Şeyda

Assist. Prof.

The mountain region of Bursa consists of Harmancık, Keles, Büyükorhan, and Orhaneli districts. Administered by the Byzantine state as a feudal landlord, settlement and reconstruction of the area by Turks must have taken place after the conquest of Atranos Castle by Orhan Beg. The mosque that is the subject of the study is at Kemaliye village of Keles district. It is known that there was a dervish lodge in the village although it did not survive until this day. In addition, the existence of a beard of Mohammad and a flag carrying the name “Shaban Wali” demonstrated that the village was a significant Sufi center and the building, its decorations, and depictions shall be evaluated in this context. The mosque that is on sloping land in the East-West direction at the village center was constructed using rubble stone and wooden materials in a 90 cm thick wall. The building has a rectangular sanctuary in the North-South direction and a narthex to the North of the sanctuary. The center of the wooden ceiling of the building is emphasized with a round ceiling rose. Emphasizing centers of wooden ceilings with a square or round ceiling rose gives rise to the consideration that such parts could be ascribed mystical or cosmic meanings such as plaster dome or wooden ceiling rose that is used in ceilings of buildings with double functions such as a mosque-ancestral house.The wall paintings and decorations on the inner surface of the structure and narthex walls were made using the hand-drawn technique which made the structure unique. Wall paintings using the hand-drawn technique became widespread from the second half of the 18th century, especially following the period of Abdülhamid the first (reign 1774-1789) to become an important part of the Ottoman visual culture. The wall paintings that were primarily observed in Topkapı Palace in Istanbul and other samples of civil architecture in the city were rarely used in religious structures in the capital. Wall paintings were used and popularized in religious architecture in Anatolia and Balkan geography. Acceptance and adoption of mosques with depictions by the local people must be related to their repertoire of religious subjects.A cylindrical altar niche was placed at the center of the South wall of the structure. On both sides of the niche, there are columns drawn using hand-drawn technique reflecting imperial admiration and a pleated red curtain reflecting the same admiration in the niche. On the upper part of the eastern wall, there are imaginary city descriptions with large gates. It could be argued that these are the “gates of paradise”. In late print copies of the text titled “Muhammediye” compiled by Yazıcıoğlu Mehmet in the 15th Century, various depictions describing the text were added, in these pictures, paradise was symbolized with large gates reflecting the taste of the late period. On the North part of the eastern wall, a watermelon description with two slices cut off and carrying a dagger on it was placed on the last two verses of the Holy Quran of Burûc Surah with twenty-two verses, which must not be a coincidental placement. Such an arrangement suggests to mind the shell-essence (external-internal) concepts that are used and discussed in mysticism. The Holy Quran is a whole with its “external” and “internal”. There is no essence without a shell but to reach the essence one should pass through the shell. In order to duly cut the watermelon and reach its essence one needs a knife. In the Holy Quran for reaching the internal meaning from external meaning, there is a need for an assistant, a guide, and a “perfect mentor” and it can be argued here that the knife is the symbol of a “perfect mentor”. On the western wall of the structure, there is a description of the city of Mecca with “Kaaba”. One of the most frequent pictures in religious places is “Kaaba” descriptions. The reason for their frequent use is the fact that looking at Kaaba is worshipping and that there are hadith on sharing the grace on Kaaba with lookers. On the North part of the western wall, there is the description of a tree with red fruits. Fruit trees can be symbolizing Heaven while the tree can be symbolizing the universe and fruit can be symbolizing the human. On the South wall of the narthex, over the entrance gate, there are wheat ears. Wheat symbolizes the flesh, the self and worldly values, and desires for being a measurement of material value. These kinds of wheat placed right on top of the entrance gate must have been there to remind the believers that the self, selfish emotions, and worldly desires must be left outside the sanctuary. On the eastern wall of the narthex, there is a “baldachin tomb”, a sarcophagus inside the tomb and destard coin-style tombstone in which a Mevlevi crown is used as a heading. Although it conflicts with the real one, this tomb must be symbolizing the spiritual identity of Mevlana Celaleddin and the Mevleviyeh. On the western wall of the narthex there is a sarcophagus with battle-ax and green and red flags were placed diagonally. The green flag that was also used in the Ottoman coat of arms represents the “Caliphate Flag” while the red flag represents the “Sultanate Flag” as a symbol of independence. Together with the bowl and salpinx, the “battle-axe” used by pilgrim dervishes is an emblem of the Kalenderiye sect and its derivatives in 14th Century Anatolia, the Abdals of Rum. Through the Abdals of Rum, these Kalender-origin articles entered Bektaşi and Rifa’i sects and were used in emblems of these sects. However, the fact that the battle axes on the sarcophagus were used with flags suggests the warrior dervishes that keep the “Gaziyân-ı Rum” tradition alive. In the writing program of the structure Allah, Muhammed, Ebubekir, Ömer, Osman, Hasan, and Hüseyin names that could be seen in any mosque together with selected verses from the Quran were used.&nbsp;&nbsp;The building that is owned by the Directorate General of Foundations does not have a foundation charter or construction inscription, thus the date of its construction and its builder are not known. However, according to local history studies, the building was built by “Hacı Osman, the son of Hacı Mehmet” who had many mosques built in the region (died 1274/ 1857). The date of manufacture of the decorations and depictions made with hand-drawn technique must be “1291” (1874/1875) written among decorations over the entrance gate. Depictions of the mosque were made by Greek master/masters according to verbal history studies.&nbsp;Consequently, it could be argued that the building is an outstanding example of the Ottoman visual culture in the mountainous region of Bursa in the last quarter of the 19th century.&nbsp;

Bursa Keles Kemaliye Village Mosque and Its Wall Paintings

Erkan

Assoc. Prof.

Göksevi

Batılı toplumların Doğu’yu tanıma arzusunun tarihi, eski çağlara kadar inmekle beraber Osmanlı Devleti’nin Balkanlar ve Anadolu’da hüküm sürdüğü yıllardan itibaren bu ilgi artmıştır. Seyyahların büyük çoğunlukla kendi bakış açılarıyla tanıttıkları Doğu’nun merkezini Osmanlı şehirleri teşkil etmektedir. Doğu’nun egzotik ve gizemli bir anlayışla tasvir edildiği öncü yazıların etkileri sonraki yüzyıllarda da kendini göstermektedir. 15. ve 16. yüzyıllarda, Osmanlı İmparatorluğu ve Türkler hakkında yazılanların daha çok siyasi ve dini karşıtlık üzerine şekillendiği görülmektedir. Seyyahların yazılarında din, kültür, sosyal yaşam, dil ve antropoloji ön plana çıkmaktadır. Avrupa’nın birçok ülkesinden gezginler, tüccarlar, devlet ve din adamları, Doğu’yu tanıma arzusu doğrultusunda Osmanlı topraklarına seyahatler gerçekleştirmiştir. 16. yüzyıldan itibaren Osmanlı ile Avrupalı devletler arasında artan siyasi ve ticari ilişkilerin de etkisiyle yoğunlaşan bu gezilerin başını çeken devletlerden birisi İngiltere’dir. Yüzyılın sonlarına doğru kurulan kumpanyalar ve atanan büyükelçilerle, Osmanlı ve İngiltere devletleri arasında resmi diplomatik ilişkilerin başlaması seyahatlerin hız kazanmasına vesile olmuştur. İngiliz seyyahların çoğunluğunun gezi notlarını kendi bakış açılarıyla kaleme aldığı görülmekle beraber, 18. yüzyılın başlarında eşinin diplomatik görevi için Osmanlı başkentine gelen Lady Mary Montagu’nun yazıları, bu durumun belli ölçüde değişmesini sağlayan bir kırılma noktası olmuştur. Kendisinden önceki seyyahlardan farklı olarak gözlemlerini gerçeği yansıtan bir bakış açısıyla sunan Montagu, mektuplarında Osmanlı şehirleri, toplumu ve sanat ortamına dair oldukça detaylı bilgiler vermektedir. Bu mektuplar Osmanlı şehirlerindeki mimari dokudan, kadın ve erkek tasvirlerine; gayrimüslimlerden, kıyafetlere kadar birçok konuda ayrıntılı bilgilere yer verilmiştir. 18. yüzyıl Osmanlı şehirlerini, insanını ve kültürünü bir İngiliz aristokratı gözüyle sunan bu mektuplardaki başarılı tasvirler, dönemin sosyal yapısını anlamamıza yardımcı olan belgelerdir.1689 yılında aristokrat bir İngiliz ailesinin en büyük çocuğu olarak dünyaya gelen Lady Montagu’nun çocukluk ve gençlik yılları, babası ve babaannesinin yanında geçmiştir. Annesinin genç yaşta ölmesi ve babasının zamanının büyük bir çoğunluğunu siyasetle geçirmesi, kendi kendini yetiştirmesine ve kişiliğinin bu yönde şekillenmesine vesile olmuştur. Genç yaşında tanıştığı şiir ve edebiyatla birlikte yazarlığa yönelen Montagu’nun, ilk çevirileri ve denemeleri acemice kaleme alınmış öncüler olarak değerlendirilmektedir. Ancak bu denemeler hem kendisini Londra saray çevresinin içerisine sokmuş hem de daha sonraları olgunlaşan yazılarına öncülük etmiştir. Edebiyata ve yazmaya ilgisinin artması ise ilerleyen yıllarda uzun süre mektup arkadaşlığı yapacağı ozan ve hicivci Alexander Pope ile tanışmasıyla başlamıştır. Bu dönemde, bir arkadaşı vasıtasıyla tanıştığı Edward Wortley’le sıkıntılı bir süreç sonrasında evlenmesi, kendisini Londra bürokrasisinin içerisine sokmuştur. Eşinin 7 Mayıs 1716’da İstanbul elçisi olarak atanması, Montagu’nun hayatındaki dönüm noktalarından birisidir. Wortley, Osmanlı Devleti ile Avusturya arasında barış görüşmeleri sağlaması için elçi tayin edilmiştir. Wortley, Lady Montagu ve çocukları, yanlarındaki maiyetle beraber Ağustos 1716 yılında yola çıkmışlar ve Hollanda, Almanya ve Avusturya’da çeşitli şehirlere uğrayarak Osmanlı hududuna ulaşmışlardır. Osmanlı topraklarında kaldığı 2 yıl boyunca dostlarına ve akrabalarına çeşitli mektuplar yazan Montagu, eşinin görevinin bitmesi vesilesiyle tekrar Londra’ya dönüp yazılarına burada devam etmiştir. 1739 yılında aldığı bir kararla İtalya’ya yerleşen Montagu 24 yıl bu ülkede yaşadıktan sonra, 1762 yılında tekrar İngiltere’ye dönmüş ve 1762’de vefat etmiştir.Lady Montagu, Damad İbrahim Paşa’nın sadaretinin başlangıç yıllarında Osmanlı coğrafyasında bulunmuştur. Damad İbrâhim Paşa’nın sadrazam olmasıyla beraber daha sonraları “Lâle Devri” olarak adlandırılan bir döneme girilmiştir. Esasen mimari ve sanat üslubu açısından değerlendirildiğinde bu dönemin tarih aralığının Damad İbrahim Paşa’nın sadaret yıllarına sığmayacağı muhakkaktır. Bu süreçte Osmanlı başkentinde görülen mimari dokunun öncülleri 17. yüzyılın ikinci yarısında yavaş yavaş belirmeye başlamıştır. 18. yüzyılın başlarından itibaren ise özellikle sivil eserlerin mimariye bağlı süslemelerinde belirli motiflerin ağırlık kazandığı görülmektedir. Söz konusu imar faaliyetlerinde özellikle köşk, kasır ve meydan çeşmesi gibi yapıların merkeze alınmasıyla oluşturulan şehir düzeni, belirgin ve bilinçli bir çabanın ürünüdür. Osmanlı çeşme mimarisinde o güne kadar karşılaşılmayan “meydan çeşmesi” yapı tipi, III. Ahmed’in hükümdarlık yıllarının sonlarına doğru Bab-ı Hümayun önünde ve Üsküdar iskelesinde yaptırdığı iki çeşmede karşımıza çıksa da bu tipin en olgun örnekleri I. Mahmud döneminde inşa edilecektir. Aslında bu durum sadece çeşmelerin özelinde mimari yapılarda değil, birçok alanda aynıdır. Dönemin mimari eserlerinde genel düzen, plan şemaları ve yerleşim modelleri klasik özellikleri devam ettirmektedir. Buna karşın yapıların süsleme programlarında belirli bir üslup değişikliği göze çarpmaktadır.Makalede ele alınan mektuplarda, 18. yüzyılın başlarında Osmanlı şehirlerindeki mimari ve sanat ortamının belirli ölçüde tasviri yapılmıştır. İstanbul başta olmak üzere Edirne, Sofya gibi şehirlerde Osmanlı toplumunun yaşamından kesitler sunan, erkek ve kadınları, giyim kuşamı, dini ritüelleri ve gelenekleri gözlemleyen Lady Montagu kendinden önce Osmanlı topraklarına gelen gezginlerden farklı bir bakış açısı ortaya koymuştur. Lady Montagu’nun tasvir ettiği mimari yapılar ve iç mekân süslemeleri belirli ölçüde 18. yüzyılın başındaki sanat ortamını yansıtmaktadır. Bunun yanı sıra mektupların Şehit Ali Paşa Konağı gibi günümüze ulaşamayan yapılar hakkında da bilgi vermesi ayrıca önem arz etmektedir.&nbsp;

A Witness from the 18th Century: The Culture and Art Environment  of Ottoman Cities in the Letters of Lady Montagu

Gülsen

Prof.

