ekim aylarında olmak üzere, yılda üç sayı olarak yayınlanır. Yayın dili Türkçe ve İngilizce’dir.
Tarih Dergisi (Turk J Hist); ulusal, bölgesel tarih ve dünya tarihiyle ilgili her konuyu kapsayan araştırma makalesi ve çeviri makaleler yayınlamaktadır. Dergide aynı zamanda eleştiri ve değerlendirme yazılarına da yer verilmektedir.
Tarih Dergisi (Turk J Hist); ulusal, bölgesel tarih ve dünya tarihiyle ilgili her konuyu kapsayan nitelikli makaleler yayınlayarak, literatüre katkıda bulunmayı amaçlar. 
Tarih Dergisi (Turk J Hist); ulusal, bölgesel tarih ve dünya tarihiyle ilgili araştırma makalesi ve çeviri makaleler yayınlamaktadır. Dergide aynı zamanda eleştiri ve değerlendirme yazılarına da yer verilmektedir.

Yazarlara Notlar
1- Akademik alanda herhangi bir üniversiteye mensubiyeti olmayan yazarların ve lisansüstü eğitimi devam eden öğrencilerin çalışmalarına dergide yer verilmemektedir.
2- Dergide yazısı yayınlanan bir yazarın iki seneden önce başka bir makalesine yer verilmemektedir.
3- Dergide "Kitap Değerlendirmesi" türündeki çalışmalara yer verilmemektedir.

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Editor in Chief

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Ethics Editor

Editorial Relations Manager

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Editorial Board Member

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Tarih Dergisi (Turk J Hist); ulusal, bölgesel tarih ve dünya tarihiyle ilgili her konuyu kapsayan nitelikli makaleler yayınlayarak, literatüre katkıda bulunmayı amaçlar. Tarih Dergisi (Turk J Hist); ulusal, bölgesel tarih ve dünya tarihiyle ilgili araştırma makalesi ve çeviri makaleler yayınlamaktadır. Dergide aynı zamanda eleştiri ve değerlendirme yazılarına da yer verilmektedir.

Amaç Kapsam

SCOPUSWeb of Science Emerging Sources Citation Index (ESCI)TÜBİTAK ULAKBİM TR Dizin  EBSCO Historical AbstractsEBSCO Historical Abstracts with Full TextDOAJERIH PLUSSOBİAD

Dizinler

Dergi yayın etiğinde en yüksek standartlara bağlıdır ve <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a> ve <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> tarafından yayınlanan etik yayıncılık ilkelerini benimser; Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing başlığı altında ifade edilen ilkeler için: <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a> Gönderilen makaleler derginin amaç ve kapsamına uygun olmalıdır. Orijinal, yayınlanmamış ve başka bir dergide değerlendirme sürecinde olmayan, her bir yazar tarafından içeriği ve gönderimi onaylanmış yazılar değerlendirmeye kabul edilir. Makale yayınlanmak üzere Dergiye gönderildikten sonra yazarlardan hiçbirinin ismi, tüm yazarların yazılı izni olmadan yazar listesinden silinemez ve yeni bir isim yazar olarak eklenemez ve yazar sırası değiştirilemez.İntihal, duplikasyon, sahte yazarlık/inkar edilen yazarlık, araştrma/veri fabrikasyonu, makale dilimleme, dilimleyerek yayın, telif hakları ihlali ve çıkar çatışmasının gizlenmesi, etik dışı davranışlar olarak kabul edilir. Kabul edilen etik standartlara uygun olmayan tüm makaleler yayından çıkarılır. Buna yayından sonra tespit edilen olası kuraldışı, uygunsuzluklar içeren makaleler de dahildir.İntihal Ön kontrolden geçirilen makaleler, iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal/kendi kendine intihal tespit edilirse yazarlar bilgilendirilir. Editörler, gerekli olması halinde makaleyi değerlendirme ya da üretim sürecinin çeşitli aşamalarında intihal kontrolüne tabi tutabilirler. Yüksek benzerlik oranları, bir makalenin kabul edilmeden önce ve hatta kabul edildikten sonra reddedilmesine neden olabilir. Makalenin türüne bağlı olarak, bunun oranın %15 veya %20'den az olması beklenir.Çift Kör Hakemlikİntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir. Editör, makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakemlikten geçmesini sağlar ve makale biçimsel esaslara uygun ise, gelen yazıyı yurtiçinden ve /veya yurtdışından en az iki hakemin değerlendirmesine sunar, hakemler gerek gördüğü takdirde yazıda istenen değişiklikler yazarlar tarafından yapıldıktan sonra yayınlanmasına onay verir. *Akademik alanda herhangi bir üniversiteye mensubiyeti olmayan yazarların ve lisansüstü eğitimi devam eden öğrencilerin çalışmalarına dergide yer verilmemektedir. *Dergide yazısı yayınlanan bir yazarın iki seneden önce başka bir makalesine yer verilmemektedir.

