Mustafa

Res. Assist. Dr.

In Islamic law, judgments are legally secure and cannot be dismissed without a legal reason. The decision of the qadi (judge) cannot be reversed without a legal reason. In terms of reversing decision, discussions have occurred as to whether appealing a court decision was possible in Islamic law. The majority of Islamic jurists have accepted that court decisions can be appealed under certain conditions. According to Islamic law, a judicial decision can only be reversed due to non-compliance with procedural law. Therefore, an appeal is possible in cases that necessitate a reversal, such as violations of the rules of a trial or contradictions of clear evidence, conclusive texts or consensus. Reversing a decision that has been revealed to be unlawful is a duty both for the judge who made the decision and for higher courts.In Islamic jurisprudence, courts are generally established as a single stage. Because the decisions rendered in accordance with procedural law were considered final in these courts examining an appeal was an exceptional event. However, this does not mean that courts of appeal have not existed in the Islamic legal system.In the history of Islamic law, many different institutions have been established that fulfilled the function an appeals court. These institutions had generally not been directly tasked with appeals. The Majlis-i Tadkīkāt-i Sharʿiyya, was established after the Tanzimat in the Ottoman Empire as one of the institutions that fulfilled the function of an appeals court in the history of Islamic law. However, this institution was primarily tasked with appeals, unlike the institutions that had fulfilled the function of an appeal court up to that time. The Majlis-i Tadkīkāt-i Sharʿiyya, examined appeal reviews regarding the decisions given by the sharia courts. This institution was established in 1861. In 1873, a regulation was issued concerning this institution’s assembly and operational conditions. This institution lost its ability to fulfill its function once the Sharia courts were assigned to the Ministry of Justice in 1917. In 1920,Majlis-i Tadkīkāt-i Sharʿiyya was seen to have restarted its operations until it was abolished alongside the sharia courts in 1924.The institution responsible for the appellate review of Shariah court decisions was the Majlis-i Tadkīkāt-i Sharʿiyya. Therefore, the appeal reviews concerning cases falling under the jurisdiction of the sharia courts would be held in the Majlis-i Tadkīkāt-i Sharʿiyya, without being subject to any limitations. The cases that fall under the jurisdiction of shariah courts can be classified headings such as waqf law, personal law, family law and inheritance law. In addition, certain types of crimes under criminal law could also be evaluated in this context. For some cases that fall under the jurisdiction of shariah courts through various regulations, making appeals became mandatory. In particular, a compulsory appeal application was found in terms of decisions made regarding personal law, waqf law, family law and retaliatory decisions. However, decisions regarding marriage, divorce and retaliation would later be excluded from the scope of compulsory appeals. In addition, cases regarding accusations against judges of the sharia courts fell under the jurisdiction of the Majlis-i Tadkīkāt-i Sharʿiyya. The supervisory duty of the shariah courts was also the duty of the Majlis-i Tadkīkāt-i Sharʿiyya. As can be seen regarding the decisions examined within the scope of this study, reviews were seen to have been conducted on these mentioned issues in the Majlis-i Tadkīkāt-i Sharʿiyya. These decisions, especially the appeal reviews regarding the procedural law were quite numerous. In addition to these, the Majlis-i Tadkīkāt-i Sharʿiyya also gave opinions about regulations that were brought to its attention. The Majlis-i Tadkīkāt-i Sharʿiyya also examined issues related to fees and presented its opinion. This institution would make ijtihad regarding the disputes that came before it when necessary.

Appeal in Islamic Law: The Example of Majlis-i Tadkīkāt-i Sharʿiyya in the Scope of Jaridah al-Ilmiah

Mine

Merve

Assist. Prof.

Determining or assigning the sex of a newborn baby can be a complicated matter. Those with a male chromosomal structure may look like a typical woman, and those with a female chromosomal structure may look like a typical male, or people may have ambiguous external genitalia. This phenomenon is expressed through concepts such as disorders of sexual development (DSD), intersexuality, hermaphroditism, and androgyny, and came under the guidance of religion and law as well as medicine even prior to Islam; as of the 20th century, however, such matters have come increasingly under the supervision of medicine, due to surgical interventions having allowed for the removal of unwanted sexual organs or tissues from the bodies of individuals with DSD who have been assigned a specific sex. However, this does not mean that the sciences of religion and law are isolated from medical data in addressing DSD. Individuals with DSD certainly existed in society in the early classical periods of Islamic law. Because the phenomenon of DSD primarily concerns the human body, the classical period Islamic jurists necessarily had to first deal with the medical aspect of the issue. The jurists thought that sex should be assigned before establishing legal norms for individuals with DSD. To this end, they first tried to analyze who would be included in the taxonomy of DSD. Thus, jurists developed methods for assigning sex, after DSD phenomena became identifiable by being distinguished from other sexual variations. Without imaging methods such as ultrasound, genitography, or MRI in classical times, Islamic jurists developed sex assignment methods by comparing the anatomy of other humans and animals. As is understood from the sex assignment methods they established, they were aware of internal and external genital organs and hormonal changes. They were also aware that sex has not only biological but also psychological aspects. Even by considering that typologies of sex had complex structures, individuals were still found with DSD’s whose sex could not be assigned at that time. Although classical Islamic jurists could not determine the sex of these individuals biologically, they did legally include them in one of the binary configurations of sex and prepared special legal norms for them.&nbsp;This article discusses the DSD optimal care standards in classical Islamic law comparatively with the standards of care in contemporary medicine and aims to reveal how classical Islamic law approached DSD from a medical point of view. By using comparative analysis and personal interview methods, this study focuses on where the optimal care standards of classical Islamic law regarding DSD stand in relation to data regarding contemporary medicine. In this context, the study discusses topics such as how both disciplines define DSD, what categories they classify, their diagnosis and treatment methods, and which sex assignment criteria they regulate. The study takes the decisions of the Intersex Consensus Meeting that was held in Chicago in 2005 and have since been continuously updated into consideration and as a result has determined the perceptions of classical Islamic law toward DSD on one hand to parallel that of contemporary medicine while on the other to also differ. Classical Islamic law defines DSD (al-khunūthah) as individuals with external genitalia of both sexes (ambiguous genitalia) or individuals without external genitalia of any sex. This definition shows that classical Islamic law and contemporary medicine agree that individuals with ambiguous genitalia should be included in the DSD classification. In contrast, classical Islamic jurists’ inclusion of people with no external genitalia of any kind in the category of DSD is deemed to result from anomalies that occur during the development of the digestive system (cloacal malformations) in contemporary medicine. This difference is because DSDs in classical Islamic law are not seen as a disorder of sexual development but rather to involve conditions that make phenotypic sex uncertain. Therefore, certain cloacal malformations are included in the DSD taxonomy of classical Islamic law as they make external genitalia atypical.Classical Islamic jurists sought a solution to the phenomenon of DSD with the limited medical facilities of their time. They developed unique definitions, taxonomies, and sex assignment methods for this phenomenon. However, when considering that their judgements were made according to the medical possibilities of their time, the solutions should be updated using developments in medicine. Thus, by drawing attention to the issues of DSD, for which classical Islamic law laid the foundations, this study aims to benefit modern Islamic jurists’ production of up-to-date and original solutions to DSD-related problems.&nbsp;

Reconsidering Classical Fiqh’s Approach to Disorders of Sexual  Development: A Study in View of Current Medical Knowledge