Ayşegül

The research focuses on hunting in Medieval Turkish-Islamic art and its visual reflections through a Seljuk candle holder in the David Collection. The Seljuk candle holder in the David Collection, which was examined for this purpose, draws attention with the hunting and entertainment scenes on it. The purpose of the candle holder and the figures on it are thought to be related to the hunting culture. It is assumed that the examples in which the hunting theme is the main element in the decoration were made to be used in the hunting lodge or in the feasts during the hunt. Emphasizing that the rulers are a good hunter also indicates that he is a good warrior. The hunter-hunting scenes, which are frequently featured on the castle gates, were a way of showing who had the power in the medieval world. Similarly, the power of the sultan is emphasized by including similar scenes on the daily use items made for a ruler. The David Collection candle holder is close to Anatolian examples in terms of the subjects covered.For the medieval world, hunting and hunting rituals retained its importance as part of a deep-rooted tradition. Many rulers accepted ambassadors during hunting feasts and held meetings with statesmen. These ceremonies were an important stage for the ruler to show his power to his enemies and statesmen. While the sultan reveals his war skills during the hunt, he also reveals his magnificence with the feast given after the hunt. Many examples show the importance of hunting in the Seljuk world, as there were special divan memberships for hunting, and it was a privilege to raise dogs and birds of prey or the palace. In this case, it is quite predictable to make special items for hunting feasts. It can be assumed that items such as candle holders from the David Collection were also used in hunting activities. While the candle holder itself is used in these ceremonies, the decorations on it shed light on the Seljuk world and its thoughts on hunting.The ornaments on the candle holder are evaluated in two separate categories as those related to hunting and those used as symbols of reign. Three scenes with a mounted hunter, two figures sitting cross-legged and toasting, two figures playing a musical instrument, a dancing figure, and possibly another figure holding a musical instrument, are found in scenes related to the hunt and the ceremony held afterwards. In the middle of the figures dancing, holding a glass and playing an instrument, there are three different sultanate emblems. The common feature of these emblems is that there is a wheel of fortune badge in the middle. It also contains interesting details about the Seljukian cultural world. With this study, it is aimed to reveal how the hunting culture experienced around the Seljuk palace is reflected in art, especially on the candle holder.Artworks dealing with hunting and the items used during hunting constitute an important place in art history studies. The scenes on the David Collection completely&nbsp;depict a hunting feast. A hunt is gradually visualized in three scenes encased in a medallion on the body of the candle holder, while the feast after the hunt is depicted in other parts. It is understood that the hunting ceremonies mentioned between the lines in the sources of the period were reflected in handicrafts and architectural examples in a lively style. In addition to their standard functions, these works of art also serve for the purpose of symbolizing the sultanate and the power of the ruler. The fact that the ruler is a good hunter and can deal with animals that are difficult to control such as dragons and lions reveals his power. On the other hand, the sultan’s generosity is at the forefront in the entertainment after the hunt.One of the reflections of hunting life in Turkish-Islamic arts is the figure of a mounted hunter. This figure is mostly depicted with a horse, hunting bird and hunting dog. The expectation of the ruler to be a good hunter is inevitable for the people and the palace environment, especially considering the legendary tales told. It is seen that this situation has turned into a concern of conveying a message by using it in art. Every ruler who comes to the throne organizes hunting feasts to prove himself in this field and exhibits his skills. The most obvious reflection of this situation is seen in the candle holders and so on.&nbsp;Dragon is a figure that has different meanings in different geographies of the medieval world and these meanings are intertwined from time to time. Dragon hunt became an important theme of the Anatolian visual language and was often used to symbolize the power of the sultan and the ruler. The scene on the David Collection is a typical reflection of one of the symbolic meanings attributed to the dragon in Anatolia.The lion is a figure with different symbolic meanings, just like the dragon. The difference between the lion and the dragon is that it has become an important element of the hunt, especially in the Middle East geography. The lions caught in the wild became the most important of the hunts prepared for the sultan at the hunting feasts of the palace. In many eulogies written for the rulers in this period, how the sultan hunted lions is depicted and praised. The lion is not a mythical animal like the dragon, but a real prey, so it definitely takes its place next to the dragon in hunting scenes.It is highly probable that the David Collection candle holder was produced in Anatolia in the 13th or 14th century, due to its stylistic similarity with examples of known history, although it is not certain. Considering the emblems on the candle holder, which are thought to symbolize the sultanate, it can be assumed that the work was produced in one of two periods, either Anatolian Seljuk or Artuqid. Wishing well for a sultan or statesman without mentioning his name in the inscriptions is a tradition frequently encountered in the art of metalworking. The fact that no names are mentioned on the candle holder indicates that these works were not made as a special order or gift and were produced for use in the hunting ceremonies of the sultans, contrary to the names mentioned. The emphasis in the inscriptions such as victory over the enemy, glory, well-being, and prosperity draws attention with their qualities that coincide with the scenes on the candle holder.&nbsp;

Reflections on Medieval Hunting Ornamentation of a Candlestick from the  Copenhagen David Collection

Emel

Genelde kamusal alanda sanat, kentteki etkisini zaman içerisinde göstermeye başlar. Çok az ilgili meslek grubu kamusal alanda sanatın doğrudan veya dolaylı etkilerini araştırmak gibi bir amaç gütmektedir. Kamusal alanlarda sanatın üretilmesi ve kabul görmesi kentlilerin kişisel beğenileriyle ortaya çıkmaktadır. Üstelik pek çok araştırmacının değindiği gibi, ortaya çıkan bu olumlu etkiler yeni olaylarla desteklenmediği sürece sürdürülebilir olamayacak durumdadır. Ayrıca bu durumun sonucu olarak sanatın toplumsal kimlik oluştururken aynılaşma ve markalaşmayla beraber yerel kimliklerin kaybolması veya tasarımlarda istenen etkinin yaratılamaması gibi risklerinin de ortaya çıktığı tartışılmaktadır. Bu noktada sanatın temel unsuru, kentte varlığını sürdürdüğü kamusal mekândır. Sanat, kent mekânında odak noktası ve kentsel imaj oluştururken mekân hissini de güçlendirmektedir. Kamusal alanda sanat, tahmin edilen tüm etkilerinin yanında, yapılı çevreye belirgin bir biçimde yer belirleme, işaret olma değeri de katmaktadır.&nbsp;Nehir kıyısı çağlar boyunca ekonomik ve fiziksel faaliyetler için bir alan sağlamış, insanların yaşam kaynağı ve barınma yeri olmuştur. Böylece bu alanlardaki kentsel gelişmeler sürekli artmış ve nehir kıyıları her zaman nüfus yoğunluğunun yüksek olduğu alanlara dönüşmüştür. Amasya, içinden Yeşilırmak’ın geçtiği, merkezde nehir kıyısında tarihî Yalıboyu evlerinin olduğu çok katmanlı bir şehirdir. Amasya, dağlarında anıt mezarların ve nehir kıyısında sarayların bulunduğu ayrıca etrafının yüksek duvarlarla çevrili olduğu tarihî bir yerleşime sahiptir. Kent, Roma İ mparatorluğu zamanında da zenginliğini ve önemini korumuş fakat gerek yüzyılın yaşam koşulları gerekse topoğrafik özellikler nedeniyle eski yerleşim sınırları içinde kalmaya devam etmiştir. 1928 yılında ilk hâlihazır haritası hazırlanan kent için 1966, 1971, 1981 ve 1987 tarihlerinde de imar planı çalışmaları gerçekleştirilmiş ancak imar planlarında 5-6 kata izin verilmesi, nehir kıyısında yüksek yapıların oluşmasına sebep olmuştur. Bu durum zaman içerisinde tarihî kent peyzajına büyük ölçüde zarar vermiştir. Amasya nehir kıyısına çeşitli zamanlarda mekânsal müdahaleler yapılmaya devam edilmiş, alanın bir turistik çekim noktası olması sağlanmaya çalışılmıştır.&nbsp;Amasya’da 1970 yılından sonra başlatılan kentsel koruma çalışmalarıyla beraber kentlilerin bir araya gelmesini sağlayan kamusal alanlar tasarlanmaya başlanmıştır. Bu gelişmelere örnek olabilecek en belirgin kamusal alan, Yalıboyu evleri ve arkasındaki tarihî dokunun manzara oluşturduğu Yeşilırmak’ın güney yakasında bulunan Mağdenüs Köprüsü ile Taş Köprü arasında kalan alanın doldurulması ile yapılan Yalıboyu Promenatıdır. Yüzyıllar boyunca farklı amaçlara hizmet etmiş olan Yeşilırmak Nehri kıyısı, 2000’li yıllardan sonra çok amaçlı kamusal kullanımlar için projeler üretilen ve giderek sanatın da yer almaya başladığı bir mekân olmaya başlamıştır.&nbsp;&nbsp;Bu çalışmanın amacı Amasya’da nehir kıyısında yapılan kamusal sanat eserlerini incelemek ve bulundukları yerlerde kente olan estetik katkılarını tespit edebilmektir. Tarihî Yalıboyu dokusunun kendisi sanat eseri olan bir manzarada belediye tarafından kamusal alana yaptırılan sanat eserlerinin fark edilebilir bir kimlik ve içerik oluşturup oluşturmadığı ve bulunduğu yerlerin kent imajına bir katkıda bulunup bulunmadığı çalışmanın araştırma sorularıdır. Kamusal alanda sanatın yeri kentsel mekân ise sanatın kent mekânında estetik değer, odak noktası ve kentsel imaj etkileri yaratması beklenmektedir. Çünkü sanat nesnelerinin olduğu gibi kentlerin de birer kimlikleri vardır. Kentin merkezî alanlarında var olan heykel, saat kulesi, anıt vb. ögeler, o bölgede yaşayan kentliler için mekânı tanımlayan ve uzaklık-yakınlık belirlemede kentsel hafızada yer tutan işaret ögeleridir. Lynch’in kent kuramında bulunan işaret ögeleri, kentlilerin birbirleri ile en sık karşılaştığı alanlardır. Bu alanlar kimi zaman bir meydana kimi zaman ise kentte yer alan heykel, çeşme gibi kent donatılarına denk gelmektedir. Bu bağlamda çalışmada yöntem olarak Lynch’in kentsel mekân okuma tekniği olan odak noktasındaki işaretlerini temsil eden sanat eserlerinin kent içindeki yerleri tartışılmıştır. Bulguların amacı, insanların nehir kıyısında gezerken karşılarında tarihî bir doku varsa sanatın beklenen etkisini gösteremediğini ortaya koymaktır. Kamusal alanda sanatın ısmarlama işler olmaktan öte yer ile uyumlu, vurgulu olması ve kentin diğer kamusal alanlarını canlandıracak şekilde tasarlanarak yeni odak noktaları oluşturması ise gelecek öngörüsüdür. Tarihî nehir kıyısı yerleşmelerde yerel kimliği açığa çıkaracak tasarımlar geliştirilebilmesi için kıyının topoğrafyası ve kent kültüründen kaynaklanan kimlik özelliklerini ortaya koyan bilimsel araştırmalar yapılmalı; nehir kıyısı kimlik yapısı ile örtüşen bir tasarım birlikteliği için kıyı tasarım rehberleri hazırlanmalıdır. Bu rehberler tarihî kentlerde nehir kıyısına yapılacak sanat çalışmalarının sadece kent tarihini anlatan, bilgi içerikli nesnelerin, heykellerin, panoların yanı sıra, çağdaş, yeni ve var olan dokuyu bütünleştirecek eserlere de ilham kaynağı olmalıdır. Ayrıca kamusal sanatın bir parçası olabilecek kent mobilyaları da kentin değişen ihtiyaçlarına cevap verebilecek, sürdürülebilir ve konforlu yapılara dönüştürülerek kent imajına olan katkıları sorgulanmalıdır. Kamusal alanda sanat, kentlileri nehir kıyısına bağlama gücüne sahiptir. Kamusal alana ait güçlü bir sanat, çevresini geliştirir, enerji verir ve tanımlar, kentte aidiyet duygusunu oluşturur. Kamusal sanatın kamu yararına olan bir şey olarak görülmesi için kamu yetkililerinin bu eserlerin kentsel alanın yenilenmesinde ve desteklenmesinde önemli bir rol üstlenmesi gerekir. Böylece onları “Kamusal Sanat” olarak meşrulaştırabilmek için gerekli koşullar yaratılabilir. Kamusal Sanat Rehberleri nehir kıyısındaki kentlerde olmalı ve sanatın kentsel mekânla ilişkisini hem kentsel altyapının hem de doğal çevrenin ayrılmaz bir parçası olarak tanımlamalıdır. Kamusal alanda sanatın rolü, projeyi çevreleyen tasarım, işlevsel ve sosyal konular için önemli bir husus olarak yeni projeler kapsamında açıkça ifade edilmelidir.&nbsp;

Contributions of Art in Public Space to the Riverside Urbanity: Amasya Examplar

Ahmet

In 1453, during the siege of the city, the Conqueror’s teacher, one of the Bayrami sheikhs Akshemseddin, discovered the location of the tomb of an important name known as Ayyub al-Ansari, a companion in the region. This important name has become a symbol of the rapidly developing Muslim city. In a short time, the Eyüp Sultan Complex consisting of the mausoleum, mosque, madrasa and bath buildings was built around the tomb. The most impressive examples of Ottoman mausoleums and tombs have been made in the region, which has continued to increase in importance over time. Thus, one of the largest cemetery areas of the city was formed here.&nbsp;Then in the 16th century, the Zal Mahmud Pasha Complex was built by Mimar Sinan. During the time of Sultan Ahmed I, the Eyüp Sultan Tomb was fundamentally overhauled, and additional spaces and buildings with different functions were added according to the need. During the reign of Sultan Selim III, a complex based in imaret was built for his mother Mihrişah Sultan. Selim’s sister Shah Sultan also built a small complex in his name. In addition, in the Eyüp Sultan Complex, which forms the core of the Selim district and is considered as the centre of attraction, Sultan Selim III had the mosque rebuilt in a new style with a portico courtyard and arranged its surroundings accordingly.The traces of the changing structure of the Ottoman world in the 19th century can be easily traced in the region. The Rami Barracks, built on the ridges behind the settlement, and large industrial structures such as Feshane and Iplikhane, which are located on the coast, have also rapidly changed the social topography of the region.&nbsp;The district has always been important in terms of Ottoman ceremonies. When the Sultans ascended the throne, a visit was made to the Eyüp Sultan Tomb located here and a sword-laying ceremony was held. The Sultans usually came to the ceremony by the sea and returned to the palace by making some visits by land.It is known that a large number of tekkes were established in Eyüp District during the historical process. Although some of them exist today, some of them have either completely disappeared or have partially survived to the present day with their balances. Among thirty eight lodges present known two of them were established in the 15th century, thirteen of them were in the 16th century, three of them were in the 17th century, thirteen of them were in the 18th century and seven of them were established in the 19th century.One of the educational buildings built in the region during the Era of Fatih is the Darülhadis building, which was once present on the site of the Balchik Tekke. Later, the establishment of the tekke here took place in 1000 Hijri (1591). At the site of the Balchik Tekke, there was a Balchik Pier, where mud used to be collected and distributed from the mouths of streams that used to flow into the estuary was collected and distributed. It is understood that the name of the tekke also comes from here.After the establishment of the tekke, Sheikh Mahmud Sunbuli Efendi, from the Sunbuli branch of the Halvetilik, took over. Later, Sheikh Mahmud-u Sani and his son Abdullah Efendi and his sons Sheikh Abdulgani Efendi, Sheikh Abdurrahman Efendi and Sheikh Salim Efendi respectively assumed this position. Later, Sheikh Mehmed Sadik Efendi, who belonged to the Ushshaki branch of the Halvetilik, served, and when he fell ill, he transferred the tekke to Sa’di Sheikh Mehmed Emin Efendi along with his trusteeship. Later, first, his son Sheikh Mehmed Ziya Efendi, then Ziya Efendi’s brother Sheikh Mahmud Efendi and his son Sheikh Halid Efendi served in the tekke depending on the Sa’di sect. The tekke, which underwent various repairs over time, was mainly renovated and had been rebuilt by Sultan Mahmud II in 1251/ 1835.The inscription that was known to have been placed on the main gate of the tekke was found intact in the old photographs, while it has been fragmented and some parts of it have been destroyed today.The department of the tekke, which is used as a selamlık (the men’s quarters in a Turkish house or palace), was rebuilt from new ones towards the end of the 19th century. After the closure of the tekke and lodges in 1925, the tekke was abandoned and the wooden units in and around the masjid tawhidhane were partially destroyed by a fire in 1939. In the following years, the remaining wooden parts completely disappeared.&nbsp;Today, there are four simple graves, one of which is three stone chests, which are considered sarcophagi in the tomb section of the tekke. The inscriptions on the tomb stones found on the head and foot stones in these graves are in Arabic. These belong to Dervish Muhammad, Aisha Sultan (1584), Mustafa Bey, the son of Hasan (1606), Mehmed Bey, the son of Ahmed (1609), and Mehemmed Bey (1623). In addition, sources state that the graves of Historian Şemdanizade Suleyman Efendi and the first eight sheikhs were also here in this tomb and the cemetery.The mosque-tawhidhane and the tomb are gathered in a common structure in a tekke consisting of masonry and wooden structures. The places of Masjid-tawhidhane and mausoleums with stone walls. A row of cut mould stones and two rows of bricks were used on the alternating braided walls. It is understood that the structure is covered with a wooden roof covered with tiles from the outside. The windows with cut stone cornices and round-arched openings and iron railings, located near the corner in the east and north directions, belong to the tomb structure. The Qibla wall of the masjid-tawhidhane place, which was considered in a square plan on the western side of the tomb and adjacent to the tomb, was destroyed.&nbsp;