Politikalar

Dergi açık erişimlidir ve derginin tüm içeriği okura ya da okurun dahil olduğu kuruma ücretsiz olarak sunulur. Okurlar, ticari amaç haricinde, yayıncı ya da yazardan izin almadan dergi makalelerinin tam metnini okuyabilir, indirebilir, kopyalayabilir, arayabilir ve link sağlayabilir. Bu <a href="https://www.budapestopenaccessinitiative.org/translations/turkish-translation" target="_blank">BOAI</a> açık erişim tanımıyla uyumludur. Derginin açık erişimli makaleleri Creative Commons Atıf-GayrıTicari 4.0 Uluslararası (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.tr" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) olarak lisanslıdır.

Derginin tüm giderleri İstanbul Üniversitesi tarafından karşılanmaktadır. Dergide makale yayını ve makale süreçlerinin yürütülmesi ücrete tabi değildir. Dergiye gönderilen ya da yayın için kabul edilen makaleler için işlemleme ücreti ya da gönderim ücreti alınmaz.

Yazarlar dergide yayınlanan çalışmalarının telif hakkına sahiptirler ve çalışmaları  Creative Commons Atıf-GayrıTicari 4.0 Uluslararası (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.tr" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) olarak lisanslıdır. CC BY-NC 4.0 lisansı, eserin ticari kullanım dışında her boyut ve formatta paylaşılmasına, kopyalanmasına, çoğaltılmasına ve orijinal esere uygun şekilde atıfta bulunmak kaydıyla yeniden düzenleme, dönüştürme ve eserin üzerine inşa etme dâhil adapte edilmesine izin verir.

Editörler, yayınlanan makalede, bulguları, yorumları ve sonuçları etkilemeyen küçük hatalar tespit edilirse düzeltme yayınlamayı düşünebilirler. Editörler, bulguları ve sonuçları geçersiz kılan büyük hatalar / ihlaller söz konusu olduğunda, makaleyi geri çekmeyi düşünmelidir. Yazarlar tarafından araştırma veya yayını kötüye kullanmaya yönelik olasılık söz konusu ise; bulguların güvenilir olmadığına ve yazarların kurumlarının olayı soruşturmadığına dair kanıtlar var veya olası soruşturma haksız veya sonuçsuz görünüyor ise, editörler endişe ifadesi yayınlamayı düşünmelidir. Düzeltme, geri çekme veya endişe ifadesi ile ilgili olarak <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/flowcharts/complete-set-english" target="_blank">COPE</a> ve <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/" target="_blank">ICJME</a> yönergeleri dikkate alınır.

Dergide yayınlanan tüm yazıların korunmasını ve kalıcı olarak erişilebilir olmasını sağlamak için makaleler, ulusal bir arşiv sitesi olarak hizmet veren ve aynı zamanda LOCKSS'in içeriği toplamasına, korumasına ve sunmasına izin veren Dergipark'ta saklanmaktadır.Ek olarak, yazarların kendilerinin makalelerinin son PDF sürümünü Open Archives Initiative (<a href="https://www.openarchives.org/" target="_blank">https://www.openarchives.org/</a>) standartlarına uygun açık elektronik arşivlerde arşivlemeleri önerilir. Yazarlar, yayınladıkları arşiv versiyonundan, İ.Ü. Yayınevinin dergi web sitesinin URL'sine bağlantı sağlamalıdır.

Tarih Dergisi (Türk J Hist), yayın etiğinde en yüksek standartlara bağlıdır ve <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a> ve <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> tarafından yayınlanan etik yayıncılık ilkelerini benimser; Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing başlığı altında ifade edilen ilkeler için: <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a> Gönderilen tüm makaleler orijinal, yayınlanmamış ve başka bir dergide değerlendirme sürecinde olmamalıdır. Her bir makale editörlerden biri ve en az iki hakem tarafından çift kör değerlendirmeden geçirilir. İntihal, duplikasyon, sahte yazarlık/inkar edilen yazarlık, araştrma/veri fabrikasyonu, makale dilimleme, dilimleyerek yayın, telif hakları ihlali ve çıkar çatışmasının gizlenmesi, etik dışı davranışlar olarak kabul edilir.Kabul edilen etik standartlara uygun olmayan tüm makaleler yayından çıkarılır. Buna yayından sonra tespit edilen olası kuraldışı, uygunsuzluklar içeren makaleler de dahildir.