@JOURNAL_BOX_EARLYVIEW

Günhan

Uğur

Gazanfer Agha has an exceptional place and significance among the 16th-century Ottoman ruling elite. During the reigns of Sultan Murad III (1574-1595) and Sultan Mehmed III (1595- 1603), he held both the offices of the chief eunuch of the Ottoman imperial court (kapu ağası) and the head of the sultan’s privy chamber (hâsodabaşı) for an uninterrupted period of 22 years from 1581 to 1603. This period was marked by the long Ottoman-Safavid (1578-1590) and the Ottoman-Habsburg (1593-1606) Wars, which led to major military insurrection, financial crisis, social unrest and factional struggles in the Ottoman realms. Throughout these years, Gazanfer Agha remained as one of the most powerful and influential political actors at the Ottoman imperial court in Istanbul thanks to the royal favor and trust he continuously received from the sultans and queen mothers, his wide personal network of patronage, and his unique combination of official duties which gave him regular and direct access to the person of the Ottoman ruler who became increasingly secluded at the time. In 1590, with the death of Habeşî Mehmed Agha, the first chief eunuch of the imperial harem in Ottoman history, Gazanfer further consolidated his power and position in contemporary dynastic and court politics, which eventually led to his tragic end. In January 1603, during the revolt of the imperial cavalrymen, he was accused of taking bribes, intervening in government decisions, and misinforming the sultan of the time, Mehmed III. Accordingly, he was brutally executed alongside Osman Agha, the chief eunuch at the time, who was accused of similar wrongdoings by the mutinous soldiers.&nbsp;&nbsp;Throughout his long career, which has been examined and discussed in different respects by several scholars, Gazanfer Agha was also known to be a great patron of the arts and architecture. Indeed, he constructed several public foundations and charities, particularly in and around Istanbul, and sponsored many manuscripts both for himself and the Ottoman palace library. Gazanfer Agha’s madrasa in Istanbul was inaugurated immediately following the end of the Ottoman-Safavid Wars of 1578-1590 and was granted the status of ‘fifty’ (ellilik), which was traditionally given to the madrasas established by the Ottoman sultans. The opening of and the first instructor appointment to this ‘special’ madrasa was narrated in a unique manzume (poetic composition) written by Seyyid Lokman, the famous royal chronicler of the time.Seyyid Lokman’s composition in question was first discovered and examined by Müserret Diriöz in 1978. In her three publications about Lokman’s work, Diriöz used the manuscript copy preserved at the Süleymaniye Library under the catalogue number Ayasofya 4787/1. However, during our investigations in the Süleymaniye Library, we discovered another copy of this important work under the catalogue number Esad Efendi 3376. Upon close examination and comparison, we also discovered that the second copy of Seyyid Lokman’s manzume differs from the copy studied by Diriöz in certain important respects. Most notably, the second copy includes the full text of Lokman’s composition, as well as a few other poems absent in the Ayasofya copy. Moreover, at the beginning of the Esad Efendi copy, Seyyid Lokman records şehâdetnâmes (reference/support letters) written by members of the Ottoman ulama on Seyfîzâde Ahmed Efendi’s behalf for his appointment to the madrasa of Gazanfer Agha as its first instructor. Overall, in this study, we analyze the two aforementioned extant copies of Lokman’s work and map out the similarities and differences in terms of their poetic form and content. Finally, a transcription of the Esad Efendi copy in the Latin alphabet is provided at the end of our study.&nbsp;

Seyyid Lokman’s Manzume Concerning the Opening of the  Gazanfer Agha Madrasa and the Appointment of Seyfizade  Ahmed Efendi as Instructor: A New Manuscript Copy and Text

Kenan

Abū al-Nadr Sa‘īd b. Abī ‘Arūba al-‘Adawī was born around the year 76/696 and died in 156/773. He compiled his Kitāb al-Manāsik in the first half of the 2nd century AH when the subject-centered classification of al-Hadith began. Despite being among the first classified hadith books in Baṣrah, not enough studies have dealt with this work in terms of classification, text, narration style, and sanad [chain of transmission]. For this reason, my first article on the subject discussed Kitāb al-Manāsik in terms of classification and text by comparing it to the major hadith books of the period. This current article analyzes Kitāb al-Manāsik in terms of its source structure, diversity, and narration pattern. In order to determine the place Kitāb al-Manāsik has in the history and literature of al-hadith in the 2nd century AH, it has been compared to Ma‘mar’s (d.153/770) al-Jāmi‘, Mālik’s (d.179/795) al-Muwaṭṭa’, Abū Yūsuf’s (d.183/798-9) al-Āthār, and Shaybānī’s (d.189/804) al-Āthār.Kitāb al-Manāsik has not fully survived to the present day and contains 167 hadith. This work has characteristics similar to the works that were compiled in the same century in terms of the features of sanad [chain of transmission] and narration. This book is similar to Shaybānī’s Kitāb al-Āthār and Abū Yūsuf’s Kitāb al-Āthār in that the narrations of a single teacher constitute the majority of the book. Kitāb al-Manāsik was primarily compiled based on the narrations of the those from the same hadith school, such as Ḥasan al-Baṣrī, Qatāda, and Maṭar al-Warrāk. In addition to these, Kitāb al-Manāsik also includes narrations from other hadith scholars in Baṣrah and the isnād [plural of sanad] of Kūfa, Mecca, and Medīna.Kitāb al-Manāsik includes hadith marfū‘ and mawkūf, but mainly consists of hadith makṭū‘. Abū al-Nadr uses expressions common to his period when stating a narration to be attributed to the Prophet without giving the whole isnād. This shows the book to have a narration style of the 2nd century AH. This is also a proof that the fiqh solutions of the jurists and Muslims in the first period being later attributed to the Prophet with perfect isnād as some Orientalists have claimed does not need to be inferred. Abū al-Nadr’s sources on hadith mawkūf are mostly the ṣaḥāba [companions] who pioneered the Ḥijāz and Kūfa schools. Due to Abū al-Nadr’s perspective on fiqh, the ṣaḥāba have a significant proportion of faqīh [jurist] among them. Abū al-Nadr was not content with only the tābi‘ūn [successors] scholars of his own hadith circle and region but also conveyed the hadiths from other science centers in the makṭū‘ narrations.Of the hadiths in Kitāb al-Manāsik, 30.5% have the munqaṭi‘ [interrupted], mursal [sent/ transmitted missing a companion] or mubham [involving an unknown person] types of defective isnād. This situation pertains to the general soft attitude of Abū al-Nadr’s hadith circle with regard to attributing information to the owner. These issues, which were considered defects in the following centuries, actually show that Abū al-Nadr had not engaged in activities such as correcting and completing deficiencies in the isnād, as some Orientalists have pointed out. Abū al-Nadr can be mentioned to have also included hadith with mubham isnād, to have not seen any such necessity due to the conditions of the period, to have thought that he would extend the book, to have listened to many of his teachers, to have had trouble remembering, and to have had a fiqh-centered perspective. His fiqh point of view and transmission pattern are seen to have been effective in combining isnād.Abū al-Nadr used the natural transmission forms in daily speech and discourses, as well as the forms used by those who’d gained the meaning of terms such as ‘an‘ana, taḥdīth, and inbā’ with regard to tahammul [learning] and adā [teaching] hadith.No clear information exists about Abū al-Nadr having transmitted directly from a written source. However, the hadith assembly with which he was involved was known to have had a more liberal attitude on this point, and an author with sufficient written sources does not see any theoretical problem in this regard.Finally, pointing out some issues that resulted from the study prepared on Kitāb al-Manāsik appears useful. First of all, reconstructing the remaining section of Kitāb al-Manāsik, which was compiled in the 2nd century AH and has not fully survived to the present, by making use of Abū al-Nadr’s contemporaries and later hadith classifications would have great importance. Secondly, the influence Kitāb al-Manāsik had on the works in Abū al-Nadr’s own period needs to be dealt separately from the influence it had on works in the 3rd century AH. Lastly, the importance of dealing with the narrations in Kitāb al-Manāsik comprehensively within the framework of the phenomenon of raf‘ [raising] isnād and isnād completion by taking into account hadith history studies and Orientalist claims must also be stated.&nbsp;

Ibn Abī ‘Arūba’s Kitāb al-Manāsik in Terms of the Method of  Narration and Isnād

Necmeddin

Assoc. Prof.