A Structure that Needs to Be Saved in Eyüp: Balchik Tekke

Aysim

Mine

Religious buildings are very important urban images. They form the identities of the societies living in the city and express their existence. Especially for the societies living in the Ottoman cities, they are gathering places with a very high sense of belonging and they are symbolic structures where differences between beliefs, traditions and customs are expressed. It is the representation of populations belonging to different ethnic groups living in Ottoman cities. It is known that many Ottoman cities lost this diversity after the War of Independence. The population of non-Muslim communities or populations exchanged and their religious buildings are abandoned. Religious buildings form a very important part of social life with their unifying and gathering aspects they serve as society’s meeting places. Religious buildings, which differ from other structures in the region with their physical features, are also very effective in the perception of the people living in the city and the urban memory. It is possible to say those religious buildings which can be described as a reflection of the feeling of “belief”, which is one of the spiritual values that make up the identity of a city on the urban fabric, preserved their primary place in every period of history.In the Ottoman period as it is stated before the cities hosted so many communities such as Muslims, Greeks, Armenians, Jews, and Levantines. Due to this, the cities hosted many different types of religious buildings such as mosques, churches, and synagogues. After the establishment of the Republic of Turkey, when the populations were exchanged, the religious buildings belonging to non-Muslim communities were abandoned. Some were converted into mosques, and some were lost in the pages of history. At any rate, all of them are cultural heritage values and urban memory items of the historical urban space. All these lost cultural heritage values are hidden in the pages of history books or the minds of elderly people belonging to these societies. It is a very hard duty to take the knowledge from the pages of history. In this study, the religious buildings that are lost during the historical process are tried to be redefined by literature studies, fieldwork, and oral history work.&nbsp;The context of this work is to define the religious buildings which are not surviving today and were built during the historical process in the city of Uşak. The lost cultural values of the city of Uşak have various reasons for extinction. The most important of these reasons that shape the physical structure of the city is the natural disasters. Especially in the great Uşak fire of 1894, all neighborhoods except the Aybey District were burned and most of the buildings were destroyed. In addition, the fire which was started by the Greeks after the National Struggle is the most important disaster that destroyed many buildings in the city. Some of the buildings in the city have been transformed and included with different functions. In this context in addition to Tuz Pazarı Mosque, Buğdaylı Mosque, Çallı Ömer Efendi Mosque and Nebi Mosque, St. Konstantinos-Eleni Church, Panayia Church, St. Marie De Dieu Church are taken into consideration in the manuscript as the religious buildings which do not exist due to various reasons. Kırık Minare Mosque is taken into consideration as an example of usage with different functions. In the research carried out in the city of Uşak, where the Muslim, Greek and Armenian population lived together for a while in the historical process; It is seen that there are many mosque structures and some churches that determine the development axis of the city and date to Beylikler Period. Regarding the religious structures examined within the scope of the study; In addition to the data about the dates of construction, their location in the city and their extinction process, many old photos were also found. All this historical data was analyzed and the architectural features of the unearthed structures were tried to be read. The places where religious buildings were located during the historical process overlapped with today’s maps. The surviving religious heritage was systematically classified. To carry the knowledge and story of the lost urban features of the historical cities to the future is very important and equally important as to transfer the cultural assets that exist today to the future. All these cultural layers together form the subjectivity, authenticity, and preservation values of a historical city. The redefining of the lost religious values of the cities and making them visible and adding these values to the urban space again is important because it protects the historical city with all its layers. Because all these unearthed values give a sense of belonging to historical cities.&nbsp;

Mosques and Churches That Didn’t Exist Today and Used For Different Functions in Uşak

Ufuk

The belief factor, which is the most important element that shapes the human life, has succeeded in influencing the internal dynamics, value judgments and means of representation of the society to which it belongs. Along with the spread of Christianity, it led to radical changes in the life and belief system of the society to which it belonged. The Christian belief, that began to become influential on the way of worship, daily life, architecture, and handicraft products, also changed the concept of worship. In addition to the church liturgy that started to develop over time, there were some innovations in the symbols of belief and worship. Anatolia, which contains cultures with different beliefs, is one of the geographies that best represent this situation. The Anatolian geography witnessed important developments in terms of the Christian belief, and the developments in the dimension of belief were also reflected in the understanding of art. From this point of view, the developments, and changes in the religious and daily life of the Byzantine Empire, which can be considered as the most important representative of Christianity, were also reflected in the products used. In parallel with the Byzantine belief system and increasing the effectiveness of the church, its representation power, and the tools it used in the society were enriched accordingly. It is necessary to state that Christology, which has an important place in terms of Christian theology, is one of the issues that mostly occupied the Christian world. In this context, many issues related to the life, death and resurrection of Jesus Christ have been included in Christian theology. These processes affected the meeting of councils and ignited the debates that would spread over a wide period of time. In the continuation of this process, there were also some changes in the dimensions of belief and worship. In particular, the event of the crucifixion and related events have an important place in the Christian faith. So, important stages of representation occurred in the dimension of belief. The developments that shaped the daily life, the way of worship and artistic activities manifested themselves concretely in the works produced. The event of the crucifixion has been one of the most important elements reflected in art in a concrete sense. The cross form, that was used in different ways by various civilizations throughout the historical process, has become the most important means of representation of Christianity over time. The cross, that began to be used in different forms by various societies belonging to the Christian faith, has turned into the most important means of symbol of handicraft products as well as architecture. In addition to metal products shaped according to the Christian church liturgy, various&nbsp;forms of crosses also began to be used widely. These crosses with the traces of Byzantine metal art consist of ceremonial cross, consecrated cross, reliquary cross, and the crosses called as pendant and designed by being worn around the neck. These works made in various sizes are used for different purposes. It is also observed that the decoration elements that can develop depending on the purpose of the crosses are included.The crosses were shaped using various materials and different techniques in their production. In the study, nine metal cross samples at Bursa Archaeological Museum were analyzed. Before the introduction of these works, the use of the cross form in the historical process and its importance in terms of Christian belief were emphasized. In the next stage, the reflections of the cross form on the Byzantine metal art were discussed. The aim of the study was to analyze the reflections of the cross form, which is one of the most important means of representation of Christianity, on the Byzantine metal art. The works in the museum were grouped by considering their usage patterns as well as their forms and technical features. The works discussed within the scope of the study are used as reliquary and pendant crosses. While four of nine metal crosses in the museum that we analyzed within the scope of the study were described as reliquary crosses, the other five crosses were described as crosses used as pendants. Since two of the reliquary crosses were destroyed over time, the presence of decoration elements could not be determined. The crosses with inventory numbers (2009/39) and (2017/73) include depictions such as the “Jesus on the Cross” scene seen in many of the reliquary crosses, “Virgin Mary” figure exhibiting an orans stance, and medallions depicting the four biblical authors. Except for the cross with the inventory number (2011/2) among pendant crosses, they were kept simple in terms of decoration elements. While the casting technique was used in shaping the crosses made of bronze material, the engraving and low relief techniques were used together in their decorations. The analyzed samples have the forms of Latin and Greek crosses by their shapes. However, with regard to the arm ends of the crosses with inventory numbers (8449) and (6-1-98) among the pendant crosses, unlike other samples, while protrusions are located near the ends of the arms, arm ends form a circle. Anatolian geography provides concrete data in terms of liturgical materials, daily use items and cross forms reflecting the Byzantine metal art. From this perspective, it was possible to compare the crosses at Bursa Archaeological Museum with similar samples found at museums in different regions of Anatolia. Thus, it was attempted to obtain data that can help with the stylistic features and dating of these works. It was determined that the metal crosses, which are the subject of the article, had similarities with some works in other museums in terms of form, technical features, and usage purposes. Considering the sense of style and the techniques used, it was concluded that the crosses at Bursa Archaeological Museum could be dated between the 9th and 12th centuries.&nbsp;

Metal Cross Samples at Bursa Archaeological Museum

Pelin

Sheikh Sa’ban-i Veli was born in the Harmancık Neighborhood of Taşköprü District of Kastamonu. He first started to learn discipline in Taşköprü and then came to Kastamonu. There, he took the interpretation and hadith lessons from Hodja Veli (d. 918/1512), son of Osman, and got his approval. It is known that Sheikh Sa’ban-i Veli, who came to Istanbul to advance his discipline, stayed in the Black Sea Bas Kursunlu Madrasa around Fatih. He studied disciplines such as the Qur’an, interpretation, hadith, and fiqh for 9 years, and then turned to the discipline of Sufism. When Sa’ban-i Veli completed his madrasa education, he returned to Kastamonu from Istanbul after he was told in a dream that “go to your homeland”. Sheikh Sa’ban-i Veli Social Complex is one of the most important stations of Kastamonu, where many works of foundation civilization are located. The social complex, which was built by Seyyid Sunneti Efendi before 1490, consists of a mosque, tomb, wand water, dervish lodge houses, fountain, and graveyard. In the rooms of the mansion, personal belongings of Sheikh Sa’ban-i Veli, calligraphy works of the Halveti Sect, Qurans, Kastamonu oil lamps, and carpets and rugs from many regions of Anatolia are exhibited.The historical mansion, located within the Seikh Sa’ban-i Veli Social Complex, serves as the Seikh Sa’ban-i Veli Foundation Museum, where various handicrafts and manuscripts are exhibited today. It was thought that this study would be important in examining the illumination features of the two Mushafs in this museum, preserving the works and revealing the illumination features, as well as transferring them to future generations. The Qur’an, which is one of the most important products of our traditional book arts, has artistic values according to the period they belong to in terms of book arts. In this respect, it will be tried to determine whether the decorations on the illumination pages of the Mushafs with the 259 and 275 fixture numbers reflect the illumination features of the 19th centuries by analyzing the period features and pattern compositions, motif, color, and style of the manuscripts in Kastamonu Seikh Sa’ban-i Veli Foundation Museum.One of the nations that have reached the peak with the arts of book decoration in the world is undoubtedly the Turks. Starting from Central Asia, the Turks transferred their ornamental culture to Anatolia and successfully kept it alive for centuries. The traditional book arts, which developed with the Uyghur Turks in Central Asia, have experienced many changes and developments from the past to the present. The art of illumination, in which the artists reflect their national tastes, continued its progress and came to Anatolia via Iran with the Seljuks. Ottoman period Turkish decoration, especially from the second half of the 15th century to the beginning of the 17th century, is called the classical period and it is seen that excellent works were produced in this period. The first classical illumination examples of the Ottoman period were made during the reign of Mehmed the Conqueror. Due to his interest in art and the importance he gave to the book, a muralist was established in Topkapı Palace during the reign of Mehmet the Conqueror, and Baba Nakkaş of Uzbek origin was appointed as its head. In this period, with the Ehl-i Hiref-i Hassa Organization, which gathered the artists, studies were carried out to meet the needs of the palace and also acted as an art school.Since the 15th century, artists brought from different geographies were employed in the Ottoman Palace and they worked with the existing artists in the palace to create new styles. The heading page illumination in the Fatih period Mushafs was made in the form of a rectangle, an oval, or a circle shape, depending on the size of the work, as well as two-sided or consecutive one-page. In the classical illumination Ottoman style, which reached its peak in the 16th century, the motifs were stylized and simplified. Stylized hatâis, rumi, and clouds gained splendor with the harmony of gold and dark blue. In this process, which started to be seen in our ornamental arts from the end of the 17th century and continued until the end of the 18th century, the motifs are no longer stylized. The 17th century was also the period when Ottoman art, especially book decorations, was at its most stagnant. There is no difference in the page layout and designs of the heading illumination in this century compared to the previous periods, except for the motifs and colors. In particular, the dark blue has lost its vitality and has turned into a pale dark blue. Despite the decline in the art of illumination, the 18th century was the brightest period of flower painting. From this century onwards, Western influence shows itself. The 18th-century headings continued the characteristics of the classical period in terms of the page layout.The Ottoman Empire entered into a serious structural change under Westernization in the 19th century, and the art of illumination was also affected by this change. During this century, in the art of illumination, in addition to those who continued the classical motif and composition, the dual examples in which Western and classical elements were used were effective in those who had Western (rococo-baroque) motifs and new composition understanding. A style in which gold is used abundantly and flowers are embroidered on gold has been effective especially in headings. With the effect of westernization, there is a decline in the Ottoman ornaments and a decrease in the quality of the illuminations applied. Baroque and rococo motifs were used extensively in the decorations. In the heading illuminations of the Mushafs with fixture numbers 259 and 275, which are discussed in the article, for heading illuminations in which Western-based styles and forms are active, together with dual examples with Western and classical elements, it can be said that they reflect the 19th-century illumination understanding, far from the fine workmanship of the classical period.&nbsp;

Illuminations of Headings in the Quran with No 259 and 275 Fixtures in Kastamonu  Sheikh Sa’ban-i Veli Foundation Museum

Fadime

Res. Assist.

The largest branch in the west of the Ganges is named Yamuna (Cemne-Jumna). Agra was founded just on the banks of this river by Lodis. Sikandar Lodi (1489-1517) embellished this new fort, but the severe earthquake that affected all Northern India also destroyed Agra. The reconstruction of the city was started by Babur Shah in 1526. A garden, a pavilion, a pool, and a bath were built, and Agra was given a beautiful, planned, and orderly appearance. While Agra Fort, located on the right bank of the Yamuna River, was a solid fort, it was demolished by Akbar Shah between the years of 1565-1575 and rebuilt from red sandstone. The fort, which was used by Mughals in XVI and XVII centuries, became the main center of the population of the state, especially during the Akbar Shah and Shah Jahan periods. Mughals used the fort until they moved the capital to Delhi City in 1638. After the Akbar Shah period, important buildings were added to Agra Fort in also Jahangir and Shah Jahan periods. According to Abul Fazl, there were more than 500 constructions in Agra Fort. The most important constructions in Agra Fort are Akbar Mahal, Jehangir Mahal, Divan-i-Am, Divan-i Khas, Musamman Burj, Musamman Palace, Shish Mahal (Turkish Bath), Moti Masjid (Pearl Mosque) and Delhi Gate. Agra Fort, which has been under protection by the Archeological Survey of India (ASI) since 1920, was included in the UNESCO World Heritage List in 1983. Musamman Burj and Palace are among the most important constructions in Agra Fort. Once, there was “Jharokha-i Darshan”, built by Akbar Shah and Jahangir in the place of Musamman Burj. Jharokha-i Darshan (Palace-Fort Balconies) are special units built on the bastions of the forts gorgeously that were first started by Humayun Shah in the Mughal period by adopting from Hindu tradition and systematized by Akbar Shah. Rulers went up to Jharokha-i Darshan and communicate with their people face to face, and by this means, they were also protected against any danger that could come. This practice was continued in Jahangir and Shah Jahan periods, but it was quitted in the Aurangzeb period since it was not an Islamic practice. Musamman Burj and Musamman Palace are between Divan-i Khas and Khas Mahal in Agra Fort. In front of the Burj, there is Mussamman Palace in the west of Divan-i Khas on a rectangular platform. This palace has a rectangular area surrounded by arches supported by marble columns and marble lattices. In the very center of this rectangular area, there is a pool in the form of a lotus. There is Musamman Palace, and afterwards, Musamman Burj is attached to it. Musamman Burj has an octagonal plan, surrounded by open columns, with two floors, all made of white marble on the red sandstone bastions of Akbar Shah. The second floor of Musamman Burj is arranged&nbsp;as an octagonal pavilion (çatri) covered with a dome. The decorations of Musamman Palace and Burj were designed in harmony with each other. The same technique and material were used while the decorations were created, but there are differences in the details of the motifs and patterns. Both interior and exterior walls of the marble columns surrounding Musamman Palace and Burj were filled with niches, and the walls were covered with botanical decorations having the same style and motifs. While there are stylized flowers and leaves such as hatai, palmet and rumi between the twisted branches on the columns and walls, there are naturalistic flowers such as lilies, irises, and daffodils on the panels (dados) on the walls. There were no dates, writings or inscriptions found in Musamman Burj and Musamman Palace. Writing has an important place in Jahangir and Shah Jahan period architectural decorations. The fact that writing was not used here can be evidence that this place was a social and political place open to the public, that the Mughal State took into consideration that there were many ethnic groups and separated religion and politics in state administration. The decorations on the construction were created by using colored stone inlay and relief techniques on white marble. Musamman Burj and Palace are also important since they reflect the common characteristics of the Jahangir and Shah Jahan periods of architecture and art. Moreover, the similarity between the material, technique and motifs used in the decorations of the Tomb of Itimad-ud-Daulah, which was commissioned by Nur Jahan, the wife of Jahangir, for her father Mirzā Ghiyās Beg in Agra city in Jahangir period and those used in the Musamman Burj and Musamman Palace is striking. Musamman Burj and Musamman Palace are important examples, particularly in terms of the decorations, where Jahangir period decorations and Shah Jahan period decorations are used together. Musamman Burj and Musamman Palace are one of the most important buildings in which Shah Jahan continued the architectural style of his father Jahangir, while also revealing his artistic style. The belief of that Musamman Burj was built by Shah Jahan for Mumtaz Mahal is wrong because it is also clearly seen in the miniatures that it was Shah Jahan’s Jharokha-i Darshan, that is, an official place where he addressed the public, communicating with them, and at the same time watched various demonstrations and ceremonies. The construction of Shah Burj in the other Mughal forts such as Lahore Fort and Delhi Fort, as in Musamman Burj in Agra Fort, reveals that the bastions were built for rulers due to their special locations. In Padshahnama, Shah Jahan clearly stated that he built Musamman Palace for Mumtaz Mahal. Musamman Burj and Musamman Palace are so intimate that it is difficult to think that they are separate buildings. Therefore, it is possible to state that the fault that not Musamman Palace but Musamman Burj was built for Mumtaz Mahal spread time. Another important aspect of Musamman Burj and Palace is that Shah Jahan was imprisoned here with his daughter Jahanara Begum by his son Aurangzeb. Here is the place where Shah Jahan spent his last days looking at the Taj Mahal. This is not a prison, on the contrary, it is the place where Shah Jahan spent his last days and waited to meet Mumtaz Mahal since Musamman Palace is the seraglio where Shah Jahan lived his best years and had his most special memories with Mumtaz Mahal. In addition, Musamman Burj is where he saw Mumtaz Mahal (Taj Mahal) in the best way since this is the point where the Taj Mahal is seen most beautifully in Agra City.Consequently, Musamman Burj is Shah Jahan’s Jharokha-i Darshan that was named “musamman-octagonal” due to its octagonal plan. Although Musamman Burj and Palace was built by Shah Jahan in Agra Fort, it is a unique example which contains striking similarities with the works and style of the Jahangir period in terms of both architectural elements, material and technique and the motifs used in the decoration. Considering the buildings built by Shah Jahan after Musamman Burj and Palace, it is possible to say that Shah Jahan created his unique architectural style.&nbsp;