Etik

Tarih Dergisi araştırma etiğinde en yüksek standartları gözetir ve aşağıda tanımlanan uluslararası araştırma etiği ilkelerini benimser. Makalelerin etik kurallara uygunluğu yazarların sorumluluğundadır.<ul><li>Araştırmanın tasarlanması, tasarımın gözden geçirilmesi ve araştırmanın yürütülmesinde, bütünlük, kalite ve şeffaflık ilkeleri sağlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma ekibi ve katılımcılar, araştırmanın amacı, yöntemleri ve öngörülen olası kullanımları; araştırmaya katılımın gerektirdikleri ve varsa riskleri hakkında tam olarak bilgilendirilmelidir.</li><li>Araştırma katılımcılarının sağladığı bilgilerin gizliliği ve yanıt verenlerin gizliliği sağlanmalıdır. Araştırma katılımcıların özerkliğini ve saygınlığını koruyacak şekilde tasarlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma katılımcıları gönüllü olarak araştırmada yer almalı, herhangi bir zorlama altında olmamalıdırlar.</li><li>Katılımcıların zarar görmesinden kaçınılmalıdır. Araştırma, katılımcıları riske sokmayacak şekilde planlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma bağımsızlığıyla ilgili açık ve net olunmalı; çıkar çatışması varsa belirtilmelidir.</li><li>Deneysel çalışmalarda, araştırmaya katılmaya karar veren katılımcıların yazılı bilgilendirilmiş onayı alınmalıdır. Çocukların ve vesayet altındakilerin veya tasdiklenmiş akıl hastalığı bulunanların yasal vasisinin onayı alınmalıdır.</li><li>Çalışma herhangi bir kurum ya da kuruluşta gerçekleştirilecekse bu kurum ya da kuruluştan çalışma yapılacağına dair onay alınmalıdır.</li><li>İnsan öğesi bulunan çalışmalarda, “yöntem” bölümünde katılımcılardan “bilgilendirilmiş onam” alındığının ve çalışmanın yapıldığı kurumdan etik kurul onayı alındığı belirtilmesi gerekir.</li></ul>

Makalelerin bilimsel ve etik kurallara uygunluğu yazarların sorumluluğundadır. Yazar makalenin orijinal olduğu, daha önce başka bir yerde yayınlanmadığı ve başka bir yerde, başka bir dilde yayınlanmak üzere değerlendirmede olmadığı konusunda teminat sağlamalıdır. Uygulamadaki telif kanunları ve anlaşmaları gözetilmelidir. Telife bağlı materyaller (örneğin tablolar, şekiller veya büyük alıntılar) gerekli izin ve teşekkürle kullanılmalıdır. Başka yazarların, katkıda bulunanların çalışmaları ya da yararlanılan kaynaklar uygun biçimde kullanılmalı ve referanslarda belirtilmelidir.Gönderilen makalede tüm yazarların akademik ve bilimsel olarak doğrudan katkısı olmalıdır, bu bağlamda “yazar” yayınlanan bir araştırmanın kavramsallaştırılmasına ve dizaynına, verilerin elde edilmesine, analizine ya da yorumlanmasına belirgin katkı yapan, yazının yazılması ya da bunun içerik açısından eleştirel biçimde gözden geçirilmesinde görev yapan birisi olarak görülür. Yazar olabilmenin diğer koşulları ise, makaledeki çalışmayı planlamak veya icra etmek ve / veya revize etmektir. Fon sağlanması, veri toplanması ya da araştırma grubunun genel süpervizyonu tek başına yazarlık hakkı kazandırmaz. Yazar olarak gösterilen tüm bireyler sayılan tüm ölçütleri karşılamalıdır ve yukarıdaki ölçütleri karşılayan her birey yazar olarak gösterilebilir. Yazarların isim sıralaması ortak verilen bir karar olmalıdır. Tüm yazarlar yazar sıralamasını <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/BCBF605901234F42B7485526E85D55E1" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formunda</a> imzalı olarak belirtmek zorundadırlar.Yazarlık için yeterli ölçütleri karşılamayan ancak çalışmaya katkısı olan tüm bireyler “teşekkür / bilgiler” kısmında sıralanmalıdır. Bunlara örnek olarak ise sadece teknik destek sağlayan, yazıma yardımcı olan ya da sadece genel bir destek sağlayan, finansal ve materyal desteği sunan kişiler verilebilir.Bütün yazarlar, araştırmanın sonuçlarını ya da bilimsel değerlendirmeyi etkileyebilme potansiyeli olan finansal ilişkiler, çıkar çatışması ve çıkar rekabetini beyan etmelidirler. Bir yazar kendi yayınlanmış yazısında belirgin bir hata ya da yanlışlık tespit ederse, bu yanlışlıklara ilişkin düzeltme ya da geri çekme için editör ile hemen temasa geçme ve işbirliği yapma sorumluluğunu taşır.

Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden,  uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirir. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar. Gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalacağını garanti eder. Baş editör içerik ve yayının toplam kalitesinden sorumludur. Gereğinde hata sayfası yayınlamalı ya da düzeltme yapmalıdır.Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemlerin araştırmayla ilgili, yazarlarla ve/veya araştırmanın finansal destekçileriyle çıkar çatışmaları olmamalıdır. Değerlendirmelerinin sonucunda tarafsız bir yargıya varmalıdırlar. Gönderilmiş yazılara ilişkin tüm bilginin gizli tutulmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar. Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir. Bazı durumlarda editörün kararıyla, ilgili hakemlerin makaleye ait yorumları aynı makaleyi yorumlayan diğer hakemlere gönderilerek hakemlerin bu süreçte aydınlatılması sağlanabilir.