Yusuf

The private pension system (PPS) in Türkiye is a savings and investment system that operates according to certain rules to ensure that individuals have access to a collective savings that will help them to be comfortable in their later years. In addition to being a source of savings for individuals, PPS contributes to employment and development by providing resources to the economy.&nbsp;As a complement to the social security system, PPS is run by private pension companies under the supervision and control of the state. The amount of savings that individuals will have access to during retirement varies according to the total contributions they’ve paid to the system, their fund preferences, the returns from these funds, and any additional amounts contributed by the state for incentive purposes.&nbsp;PPS is an important element of the life and pension branch of Türkiye’s insurance sector. PPS was enacted through the Private Pension Savings and Investment System Law No. 4632 published in 2001 and started its operations in 2003 with the establishment of pension companies and the approval of the first pension plans.In more than 19 years, the private pension system in Türkiye has reached 13 million participants and a fund size of over 380 billion Turkish Lira (TL). This fund size corresponds to around 5% of Türkiye’s GDP. When considering that the average percentage of fund size to GDP is much higher in OECD countries, PPS can be said to have the potential to grow further in the coming years.&nbsp;More than half of the participants in the obligation-based automatic enrollment system (AES) noteworthily prefer interest-free pension plans and funds. However, because the funds of the earlier established Volunteer PPS are much larger, interest-free (i.e., participation-based) PPS funds account for 16% of the total size of pension mutual funds.&nbsp;In terms of fiqh principles, the essence and goals of the PPS system can be said to be in line with Islamic principles. However, some points exist that need to be considered in order for the current PPS implementation to be fully legitimate and halal in Islamic terms.The PPS’s most crucial requirement in terms of Shariah compliance is that all savings&nbsp;must be put fully in halal investments. This is because, despite being referred to as a pension, the system in essence consists of the withdrawal of savings that had been made and invested in various fields in the past. The savings transferred to pension investment funds must be invested in halal funds. For this purpose, special interest-free pension investment funds have been established. The mandatory Shariah advisory committee and other practices introduced in 2021 for interest-free pension plans and funds are expected to supervise and guarantee the sector’s compliance with Islamic principles beyond a mere claim.&nbsp;However, the investment options of interest-free pension funds should be emphasized as being more limited compared to interest-based funds and require development. As many researchers have stated, the need exists for further studies on Shariah compliance regarding these investment instruments, especially with regard to lease certificates (sukūk) and the development of new products and investment areas to increase the investment diversity of halal funds.As long as a public benefit occurs, no harm exists in terms of fiqh when utilizing state-offered incentives. Therefore, having the state provide various tax reductions/exemptions or contribute to the PPS savings of participants who meet certain conditions is a legitimate method for encouraging the PPS system for the public good.&nbsp;Upon retirement, those who’ve earned the right to do so can either withdraw their savings completely or continue to invest them in halal areas. The third option PPS offers involves an annuity contract, but this is not permitted from the perspective of Shariah compliance.&nbsp;

An Evaluation of the Interest-Free Pension System Implemented  in Turkey in Terms of Islamic Law

İlknur

This study examines the effectiveness of the ʿulamāʾ, who are often referred to as opponents of reform in the literature on the Tanẓīmāt, with regard to the enactment procedures of Ottoman commercial law in light of archival documents and focuses on how a legitimacy paradigm had been created despite some legal provisions being incompatible with the Sharīʿa. In the literature dealing with the Tanẓīmāt period, the Edict of Gülhane is often introduced as the beginning of the secularization program, with commercial law being used as an element proving this narrative as it was enacted as the first text to use a foreign law as its source. The Western authors, who took Turkey as a research subject from foreigners who had the opportunity to witness the period due to diplomatic missions and similar reasons, frequently criticized the ulamā and the institutions they held, as they interpreted the Ottoman state from their own religious-political perspectives. They produced writings that dictated their own vision of the world. This attitude has been very influential in the domestic literature on Tanẓīmāt. The claim that the ʿulamāʾ is against the commercial law is one of the important examples of this.This article primarily touches upon the aims of the Edict of Gülhane, expressing them in sharʿī concepts and referring to the duties of the Majlis-i Vālā that overlapped with these aims. The study also emphasizes the high-ranking ʿulamāʾ positioned in the Supreme Council. Documents related to the Majlis-i Vālā show that the organizational structure of the period had not been structured with the desire to achieve a secular structure but that perhaps the legal-commercial conditions of the period may have had unforeseen consequences. The article examines the enactment procedure of commercial law based on the Majlis-i Vālā and makes a connection between the relevant archival documents and the commercial conditions of the period. The draft text was prepared by the Majlis-i Ziraʿat directly translating the French Commercial Code and selecting the parts that fit what was needed; the text was then subjected to a two-stage evaluation process in the Majlis-i Vālā, which was the most critical link in the indigenization procedure. Except for one exceptional issue, the Majlis-i Vālā found the draft text to fit its purpose and thus approved it with a unanimous decision. Afterward, the bill was renegotiated in the General Assembly with broad participation. As one of the natural members of the General Assembly, the Shaykh al-Islām was asked about the compatibility of the law with al-Sharīʿa [Islamic Law]. Shaykh al-Islām did not put forward any legitimacy barriers to enactment the commercial law, in a way giving implicit support to the law by referring to its irrelevance to the Sharīʿa. The reason for this support was hidden in the commercial conditions of the period: Commercial transactions in markets had become functional alongside the customs and culture Westerners had imposed. The efforts to impose consular courts even regarding disputes involving foreigners and local merchants in defiance of Ottomans’ legal independence resultantly left Muslims without any protector in trade; thus, they were deprived of the power of law to protect their rights and interests. In the texts constituting the enactment procedure of the law, these conditions are directly associated with the concept of necessity and the interests of the citizens. The state attempted to reorganize trade with institutions under its control, but in a way that persuaded foreigners to use these institutions. The Commercial Code was the most effective instrument for this purpose, and the ʿulamāʾ were aware of these conditions.The commercial code evaluated the concepts of interest and guzishta in the context of the timely performance of contractual requirements and made the compensation to be paid in case of a protracted monetary debt to be binding using the concept of guzishta. Interestbearing contracts are approved in the same article of the law as a legitimate interest that can be demanded in return for a loan between the merchants as of the effective date of the law. Despite its provisions that cannot be reconciled with Sharīʿa law, the commercial code was adopted as the only solution that would pave the way for the goal of economic enrichment and commercial development, with the support of high-ranking ʿulamāʾ in the enactment procedure in extraordinary circumstances that turned into a problem of independence for the state, it is even possible to say a problem of survival. The commercial code stands out as one of the concrete examples of the need to subject the official documents that shed light on the Tanẓīmāt reforms to new readings in the context of the conditions of the period and their own motivations.&nbsp;&nbsp;

The Legitimacy Paradigm of the Ottoman Commercial Code: ʿUlamāʾ and Interest

Yakup

Res. Assist.