Looking fram Agra Fort to The Taj Mahal: Musamman Burj and Palace

Harun

İstanbul, nüfus ve yerleşik düzen bakımından kendisine denk sayılabilecek şehirler arasında, bünyesinde barındırdığı kültür ve dolayısıyla müzik çeşitliliği ve zenginliği bakımından oldukça ayrıcalıklı bir yere sahiptir. Üç büyük imparatorluk devrinin gözde şehri ve idarî merkezidir. Bütün bu vasıfları, İstanbul’u binlerce yıl boyunca, farklı diller konuşulan, farklı inanç ve dünya tasavvuruna sahip insanların kendilerine özgü kültürlerinden kaynaklanan müzik icralarına sahne olan bir kent hâline getirmiştir.18. yüzyıl İstanbul’unda farklı etnik gruplar ve cemaatler kamusal alanda daha sık bir araya gelmeye başlamışlardı. Dünya’nın farklı bölgelerinden seyyahlar, diplomatik personel, Hristiyan misyonerler ve dervişler İstanbul’a geliyorlardı. 18. yüzyılda hız kazanan bu ziyaretçi trafiği, 19. yüzyılda artarak devam etmiştir. Gelenlerden bir kısmı kısa süre kalmış, bunlardan bazıları gözlem ve izlenimlerini yazarak yayımlamış, bir kısmı ise görev icabı ya da başka gerekçelerle İstanbul’da uzun zaman geçirmişlerdir. Sonuçta ziyaretçiler İstanbul’a kendi kültürlerinden unsurları taşımış ve elbette İstanbul’un zengin kültürel atmosferinden etkilenmişlerdir.Burada muhtelif örnekleri sunulan farklı kültürler arasındaki etkileşim, 19. yüzyıl İstanbul hayatındaki sosyal gruplar ve kültürler arasındaki hareketliliği gözler önüne sermektedir. Bir taraftan saray çevresinde bulunmasına pek alışık olunmayan kesimler, yönetici elitlerle buluşmakta, diğer yandan Avrupa kültürüne ait unsurlar, doğu musikisine ait şarkılarla aynı defterde peş peşe yazılmaktadır. Saray çevresi ve yüksek bürokasi 19. yüzyılın ikinci çeyreğinden itibaren Batı tarzı eğitimle yetişmekte, Avrupa kültür ve sanatına meyletmekteydi. Bunun sonucu olarak seçkin kesimlerin sosyal yaşantısı Avrupai bir edaya bürünmekteydi. Mevcut belgeler 19. yüzyıl ortalarında, özellikle İtalya müzik kültürünün Saray çevresine ne denli sirayet ettiğini çarpıcı biçimde gösteriyor. Aynı yıllarda Osmanlı’daki gayr-i müslim unsurlar, kamusal alanda daha etkin olmaya başlamışlardı. Kültür-sanat hayatının belirgin simalarının hatırı sayılır bir kısmı Yahudi, Ermeni ve Rumlar arasından çıkmaktaydı. Daha önceki yüzyıllarda da bazı gayr-i müslim sanatkârlar Osmanlı sanat mahfillerinde itibar görmekteydi. Ancak 19. yüzyılda gayr-i müslim sanatkârların hem sayıları artmış hem de daha fazla görünür olmuşlardı. Örneğin Ermeniler kendi kilise müziklerinin nota sistemini Klasik Türk Musikisi’ne tatbik etmiş, daha sonraları Hamparsum Notası olarak tanınan bu sistem, son dönem Osmanlı musikişinaslarının icra ve eserlerin intikalinde olmasa da eserlerin derlenmesi ve koleksiyon maksadıyla kullandıkları temel nota sistemi olmuştu. Rumlar da yine kendi kilise nota sistemlerinden hareketle binlerce Türk musikisi eserini notaya almışlar, hattâ bununla da yetinmeyip Evterpi, Pandora gibi nota kitapları yayınlayarak bu eserlerin yaygın dolaşıma girmesini sağlamışlardı. İşin ilginç tarafı, Bizans notasını bilen Türk bulmak neredeyse imkânsız olduğundan bu kitapların tamamen Rum cemaatine yönelik olarak yayınlanmasıdır. Gelişen baskı teknolojilerinin de yardımı ile Klasik Türk Musikisi, hiç olmadığı kadar geniş bir etki sahası bulmuştu. Yahudilerin de İbrani harfleriyle Türkçe güfte mecmuaları yayınladıkları, Maftirim adı verilen mistik musiki repertuarında birebir Türk musikisinden nakledilen ancak İbranice güfte giydirilen eserlere ağırlık verdikleri bilinmektedir. Görünen o ki tarih boyunca belli sınırlar içinde kalan merkez kültür ile farklı etnik ve dinî yapılar arasındaki etkileşim 19. asırda had safhasına ulaşmıştı. 20. yüzyıla gelindiğinde ve Osmanlı tamamen çözülmenin eşiğindeyken yaşanan bu kültürel inkişaf, musiki tarihine ait belgelerin kaynaklığında daha fazla incelenmeye tabi tutulmalıdır.&nbsp;Ermeni harfleriyle yazılmış yüzlerce Türkçe metin tespit edilmiştir. Ancak 18. yüzyıl Osmanlı saray (court) müziğine ait bir güftenin Ermenî hurufatı ile, oldukça düzgün bir hatla bir fasıl mecmuasına kaydedilmesi pek sık rastlanan bir durum değildir. Yukarıda verilen örnek, daha 18. yüzyılda, Ermenîlerin klasik Türk müziğindeki mevcudiyetinin açık bir izi olması sebebiyle dikkat çekicidir.Çingenelerin Türk musiki tarihindeki varlıklarıyla ilgili veriler oldukça sınırlıdır. Hele Çingene kökenli bestekârlarla ilgili elimizde yok denecek kadar az malumat vardır. Hâlbuki müzikle olan güçlü ilişkileri ve içlerinden pek çok müzisyen çıkmasıyla meşhur bir milletin Bizans döneminden beri yaşadıkları İstanbul’da, özellikle de eğlence müziği çerçevesinde eserler veren bestekârlar yetiştirmeleri pek tabi bir durumdur. Güfte mecmualarında bu bestekârlardan bir kısmının adına ulaşılması, Çingene bestekârların Klasik Türk müziği camiasındaki yerleriyle ilgili yeni bilgiler edinilmesini temin etmiştir.Yahudilerin, özellikle daha erken dönemlerde, diğer gayr-i müslim unsurlardan daha yoğun biçimde klasik Türk musikisine katılım sağladıkları yakın zamanlarda anlaşılmaya başlamıştır. Osmanlı Yahudileri arasından pek çok besteci çıkmış, önemli icracılar yetişmiştir. Büyük Türk bestecilerini yetiştiren hocalardan da Yahudi olanlar vardır. Ancak diğer Osmanlı musikişinasları gibi bu zevatın da ayrıntılı biyografisini yazabilmek mümkün olmamaktadır. İlk defa bu makalede gösterileceği gibi, bugüne değin Rum kökenli olduğu bilinen İlya aslında Yahudi’dir. Bu bilgi bestekârın biyografisi hakkında mühim bir detayı sunmaktadır. Bu detay bizi, İlya’nın biyografisini doğru yönde inşa etmeye sevk etmektedir. İsimleri çok az bilinen Yasef ve Salom/ Solom’un (muhtemelen Solomon) kimliği ve sanattaki yerleri hakkında da makalede ilk defa neşredilecek belgeler birinci elden kaynaklık edecektir.Türk-Rum musiki ilişkilerinin 600 yılı aşkın bir geçmişi olduğu açıktır. Söz konusu ilişkilerin hem Rum hem de Türk kaynaklarından takip edilmesi, bütüncül bir musiki tarihi yazımı için gereklidir. Türk kaynakları arasında sayı ve çeşitlilik itibariyle en zengin görünümü sunan güfte mecmualarında Türk musikisi repertuarındaki Rumca ya da Türkçe-Rumca mülemma güfteler tesbit edilmektedir. Bu güfteler özellikle eğlence müziği tarihi için değerli bilgiler sunmaktadır. Bazı örneklerin notaları da günümüze ulaştığı için icraya da imkân vermektedir.İtalyanca bir güftenin Arap harfleriyle yazılması ve bir şarkı mecmuasına kaydedilmesi, çok zor rastlanacak bir durumdur. Aşağıda ayrıntılı tanıtımı yapılacak böylesi bir kayıt, Osmanlı’nın Batılılaşma serüvenini anlatan ilginç belgelerden biridir. İstanbul’da bazı topluluklar Ermenî/Rum harfleriyle Türkçe güfteler yazarken bir kesimin de Arap harfleriyle İtalyanca bir güfteyi şarkı mecmualarına yazmaları, İstanbul’un kültür katmanlarının derinliğini ve sosyal yapılarındaki açıklanması güç çeşitliliği gözler önüne sermektedir.&nbsp;

Texts About Music: Reflections on the Relations Between the  Different Communities Living in 19th Century Istanbul

Elif

Russian painter Vasily Vereshchagin, who had a worldwide reputation during his lifetime, is known for his realistic attitude and choice of subjects from an Orientalist perspective. On the other hand, he is among the closest witnesses of Russia’s expansion toward Asia. Since he officially accompanied the Russian military mission and was tasked with illustrating/documenting the occupied regions in all details, he had the opportunity to observe some Asian lands closely in those years when the issues of “Easternness”, “Westernness” and identity were the subject of debate among the Russian intelligentsia. Written sources of those years indicate that a significant value was attributed to Turkestan and Samarkand, among all the occupied lands in Asia. Because, as it is known, Samarkand has been the leading center of Central Asia and Islamic cultures since the Middle Ages: The capture of Samarkand, which includes the memory of Timur, one of the legendary leaders of the medieval Islamic world, and the magnificent Timurid monuments, was seen as an important gain for Russia at that time, not only expanding its territory but also with its cultural connotations. Having a geopolitical and symbolic significance for both native residents and Western narratives, Samarkand has undoubtedly been privileged to some extent in terms of culture and administration among these newly captured lands by Russia. On a larger scale, Samarkand has also become a showcase for Russia in the colonization process: Preserving, restoring, documenting, and exhibiting the “legendary” architectural heritage of Samarkand, which was undoubtedly one of the most interesting cities of the East thanks to the repetitive narratives since the Middle Ages, has been a subject that Russia has meticulously focused on since the first years of their domination of Turkestan. From the very beginning, scientific expeditions were organized with the participation of experts from different disciplines and in addition to the geographic or ethnologic research, they recorded the local architecture with many photographs and paintings in all detail and prepared comprehensive albums in this context. Vereshchagin’s realistic style and almost photographic attitude must be the main reason why he was chosen among the other war painters of the period to create a visual archive of the region. Looking at his paintings, it can be said that they almost have a “documentary” flavor rather than a desire to bring artistic innovation. In his Turkestan series, including scenes of Samarkand, besides the depictions of architecture and urban history, there are also daily life scenes, some war and front views, or scenes pointing to the poverty and misery of the local people. But in the context of cultural heritage, it should be emphasized that Vereshchagin’s interest is not just a “documentary” or “scientific” attitude or even an artistic enthusiasm. All these scenes can be interpreted, on a larger scale, as a manifestation of Russia’s efforts to legitimize its colonization process at the international level. Suggesting that Russia has protected the historical and ethnographic values of Turkestan, these paintings were exhibited in many Western countries, accordingly, they can be regarded as an attempt to legitimize&nbsp;the expansion of Russia’s dominance in Central Asia, implying a “civilizing” mission in the occupied lands. This whole process also gives us clues about the dynamics of Russian Westernization. Therefore, Vereshchagin’s paintings can be interpreted as significant visual documents to understand the debates of that period, as well as their artistic values. Certainly, the documentation and preservation of the Timurid monuments in those years were carried out mainly with a political mission; however, it should be emphasized that all these activities ensured the survival of the monuments. Vereshchagin’s Samarkand scenes reflect the appearance of the monuments with a clarity and vitality that photographs could not offer at that time, in this sense, they can be described as important visual documents in terms of art history. In this context, in the first part of this paper, the symbolic importance that the Russians attributed to the East, and more specifically to the Turkestan/Samarkand region during the colonization process is discussed. Then, on this basis, the appearance of the Timurid monuments in the 1870s is examined as documented by Vereshchagin and compared with other sources. When his paintings are compared with the photographs in the Turkestan albums prepared in the same years, they also contain some differentiating details. For example, in some of his paintings, it is seen that he made some attempts to “complete” the damaged parts of the buildings. Another remarkable detail is that a rather large painting from the Turkestan series about Timur’s tomb was presented to the Turkish Republic as a gift by the Soviet delegation much later, during the Stalin era. It can be thought that a painting depicting Timur’s tomb was carefully chosen as a diplomatic gift because such a theme reminds both of common historical ties and Russia’s power and dominance in the region. The presentation of this gift to Turkey, which is exhibited in the State Museum of Fine Arts (Ankara) today, is also discussed in this paper based on Turkish and Russian documents and newspapers of that period. To sum up, in this article, Vereshchagin’s paintings are examined both in their context in Russian orientalism and to record the Timurid architectural heritage visually as a document.&nbsp;

Timurid Monuments as Seen by The Russian Painter Vasily Vasilyevich Vereshchagin  (1842-1904): Documentation of the Cultural Heritage in Central Asia