Daha önce yayınlanmamış ya da yayınlanmak üzere başka bir dergide halen değerlendirmede olmayan ve her bir yazar tarafından onaylanan makaleler değerlendirilmek üzere kabul edilir. Gönderilen ve ön kontrolü geçen makaleler iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir.Seçilen makaleler en az iki ulusal/uluslararası hakeme çift taraflı kör hakemlik ile değerlendirmeye gönderilir; yayın kararı, hakemlerin talepleri doğrultusunda yazarların gerçekleştirdiği düzenlemelerin ve hakem sürecinin sonrasında baş editör tarafından verilir.

Hakemlik Hakkında

Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirirler. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar. Gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalacağını garanti eder. Baş editör içerik ve yayının toplam kalitesinden sorumludur. Gereğinde hata sayfası yayınlamalı ya da düzeltme yapmalıdır. Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemler, araştırma, yazarlar ve/veya araştırmaya fon sağlayanlarla çıkar çatışması içinde olmamalıdır. Hakemler değerlendirmelerinin sonucunda tarafsız bir yargıya varmalıdırlar. Gönderilmiş yazılara ilişkin tüm bilginin gizli tutulmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar. Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir. Bazı durumlarda editörün kararıyla, ilgili hakemlerin makaleye ait yorumları aynı makaleyi yorumlayan diğer hakemlere gönderilerek hakemlerin bu süreçte aydınlatılması sağlanabilir.

Daha önce yayınlanmamış ya da yayınlanmak üzere başka bir dergide halen değerlendirmede olmayan ve her bir yazar tarafından onaylanan makaleler değerlendirilmek üzere kabul edilir. Gönderilen ve ön kontrolü geçen makaleler iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir.Baş Editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirir. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar.Seçilen makaleler en az iki ulusal/uluslararası hakeme değerlendirmeye gönderilir; yayın kararı, hakemlerin talepleri doğrultusunda yazarların gerçekleştirdiği düzenlemelerin ve hakem sürecinin sonrasında baş editör tarafından verilir.Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemlerin değerlendirmeleri objektif olmalıdır. Hakem süreci sırasında hakemlerin aşağıdaki hususları dikkate alarak değerlendirmelerini yapmaları beklenir.-Makale yeni ve önemli bir bilgi içeriyor mu?-Öz, makalenin içeriğini net ve düzgün bir şekilde tanımlıyor mu?-Yöntem bütünlüklü ve anlaşılır şekilde tanımlanmış mı?-Yapılan yorum ve varılan sonuçlar bulgularla kanıtlanıyor mu?-Alandaki diğer çalışmalara yeterli referans verilmiş mi?-Dil kalitesi yeterli mi?Hakemler, gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar. Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir.