Islamic jurisprudence (uṣūl al-fiqh) procured its principles from the rational (aqlı̄) and revealed (naqlı̄) sciences. The sciences of kalām, the Arabic language, fiqh, and logic are among the leading ones from which Islamic jurisprudence adopted its principles. Some time had passed before these principles took on a systematic form in uṣūl al-fiqh works. Although the subject of mabādı̄ had not become prominent in methodology works until the second half of the 4th century AH/10th century CE, some works can be seen to have established a connection between uṣūl al-fiqḥ and sciences such as theology and fiqh, with works such as Abū Bakr al-Khaffāf’s (fl. Early 4th/11th century) al-Aqsām wa-l-khiṣāl and Abū Bakr al-Bāqillānı̄’s (d. 403/1013) at-Taqrı̄b wa-l-irshād being examples of these. In the next century, however, Imām al-Ḥaramayn al-Juwaynı̄ (d. 478/1085) gathered the topics discussed in those works under the concept of mawādd, which he used to mean the sciences that form the material foundations of uṣūl al-fiqh. He was the first to mention kalām, the Arabic language, and the rules of fiqh within the scope of this concept he used. Juwaynı̄ emphasized that, before starting a science, importance is had in knowing from what kind of sources this science benefits. The fact that uṣūl al-fiqh benefits the science of kalām is because kalām is seen as a source of legitimacy for all Islamic sciences. At the same time, the correctness of al-dalīl al-shar‘ī [proofs of the Sharī‘a], which is what this method deals with, can be shown by proving divinity and prophecy, which are subjects of the science of kalām.The Arabic language, on the other hand, has vital importance in understanding verses and hadiths as naṣṣ [a known, clear legal injunction], as Arabic is the original language of the Qur’an and hadiths, which are the main sources of uṣūl al-fiqh. Among the language methods for proofs are subjects such as the truth and metaphor of a word, openness and ambiguity, and the signification of a word to its meaning. Uṣūl al-fiqh also benefits from furū‘ fiqh. This is because the Islamic jurist needs the imagination of judgements and examples when proving and disproving judgements. With al-Ghazālī, the science of logic was also included among these source sciences. He included an introduction to logic in his renowned work, al-Mustaṣfā. Al-Ghazālī’s main concern was that no one would trust the knowledge of those who did not know logic. This attitude of his was highly respected among scholars. In the next centuries, the concept of mawādd [matters] was replaced by the concept of mabādı̄ [rudiments], which is a logical term. The concept of mabādı̄ was defined by Sayf al-Dīn al-Āmidī (d. 631/1233) as the concepts (taṣawwurāt) and the assertions (taṣdiqāt) that are assumed to be true, upon which the issues of a science depend, and whose reality has not been proven in that science.Transferring these concepts into books on methodology had arisen from the idea of accepting methodology as a branch of theology. However, mutakallimūn scholars also were found who did not view uṣūl al-fiqh as an accessory of theology (kalām) and thus opposed it, with Mu‘tazilah scholar Abū Husayn al-Basrı̄ (d. 436/1044) and Ḥanbalı̄ scholar Abū al-Wafā Ibn ʻAqīl (d. 513/1119) being at the head of this group. On the other hand, fiqh scholars kept a distance from carrying the issues of kalām to their works but did not hesitate to express their opinions on the subject when appropriate. The subjects expressing the relationship between reason and text, such as ḥusun and qubuh [good and evil], are seen to be included in almost all works However, they obviously did not have the same concerns as the mutakallimūn scholars. On the other hand, one of the jurists, ‘Ala’ al-Dīn Al-Samarqandī (d. 539/1144), felt the need to include theological issues in the methodology and aimed to initiate a transformation in the tradition of jurist writing. His attitude can be said to have been received relatively favorably among the later Ḥanafi scholars. This attitude became apparent, especially with Ḥanafı̄ scholars such as Muẓaffar al-Dīn Ibn al-Sā‘ātī (d. 694/1295), Mullā Fanārı̄ (d. 834/1431), and Ibn al-Humām (d. 861/1457), who wrote works using the mamzouj [comparative] method. Sayf al-Dīn al-Āmidī’s classification of the mabādī in his introduction on kalām, language and fiqh also influenced the systematics of the works of the three Ḥanafı̄ authors mentioned above. The difference these works have from Āmidī’s was that they frequently use examples of furū‘ [elaborations], which is a feature of the fuqahā’ [Islamic jurists’] method. While Mullā Fanārī examined concepts related to logic under the title he called kalāmı̄ mabādı̄[essentials of kalām], Ibn al-Humām criticized this attitude and argued the mabādı̄ that uṣūl takes from kalām to be limited to issues such as ḥusun and qubuḥ in relation to the judge (qadi). This article aims to examine the course of mabādī issues by focusing on some works with high representational ability regarding the traditions of mutakallimūn, fuqahā’, and mamzūj [mixed] writing The main subject of this research is to examine the concepts and issues theologian authors included, to examine the context in which the jurists dealt with the theological issues, and finally to determine the preferences of the works written using the mamzūj method, which aims to combine the two traditions. In addition to the science of kalām, this study also includes scholars’ preferences regarding mabādī in relation to the other sciences.&nbsp;