Sinan

Although the early data of Aizanoi are materials dated to the Paleolithic age, the earliest archaeological data belonging to a settlement were obtained from the mound on which the temple of Zeus was located and goes back to the Early Bronze Age. The heyday of Aizanoi is the Roman Imperial Age. Especially during the Hadrian’s and Antonine Dynasties, the increasing development activities and the fact that it became a city that received intense immigration enabled Aizanoi to gain a cosmopolitan structure. In this period, Ulpius Appuleius Eurykles, one of the wealthy families of the city, the most prominent name of the Ulpius, undertook the financing of the development activities in the city. Until the middle of the 3rd century AD, it was one of the leading cities of the region with its political and religious position. At the beginning of the 4th century AD, Phrygia, which was a combination of Phrygia and Caria, became part of the Prima Province. The city, which was the episcopacy center in the Early Byzantine Period, also sent its bishops to various cities. After the 8th century AD, it gradually lost its importance. In the 12th and 13th centuries AD, the Çavdar tribe from the Tatar tribe settled here, turned the temple into a castle and gave the region its current name. After the Byzantine emperors lost control of Western Anatolia, Aizanoi became a part of the Germiyanoğulları Principality, whose center was Kütahya and which flourished in the last quarter of the 13th century and the beginning of the 14th century.The first information about Aizanoi was conveyed by travellers who came to the region during the 19th century. The first scientific studies were carried out by German scientists in 1926 and 1928, continued intermittently within the German Archaeological Institute since the 1970s, and finally, 2011 excavations and research began to be carried out on behalf of Pamukkale University with the permission given by the Ministry of Culture and Tourism. Aizanoi is an example of cultural heritage with its ancient texture, which contains examples of public and religious architecture, and its rural structure, which includes examples of local civil architecture from the Turkish period, and its population that continues to live here. With these features, it was accepted into the UNESCO World Cultural Heritage Tentative List on 12 April 2012.A project with this name has been prepared with the aim of archaelogical studies carried out in Penkalas/Kocaçay Stream since 2012, to clear the fill formed between bridges 2 and 4, keeping the tea bed in its original borders, and improving the relations with the surrounding tissue and developing tourism together with navigable areas. This project has been submitted to the Kütahya Conservation Board. Then, with the decision of the Kütahya Cultural Heritage Preservation Regional Board Directorate dated 19.06.2017 and numbered 4081, the “Penkalas/Kocaçay Stream No. 2-4 Bridge Improvement Project” was approved.Rural tourism, which is compatible with the concept of sustainable tourism, has a feature that can be carried out together with culture, history, environment, agriculture and tourism, but it is a type that integrates especially with eco-tourism. Aizanoi-Çavdarhisar and its surroundings, both its ancient texture and nature, and the Penkalas Stream passing through it, walking along the creek and paths, walking in the countryside along the edge of the creek extending to the ancient city and the Cybele Sanctuary, seeing all the colors that nature offers to Aizanoi without hesitation, and watching the rural landscape are the same. At the same time, it is one of the rare settlements in terms of offering the opportunity to taste the fresh and natural products of the region and to experience the rural culture.As the project approach criterion, it is aimed to make the data of nature, civil architecture and ancient period perceptible and livable with the touches that will strengthen the environmental relations with the least interference to the current situation. The sine qua non of this approach is that all proposed interventions regarding both restoration and environmental use are removable/retrievable/returnable.The Penkalas River archaeological study and the Penkalas/Kocaçay River Rehabilitation Project between No. 2 and 4 Bridges started in 2012 and are still continuing. Within the scope of these studies, the first stage was environmental cleaning, documentation of architectural blocks and measurement studies. The second stage was the cleaning of the stream floor with the help of DSI and documenting the removal of architectural plastics in the stream. The third stage, it is aimed to make static measurements of the protection walls on the banks of the stream and to strengthen them to the required extent.In all the interventions made until the end of the 2020 works, it was tried to protect the original architectural features of the walls in the project in question, and the historical texture, patina and originality of the interventions were tried to be preserved when viewed from the outside. No part of the flood/set walls has been dismantled, except for the completion. During the completion, the original blocks identified and inventoried in and around Penkalas were used. Thus, significant progress has been made in this project, which is one of the most important tourism values of Çavdarhisar and Kütahya, and many obstacles have been overcome before the project is completed and opened to regional tourism.&nbsp;

The Restoration and Archaeological Studies of The Penkalas River Project in Aizanoi  Ancient City

Çetin

Following the death of Mevlânâ Celâleddin-i Rumi, the Architect Bedreddin began to build a tomb in memory of him, and it was completed in 1274. Although there are several speculations about the initial version of the tomb, it is acknowledged that Karamanoğlu Alaeddin Bey (1357-1398) had it built in the sliced shape and that the exterior walls of the dome were covered with tiles in a restoration. Known as the oldest samples of the exterior materials of the dome, those tiles were produced by applying the color-glaze technique. Today some of them are stored in the warehouse of the Konya Museum Directorate, and some other pieces are exhibited in famous museums such as the Metropolitan Museum, and the Victoria &amp; Albert Museum.As seen in the literature, the tiles of the dome, also known as Kubbe-i Hadrâ, were renewed in 1677, 1698, 1791, 1797, 1816, 1835, 1866, 1909, 1949, and 1965. According to the 17th-century records, the tiles used in the restoration in 1698 were produced by applying the underglaze technique in Iznik. Since 1816, Kütahya tiles have been preferred for the restorations in the Mevlânâ tomb. However, historical records prove that the durability of those Kütahya tiles was poor.&nbsp;&nbsp;In the renovation of the Kubbe-i Hadrâ in 1912, the tiles were manufactured by Hafız Mehmet Emin Efendi who was a Kütahya tile artist. In the 1949 renovation, the tiles were manufactured by Hacı Mehmet Üstünkaya at the Öz Tile Factory in Kütahya. Shortly after the renovation, the tiles fell off the wall, so the dome was covered with wood, which led to a public backlash. Relevant people sued the Öz Tile Factory, and it was determined that the fallen tiles stemmed from an application error.A contract was made with the Taylan Ceramic Factory to manufacture exterior tiles of the dome in 1961. However, the Taylan Ceramic Factory failed in shaping wooden molds, and it had to supply hydraulic metal molds and therefore could not deliver the work on time. The factory requested additional time to import dyes as the domestic dyes could not attain the desired color. Although additional time was allowed for the Taylan Ceramic Factory, the factory went bankrupt in 1963 due to the negative impacts of the coup in 1960 on the economy and the inadequate number of orders that would cover the expenses of employees, large electric furnaces, and imported colored glazes. We still do not know whether the factory delivered the tile order. However, the tiles were manufactured by the Metin Tile Factory and delivered to the Konya Museum Directorate in 1964. The owners of the Metin Tile Factory are Edip and Vedat Çinicioğlu, the grandchildren of Hafız Mehmet Emin Efendi, who manufactured the dome tiles in 1912. We assumed that the Taylan Ceramic Factory produced the tiles for the dome but had to transfer them to the Metin Tile Factory due to bankruptcy because the Metin Tile Factory did not have the necessary technological equipment to manufacture high-quality tiles in a short period of about a year. However, the analyzes&nbsp;show that those tiles were entirely distinctive from the Kütahya tiles in terms of form and glaze compositions, and that metal hydraulic molds were used to shape the tiles, which were dried in electric furnaces at higher temperatures. The color of the tile was not peculiar to Kütahya tiles. The Taylan Ceramic Factory used to manufacture ceramics in Istanbul and Samsun, had modern electric furnaces and other technological facilities, had strong commercial links with Germany and Italy, and imported colored glazes. According to the records of the Konya Museum Directorate, the tiles were transferred from Kütahya to Konya in wooden boxes. After a careful examination of the tile boxes in the warehouse, it was found that the boxes were of foreign origin with customs stamps on them. However, we could not find any information about the content of those imported boxes in Kütahya.Research showed that Armenian tile-makers in Kütahya worked to produce the tiles of the Kubbe-i Hadrâ. For instance, Hovhannes worked for the restorations in 1866, and David Ohannessian for the restorations in 1912. However, it is known that the archaeologist Hagop Kevorkian sold the old tiles of the tomb, produced by using the color-glazed technique, to the Metropolitan Museum in 1908.The analysis of Kütahya tiles from different periods in the Konya Museum warehouse revealed that the tiles were different in terms of material (soft or hard), glaze (opaque or transparent), color (turquoise or green tones), and size. Periodic changes were also observed in mounting methods. The tiles were attached to the dome by using lime, Khorassan mortar, or nails in different restorations. Cement was used in the last restoration.Kubbe-i Hadrâ tiles, renewed during the restoration completed in 1965, were highly deformed over time. The final restoration of the Kubbe-i Hadrâ, which started in June 2020, is still in progress. Kubbe-i Hadrâ tiles, which are Seljuk works, were manufactured by Kemal Güler in Konya, the ancient Seljuk capital, centuries later. The tiles, consisting of a high silica body shaped by the “tap tap method” (manually placing the ceramic paste in the mold), are turquoise colored and opaque glazed.&nbsp;

Tiles of the Konya Green Dome in the Light of New Information

Turgay

When the works belonging to the Ottoman period are examined, one of the main reference sources is undoubtedly the Ottoman archives. Apart from that, foundation certificates and foundation records are the documents supporting the studies to be done in this field. In this sense, we believe that the name of Keyhüsrev Bey Mosque in Sağman, based on Ottoman archives and foundation records, is wrong to be named Salih Bey Mosque in publications until today and it would be correct to call the building Keyhüsrev Bey MosqueIn many documents that we found in the Ottoman archives, it is seen that the name of the mosque in Sağman was known Keyhüsrev Bey Mosque in the Ottoman period, and it was mentioned by the same name until 1912 from the documents that included other units of the Foundation and the assignments of the mosque. There is no information about when it was named as Salih Bey Mosque after this date. In the study with the title “History of Ottoman Architecture”, which was first published by Godfrey Goodwin in 1971, it is seen that the name of the building was mentioned as “Sağmanbahçe Mosque”. The author does not give any information about the origin of the name of the building. In his work titled “Diyarbakır, a Rival to Iznik: a Sixteenth Century Tile Industry in Eastern Anatolia”, which he prepared in 1977, Julian Raby, gave only brief information about the tiles with the same name. Apart from the studies done by these two researchers, in the few works done in Turkey, brief information about the building was given and its name was reported as Salih Bey Mosque. The most comprehensive research among these studies is the published by Ayşıl Tükel under the name of “Multifunctional Salih Bey Mosque in Sağman”. Tükel, mentions in her study that brief information about the early publications. It can be accepted that the building has reached the present day with the name of Salih Bey with the effect of all these works.In the Ottoman archives, we did not encounter a mosque named Salih Bey in Sağman. But, during the same archive scans, it is possible to encounter many different documents related to the Keyhüsrev Bey Foundation Mosque. In a document dated 1560 in the Ottoman archives, it is stated that Keyhüsrev Bey requested permission from the central administration to build a mosque in Sağman and it was accepted. In addition, the same document states that an old mosque that already existed in the region was destroyed. When considered in this sense, it is clear that the construction of the mosque started in the time of Keyhüsrev Bey. Another point to be considered here is whether the mosque was completed following the original plan. The mosque has taken on a multi-functional plan, with spaces consisting of different units consisting of four rooms and an iwan on the east and west sides of the northern façade of the single-domed prayer area in the center. However, we believe that it would be correct to think that the single-domed section was started during the reign of Keyhüsrev Bey and completed in 1567 during his reign. We think that the places in the east and west and the tomb in the south were added to the plan later. One of the architectural proofs supporting this idea is that a part of the space in the west was built based on the minaret rostrum.The tiles of the building, which have no trace today, have a very important and special place in Ottoman tile art. In 2001-2002, the majority of the remaining tiles were stolen from the building, but the tiles in the hands of the thieves caught by the security forces were handed over to the Elazig Museum. The couplets and ghazals located in the central hatayi motif among the tiles show a unique feature among the tiles of the Ottoman period. Among the tiles known to exist in the building, although they have not reached the present day, the two-line couplet and ghazals in the center of the hatayi motif show a unique feature among the tiles of the Ottoman period. One of these scripts, which was found in four Hatayi motifs side by side, could not be read, and some of the other three texts were read and written by Tükel, albeit incompletely. Tükel did not mention the meanings of these writings but stated that there were three Persian and one Arabic Sufi writings.Accordingly, in the first expression, the couplet “Since in the end the crown and dais of kingship fall into ruin; Hold yourself to have become Sultan on the throne of the world “ is read in the divan of Suleiman the Magnificent, which he wrote with the pen name Muhibbi. On another tile that is only partially readable, it is written in Persian: “If I taste a little salt from the salt shaker of your lip…., …., I will be without salt and tasteless”. Unfortunately, despite all our research, we could not determine which poet this poem belongs to. In another tile, Arabic; The text “There is a healing for hearts in meeting/meeting with a loved one” is read. It is stated that this word is one of the different expressions transferred by changing the words from the sentence “Likâu’l-halîl şifau’l-alîl” (Your friend’s face is the cure for the patient) in the chapter about friendship in the book “Fîhi Ma Fîh” compiled from the conversations of Mevlâna Celaleddin Rumi. It is possible to see the same sentence in the Beyazıt II. Bridge in Geyve and the painting “Turtle Trainer” by Ottoman Hamdi Bey. These tiles, on which there are Turkish, Persian and Arabic inscriptions, show that the tile master has a command of these three languages enough to write. In addition, the fact that the writings in these three languages are parts of literary works reveals the intellectual side of the master and the patron.&nbsp;

Sağman Keyhüsrev Bey Mosque in the Light of New Documents and Findings

Fikret

The work entitled Seyyâhnâme presents a unique travel account of an Ottoman statesman as it provides detailed information about England and France and contains watercolour paintings on the subjects explained. The work was probably written by Mehmed Emin Pasha (d. 1851), a mühendishane military school-educated Ottoman statesman, between 1835-1837, at a time when he was studying at the University of Cambridge. The author enriched his work with 18 watercolour paintings in order to embody the subjects he expressed, which include the modern military service, education, transportation infrastructure and modern transportation vehicles that he witnessed in England. Among the things that impressed the author are the maintenance and cleaning of the streets of London, as well as the street lamps that illuminated the streets by burning the gas extracted from the coal. The picture on page 3a is described as “It is the picture of the London houses and the pavements of streets with the street lamps using gas” (F 1). The author drew this painting based on the engraving “Part of East Side, Regent Street” by Thomas Hosmer Shepherd.As he had an engineering background, the author gives information about modern big bridges he saw in England. The painting on page 4b on this topic has the description “It is a picture of a suspension chain bridge” (F 2). On the same topic, the painting on page 6a bears the title “It is the picture of the iron suspension bridge under which ships pass-through” (F 3). This bridge is a painting of The Menai Suspension Bridge, designed by Thomas Telford (1757-1854) and completed in 1826, over the Menai Strait in the Irish Sea between the island of Anglesey and Wales in the west of England. It shows great similarities with Thomas Barber’s “Menai Bridge from the Anglesea Side” (1830) and W. Crane’s “The Menai Bridge” (the 1830s). The third bridge painting is presented on page 7a with the title “It is the picture of the threeeyed bridge built of solid cast iron” (F 4). This is the Southwark Bridge over the River Thames. Despite being a bridge located in the centre of the city, the picture lacks environmental context and details.The paintings on pages 8b and 9b have the titles “It is the picture of the road under the Thames River” (F 5) and “It is the painting of the road depicted in the previous page, seen from the entrance” (F 6). Both depict the Thames Tunnel and both show great similarities with the engravings entitled “The Thames Tunnel, London 1832” and “The Thames Tunnel between Wapping and Rotherhithe” published during this period.The painting on page 17a has the caption “It is a painting of the seven pools on both sides of the Thames River including one storehouse and shades with an iron cover built around it” (F 7). Since freight cranes and dock structures were more developed in the dock engravings drawn around the 1830s, the author probably made this based on the older engravings of the docks.The author gives detailed information on the horse-drawn passenger stagecoach carriages that made scheduled voyages and the system of mail coaches in England. There is a caption under the painting on 51a “It is the painting of the houses they call the hotel and the mail and stagecoaches” (F 8). On the same topic, the painting on 52a bears the title “This is the picture of the roads outside the city and the stagecoach that does not carry postal courier” (F 9).The picture on page 57a is entitled “It is the picture of steamboats: for passenger, for trade goods, for animals” (F 10). It shows the first examples of steam trains and their three types of carriages carrying passengers, trade cargo and animals. Although the carriages are different in all three types of trains, the locomotives have similar characteristics. The author probably drew this painting as an interpretation of a set of four engravings entitled “Travelling on the Liverpool and Manchester Railway” drawn by S. G. Hughes and Isaac Shaw in 1833. The picture on page 58a bears the caption, “It is a painting of a steam train that consumes its smoke in a box” (F 11). The picture shows an example of a small steam-powered three-wheeled tram with relatively luxurious features built for use on narrow streets and slopes in the city of London.The author provides up-to-date information about the balloon, ballooning and balloon flight experiments, which showed significant developments and aroused great excitement especially, in France and England during that period. The balloon picture on page 61a has the caption “It is the picture of the thing that they call balloon” (F 12). Unlike the smaller pear-shaped balloons, which were common in the period, the balloon shown here is larger, with a transverse oval shape, and it has wings and a steering rudder that allows it to go against the wind. The balloon depicted on page 62a with the description “Another type of the balloon mentioned” (F 13) is the prototype of balloons that were commonly seen in balloon engravings and lithographs drawn in Europe during this period. The painting shown on page 63a with the caption “It is the picture of the said balloon” (F 14) is an interpretation of a balloon that was being worked on during this period and that had not yet been tested and was only on display.There is no doubt that these paintings as the visual representation of the literary descriptions of the modern urban reconstruction and improvement, transportation infrastructure and vehicles the author made, had a great impact on the minds of the Ottoman reader. It is a big possibility that this work, which was completed shortly before the announcement of the Tanzimat Edict, provided important visual data for the sultan and the high echelon of the Tanzimat administrators who carried out their modernization project more systematically.&nbsp;