Dil Dergide Türkçe ve İngilizce makaleler yayınlanır. Gönderilen makalelerde makale dilinde öz, İngilizce öz olmalıdır. Yazıların Hazırlanması ve Gönderimi Makaleler sadece <a href="https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/iutarih" target="_blank">https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/iutarih</a> adresinde yer alan derginin online makale yükleme ve değerlendirme sistemi üzerinden gönderilebilir. Diğer mecralardan gönderilen makaleler değerlendirilmeye alınmayacaktır. Gönderilen makalelerin dergi yazım kurallarına uygunluğu ilk olarak Editoryal Ofis tarafından kontrol edilecek, dergi yazım kurallarına uygun hazırlanmamış makaleler teknik düzeltme talepleri ile birlikte yazarlarına geri gönderilecektir. Yazarların; <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/BCBF605901234F42B7485526E85D55E1" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu’nu</a> ilk gönderim sırasında online makale sistemine yüklemeleri gerekmektedir. Tarih Dergisi’ne gönderilen tüm yazılar, A4 boyutunda MS Word uyumlu programda Times New Roman yazı karakterinde 11 punto olarak yazılmalıdır.Türkçe hazırlanan makalelerde TDK yazım kılavuzu esas alınır. <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/F358B490D3384A8383B44DD531C9EF9B" target="_blank">Kapak sayfası</a>: Gönderilen tüm makalelerle birlikte ayrı bir kapak sayfası da gönderilmelidir. Bu sayfa; • Makalenin başlığını ve 50 karakteri geçmeyen kısa başlığını, • Yazarların isimlerini, kurumlarını ve eğitim derecelerini, • Yazarların ORCID numaralarını • Finansal destek bilgisi ve diğer destek kaynakları hakkında detaylı bilgiyi, • Sorumlu yazarın ismi, adresi, telefonu (cep telefonu dahil), faks numarası ve e-posta adresini, • Makale hazırlama sürecine katkıda bulunan ama yazarlık kriterlerini karşılamayan bireylerle ilgili bilgileri • Makale daha önceden bir bilimsel toplantıda sunulduysa, ilgili bilimsel toplantının detaylı bilgilerini içermelidir. Özet: Özgün araştırma makalelerinde 80-100 kelime Türkçe ve İngilizce özet bulunmalıdır. Özet bölümü alt başlık içermeyecek şekilde hazırlanmalıdır.İngilizce genişletilmiş özet: Türkçe yazılan makalelerin uluslararası platformda görünürlüğü ve atıf oranını arttırmak amacıyla, yalnızca araştırma makaleleri için 1.000 kelimelik İngilizce geniş özet hazırlanıp sisteme yüklenmelidir. İngilizce geniş özet makalenin hipotezini, çıkarımlarını ve yorumların kapsamlı bir biçimde özetleyecek şekilde hazırlanmalıdır. Anahtar Sözcükler: Araştırma makaleleri en az 3 en fazla 6 anahtar kelimeyle birlikte gönderilmelidir. Anahtar kelimeler İngilizce ve Türkçe olarak hazırlanıp ilgili özetin altına yazılmalıdır. Makale Türleri Araştırma Makalesi: Ana metin, araştırmanın konusuna uygun şekilde alt başlıklara ayrılmalıdır. Alt başlıklar konusunda yazarlar serbest bırakılmışlardır. Çeviri: Çeviri türündeki yazılarda, orijinal makalenin yazarından alınan izin ile orijinal makalenin bir kopyası ve asıl metnin tam bibliyografik künye bilgilerini içeren dosyalar da online makale sistemine yüklenmelidir. Tablolar Tablolar ana dosyaya eklenmeli, kaynak listesi sonrasında sunulmalı, ana metin içerisindeki geçiş sıralarına uygun olarak numaralandırılmadır. Tabloların üzerinde tanımlayıcı bir başlık yer almalı ve tablo içerisinde geçen kısaltmaların açılımları tablo altına tanımlanmalıdır. Tablolar Microsoft Office Word dosyası içinde “Tablo Ekle” komutu kullanılarak hazırlanmalı ve kolay okunabilir şekilde düzenlenmelidir. Tablolarda sunulan veriler ana metinde sunulan verilerin tekrarı olmamalı; ana metindeki verileri destekleyici nitelikte olmalılar Resim ve Resim Altyazıları Resimler, grafikler ve fotoğraflar (TIFF ya da JPEG formatında) ayrı dosyalar halinde sisteme yüklenmelidir. Görseller bir Word dosyası dokümanı ya da ana doküman içerisinde sunulmamalıdır. Alt birimlere ayrılan görseller olduğunda, alt birimler tek bir görsel içerisinde verilmemelidir. Her bir alt birim sisteme ayrı bir dosya olarak yüklenmelidir. Resimler alt birimleri belli etme amacıyla etiketlenmemelidir (a, b, c vb.). Resimlerde altyazıları desteklemek için kalın ve ince oklar, ok başları, yıldızlar, asteriksler ve benzer işaretler kullanılabilir. Makalenin geri kalanında olduğu gibi resimler de kör olmalıdır. Bu sebeple, resimlerde yer alan kişi ve kurum bilgileri de körleştirilmelidir. Görsellerin minimum çözünürlüğü 300DPI olmalıdır. Değerlendirme sürecindeki aksaklıkları önlemek için gönderilen bütün görsellerin çözünürlüğü net ve boyutu büyük (minimum boyutlar 100x100 mm) olmalıdır. Resim altyazıları ana metnin sonunda yer almalıdır. Makale içerisinde geçen tüm kısaltmalar, ana metin ve özette ayrı ayrı olmak üzere ilk kez kullanıldıkları yerde tanımlanarak kısaltma tanımın ardından parantez içerisinde verilmelidir. Tüm kaynaklar, tablolar ve resimlere ana metin içinde uygun olan yerlerde sırayla numara verilerek atıf yapılmalıdır. Revizyonlar Yazarlar makalelerinin revizyon dosyalarını gönderirken, hakemlerin istediği düzeltmeleri ve hakemlerin sorularına yanıtlarını ana metin içerisinde renklendirerek belirtmelidir. Revize makaleler karar mektubunu takip eden 30 gün içerisinde dergiye gönderilmelidir. Makalenin revize versiyonu belirtilen süre içerisinde yüklenmezse, revizyon seçeneği iptal olabilir. Yazarların revizyon için ek süreye ihtiyaç duymaları durumunda uzatma taleplerini ilk 30 gün sona ermeden dergiye iletmeleri gerekmektedir. Yayına kabul edilen makaleler dil bilgisi, noktalama ve biçim açısından kontrol edilir. Yayın süreci tamamlanan makaleler, yayın planına dahil edildikleri sayıyla birlikte yayınlanmadan önce erken çevrimiçi formatında dergi web sitesinde yayına alınır. Kabul edilen makalelerin baskıya hazır PDF dosyaları sorumlu yazarlara iletilir ve yayın onaylarının 2 gün içerisinde dergiye iletilmesi istenir.