The Development of Mabādī Subjects in the Classical Books on Uṣūl al-Fiqh

Gürzat

Seyahatnameler, gerek canlı dil ve anlatılarıyla gerek imparatorluğun farklı etnik, dini ve kültürel gruplarının algılarını doğrudan yansıtan öznel içerikleriyle, erken modern Osmanlı tarihinin önemli kaynaklarındandır. On altıncı yüzyılda bir diplomasi, ticaret ve kültür başkentine dönüşen İstanbul’u ziyaret eden birçok yerli ve yabancı şahıs, gözlem ve değerlendirmelerini içeren seyahatnameler kaleme aldılar. Bu şahıslardan bazıları, 922-923/1516-1517’de Memlük topraklarının Osmanlılar tarafından ele geçirilmesinden sonra yeni idare ve himaye merkezi olan İstanbul’a yolculuk eden Arap gezginlerdi. Modern araştırmacılar bu gezginlerin seyahatnamelerine dayanarak İstanbul ve Anadolu şehirlerinin topografyası ve sosyokültürel hayatı, Osmanlılar ile Arap elit arasındaki kültürel alışveriş ve güç mücadeleleri, kitap kültürü ve bilgi üretimi gibi muhtelif konular üzerine çalışmalar yapmışlardır. Bu makale, Dımaşklı bir alim olan Necmeddin el-Gazzî’nin (ö. 1061/1051) yakın bir tarihe kadar kayıp olduğu düşünülen İstanbul seyahatnamesinin ulaştığımız tek nüshasına odaklanarak bu literatüre katkı sunmayı hedeflemektedir.Makale altı bölümden oluşmaktadır. İlk bölüm, Gazzî’nin İstanbul seyahatinin tarihi bağlamını vermekte ve seyahatnamesinin mevcut nüshasını tanıtmaktadır. İkinci bölüm, Gazzî’nin Dımaşk’taki seyahat hazırlığından bahsetmektedir. Sonraki iki bölüm; şahıs, yapı ve sosyopolitik olayları merkeze alarak Gazzî’nin, sırasıyla Anadolu şehirleri ve İstanbul’a dair gözlemlerini incelemektedir. Beşinci bölüm Gazzî’nin Dımaşk’a dönüş yolculuğuna ve seyahatinin sonuçlarına odaklanmaktadır. Daha tematik olan altınca bölüm seyahatnamenin dili ve üslubu ile içerdiği rüya ve fal anekdotları gibi anlatı unsurlarını incelemektedir. Son sözde ise bu seyahatnamenin araştırmacılar için neden önemli bir kaynak olduğu tartışılmaktadır.Necmeddin el-Gazzî, on dördüncü yüzyıldan itibaren Dımaşk’ta birçok âlim yetiştirmiş olan Gazzî ailesine mensuptu. Kırklı yaşlarının ortasında, Dımaşk’ın en bilgili Şâfiî fakihine meşrut olan Şâmiyye Berrâniyye Medresesi müderrisliğine atandı ve bir Şâfiî müftü olarak öne çıktı. Ancak görev yaptığı medresenin 1032/1623 tarihinde şehirdeki başka bir âlime verilmesi üzerine pozisyonunu geri alabilmek amacıyla İstanbul’a seyahat etti. Dört buçuk ay süren (4 Mart–16 Temmuz 1623) bu macerasını el-İkdu’l-manzûm fî’r-rihle ile’r-Rûm isimli eserinde anlattı. Yakın bir zamana kadar günümüze ulaşmadığı düşünülen bu eserin müellif nüshasının Halep Vakfiyye Yazma Eserler Kütüphanesi’nde, bu nüshaya ait bir mikrofilmin ise Dubai’daki Merkezu Cum‘atu’l-Mâcid li’s-Sekâfe ve’t-Turâs’da bulunduğunu tespit ettik. Bu makale söz konusu nüshayı kaynak olarak kullanmaktadır.Görünüşe bakılırsa Gazzî, İstanbul’a ikbal ümidiyle değil mecbur olduğundan gitmekteydi. Dımaşk’taki yüksek enflasyon sebebiyle geride bıraktığı ailesi için duyduğu endişe, mevsim şartları sebebiyle yolculuğun zorlu olması ve Türkçe konuşan Osmanlı merkez coğrafyasında kendi kültürel konfor alanının dışına çıkacak olması Gazzî’nin gözünde İstanbul seyahatini çekici olmaktan çıkaran unsurlardan bazılarıydı.Gazzî yolculuğa çıkmadan önce şehirdeki Osmanlı otoritelerini (vali, kadı, defterdar, Hanefî müftü vb.) ziyaret etti ve İstanbul’daki pozisyon mücadelesinde elini güçlendirecek destek mektupları topladı. İstanbul’a ilk yolculuğu olmasına rağmen önceki Arap seyyahların seyahatnameleri gibi Osmanlı merkezi hakkında bilgi sunan yazılı kaynaklara sahipti. Üstelik on altıncı yüzyılın ikinci yarısından itibaren Bilâdu’ş-Şam’ın Osmanlı merkezine idari ve ekonomik entegrasyonu Dımaşk-İstanbul arasındaki resmî ve gayriresmî hareketliliği artırmış, dolayısıyla şehirde imparatorluk başkentine dair bilgi veren çok sayıda sözlü kaynak ortaya çıkmıştı. Bu yazılı ve sözlü kaynaklar, Gazzî’nin Bilâdu’r-Rum olarak zikrettiği Osmanlı merkez topraklarının idari ve kültürel coğrafyasına dair bakışını seyahatinden önce büyük ölçüde şekillendirmişti.Buna rağmen Gazzî’nin gördüğü Anadolu şehirleri, on altıncı yüzyıl Arap gezginlerin gördüğü Anadolu şehirlerinden oldukça farklıydı. Her şeyden önce Dımaşk ve İstanbul’u birbirine bağlayan güzergâhta bulunan hemen hemen her menzilde seyahati güvenli ve rahat kılmayı hedefleyen nispeten yeni sayılabilecek bir külliye bulunmaktaydı. Tüm bu imar faaliyetinin yanı sıra Gazzî, “Büyük Kaçgun” da denilen Celâlî İsyanları’nın Anadolu şehirlerinde yarattığı tahribatı da yakından gözleme fırsatı buldu.Gazzî 22 Cemaziyelahir 1032/23 Nisan 1623’te İstanbul’a ulaştı. On ay önce Sultan II. Osman’ın katline şahit olan imparatorluk başkenti hizip mücadeleleri içindeydi. Gazzî şehirde vaktiyle Dımaşk kadılığı yapıp Osmanlı bürokrasisinde üst düzey makamlara yükselmiş olan birçok kişiyi içeren geniş bir ilişki ağına sahipti. Bu ağda en önemli isim şeyhülislamlık makamındaki Zekeriyazade Yahya Efendi (ö. 1053/1644) idi. Gazzî on yedinci yüzyılda Osmanlı ilmiye teşkilatında en yüksek pozisyonu elinde tutan şeyhülislamın desteğini almasına rağmen İstanbul’daki hizip mücadeleleri ve güç dengeleri sebebiyle hedefine ulaşamadı. Gazzî’nin seyahatnamesi II. Osman’ın katliyle IV. Murad’ın tahta çıkışı arasında İstanbul’daki hizip mücadelelerini dışarıdan gözlemleme imkânı vermektedir. Bu dönemde sultan, şehzade, sadrazam, hanım sultan, şeyhülislam, ulema, saray ağaları, yeniçeriler gibi nüfuzlu aktörler&nbsp;arasındaki güç dengeleri ve ittifaklar hızla değişmekteydi. Nitekim, Gazzî henüz Dımaşk yolundayken İstanbul’da dönemin Osmanlı müelliflerinin Cemiyyet-i Câmi Vakası dedikleri bir kriz yaşandı. Gazzî’nin bu krizden güçlenerek çıkan İstanbul’daki dostları, Gazzî adına Şâmiyye Berrâniyye Medresesi için bir tayin kararı çıkarabildiler. Ancak bir süre sonra IV. Murad’ın tahta çıkışıyla güç dengeleri tekrar değişti ve medrese tekrar Gazzî’nin elinden alınmaya çalışıldı. Gazzî Dımaşk’a döndükten sonraki iki yıl içinde kaleme aldığı seyahatnamesini, on yedinci yüzyılda artık iyice belirginleşen ve “Arapça İstanbul seyahatnameleri” denebilecek bir alt yazım türünün şekil ve içerik alışkanlıkları içinde üretti. Seyahatname, Gazzî’nin çoğu seyahati sırasında gördüğü mekânlar ve şahıslar hakkında üç binden fazla beyit içermektedir ve bu özelliğiyle âdeta müstakil bir divan hüviyetindedir. Şiirlerin yanı sıra, Gazzî okuyucuları ile birçok rüyasını ve tefeülünü paylaşmaktadır.arasındaki güç dengeleri ve ittifaklar hızla değişmekteydi. Nitekim, Gazzî henüz Dımaşk yolundayken İstanbul’da dönemin Osmanlı müelliflerinin Cemiyyet-i Câmi Vakası dedikleri bir kriz yaşandı. Gazzî’nin bu krizden güçlenerek çıkan İstanbul’daki dostları, Gazzî adına Şâmiyye Berrâniyye Medresesi için bir tayin kararı çıkarabildiler. Ancak bir süre sonra IV. Murad’ın tahta çıkışıyla güç dengeleri tekrar değişti ve medrese tekrar Gazzî’nin elinden alınmaya çalışıldı. Gazzî Dımaşk’a döndükten sonraki iki yıl içinde kaleme aldığı seyahatnamesini, on yedinci yüzyılda artık iyice belirginleşen ve “Arapça İstanbul seyahatnameleri” denebilecek bir alt yazım türünün şekil ve içerik alışkanlıkları içinde üretti. Seyahatname, Gazzî’nin çoğu seyahati sırasında gördüğü mekânlar ve şahıslar hakkında üç binden fazla beyit içermektedir ve bu özelliğiyle âdeta müstakil bir divan hüviyetindedir. Şiirlerin yanı sıra, Gazzî okuyucuları ile birçok rüyasını ve tefeülünü paylaşmaktadır.Sonuç olarak bu seyahatname hem İstanbul’un iç karışıklıklara sahne olduğu bir döneme merkezden uzak bir eyaletten bir pencere aralaması hem de bir taşra Şâfiî müderris-müftüsünün değerlendirmeleri ve iç dünyasını sunması açısından önemli bir kaynaktır.&nbsp;

A Damascene Shāfi‘ī Professor-Mufti in Istanbul: Najm al-Dīn al-Ghazzī’s Travelogue (1032/1623)

Eşref

In the Islamic history of philosophy, especially in the Ottoman era, some interesting topics were widely known to have been discussed among scholars. These discussions continued into the reign of Bayezid II (1481-1512) as well. Two of the prominent participants in these discussions were Mullā Lutfī and Mullā Izārı̄, with both verbal and written debates having occurred between these two scholars, one of these being the debate concerning the subjects of sciences.The discussions on the subjects of sciences and the unity, differentiation, boundaries, and interrelations among the subjects of the sciences became widespread in Islamic thought with the examinations by Ibn Sīnā and Fārābī concerning the scientific method. In the postclassical period, this topic was discussed in logic and fiqh books in particular. The discussion was brought up once again in the Ottoman era with Mullā Fanārī’s conceptualization of jihat al-wahda [the direction of unity of the subjects] regarding the subjects of science.While the discussions on jihat al-wahda continued, a new debate centered on Jurjānı̄’s works was sparked with Mullā Lutfı̄’s work al-Sab' al-shidād. The treatise analyzed in this article was written by Mullā Izārı̄ by order of Sultan Bayezid II to evaluate the seven objections that Mullā Lutfı̄ had subjected to Jurjānı̄’s work. Hatipzāda and the author of Risālat fı̄ daf' al-shubah, as well as other unknown scholars, also participated in this debate. Thus, Mullā Izārı̄’s treatise can be accepted as part of the works examining the subject of science, which also includes the Risālat fı̄ daf' al-shubah, Tāshkubrīzādah’s al-Liwā al-marfū', and treatises on jihat al-wahda.&nbsp;Mullā Izārı̄ quoted all of Mullā Lutfı̄’s questions directly; however, his quotations from the scholars were not found to be reliable due to the lack of proof from the original sources. Mullā Izārı̄ tried to answer Mullā Lutfı̄’s questions mostly by citing from Ibn Sı̄nā’s book al-Burhān. He did not agree with Mullā Lutfı̄ on any of the seven issues and condemned him for making unfair criticisms of scholars such as Ibn Sı̄nā, Urmavı̄, and Jurjānı̄.According to Mullā Izārı̄, if Mullā Lutfı̄ had read and fully grasped the works of these scholars, he would have seen that his criticisms were unnecessary and had already been answered in the texts. Because to Mullā Izārı̄, the answers to the questions on the subject were compiled in the old books, especially in Ibn Sı̄nā’s al-Shifā, al-Mantıq, and al-Burhān, whether obvious or inferred. Therefore, Mullā Izārı̄ answered the criticisms by presenting a compilation of answers from the old works, centering the authority on the names mentioned in the Ottoman ulama.Mullā Lutfı̄ believed that Jurjānı̄ had false beliefs about the subject of sciences. He supported his claims by quoting Jurjānı̄’s works and giving examples about the subjects of metaphysics, kalām, physics, calculations, arithmetic, and astronomy.The first discussion about the subjects of the sciences starts with the subject of metaphysics. While criticizing Mullā Izārı̄, Mullā Lutfı̄ characterized metaphysics as the science that investigates general things; meanwhile, Mullā Izārı̄ emphasized metaphysics to be a system of science with subsections.Jurjānı̄ considered numbers to be the subject of calculations, while Mullā Lutfı̄ accepted them to be the subject of arithmetic. Mullā Izārı̄, on the other hand, stated that scholars such as Ibn Sı̄nā, Urmawı̄, and Fārisı̄ in the classical period had also considered numbers to be the subject of calculations and therefore Jurjānı̄ cannot be criticized in this regard.Mullā Lutfı̄ accused Jurjānı̄ of violating the principle that sciences differ from each other through their subjects and attempting to differentiate the sciences by the type of evidence used. Mullā Izārı̄, however, stated that the issues can be separated based on different perspectives.&nbsp;Mullā Lutfı̄’s criticisms contained exciting questions for the science of his era. In contrast, Mullā Izārı̄ had responded to these criticisms mostly by quoting previous work. Therefore, that Mullā Izārı̄ chose not to take the issue forward but instead to only refer to previous classics appears problematic according to the tradition. As a matter of fact, according to the investigations of Tāshkubrīzādah, Mullā Izārı̄’s responses were unable to answer Mullā Lutfı̄’s objections.Lastly, this article attempts to indicate the level to which the issue of the subject of the sciences had been discussed in detail and to exemplify the conceptualizations of authority, in particular those of Mullā Lutfı̄ and Mullā Izārı̄ regarding great scholars such as Ibn Sı̄nā, Urmawı̄, Qutb al-Dīn al-Rāzı̄, and Jurjānı̄ in the Ottoman scientific tradition. In order to facilitate modern researchers’ and readers’ ability to access discussions on the subjects of the sciences, this article has also made a critical edition and analysis of Mullā Izārı̄’s manuscript.&nbsp;