Bridges, Stagecoaches, Trains and Balloons on the Road to the Tanzimat: Paintings  and Descriptive Strategies of Modern Transportation Infrastructure and Vehicles in  Seyyâhnâme ‘The Book of Traveller’ Dated 1835

Güler

Nurşen

Osman

A group of unglazed Georgian era ceramic in Şavşat Castle dated back to the 13th-15th centuries are discussed within the scope of this study. In the said period, Şavşat Castle was ruled by the Georgian Bagrationi Dynasty. The aim of the study is to introduce the Şavşat specimens of the lesser-known Georgian ceramic to the scientific world and emphasize the connection between the architectural texture and historical development of the castle in the light of the ceramic findings.&nbsp;Excavation works that took approximately ten years in Şavşat Castle were carried out in twenty-six different locations. Ceramics found during the excavation works at the places that were labeled with the numbers 25 and 26 respectively in 2016 and unglazed ceramics found during the restoration works in 2017 were discussed in this study. The places 25 and 26 are adjacent. Those places are close to the northern wall of the castle. Ceramic findings present clues about the daily lifestyles, economic statuses, cultural-artistic characteristics, and even religious beliefs of the people who lived at Şavşat Castle.Besides dark clays, light coloured clays such as yellow, grey, and cream are seen among the ceramic vessels at the castle. Thin walls draw attention to light coloured clays, while thick walls draw attention to dark coloured clays. Presence of two different clay textures and structures in this area is an indicator of two different ceramic groups as local and imported. While the ones which are coarse, mixed and with dark clay are local, the ones with smooth surface and light-coloured clay differ from the others with their quality workmanship and baking therefore they are imported to the area. As a result of our comparisons and evaluations, the vessels at Şavşat Castle must have been brought from Georgia through the Black Sea coastal trade. Although Şavşat Castle; which looks like a castle that might be considered as secluded in a rural area in the Middle Ages, is located in a closed basin; it is understood that it has road connections with Akhaltsikhe region of Georgia as well as a commercial connection with Batumi which has an important port. Especially because Batumi has direct advanced sociocultural and commercial connection with the region and it has sectarian affinity with the Byzantium, it strengthens the possibility that imported vessels were brought to Şavşat Castle as gifts or commercial goods.Mostly bowl type ceramic vessels were found in the castle as a whole or in pieces. The Absence of pieces in plate form and finding mostly bowls, especially the ones with semi-spherical bodies, bring up the question whether they might have been used for drinking wine. Having found very few mug and cup pieces during the excavations also supports this thought. Or in connection with their food culture, it might bring up the question whether those deep vessels may have been used for stews.&nbsp;Big jars (pitos); in which the wine, produced at the wine production workshop that was found at the castle, is stored, and matured; are again found as whole or almost whole. Apart from wine, grains may have been stored in those jars. Although it is not understood clearly whether the jars were made there or in another centre, discovering clay rolls in the same area and same colour and clay structure similar to other local ceramics constitutes strong evidence that they are made at the castle. As castles are defence structures at which it is required to be prepared for all kinds of attacks/adverse circumstances, it has been found clearly in the excavations that many places are used as storage areas at difficult times (enemy attack, siege, famine, etc.). In the areas which are qualified as cellars at Şavşat Castle, big jars are found buried in the ground, as well as smaller jars in some places in the middle parts of the castle. It is understood that these storage jars are covered with big flat stones or lids in the shape of round ceramic plates.The specimens discussed within the scope of this study are dated back to the 13th-15th centuries based on the comparisons that were made. In addition, as the Bagrationi Dynasty was at the castle in that period, it strengthens the possibility that they have made and used the said ceramics. The monograms on bowls that are seen in the 12th-14th century architectural examples in Anatolia show that there is interaction among regions and cultures, and also the local, specific unglazed ceramic production and use in Şavşat indicate that the masters in Şavşat followed the art of the surrounding cultures in and outside the period’s Anatolia within the context of ceramic. Furthermore, as the life at the castle continued until the 19th century, some of those vessels have continued to be made and used in the following Turkish era, especially without too much change in their forms (jars, pileki, chamber pot, jug, pot). Using its trade road and its importance in military strategies, Şavşat Castle has become an important cultural centre. Silk Road from Tabriz to the West, to İstanbul and Trabzon and even sometimes the road from Crimea to the East have gone through Şavşat. Adding different sovereign powers to migrations and wars, the inevitability of interactions in the field of culture and arts can be seen clearly at Şavşat Castle.&nbsp;

Unglazed Medieval Pottery Found at the Şavşat Castle Excavation in 2016-2017

Mustafa

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Alper

Water is the source of life for all living things. Because of our need for water, mankind has always seen water as a sacred element throughout history. Water, over artifacts and monuments symbolized life, healing, fertility, strength, beauty and enjoyment. It was seen as sacred in Turkey and was believed to be the spirit of water. In addition, water was associated with fortune, life, soul, chance, fortune, conscience, and character. In Turkish culture and the Islamic faith, water and rain are considered as the source of life and abundance. In Turkish-Islamic architecture, waterspouts are called corten. Waterspouts protected mortar and masonry walls from corrosive effects by getting rid of rain and snow water away from the wall and foundation. In the Anatolian Seljuks and Dynasties periods, a large part of the cortens in architectural works was made simple and another was meant to be figurative. The pre-Islamic and Islamic beliefs of Turks determined their view of water. Cortens was produced positively in the context of these religious beliefs. It is known that the cortens, especially those with figures, are made with symbolic purposes such as fertility, abundance, happiness, and power. Therefore, the figures are in direct relation with these concepts. The usage of animal figures was avoided apart from these meanings. Although Islamic belief and Turks perceived water positively, the Christian faith and the Latins perceived water as positive in the spiritual direction and negative in the material direction. Sacred water was used for religious rituals. No doubt the most important of these rites is baptism, which is seen as a spiritual cleansing rather than a material one and early Christians emphasized the spiritual aspect. During the Middle Ages, the Western Christian world did not accept bathing as an innocent practice leaving out it in religious rituals. Many monks and saints believed St. Francis of Assisi’s idea that an unwashed body is a sign of piety! For this reason, Western society avoided water except for the occasional bath. In the 12-14th centuries, the works of Gothic architecture started in Europe. In this architectural understanding in which religious structures are predominant, buildings tend to rise vertically. In Gothic architecture, the waterspouts represented as figures that provide the evacuation of rain water are called gargoyles. The gargoyles have a terrifying psychological effect on the believer. These are mostly waterspouts with plastic properties made in the form of terrifying demonic creatures. In the medieval Christian world, the church taught religion to society through art. That is, art was made for the purpose of religious propaganda. In the Middle Ages, the Church even resorted to the most formidable forms of evil in order to spread its religious teachings. Some gargoyles served as a moral reminder to sinners, and because gargoyles were thought to represent the souls condemned for their sins, it was suggested that sinners were forbidden to enter the church. By reflecting the horrible appearance of hell, Satan, which is an unconventional image that does not conform to the church, reminds people that they will be safe in the sacred church. Although some gargoyles are quite simple in design, the&nbsp;majority of them are decorated in detail. These are decorative carvings representing grotesque animals, birds, dragons, satyrs, mermaids, snakes, and many other themes. They can also be in the form of fascinating hybrids and mythical creatures such as semi-human semi-animal figures. The functional purpose of the gargoyles is the waterspout. The symbolic aim is to ward off evil. The waterspouts in religious and secular buildings served the same purpose in different architectures throughout the 12-14th centuries. The figured waterspouts are shaped differently in proportion to the value judgments, beliefs, traditions, cultural and architectural heritage of societies. Due to the ban on animal and human figures in Islamic architecture, the figured ornament was rarely seen. The Turks have a moderate approach to figurative ornaments due to their old beliefs. In the Anatolian Seljuk architecture, almost all the building groups have symbolic, mythological, astrological, cosmological and talismanic figures. We usually see figured ornament around openings such as doors and windows, but it is rarely encountered in the waterspouts. Cortens have symbolized power, strength in relation to protection while symbolizing goodness, abundance and mercy in relation to rain. The cortens associated with guardianship of religion generally had been located on facades trough the roads where people can see easily. In the cortens, animal or human figures can be seen. Animal figures include depictions of lions, rams and bulls. Mythical creatures include depictions of dragons. The lion is the symbol of strength; the rams and bulls are symbols of abundance, and the dragon symbolizes both abundance and power. The Abbey Church of Saint Denis in France is accepted as the first Gothic structure. The eastern section of the church was designed by Abbot Suger. The Western world inherited the Greek, Hellenistic, Etruscan and Roman architectures and adapted these ancient styles to gothic architecture. The understanding of ornaments in Gothic architecture developed in the scholastic thinking of the church. All the decorations around the religious buildings were made parallel to the teachings of the church. Emphasis on the instructional use of visual imageries, resulted in the creation of many monsters. The animal figured waterspouts were used in the western world by Greeks and Etruscans who especially preferred those with lion heads. The gargoyles depict a wide variety of animals and imaginary creatures that we tend to associate with evil. It is not a coincidence that they often have cloven hooves, bat wings, goat beards and horns. Gargoyles were consciously depicted as demons and associated with evil. The use of these figures in waterspouts caused them to consider water as a symbol of disaster and trouble. Since Turkish-Islamic architecture has a limited number of cortens showing figures, we tried to include all the samples. The cortens are classified according to the&nbsp;figures they depict. As there is a large number of gargoyles in Gothic Architecture, we included only a few samples. Some examples of gargoyles in churches or monasteries in different parts of Europe were compared. Similarities between these gargoyles were found in different structures. Finally, similar and different characteristics of the figured waterspouts in two separate cultures are indicated.

A Comparison Experiment on the Figures of the Rainspout in Gothic Architecture and Turk-Islam Architecture in the 12th and 14th Centuries

Sevinç

Drawing attention with its decorations in addition to its architectural features, Double Minaret Madrasa has been the center of attention of many researchers and has been examined in many respects. Our aim is not to repeat the evaluations and studies related to the structure, but to present new suggestions for its ornaments. A large part of the decorations of the madrasa has been destroyed and only the entrance facade has survived. Unfortunately, in the recent restorations, the extent of this damage has increased. Within the scope of our research, new determinations have been made regarding the original status of some decorations in the structure. Built in 1271, the Double Minaret Madrasa was abandoned over time, and the stones of the building were used in the construction of other buildings. Excavations were carried out in the structure under the presidency of Prof. Dr. Haluk Karamağaralı between 1963-1965, and restorations were carried out in various periods. The ashlar facing of the structure ends in the upper part of the pointed arches of the openings that leads to ascend to the minaret inside. There is almost a square panel just above the opening which leads to ascend to the left (north) minaret. In this panel, which is made with Mâ’kılî writing style, an arrangement consisting of turquoise and eggplant purple colored glazed tiles and bricks is seen. In this writing style based on geometric basis, all the letters are angled. In the ornament, the word “Allah” is placed in four different directions. The missing tiles were renewed, the writing panel was completed, and the unglazed tiles were painted in the repairs carried out in 2007-2008. However, various errors in the writing and completions of the current panel are striking. This panel decorating the minaret base has a mathematical arrangement. Letters are placed in two rows; there are gaps between the leaning unglazed bricks. These areas are filled with (baklava) diamond-shaped and eggplant-purple glazed tiles. Thus, the name “Allah” has been made apparent with the eggplant purple tiles. The areas around the unglazed bricks and eggplant purple tiles are surrounded by turquoise glazed tiles. In the restoration, it is understood that the tips of letters on the left side of the panel are not completed and the “elif “ letter in the upper left corner is missing. Additionally, one arm of the swastika was left missing. A panel is located just above the opening leading to ascend to the right (south) minaret. In the panel, the original of which consisted of mâ’kılî style writing, there are geometrical looking irregular shapes instead of writing. It is understood that the work underwent a repair in an unauthentic way. It is seen in the panel that the names of “Muhammad”, “Ebubekir”, “Omar”, “Osman” and “Ali” are respectively written with Arabic letters in the mâ’kılî writing style. The current panel should be completely replaced and completed in accordance with the original. In the upper part of the bases, an arrangement of brick and tile is seen. In this ornament, square shaped turquoise tiles were placed between long rectangular unglazed bricks. The same ornament is repeated on the eastern and southern facades of the bases. However, in the restoration work, the same decoration which should be on the top of the left side minaret is left unpainted. On the outer sides of the both minaret bases (north and south), a large panel of tiles was placed. In the panels, which are understood to be formed with tile mosaic technique originally, two wide borders circle the big medallion in the middle. There is a palmette lotus frieze in the first row. Unglazed bricks and turquoise colored tiles were placed in skipping form in the second row. In the corners of the medallion, the plant ornamentation in from of palmette, rumi and curly branches is repeated. The border forming the frame is thick and its surface is decorated with a geometric decoration made of pentagons in two rows. There are 12 pointed arched niches in the polygonal section which enables the transition from the shoe cabinet section to the cylindrical body. It is understood from the traces that these niches with different widths were adorned with ornaments made with tile mosaic technique originally. It can be detected from the old traces that four of the pointed arched niches had plant decorations. In the plant ornamentation, there are palmettes at the ends of the interwoven hexagrams. Ornament made in accordance with the principle of infinity; the palmette ends of the stars are connected by concave curves and a hexagonal is formed. The palmettes decorate each corner of the hexagon. The decorations inside the other niches have almost disappeared. Minaret bodies are completely decorated with a beautiful harmony of bricks and tiles. Bricks shaped in different sizes, such as square and rectangle, are arranged in horizontal plane. Square shaped eggplant purple colored tiles are placed between the bricks. In the body ornament of the minarets, the name “Muhammed” which is written with eggplant purple glazed tiles in the mâ’kılî writing style is seen. Thin, rectangular turquoise colored tiles were mortared between both bricks and the joint gaps surrounding the eggplant purple glazed tiles. Turquoise and eggplant purple colored tiles have been destroyed much faster because they have no organic bond with the structure and most of them have come off. One of the few examples, whose portal was crowned with double minaret, Sivas Double Minaret Madrasa is one of the most important works in terms of Turkish art. The double minaret integrates the portal with its decoration and adds color to the stone structure with its tiles. In the double minaret, in which turquoise and eggplant purple colored tiles were used, mâ’kılî writing is seen as well as geometric and plant ornaments in parallel with the decoration features of the period. These decorations are important in terms of reflecting the characteristics of the period. The blanks between the letters and the gaps have the same widths in mâ’kılî writings with angled, plain, sharp, lines. The master followed these rules in the examples of the Double Minaret Madrasa, but also filled the inside of the lines that made up the letters, resulting in seemingly thicker letters. In Mâ’kılî writing, words having high religious meanings and in this writing style words like Allah, Muhammad, Ali, Ebubekir, Omar, Osman and Kalima Shahadah are often used. The masters showed not only manual skills but also mathematical and design proficiencies. It is no doubt that the tiles of the Sivas Double Minaret Madrasa, which has been destroyed for the most part presently, are among the most outstanding examples of Anatolian decorative arts and reflect the fancy and tastes of their periods. Therefore, urgent measures should be taken to prevent further damage to the building both in terms of architecture and decoration.