Yazım Kuralları

Referans Stili ve Formatı Yayınlara atıf yapılırken en son, en güncel yayınlar tercih edilmelidir. Kaynakların doğruluğundan yazar(lar) sorumludur. Referanslar dip not sistemine uygun olarak belirtilmelidir. Metin içi referansları ve kaynakça bölümü için dikkat edilmesi gereken detaylar aşağıda belirtilmiştir. Metin içi referanslar üst simge ile 1’den başlayarak gösterilmelidir. Dipnotlar, Times New Roman yazı karakterinde, 9 punto tek aralık yazılmalıdır. Tüm noktalama işaretlerinden sonra bir boşluk bırakılmalı ve tüm dipnotların sonuna, mutlaka nokta konulmalıdır. Metin içindeki atıflar sayfa altına dipnot şeklinde 1’den başlayarak numaralandırılmalıdır. Bunun dışında metin içinde atıf yapılmamalıdır. Dipnotlarda kaynaklar verilirken, kitap ve dergi ismi italik olmalı, makale isimleri tırnak içerisinde düz olarak verilmelidir. Dipnotlarda, ilk geçtiği yerde yazar ismi ve kaynak künyesi tam olarak verilmeli, daha sonra sadece yazar soyadı ve a.g.e., a.g.m., veya a.g.t. gibi yazarın belirlediği kısaltmalarla yazılmalıdır. Bir yazarın birden fazla kitap ve makalesi kullanılıyorsa ikinci eserin ilk kullanımından sonra, yazarın soyadı, sonra kitap veya makalenin kısaltılmış adı verilmelidir. Çok yazarlı kaynakların ilk geçtiği yerde yazarların tümü yazılmalı, daha sonrakilerde kısaltılarak verilmelidir. Dipnotlarda makale, kitap içinde bölüm veya ansiklopedi maddesinin tamamına yönelik bir atıf mevcutsa, başlangıç ve bitiş sayfaları gösterilmelidir. Örnekler: Kitap: Mübahat S. Kütükoğlu, Menteşe Sancağı 1830 (Nüfus ve Toplum Yapısı), TTK Yay., Ankara 2010, s. 115. Sonraki atıflarda: Kütükoğlu, a.g.e., s. 123 ya da Kütükoğlu, s. 123. Bir yazarın birden fazla yayınına atıf yapılacak ise, ilk atıfta tam künye verilmeli; daha sonra yine kullanılacaksa nasıl kısaltılacağı parantez içerisinde gösterilmelidir: Arzu Terzi, Hazine-i Hassa Nezareti, TTK Yay., Ankara 2000, s. 98 (Terzi, Hazine-i Hassa). Eserin cildine işaret etmek için (cilt ya da c. yazılmadan) sadece Romen rakamıyla cilt sayısı yazılmalıdır: Hoca Sa‘deddin Efendi, Tâcü’t-tevârîh, I, İstanbul 1279, 25. Tayyâr-zâde Atâ, Osmanlı Saray Tarihi Târîh-i Enderûn, haz. Mehmet Arslan, Kitabevi, III, İstanbul 2010, 138. Çeviri eserler: Philippe du Fresne-Canaye, Fresne-Canaye Seyahatnamesi 1573, çev. Teoman Tunçdoğan, İstanbul 2009, s. 51. Ansiklopedi maddeleri: Feridun M. Emecen, “Başmukataa Kalemi”, DİA, V, 135. Bir yazarın iki ayrı çalışması aynı dipnotta peş peşe gösterilecekse: Mustafa Akdağ, Celali İsyanları, 1550-1603, Anlara 1963, s. 110; keza büyük kaçgunluk için bk. ayn. yzr. ya da ayn.mlf., “Celâlî İsyanlarından Büyük Kaçgunluk, 1603-1606”, Tarih Araştırmaları Dergisi, II/2-3 (Ankara 1964), 1-50. Birden çok yazarlı bir eser kullanılacaksa: Robert Anhegger-Halil İnalcık, Kānūnnāme-i Sultānī Ber Mūceb-i ‛Örf-i ‛Osmānī, II. Mehmed ve II. Bayezid Devirlerine Ait Yasaknāme ve Kānūnnāmeler, TTK Yay., Ankara 2000, s. 25. Aynı eser daha sonraki kullanımlarda sadece yazar soyadlarına yer verilmelidir: Anhegger-İnalcık, a.g.e., s. 36. Makale: Mübahat S. Kütükoğlu, “Osmanlıdan Günümüze Yer Adları”, Belleten, LXXVI/275 (2012), 149. Bekir Kütükoğlu, “Ahmed Cevdet Paşa, Ma‘rûzât”, Güney-Doğu Avrupa Araştırmaları Dergisi, sayı 10-11, İstanbul 1983, s. 251. Mücteba İlgürel, “Şer‘iyye Sicillerinin Toplu Kataloğuna Doğru”, Tarih Dergisi, sayı 28-29 (1975), s. 164.Kitap İçinde Bölüm:Ayten Altıntaş, “Dârüşşifâlar Hakkında”, Karşılıksız Hizmetin Muhteşem Abideleri İstanbul Şifahaneleri, haz. Abdullah Kılıç, İstanbul 2009, s. 19-38.Christoph K. Neumann, “XVIII. Yüzyıl Osmanlı Saray Mutfağında Baharat”, Soframız Nur Hanemiz Mamur, Osmanlı Maddi Kültüründe Yemek ve Barınak, ed. Suraiya Faroqhi - Christoph K. Neumann, İstanbul 2016, s. 145-183.İdris Bostan, “Osmanlı Bahriyesinde Sağlık Hizmetleri”, Osmanlılarda Sağlık, ed. Coşkun Yılmaz-Necdet Yılmaz, İstanbul 2006, c. I, s. 111-115.Sempozyum Tebliğleri: İdris Bostan, “Kuyûd-ı Mühimmat Defterlerinin Osmanlı Teşkilât Tarihi Bakımından Önemi”, OsmanlıTürk Diplomatiği Semineri, 30-31 Mayıs 1994, İstanbul 1995, s. 145. Birden çok yazarlı bir makale: Kayhan Orbay-Hatice Oruç, “Sultan II. Murad’ın Edirne Câmi‘-i Şerîf ve Dârü’l-hadîs Vakfı (1592-1607)”, Tarih Dergisi, sayı 56 (2012/2), İstanbul 2013, s. 10. Aynı makalenin daha sonraki kullanımlarında sadece yazar soyadlarına yer verilmelidir: Orbay-Oruç, a.g.m., s. 15. Çeviri yazıları: Géza Dávid, “XVI. Yüzyılda Osmanlı-Habsburg Mücadelesinin Bir Kaynağı Olarak Mühimme Defterleri”, çev. Özgür Kolçak, Tarih Dergisi, sayı 53 (2011/1), İstanbul 2012, s. 295-349. Aynı soyadlı iki yazarın makalelerinin gösterilmesi: Mübahat S. Kütükoğlu, “Osmanlıdan Günümüze