A Discussion on the Subject of the Sciences: An Examination and  Critical Edition of Mullā Izārı̄’s (d. 901/1496) Treatise al-Ajwiba ‘alā I‘tirāḍāt al-Sab' al-Shidād

Muhammed

Şiî kökenli Büveyhî hanedanının 945 yılında Irak bölgesini ele geçirip Abbâsîler üzerinde hâkimiyet kurması İslam tarihinde önemli bir dönüm noktası olarak kabul edilmektedir. Büveyhîlerin Şiîliği hâkim mezhep hâline getirerek Sünnî Müslümanları ötekileştirdiği ve Sünnî Abbâsî halifeliğini kendi çıkarları doğrultusunda manipüle ettiği anlatılmaktadır. Büveyhîler dönemi daha yakından incelendiğinde aslında durumun yukarıda bahsedilen hususlardan daha farklı olduğu ortaya çıkmaktadır. Bu noktada dönemin önemli Sünnî âlimlerinden biri olan Bâkıllânî’nin hayat hikayesine ve ilmi çalışmalarına bakmak önem arz etmektedir. Sünnî bir âlim olarak Bâkıllânî Büveyhî hanedanına yoğun bir şekilde muhalefet etmekten ziyade Büveyhîler ile pozitif bir ilişki düzeyi geliştirmiş ve Sünnîlik adına önemli çalışmalarda bulunmuştur. Büveyhîlerden gelen davet üzerine öncelikle Şiraz’a gitmiş ve Büveyhî sarayındaki ilmi toplantılarda Sünnîliğin itikadî görüşlerini Mu‘tezilî ve Şiî âlimlere karşı başarıyla savunmuştur. Bâkıllânî toplantılardaki üstün başarısından dolayı Büveyhî Sultanı Adudüddevle’nin takdirini kazanmış ve sultanın oğlu Simnânüddevle’nin eğitilmesi görevini üstlenmiştir. Bâkıllânî daha sonra sultanla beraber Bağdat’a gelmiş ve burada ilmî faaliyetlerine devam etmiştir. Bâkıllânî’nin ilmî faaliyetleri sadece Bağdat ile sınırlı kalmamıştır, zira Büveyhî sultanı tarafından elçi olarak Bizans İmparatorluğu’na gönderilmiştir. İstanbul’daki elçilik görevi esnasında Bizans İmparatoru II. Basil ve İstanbul patriği ile İslam ve Hristiyanlık hakkında bazı teolojik tartışmalarda bulunmuş ve Bizanslılar tarafından onun ilmî yetkinliği ve tartışmalardaki üstün performansı takdir edilmiştir. Elçilik görevinden sonra Bağdat’a dönen Bâkıllânî meşhur Mansûr Camii’nde İmam Eş‘arî’nin kelam alanındaki el-Lümaʿ adlı eserini okutmuştur. Ayrıca kendisi de Eş‘arî kelamının önemli eserlerinden biri olarak kabul edilen et-Temhîd’i kaleme almış ve eserini Büveyhî sultanına ithaf etmiştir. Bâkıllânî’nin öğretim hayatında ve kişisel çalışmalarında kelam ilmi üzerinde durması dönemin ilmî dünyasını anlamak bakımından önem arz etmektedir. Büveyhîler döneminde hem Şiîliği hem de Mu‘tezilîliği temsil eden önemli âlimler yetişmiş ve kelam sahasında kayda değer eserler kaleme almışlardır. Dolayısıyla Bâkıllânî de bu alana yönelmiş ve Sünnî kelam düşüncesini esaslı bir şekilde ortaya koymuştur. Örneğin meşhur Mu‘tezilî âlim Kādî Abdülcebbâr, Eş‘arî’nin el-Lümaʿ adlı eserine Nakzü’l-Lümaʿ adlı bir reddiye yazınca Bâkıllânî de onun eserine Nakzu Nakzi’l-Lümaʿ adında karşı bir reddiye yazmıştır. Yine, et-Temhîd adlı eserinde imâmet konusuna temas etmiş ve Şîa’nın görüşlerini açıkça tenkit ederken Sünnî görüşlerin haklılığını müdafaa etmiştir. Keza Şiîlerin Sünnî halifelere ve&nbsp;&nbsp;bazı sahabeye karşı yapılan eleştirilerine cevap vermek adına Menâkıbü’l-eʾimme ve nakzü’lmetâʿin ʿalâ Selefi’l-ümme adlı eserini kaleme almıştır. Benzer şekilde dönemin önemli Şiî âlimlerinden Şeyh Müfîd ile imâmet ve usûl konusunda yapmış olduğu münazaalardan sonra el-Mesâil ve’l-mücâlesâtü’l-mensûre isimli bir risale yazmış ve Şiîliği açıkça eleştirmiştir. Ayrıca o dönemde bazı Şiî taraftarlarca dile getirilen mevcut Kur’ân’ın değiştirildiğine dair iddialara karşı el-İntisâr li’l-Kur’ân veya el-İntisâr li-sıhhati nakli’l-Kur’ân ve’r-red ʿalâ men nehalehü’l-fesâd bi-ziyâde ev nuksân isminde bir eser yazmıştır. Yanı sıra Bâkıllânî bu dönemde İsmâilî (Bâtınî) fikirlerle de mücadele içerisine girmiştir, zira 10. asrın ikinci yarısında Mısır’daki Şiî Fâtımî hanedanı Irak’ta yoğun bir ilmî ve siyasi faaliyette bulunmuştur. Fâtımî davetçilerinin Irak’taki etkili faaliyetleri sonucunda bazı valiler cuma hutbelerini Fâtımî halifesi adına okutmaya başlamışlardır. Bu süreçte Bâkıllânî Abbâsîlerle iş birliği içerisinde olmuş ve Sünnî Abbâsî halifesinin otoritesini artırmaya dönük birtakım faaliyetlerde bulunmuştur. Örneğin Bâkıllânî İsmâilî fikirlerin batıl olduğunu ortaya koymak için Keşfü’l-esrâr fi’r-red ʿale’l-Bâtıniyye adlı eserini yazmıştır. Yine Sünnî Abbâsî halifeliğinin meşruluğunu müdafaa etmek için Nusretü’l-Abbâs ve imâmeti benîh (Abbâs Oğullarının İmâmetinin Savunulması) veya İmâmetu Benî Abbâs (Abbâs Oğullarının Liderliği) isimli eserini kaleme almıştır. Ayrıca Bâkıllânî Abbâsîlerin siyasi pozisyonlarını güçlendirmek adına el-İmâmetü’l-kebîre (Büyük İmâmet) ve el-İmâmetü’s-sagīre (Küçük İmâmet) isminde risaleler de meydana getirmiştir. Dolayısıyla Bâkıllânî kendi zamanındaki sosyopolitik yapıyı çok iyi takip etmiş, Sünnî düşüncenin korunması ve yayılması adına önemli ilmî aktivitelerde bulunmuştur. Sonuç olarak Bâkıllânî’nin yaşamı ve eserleri Büveyhîler döneminde Şiî tahakkümün bulunmasından ziyade farklı inanç mensuplarının kendisini güzel bir şekilde ifade edebildiğini ve birbirleriyle ilmi müzakerelerde bulunabildiklerini göstermektedir. Bâkıllânî de Büveyhîlerin farklı ekollere mensup âlimlere karşı olan mütemayil durumundan güzel bir şekilde istifade etmiş ve Sünnîliği başarılı bir şekilde savunmuştur.&nbsp;