New Proposals for the Brick and Tile Decorations on the Minarets of Çifte Minareli Medrese (Double Minaret Madrasah) In Sivas

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İlkay Canan

Öğretim Görevlisi Dr.

Women as the Object and the Subject of Art in the 2nd Constitutional Period

Seda

First thirty years of the 18th century was a milestone for the Ottoman society, culture, and architecture because when the Treaty of Passarowitz was signed, a long period of peace started between the Ottoman and Western civilization. Besides, the superiority of Western societies was accepted by the Ottoman Empire. Therefore, the first envoys were sent to Europe. Yirmisekiz (twenty-eight) Mehmet Çelebi is the first envoy sent to France. Mehmet Çelebi observed a lot of palaces, gardens, cities, military postures, press housings in France, and on his return to the homeland, he brought with him the plans of these structures in his travel guide. He even had the plans of some important French palaces and gardens. When Sultan Ahmed III and his Grand Vizier Damat Ibrahim Pasha read this travel guide, they were impressed a lot. Therefore, they immediately commissioned public works in Istanbul. For this reason, new palaces, kiosks, pavilions, medium-sized complexes, a lot of fountains, and sebils (Sebil is a public donation, for the distribution of cold drinking water, sweet drinks or fruit juice to passers-by in cups) were started to be built. Instead of grand mosques and social complexes of the 16th and 17th century’s Ottoman architecture, in 1718-1730, the so-called Tulip Era, public structures were built. Until the end of the 16th century, the Ottoman Empire’s economy was in good condition. However, in the 17th century, it entered a recession. Therefore, only medium-sized complexes, a lot of fountains, kiosks, and summer palaces could be built in the first thirty years of the 18th century. Uskudar Ahmediye Complex, built in 1722 or during the Tulip Era, was one of these buildings. Eminzade Haci Ahmed Aga, a chamberlain of the navy yard in the Ottoman Empire, commissioned Ahmediye Complex. Uskudar Ahmediye Complex consists of a mosque, primary school (Islamic monastery), madrasah, library, two fountains, WC, tomb, burial area reserved for special people, and a room to show azan times. These units are located around a court. The court has a small pond, as well. If we look at the location plan, we can see that the Uskudar Ahmediye Complex has an asymmetrical composition. Buildings of the complex are built according to specific geometrical shapes like square, octagon, and polygon. Almost all the buildings are covered by domes. In addition to this, vaults are used in some places, as well. Although Uskudar Ahmediye Complex generally shows classical Ottoman architecture features, some parts exhibit Western and Eastern styles. For instance, the sebil has a polygonal plan like Early Baroque style. Besides, Uskudar Ahmediye fountain and minbar of the mosque have some flower motifs from Eastern cultures. Also, the Ahmediye fountain and the sebils have multifoil arches coming from the Antiquity and Early East culture. We know that Uskudar Ahmediye Complex have neither entirely Western nor Eastern architecture features. It is a classical Ottoman architecture example but, in some parts of this complex, the reflections of the Eastern and Western architectures can be seen. Indeed, the first thirty years of the 18th century were a transition period for the Ottoman architecture. During the first thirty years of the 18th century, there was the Baroque and Rococo style in Europe. Notably, the Baroque style was the most prominent style in France during Louis IV’ time, which is famous for the palaces built. The exterior facades of these palaces are generally plain, but the interior design is more elaborate. In the decorations, which bears traces of the Baroque style, is seen botanical patterns like leaf Frisians, seashells, and flyaway figures. After the Baroque style, the Rococo style, which was a decorative art, emerged in Louis V’s period in France. The number of columns and pilasters, which had been used as exterior architecture, had decreased. The rococo style includes S and C crimped branches, toothed medallion, seashells, and acanthus leaves. Versailles Palace is the most notable example of Baroque and Rococo style in France. The baroque and rococo styles did not enter in the Ottoman Architecture until after the transition period called the Tulip Era, which began in 1718 and continued until 1730. Indeed, it could be said that the effects of this era can be seen in the Ottoman architecture until 1740. The Tulip Era brought some novelties (such as wide eaves and more decorations) to the Ottoman architecture. These new decorations were from Persian and especially Indian and Mughal cultures. Another novelty was polygonal buildings which were generally seen at the sebils of this period. This was coming from the West and called the Early Baroque style. Although some parts of Uskudar Ahmediye Complex reflects Eastern and Western architectures, the architectural elements and details of the buildings in the complex are traditional. In other words, the buildings in the complex generally have Classical Ottoman architecture features. Also, some details and decorative motifs of the complex are from the Eastern and Western architectures. In conclusion, Uskudar Ahmediye Complex is a building that displays the features of the transition period from the classical Ottoman architecture to the Baroque style.

Uskudar Ahmediye Complex & Its Place in the Architecture of the Tulip Period

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The Art-Sanat Journal is an international academic refereed e-journal that is published semi-annually. Original articles and studies in Archaeology, Art History, History of Architecture, Restoration-Conservation and other related areas are considered for publication.

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The aim of Art-Sanat Journal is to support, publish and develop scientific studies related to the art, history of art, archaeology and other art fields of Turkish, Turkic communities and other communities related to Turkic communities.Academic researches and publications on Archeology, History of Art, History of Architecture, Conservation-Restoration, Museology and performing arts about Turkish, Turkic communities and other communities related to Turkic communities.

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Emerging Sources Citation Index (ESCI)EBSCO Art &amp; Architecture Source TÜBİTAK-ULAKBİM TR DizinIslamic World Science Citation Center (ISC)Access to Mideast and Islamic Resources (AMIR)International Medieval Bibliography (IMB)SOBIAD Social Sciences Citation IndexAkademik Araştırmalar Index (Acar index)ArastirmaxJournalTOCs ResearchBibIndex of Turkish EducationDOAJScopusErih Plus<ul> </ul>

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The journal is an open access journal and all content is freely available without charge to the user or his/her institution. Except for commercial purposes, users are allowed to read, download, copy, print, search, or link to the full texts of the articles in this journal without asking prior permission from the publisher or the author. This is in accordance with the <a href="https://www.budapestopenaccessinitiative.org/read" target="_blank" style="background-color: transparent;">BOAI</a> definition of open access.The open access articles in the journal are licensed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.en" target="_blank" style="background-color: transparent;">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) license.

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Authors publishing with the journal retain the copyright to their work licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/" target="_blank">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/</a>) and grant the Publisher non-exclusive commercial right to publish the work. CC BY-NC 4.0 license permits unrestricted, non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

Editor should consider publishing correction if minor errors that do not effect the results, interpretations and conclusions of the published paper are detected. Editor should consider retraction if major errors and/or misconduction that invalidate results and conclusions are detected.Editor should consider issuing an expression of concern if there is evidence of research or publication misconduct by the authors; there is evidence that the findings are not reliable and institutions of the authors do not investigate the case or the possible investigation seems to be unfair or nonconclusive. The guidelines of COPE and ICJME are taken into consideration regarding correction, retractions or expression of concern.

To guarantee that all papers published in the journal are maintained and permanently accessible, articles are stored in Dergipark which serves as a  national archival web site and at the same time permits LOCKSS to  collect, preserve, and serve the content.Additionally, authors are encouraged to self-archive the final PDF version of their articles in open electronic archives with  that conform to standards of Open Archives Initiative (<a href="https://www.openarchives.org/" target="_blank">https://www.openarchives.org/</a>). Authors should provide a link from the deposited version to the URL of IUPress journal website.

Art-Sanat Journal is committed to upholding the highest standards of publication ethics and pays regard to Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing published by the Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE), the Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ), the Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA), and the World Association of Medical Editors (WAME) on <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a>All parties involved in the publishing process (Editors, Reviewers, Authors and Publishers) are expected to agree on the following ethical principles.All submissions must be original, unpublished (including as full text in conference proceedings), and not under the review of any other publication synchronously. Each manuscript is reviewed by one of the editors and at least two referees under double-blind peer review process. Plagiarism, duplication, fraud authorship/denied authorship, research/data fabrication, salami slicing/salami publication, breaching of copyrights, prevailing conflict of interest are unnethical behaviors.All manuscripts not in accordance with the accepted ethical standards will be removed from the publication. This also contains any possible malpractice discovered after the publication. In accordance with the code of conduct we will report any cases of suspected plagiarism or duplicate publishing.

Ethics

The journal adheres to the highest standards in research ethics and follows the principles of international research ethics as defined below. The authors are responsible for the compliance of the manuscripts with the ethical rules.-    Principles of integrity, quality and transparency should be sustained in designing the research, reviewing the design and conducting the research.-    The research team and participants should be fully informed about the aim, methods, possible uses and requirements of the research and risks of participation in research.-    The confidentiality of the information provided by the research participants and the confidentiality of the respondents should be ensured. The research should be designed to protect the autonomy and dignity of the participants.-    Research participants should participate in the research voluntarily, not under any coercion.-    Any possible harm to participants must be avoided. The research should be planned in such a way that the participants are not at risk.-    The independence of research must be clear; and any conflict of interest or must be disclosed.-    In experimental studies with human subjects, written informed consent of the participants who decide to participate in the research must be obtained. In the case of children and those under wardship or with confirmed insanity, legal custodian’s assent must be obtained.-    If the study is to be carried out in any institution or organization, approval must be obtained from this institution or organization.-    In studies with human subject, it must be noted in the method’s section of the manuscript that the informed consent of the participants and ethics committee approval from the institution where the study has been conducted have been obtained.

It is authors’ responsibility to ensure that the article is in accordance with scientific and ethical standards and rules. And authors must ensure that submitted work is original. They must certify that the manuscript has not previously been published elsewhere or is not currently being considered for publication elsewhere, in any language. Applicable copyright laws and conventions must be followed. Copyright material (e.g. tables, figures or extensive quotations) must be reproduced only with appropriate permission and acknowledgement. Any work or words of other authors, contributors, or sources must be appropriately credited and referenced.All the authors of a submitted manuscript must have direct scientific and academic contribution to the manuscript. The author(s) of the original research articles is defined as a person who is significantly involved in “conceptualization and design of the study”, “collecting the data”, “analyzing the data”, “writing the manuscript”, “reviewing the manuscript with a critical perspective” and “planning/conducting the study of the manuscript and/or revising it”. Fund raising, data collection or supervision of the research group are not sufficient roles to be accepted as an author. The author(s) must meet all these criteria described above. The order of names in the author list of an article must be a co-decision and it must be indicated in the <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/172395B610F14DE1A70863DF7F923B59" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a>. The individuals who do not meet the authorship criteria but contributed to the study must take place in the acknowledgement section. Individuals providing technical support, assisting writing, providing a general support, providing material or financial support are examples to be indicated in acknowledgement section.All authors must disclose all issues concerning financial relationship, conflict of interest, and competing interest that may potentially influence the results of the research or scientific judgment.When an author discovers a significant error or inaccuracy in his/her own published paper, it is the author’s obligation to promptly cooperate with the Editor to provide retractions or corrections of mistakes.

Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, sexual orientation, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors. He/She provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles for publication and ensures that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential before publishing.Editor-in-Chief is responsible for the contents and overall quality of the publication. He/She must publish errata pages or make corrections when needed.Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers. Only he has the full authority to assign a reviewer and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal.Reviewers must have no conflict of interest with respect to the research, the authors and/or the research funders. Their judgments must be objective.Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees must be ensured. In particular situations, the editor may share the review of one reviewer with other reviewers to clarify a particular point.

Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation. Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by editor-in-chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope.Short presentations that took place in scientific meetings can be referred if indicated in the article. The editor hands over the papers matching the formal rules to at least two national/international referees for evaluation and gives green light for publication upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims. Changing the name of an author (omission, addition or order) in papers submitted to the Journal requires written permission of all declared authors. Refused manuscripts and graphics are not returned to the author. The copyright of the published articles and pictures belong to the Journal.

Peer Review

Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation. Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by editor-in-chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope. Editor-in-chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, sexual orientation, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors and ensures a fair double-blind peer review of the selected manuscripts. The selected manuscripts are sent to at least two national/international referees for evaluation and publication decision is given by editor-in-chief upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims. Editor in chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal. Reviewers’ judgments must be objective. Reviewers’ comments on the following aspects are expected while conducting the review. - Does the manuscript contain new and significant information? - Does the abstract clearly and accurately describe the content of the manuscript? - Is the problem significant and concisely stated? - Are the methods described comprehensively? - Are the interpretations and consclusions justified by the results? - Is adequate references made to other Works in the field? - Is the language acceptable? Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side. A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process. The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees is important.

LanguageThe language of the journal is both Turkish and English.Publication Rules and Writing StylesArt-Sanat Journal is an international, academic, refereed, electronic journal published twice a year (January and July). The Art-Sanat Journal is published on Dergipark Open Journal Systems and only original and scientific and scholarly articles about Archeology, History of Art, History of Architecture, Conservation-Restoration, Museology and Performing Arts about Turkish, Turkic and Turkic-related communities are accepted.Our e-mail addresses for the communication and article submission:<a href="mailto:art-sanat@istanbul.edu.tr" target="_blank">art-sanat@istanbul.edu.tr</a>   Websites:<a href="https://art-sanat.istanbul.edu.tr/tr/_" target="_blank"></a><a href="http://istanbul.edu.tr:8080/en/journal/art-sanat/home" target="_blank">http://istanbul.edu.tr:8080/en/journal/art-sanat/home</a> The author has the legal and scientific responsibility for the contents of the articles. The visiul materials (figures, photographs, pictures, drawings, plans, etc.) used in the articles should not be used without reference and the author has to obtain permission for the copyrighted material. The legal responsibility for these issues belongs to the authors.The articles submitted for publication in the Art-Sanat Journal should neither have been published elsewhere nor have been submitted to another journal. The IThenticate (Plagiarism Prevention Program) is used to ensure plagiarism control for each submission.Articles in Turkish and English are accepted for the journal. After the submitted article has been reviewed by the editors and editorial board, it is sent to three referees and published when at least two referees make positive decisions. The names of the authors are not sent to the referees.The articles submitted to Art-Sanat Journal must be in Microsoft Word format. Under the title of the article, the author's name and surname should be included. After the name of the author, the star (*) should be used as a footnote sign and the job title, the institution and the e-mail address of the author and the submission date of the article should be specified at the bottom of the first page. ORCID number should also be written under the author’s name. (If you don’t have an ORCID number please register: <a href="https://orcid.org/" target="_blank">https://orcid.org/</a>)Articles should have Turkish and English titles, abstracts (150-250 words) and 3-5 keywords.  After the English abstract, the Turkish articles should contain an English extended summary of 800-1000 words. The English articles should contain an Turkish extended summary of 800-1000 words.Each of the visual material must be in jpeg format with a resolution of at least 300 dpi (images with a poor image quality will not be used). For the visual materials used in the article, numbering should be done with the abbreviation bold F. (F.1., F.2., F.3., etc.). The description of the visual material should be specified below the material in parentheses. If visual material belongs to the author, it should be indicated.Article should be written in Times New Roman, 12 pt., 1.5 line spacing, before 6NK-after 6NK spacing and both side justified. Footnotes should be written in Times New Roman, 10 pt., 1 line spacing and both side justified. Words that need to emphasized should be written in italic. The Quotations less than five lines should be written in quotation marks in the same paragraph and the quotations longer than five lines should be written separately 1 cm inside from left and right sides of page, blocked and in 8 pts. The article should not exceed 25 pages, the visuals used in the article should not be more than the number of text pages and also maximum 25 images are allowed. The visuals which are directly related to the subject should be preferred with reference to comparison images. Images should be numbered in the text and used in the relevant place.