Yer Adları”, Belleten, LXXVI/275 (2012), 149. Bekir Kütükoğlu, “Ahmed Cevdet Paşa, Ma‘rûzât”, Güney-Doğu Avrupa Araştırmaları Dergisi, sayı 10-11, İstanbul 1983, s. 251. Daha sonraki kullanımlarda: M. S. Kütükoğlu, a.g.m., s. 160 ya da B. Kütükoğlu, a.g.m., s. 250. Tez atıflarında; tezi yapan, tez adı (italik), kurum ismi sırasıyla verilmelidir: Sinem Serin, Yıldız Çini/Porselen Fabrikası, İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Tarih Anabilim Dalı Osmanlı Müesseseleri ve Medeniyeti Tarihi Bilim Dalı, Yayınlanmamış Yüksek Lisans Tezi, İstanbul 2009, s. 146.Arşiv Belgelerinin Kullanımı: Arşiv belgeleri dipnotta kullanılırken öncelikle arşivin adı, sonra tasnifin adı, dosya ve evrak numarasına sırasıyla yer verilecektir. Tasnif için arşivlerin kullandıkları kısaltmalar kullanılabilir. Kaynakçada bunların açılımı yapılmalıdır. Mesela: BOA, A.MKT, nr. 145/629. Arşivden defter tasnifinden bir bilgi kullanılacaksa: BOA, Maliyeden Müdevver Defterler (MAD), nr. 9146, s. 200. BOA, Mühimme Defteri, nr. 120, s. 103, h. 250. Kaynakça: Makalelerde kullanılan kaynak ve araştırmalar makale sonunda bu başlık altında gösterilmelidir. Kaynakça, bu başlık altında yeni bir sayfadan başlamalı ve 11 punto yazılmalıdır. Sadece dipnotlarda kullanılan kaynaklar yer almalı ve yazarların soyadına göre alfabetik olarak düzenlenmelidir.  Kütükoğlu, Mübahat S., Menteşe Sancağı 1830 (Nüfus ve Toplum Yapısı), TTK Yay., Ankara 2010.Hoca Sa‘deddin Efendi, Tâcü’t-tevârîh, I-II, İstanbul 1279-80.Birden çok yazarlı bir esere yer verilecekse:Anhegger, Robert -Halil İnalcık, Kānūnnāme-i Sultānī Ber Mūceb-i ‛Örf-i ‛Osmānī, II. Mehmed ve II. Bayezid Devirlerine Ait Yasaknāme ve Kānūnnāmeler, TTK Yay., Ankara 2000.Sadece editör veya yayına hazırlayanlar var ise bu isimler kitap adından sonra yer almalıdır:Osmanlı Uygarlığı, yay. haz. Halil İnalcık-Günsel Renda, Kültür Bakanlığı Yay., I-II, Ankara 20093.Kitap içinde bölüm olarak geçen makaleler: Terzi, Arzu, “II. Abdülhamid’in Emlakı ve Irak Petrolleri”, Sultan II. Abdülhamid ve Dönemi, ed. Coşkun Yılmaz, İstanbul 2014, s. 181-188.Çeviri eserler:Fresne-Canaye, Philippe du, Fresne-Canaye Seyahatnamesi 1573, çev. Teoman Tunçdoğan, İstanbul 2009.Kitabın kaçıncı baskısı olduğunu belirtmek üzere basım tarihinin üzerine üst simge şeklinde basım sayısı yazılmalıdır:Terzi, Arzu, Sultan Abdülhamid’in Mirası, Petrol ve Arazi, Timaş Yayınları, İstanbul 20142.Kaynakçada yer alan makalelerde makalenin başlangıç ve bitiş sayfalarına yer verilmelidir:Kütükoğlu, Mübahat S., “Osmanlıdan Günümüze Yer Adları”, Belleten, LXXVI/275 (2012), 147-165.Sempozyum Tebliğleri: Bostan, İdris, “Kuyûd-ı Mühimmat Defterlerinin Osmanlı Teşkilât Tarihi Bakımından Önemi”, Osmanlı-Türk Diplomatiği Semineri, 30-31 Mayıs 1994, İstanbul 1995, s. 143-163.Ansiklopedi maddeleri: Emecen, Feridun M., “Başmukataa Kalemi”, DİA, V, 135.Kaynakçada teze yer verirken; tezi yapan, tez adı (italik), kurum ismi sırasıyla verilmelidir:Arşiv Belgelerinin Gösterilmesi:Kaynakçada dipnotlarda kullanılan arşiv tasnifleri açık bir şekilde yazılır, kısaltma kullanıldıysa bunlar parantez içinde belirtilir. Farklı arşivlerden kaynak çalışması var ise bu arşivler tasniflenir. Dipnotlarda kullanılan arşiv belgelerinin numaraları burada sıralanmalıdır. Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi (BOA)Cevdet Bahriye Evrakı (C.BH), 123/3500; 350/8560.Şura-yı Devlet (ŞD), 21350; 103953.Deniz Tarihi Arşivi (DTA)Bahriye Nezareti (BN), 180/4050; 181/4063; 333/11830.Makale dipnotlarında kullanılacak kısaltmalarTürkçe makaleler için:                                        çev.     :         çeviren                                        trc.      :         tercüme eden                                        yay.     :         yayınlayan                                        haz.     :         hazırlayan                                        sad.     :         sadeleştiren                                        nşr.     :         neşreden                                        ed.      :         editör                                        a.g.e.   :         adı geçen eser                                        a.g.m.  :         adı geçen makale ya da madde                                         a.g.t.    :         adı geçen tez                                        ayn.yzr.         :     aynı yazar                                        ayn.mlf.         :     aynı müellifYabancı Dildeki makaleler için:                                        id.        :         aynı yazar                                        ibid., loc.cit, op.cit., passim      : aynı yerdea.g.e., s. 27; a.g.m., s. 28; a.g.t., s. 29 şeklinde kullanılmalıdır.

Aşağıdaki listede eksik olmadığından emin olun:<ul><li>Makalenin türünün belirtilmiş olduğu</li><li>Başka bir dergiye gönderilmemiş olduğu</li><li>Sponsor veya ticari bir firma ile ilişkisi varsa, bunun belirtildiği</li><li>İngilizce yönünden kontrolünün yapıldığı</li><li>Referansların derginin benimsediği sistemin kurallarına uygun olarak düzenlendiği</li><li>Yazarlara Bilgide detaylı olarak anlatılan dergi politikalarının gözden geçirildiği</li></ul>● <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/BCBF605901234F42B7485526E85D55E1" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a>● Daha önce basılmış materyal (yazı-resim-tablo) kullanılmış ise izin belgesi● <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/2315C9D1C8BB44849A41C6542283288A" target="_blank">Kapak sayfası</a><ul><li>Makalenin kategorisi</li><li>Makale dilinde ve İngilizce başlık</li><li>Yazarların ismi soyadı, unvanları ve bağlı oldukları kurumlar (üniversite ve fakülte bilgisinden sonra şehir ve ülke bilgisi), e-posta adresleri</li><li>Sorumlu yazarın e-posta adresi, açık yazışma adresi, iş telefonu, GSM, faks nosu</li><li>Tüm yazarların ORCID’leri</li><li>Finansal destek (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Çıkar çatışması (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Teşekkür (varsa belirtiniz)</li></ul>● Makale ana metni<ul><li>Önemli: Ana metinde yazarın / yazarların kimlik bilgilerinin yer almamış olması gerekir.</li><li>Makale dilinde ve İngilizce başlık</li><li>Öz: 80-100 kelime</li><li>Anahtar Kelimeler: 3-6 adet makale dilinde ve 3-6 adet İngilizce</li><li>İngilizce Genişletilmiş Özet (Extended Summary) 800-1000 kelime (İngilizce olmayan makaleler için)</li><li>Makale ana metin bölümleri</li><li>Kaynaklar</li><li>Tablolar-Resimler, Şekiller (başlık, tanım ve alt yazılarıyla)</li></ul>

<div><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/BCBF605901234F42B7485526E85D55E1" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/39CA4BB00C8447BFB6DE791FDFF2B4AA" target="_blank">Kapak Sayfası</a></div>

Sayı Türü	Regular
Editör(ler)	Arzu Terzi, Gerald Maclean, Metin Ünver
Kapak (PDF)
Tam Metin (PDF)
Ön Sayfalar (PDF)

Tarih Dergisi

SAYI 73, 2021