Author Guidelines

Before beginning the online submission process please read the Information for Authors and make sure you have the followings available:Article submissions should be submitted Dergipark or directly to the e-mail address <a href="mailto:art-sanat@istanbul.edu.tr" target="_blank">art-sanat@istanbul.edu.tr</a>Cover letter to the editor<ul type="disc"> <ul type="circle"> <li>The category of the manuscript</li> <li>Confirming that “the paper is not under consideration for publication in another journal”.</li> <li>Including disclosure of any commercial or financial involvement.</li> <li>Confirming that the statistical design of the research article is reviewed.</li> <li>Confirming that last control for fluent English was done.</li> <li>Confirming that journal policies detailed in Information for Authors have been reviewed.</li> <li>Confirming that the references cited in the text and listed in the references section are in line with Chicago Manuel of Style.</li> </ul> </ul><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/172395B610F14DE1A70863DF7F923B59" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a> Permission of previous published material if used in the present manuscript<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/E21E2F4BAC3A4E809A6AC8ADD1E81106" target="_blank">Title page</a><ul type="disc"> <ul type="circle"> <li>The category of the manuscript</li> <li>The title of the manuscript both in the languge of the manuscript and in English</li> <li>All authors’ names and affiliations (institution, faculty/department, city, country), e-mail addresses</li> <li>Corresponding author’s email address, full postal address, telephone and fax number</li> <li>ORCIDs of all authors.</li> </ul> </ul>Main Manuscript Document<ul type="disc"> <ul type="circle"> <li>The title of the manuscript both in the language of manuscript and in English</li> <li>Abstracts (150-200 words) both in the language of manuscript and in English</li> <li>Key words: 3-5 words both in the language of manuscript and in English</li> <li>Extended Abstract (600-800 words) in English (for the articles which are not in English)</li> <li>Grant Support (if exits)</li> <li>Conflict of interest (if exits) </li> <li>Acknowledgement (if exits)</li> <li>References</li> <li>All tables, illustrations (figures) (including title, description, footnotes)</li> </ul> </ul>

Art-Sanat complies with Chicago Style of Manual 16th Edition for referencing and quoting.Authors who would send proposals to the journal are kindly invited to follow the examples given below when writing the footnotes and compiling the bibliography. These examples are borrowed from the Chicago Style of Manual (http://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide/citation-guide-1.html).Further information and numerous examples about the “notes and bibliography” system are available at the 14th and 15th chapters of the Chicago Manual of Style (16th edition).Examples:FF first footnote, NF next/short footnotes, B bibliographyThe Books (one author)FF  Laurie Bauer, A Glossary of Morphology (Edinburg: Edinburg University Press, 2004), 55.NF Bauer, A Glossary of Morphology, 55.B  Bauer, Laurie. A Glossary of Morphology. Edinburg: Edinburg University Press, 2004.The Books (two authors)FF   A. Nazarov Bakhtiyar and Denis Sinor, Essays on Uzbeks History, Culture and Language,  Research Institute for Inner Asian Studies, (Bloomington: Indiana University, 1993), 55.NF   Bakhtiyar and Sinor, Essays on Uzbeks History, Culture and Language, 55.B     Bakhtiyar,  A. Nazarov and Denis Sinor. Essays on Uzbeks History, Culture and Language. Bloomington: Indiana University, 1993. The Books (Three authors)FF  E.R. Tenişev, A.M. Şçerbak and D.M. Nasilov, V.M Nadelyayev, Drevnetyurkskiy Slovar, XXXVIII, (Leningrad:  Leningradskoe Otdelenir, 1969), 60.NF Tenişev, Şçerbak and Nasilov, Nadelyayev, Drevnetyurkskiy Slovar, 25.B Tenişev, E.R., A.M. Şçerbak and D.M. Nasilov, V.M Nadelyayev, Drevnetyurkskiy Slovar. XXXVIII. Leningrad:  Leningradskoe Otdelenir, 1969.For four or more authors, each of them is cited in the bibliography, only the first author’s name is cited in footnotes and “et al.” is added next to it, which stands for “and the others”.The abbreviation op. cit. which is used in some referencing styles is not used in the Chicago Style.If there is an editor/translator in addition to the authorIf there is an editör or a translator then one should cite it as “ed.” or “trans.” in footnotes; as for the bibliography “Edited by” or “Translated by”.FF  Peter B. Golden, An Introduction to the History of the Turkic Peoples, trans. Osman Karatay, (America: Harrassowitz Verlag, 1992), 36. NF Golden, An Introduction to the History of the Turkic Peoples, 36.B Golden, Peter B. An Introduction to the History of the Turkic Peoples. Translated by Osman Karatay. America: Harrassowitz Verlag, 1992.VolumesFF  Robert Dankoff and James Kelley, Mahmûd al-Kashgarî, Compendium of the Turkic Dialects-Dîwân Lugât at-Turk, (Harvard: University Printing Office, 1985), 4: 100.NF Robert Dankoff and James Kelley, Mahmûd al-Kashgarî, Compendium of the Turkic Dialects-Dîwân Lugât at-Turk, 4: 90.B Dankoff, Robert and James Kelley, Mahmûd al-Kashgarî, Compendium of the Turkic Dialects-Dîwân Lugât at-Turk. 4 vols. Harvard: University Printing Office, 1985. A chapter/section in a bookFF Beatrice Forbes Manz, “Timur”, The Rise and Rule of Tamerlane, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 90-120.NF Manz, “Timur”, 90-120.B Manz, Beatrice Forbes.  “Timur”, The Rise and Rule of Tamerlane, 90-120. Cambridge: Cambridge University, 1989.If the book is published in multiple formats, the one that is used is cited. URL is given for the online books that are cited. The access date can be added on prefence. If the page number is missing, either the title of chapter or another number can be added.  FF Peter Golden, An Introduction to the History of the Turkic Peoples (America: Harrassowitz Verlag, 1992), Accessed September 18, 2019.<a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/281319978_An_Introduction_to_the_History_of_the_Turkic_Peoples" target="_blank">https://www.researchgate.net/publication/281319978_An_Introduction_to_the_History_of_the_Turkic_Peoples</a>NF Golden, An Introduction to the History of the Turkic Peoples, 206.B Golden, Peter. An Introduction to the History of the Turkic Peoples. America: Harrassowitz Verlag, 1992. Accessed September 18, 2019.   <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/281319978_An_Introduction_to_the_History_of_the_Turkic_Peoples" target="_blank">https://www.researchgate.net/publication/281319978_An_Introduction_to_the_History_of_the_Turkic_Peoples</a>Journal article, copyrightFF John E. Woods, “The Rise of Tīmūrid Historiography”, Journal of Near Eastern Studies, 46/2 (1987), 81-108.NF Woods, “The Rise of Tīmūrid Historiography”, 81-108.B  Woods, John E. “The Rise of Tīmūrid Historiography”,  Journal of Near Eastern Studies, 46/2 (1987), 81-108.Journal article, translationFF  Michiko Kakutani, ”Friendship Takes a Path That Diverges,” trans. Zadie Smith, Review of Swing Time, New York Times, (2016), 69-90.NF Kakutani, ”Friendship Takes a Path That Diverges,” 69-90.B  Kakutani, Michiko. ”Friendship Takes a Path That Diverges.” Translated by Zadie Smith, Review of Swing Time. New York Times. 2016: 69-90.Newspaper article, publishedFF Rebecca Mead, “The Prophet of Dystopia,” New Yorker, April 17, 2017, 2.NF Mead, “The Prophet of Dystopia,”, 2.B Mead, Rebecca. “The Prophet of Dystopia.” New Yorker, April 17, 2017.Newspaper article/report, electronicIf the author of an article or report is not specified, then the citation should begin with the title of article/report.FF “Snap Makes a Bet on the Cultural Supremacy of the Camera.” New York Times, March 8, 2017. https://www.nytimes.com/2017/03/08/technology/snap-makes-a-bet-on-the-cultural-supremacy-of-the-camera.html.NF “Snap Makes a Bet on the Cultural Supremacy of the Camera.” B “Snap Makes a Bet on the Cultural Supremacy of the Camera.” New York Times, March 8, 2017. <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2017/03/08/technology/snap-makes-a-bet-on-the-cultural-supremacy-of-the-camera.html" target="_blank">https://www.nytimes.com/2017/03/08/technology/snap-makes-a-bet-on-the-cultural-supremacy-of-the-camera.html</a>.Book ReviewFF Michiko Kakutani, “Friendship Takes a Path That Diverges,” Review of Swing Time, by Zadie Smith, New York Times, 7 (2016), 67.NF Kakutani, “Friendship Takes a Path That Diverges,” 67.B   Kakutani, Michiko. “Friendship Takes a Path That Diverges.” Review of Swing Time, by Zadie Smith. New York Times, November 7, 2016.ThesisFF Cynthia Lillian Rutz, “King Lear and Its Folktale Analogues,” (PhD diss. University of Chicago. 2013), 90. NF Rutz, “King Lear and Its Folktale Analogues,” 90.B  Rutz, Cynthia Lillian. “King Lear and Its Folktale Analogues.” PhD diss., University of Chicago, 2013.Encyclopedia entryFF Ahmet Temir, “Mongol (or Turko-Mongol) Khanate,” Encyclopedia of Turks, v. 8, (Ankara: Yeni Türkiye Publications, 2002), 416-432.NF Temir, Mongol (or Turko-Mongol) Khanate”, 416-432.B Temir, Ahmet. “Mongol (or Turko-Mongol) Khanate.” Encyclopedia of Turks. 8: 416-432. Ankara: Yeni Türkiye Publications, 2002.  Unpublished anouncementFF Erdal İnönü and Harun Doğan, “Some Discoveries that are Named After Turkish Scientists” (The anouncement that was presented in the II. National Symposium of History of Science and Philosophy Work Group, Assos, 18-20th June 2004).NF İnönü and Doğan, “Some Discoveries.”B İnönü, Erdal and Harun Doğan. “Some Discoveries that are Named After Turkish Scientists.” The anouncement that was presented in the II. National Symposium of History of Science and Philosophy Work Group, Assos, 18-20th June 2004.Manuscript FF Salih b. Nasrullah, Ghayat al-itqan fi tabdir badan al-insan, İstanbul, Süleymaniye Library, Ayasofya 3682, 26a.NF Salih b. Nasrullah, Ghayat al-itqan, Ayasofya 3682, 23b.B Salih b. Nasrullah, Ghayat al-itqan fi tabdir badan al-insan, Istanbul, Süleymaniye Library, Ayasofya 3682, 1a-311a, Copy date 10 Rebiülevvel 1135 (19th December 1722).Archive documentFF The Ottoman Archives of the Prime Ministry (OAPM), Cevdet Askeriye (C.AS.) 71/3352, 9 Şevval 1211 (April 07, 1797).NF OAPM, C.AS. 71/3352.B The Ottoman Archives of the Prime Ministry (OAPM). Cevdet Askeriye (C. AS) 71/3352, 9 Şevval 1211 (April 07, 1920).FF Topkapı Palace Museum Archives (TPMA), E. 3202-2=597-2-7.NF TPMA, E. 3202-2=597-2-7.B Topkapı Palace Museum Archives (TPMA). E. 3202-2=597-2-7.WebsiteFF Yale University. n.d. “About Yale: Yale Facts.” Accessed May 1, 2017. https://www.yale.edu/about-yale/yale-facts.NF “About Yale: Yale Facts.”B Yale University. n.d. “About Yale: Yale Facts.” Accessed May 1, 2017. <a href="https://www.yale.edu/about-yale/yale-facts" target="_blank">https://www.yale.edu/about-yale/yale-facts</a>.

Ensure that the following items are present:●    Cover letter to the editorü    The category of the manuscriptü    Confirming that “the paper is not under consideration for publication in another journal”.ü    Including disclosure of any commercial or financial involvement.ü    Confirming that the statistical design of the research article is reviewed.ü    Confirming that last control for fluent English was done.ü    Confirming that journal policies detailed in Information for Authors have been reviewed.ü    Confirming that the references cited in the text and listed in the references section are in line with CMOS 16.●    <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/172395B610F14DE1A70863DF7F923B59" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a>●    Permission of previously published copyrighted material if used in the present manuscript●    <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/9A6C642AF6B244E3B07BD89275AFFD2B" target="_blank">Title page</a>ü    The category of the manuscriptü    The title of the manuscriptü    All authors’ names and affiliations (institution, faculty/department, city, country), e-mail addressesü    Corresponding author’s email address, full postal address, telephone and fax numberü    ORCIDs of all authors.●    Main Manuscript Documentü    The title of the manuscriptü    Abstract (150-200 words)ü    Key words: 3 to 5 wordsü    Extended Summary (800-1000 words) in Englishü    Main article sectionsü    Grant support (if exists)ü    Conflict of interest (if exists)ü    Acknowledgement (if exists)ü    Referencesü    All tables, illustrations (figures) (including title, description, footnotes)

<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/172395B610F14DE1A70863DF7F923B59" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/5B820430CF434608828BEA928A53D3BF" target="_blank">Title Page</a>

Issue Type	Regular
Issue Date	29.07.2022
Editor(s)	Mustafa Balcı
Cover (PDF)
Front Pages (PDF)

Art-Sanat

ISSUE 18, 2022

Bursa Keles Kemaliye Village Mosque and Its Wall Paintings

A Witness from the 18th Century: The Culture and Art Environment of Ottoman Cities in the Letters of Lady Montagu

Reflections on Medieval Hunting Ornamentation of a Candlestick from the Copenhagen David Collection

Contributions of Art in Public Space to the Riverside Urbanity: Amasya Examplar

A Structure that Needs to Be Saved in Eyüp: Balchik Tekke

Mosques and Churches That Didn’t Exist Today and Used For Different Functions in Uşak

Metal Cross Samples at Bursa Archaeological Museum

Illuminations of Headings in the Quran with No 259 and 275 Fixtures in Kastamonu Sheikh Sa’ban-i Veli Foundation Museum

Looking fram Agra Fort to The Taj Mahal: Musamman Burj and Palace

Texts About Music: Reflections on the Relations Between the Different Communities Living in 19th Century Istanbul

Timurid Monuments as Seen by The Russian Painter Vasily Vasilyevich Vereshchagin (1842-1904): Documentation of the Cultural Heritage in Central Asia

The Restoration and Archaeological Studies of The Penkalas River Project in Aizanoi Ancient City

Tiles of the Konya Green Dome in the Light of New Information

Sağman Keyhüsrev Bey Mosque in the Light of New Documents and Findings

Bridges, Stagecoaches, Trains and Balloons on the Road to the Tanzimat: Paintings and Descriptive Strategies of Modern Transportation Infrastructure and Vehicles in Seyyâhnâme ‘The Book of Traveller’ Dated 1835

Unglazed Medieval Pottery Found at the Şavşat Castle Excavation in 2016-2017

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