A Muslim Scholar and Diplomat in Baghdad at the Time  of the Būyids: The Encounters of al-Bāqillānī within a Multi-Confessional Environment

Fatma

Ibn Sīnā (d. 428/1037) dramatically differed from his predecessors on issues such as types of modal propositions, contradiction, conversion and contraposition, categorical syllogism and modal syllogism with his understanding of absolute and modal propositions. Ibn Sīnā’s unique system of proposition and syllogism dominated the course of Islamic logic studies. Meanwhile, Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī (d. 606/1210) followed Ibn Sīnā and the Avicennian logician Sahlān al-Sāwī (fl. 540/1145) in these matters and transformed the system whose foundations Ibn Sīnā had laid into a more complete and perfect system through commentary, correction, reclassification, and criticism from time to time. This article presents Ibn Sīnā’s interpretation of the subject term of universal propositions, which is critical for understanding his conception of propositions, and one of the most important points where he differed from the logical tradition that had preceded him, together with al-Rāzī’s commentaries on this topic. The analysis of the subject term of universal propositions is extremely important, as it is closely related to Ibn Sīnā’s theory of predication and to his understanding of absolute and modal propositions. In this respect, a detailed analysis of the meaning of the subject term of universal categorical propositions according to Ibn Sīnā and the main factors that had led Ibn Sīnā to reach this interpretation of the subject term are very essential for determining the understanding of propositions in the Avicennian logical tradition. To this end, the article presents the meaning of the subject terms of universal categorical proposition according to Ibn Sīnā and explains the factors that played an important role in the formation of Ibn Sīnā’s completely unique conception of the subject term. In so doing, the article also considers al-Rāzī’s interpretations and thus clarifies his position with respect to Ibn Sīnā on this critical issue.&nbsp;Ibn Sīnā explained five characteristics of the subject term of universal categorical proposition. His explanations in the context of the expression “uttered to the universal” (maqūl ‘alā kull) are based on Aristotle’s explanations of the meaning of the expression “uttered to the universal” (tò katà pantòs katēgoreîsthai). In the context of this expression, Alexander Aphrodisias (d. 3rd century) and Fārābī (d. 339/950) also have explanations about the meaning of universal&nbsp;categorical proposition. However, Ibn Sīnā was the first to include these five characteristics of the subject term of universal categorical proposition in this context. The first of these features is the meaning of the universal quantifier, and the second is about the essence (aldhāt) of the subject in a universal categorical proposition. According to Ibn Sīnā and al-Rāzī, the expression “every J” does not mean “all Js” in the external world or “universal J”, but every J that can be characterized as J if it exists in the external world. This interpretation of the subject term of universal categorical proposition forms the basis of Ibn Sīnā’s essentialist understanding of propositions.&nbsp;As the third characteristic of the subject term of universal categorical proposition, İbn Sīnā stated that the expression “every J” can refer to every individual whose essence is J, as well as to individuals qualified by J. This characteristic of the subject term is based on the two types of predications according to İbn Sīnā. The last two of these properties are about the relation of the subject term to the essence of the subject. Accordingly, the relation of the subject term to the essence of the subject can be continuous or discontinuous, because according to Ibn Sīnā’s unique interpretation of the general absolute proposition, the predicate in a general absolute proposition can be predicated of the essence of the subject either continuously or discontinuously. Therefore, according to him, the same property applies to the relation between the subject term and the essence of the subject. Finally, Ibn Sīnā and al-Rāzī stated “every J” to refer to those who are actually (bi-l-fi‘l) Js. This is perhaps the most controversial issue in Ibn Sīnā and al-Rāzī’s explanations for the subject term of universal categorical proposition.&nbsp;

The Subject Term of Universal Proposition According to Ibn Sīnā  and Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī

Muhammet

Mısır’ın müslümanlar tarafından fethinin hemen ardından inşa edilen Amr b. Âs Camii’nde başta Şâfiî mezhebinin kurucusu Muhammed b. İdrîs eş-Şâfiî (ö. 204/820) ve talebeleri olmak üzere hicrî ilk asırlardan itibaren âlimler ilim halkalarını kurmuşlardır. Önceleri camilerde kurulan bu tür halkaları ifade etmek üzere kullanılan zâviye terimi Mısır’da medreselerin yaygınlaşmaya başladığı 6./12. yüzyıldan itibaren vakıfla desteklenen ilim kurumlarını ifade etmeye başlamıştır. Mısır ve Şam bölgesinde Emeviyye Camii, Mescid-i Aksâ ve Amr b. Âs Camii başta olmak üzere Kahire Dımaşk, Kudüs ve Halep gibi şehirlerin merkezî camileri içerisinde vakıfla desteklenen derslerin yapıldığı müesseseleri ifade etmek üzere bu terim kullanılmıştır. Bu makalede Kahire’de Amr b. Âs Camii’nde kurulan sekiz zâviye (İmam Şâfiî/ Haşşâbiyye Zâviyesi, Mecdiyye Zâviyesi, Sâhibiyye Zâviyesi, Kemâliyye Zâviyesi, Tâciyye Zâviyesi, Muîniyye Zâviyesi, Alâiyye Zâviyesi ve Zeyniyye Zâviyesi) ve bilhassa İmam Şâfiî Zâviyesi’nin tarihi ve vakıfları ele alınmıştır.Bu zâviyelerin tarihi hakkında derli toplu bilgi veren iki kaynak bulunmaktadır. Bunların ilki İbn Dokmak’ın (ö. 809/1407) el-İntisâr li-vâsıtati ‘ikdi’l-emsâr’ı, ikincisi ise Makrîzî’nin el-Hıtat ismiyle meşhur olan el-Mevâ‘iz ve’l-i‘tibâr fî zikri’l-hıtati ve’l-âsâr adlı eseridir. Her iki müellif de Memlükler döneminde Kahire’nin tarihi ve topografyası hakkında telif ettikleri eserlerinde tespit edebildikleri kadarıyla Amr b. Âs Camii’ndeki zâviyelerin kuruluş tarihleri, vâkıflarının isimleri, hangi ilimlerin eğitimi için vakfedildikleri, vakıf mülkleri ve camideki konumları hakkında bilgi vermişlerdir. Ancak İmam Şâfiî Zâviyesi’nin vâkıfı, kuruluş tarihi ve zâviyeye vakfedilen mülkler gibi hususlarda daha ayrıntılı bilgi bu iki hıtat eserinde değil Sehâvî’nin (ö. 902/1497), hocası İbn Hacer el-Askalânî’nin Mısır kadılarının biyografilerini ele aldığı Ref‘u’l-isr an kudâti Mısr adlı eserine yazdığı zeylde bulunmaktadır. Sehâvî, Mısır’ın Şâfiî kâdılkudâtlarından Alemüddin el-Bulkînî’nin (ö. 868/1464) hayatı hakkında bilgi verirken onun İmam Şâfiî Zâviyesi’nde müderrislik yaptığını belirtmiş, daha sonra bir fasıl (fâide) açarak zâviyenin tarihi ve müderrisleri hakkında ayrıntılı bilgiler vermiştir. Makalede İbn Dokmak ve Makrîzî’nin hıtat türü eserlerinde yer alan kayıtlar başta Sehâvî’nin bahsi geçen zeyli olmak üzere dönemin diğer tarih ve tabakat kaynaklarındaki bilgilerle mukayese edilerek incelenmiştir.Cami zâviyeleri ve özellikle İmam Şâfiî Zâviyesi hakkındaki bu inceleme zâviye-tasavvuf ilişkisi, zâviye-fıkıh ilişkisi, zâviye-vakıf ilişkisi ve zâviyenin muteberliği meseleleriyle irtibatlandırılabilir. Her ne kadar modern çalışmalarda zâviye terimi genellikle şehir merkezlerinin dışında kurulan, belirli bir şeyh ve ona bağlı dervişlere tahsis edilen ve hankaha kıyasla daha&nbsp;mütevazı olan sûfî kurumlarını ifade etse de Memlükler döneminde Mısır-Şam bölgesinde telif edilen eserlerde görülen zâviye terimi her zaman bu tür müesseseleri ifade etmeyebilir. Zira zâviye kelimesi, camilerin içerisinde bulunan çeşitli ilimlere dair düzenli derslerin yapıldığı eğitim mekânlarına da işaret ediyor olabilir. Dolayısıyla bu dönemde Kahire şehri için bir eğitim kurumları tipolojisi hazırlanacak olursa cami zâviyeleri, sûfî kurumu olan zâviyelerden farklı bir müessese türü olarak değerlendirilmelidir.Cami zâviyelerinin fıkıh eğitimiyle ilişkisine gelince bu mekânların çoğunlukla fıkıh ilminin tedrisi için vakfedildiği ve bu bağlamda George Makdisi’nin zâviyeyi tıpkı medrese gibi bir “hukuk okulu” olarak gören yaklaşımının önemli ölçüde doğru olduğu söylenebilir. Ancak Amr b. Âs Camii’ndeki örneklerde görüldüğü üzere zâviyeler fıkıh ilminin yanı sıra usûlü’d-dîn ve mîâd dersleri için de vakfedilmişlerdir. Örneğin İbn Hacer el-Askalânî Ref‘u’l-isr’da Vecîhüddin el-Behnesî’nin (ö. 685/1286) hayatı hakkında bilgi verirken onun Mecdiyye Zâviyesi’nin müderrisliğine tayin edildiğini, burada verdiği açılış dersinde önce camiye gelen herkese açık, umumi bir ders verdiğini, ardından da vâkıfın şartına uygun olacak şekilde “usûlü’d-dîn”e dair hususi bir ders verdiğini kaydetmiştir. Diğer taraftan camideki Alâiyye ve Zeyniyye zâviyeleri ise hadis ve tefsire dair metinler üzerinden nasihat içerikli derslerin yapıldığı mîâd meclisleri için vakfedilmişlerdir. Dolayısıyla cami zâviyelerinin mutlak anlamda sadece fıkıh eğitimine hasredilmiş mekânlar olmadıkları söylenebilir.Kahire, Dımaşk, Halep ve Kudüs gibi şehirlerde camilerdeki ilim halkalarının belirli bir dönemden sonra vakıflarla desteklenir hâle gelmesi ise cami zâviyelerinin kurumsallaşması bakımından özellikle önemlidir. Eyyûbîler ve Memlükler döneminde Amr b. Âs Camii’nde kurulan zâviyeler, daha önceki dönemlerde camilerde âlimlerin kişisel tercihleriyle başlattıkları, çoğunlukla bir tahsisat almadan gönüllü olarak sürdürdükleri ve dilediklerinde sona erdirdikleri ilim halkalarından farklılaşmaktadır. Öncelikle zâviyeler cami içerisinde kendilerine ayrılmış belirli bir mekâna, muhtemelen bir tür kapalı hücreye veya eyvâna sahiptirler. Makrîzî ve İbn Dokmak’ın her bir zâviyenin camideki mekânını özellikle zikretmesi ve Selâhaddin Eyyûbî’nin İmam Şâfiî’nin ilim meclisini kurduğu mekânın üzerine bir maksûre inşa ettiğinin belirtilmesi bu bağlamda değerlendirilmelidir. Üç yüzyılı aşan bir süre boyunca İmam Şâfiî Zâviyesi’nin müderrislerinin düzenli bir şekilde takip edilebiliyor oluşu da buradaki vakfın, dersin ve müessesenin sürekliliğini göstermektedir.Son olarak Kahire’nin mimari olarak görkemli ve zengin vakıflara sahip medreseleriyle karşılaştırıldığında Amr b. Âs Camii’nin içinde bulunan bir zâviye daha önemsiz ve kenarda kalmış bir ilim mekânını çağrıştırabilir. Ancak İmam Şâfiî Zâviyesi, Selâhaddin Eyyûbî gibi önemli bir hami ve vâkıf tarafından Şâfiî mezhebinin kurucusu Muhammed b. İdris eş-Şâfiî’nin ilim halkasını kurduğu mekâna vakfedilmiştir. Ayrıca zâviyenin müderrisliği Kahire’de Şâfiî ulemânın en önde gelen ismine şart koşulmuş ve bu mansıba tayinler bizzat sultan tarafından yapılmıştır. Başta Benî Cemâa ve Bulkînî ailesinin mensupları olmak üzere Şâfiî ilim çevresinin seçkin isimleri zâviyede müderrislik yapmışlardır. Bütün bu hususlar İmam Şâfiî Zâviyesi’nin Kahire ilim kurumları arasındaki muteber konumunu teyit eder niteliktedir.&nbsp;

From Learning Circles to Endowed Institutions:  Zāwiyas of the Mosque of ʿAmr b. al-ʿĀs in the Ayyubid and Mamlūk Cairo

Laleli Complex was built by Mustafa III between 1760-1764, and its architectural features represent the intermediate period of the transition from classical Ottoman to Western. From this perspective, the complex provides an opportunity through its architecture to follow the social and intellectual changes experienced in the 18th century. As an architectural element indicating the changes in contentregarding the social and political transformations of the Ottomans or the personal preferences of the patrons and architects, the complex’s inscriptions should be an issue that gets evaluated using current art history research methods. The inscriptions are able to convey religious content as well as the political messages within the changing sociology. This article attempts to evaluate all aspects of the inscriptions and calligraphy in the Laleli Complex and consists of an introduction, two sections on developments, an evaluation section, and the conclusion. The first section is titled Laleli Complex and provides information about the history and architecture of the complex, about the life story of Sultan Mustafa III, the construction activities during his reign, and about the architect Mimar Tahir Ağa and the calligrapher Mehmed Vasfi. The second section is titled The Inscriptions and Calligraphies of the Laleli Complex and makes mention of all the inscriptions in the complex, both inside and outside while evaluating them according to their physical placement and the aesthetic intent and meaning in their placement, as well as the language, textual features, and calligraphical features.The calligraphy works at Lâleli Complex are very rich. The inscriptions are generally found in the interior of the mosque, in its surroundings, on the fountain and on the tomb. Other inscriptions are also found on the doors that provide access to the outer courtyard from other parts of the complex, on the door between the graveyard and soup kitchen, on the sultan’s ramp and in the sultan’s lodge. The taliq script is used on the sundial inscription, while jali thuluth script was used for all the other ones. The content of the inscriptions were selected from Qur’anic verses, hadiths, and prayer phrases that are suitable for the location and functionality of the structures. When looking at the distribution of the inscriptions, five inscriptions are known to be on the first door that provides the entrance to the outer courtyard from the street side and the fountains, one inscription is on the second door, five couplet inscriptions are at the fountain, one inscription is on the door to the graveyard’s door, one inscription is on the entrance window, two inscriptions are at the tomb door (1 outside and 1 inside), and one belt inscription is inside the tomb. One inscription is on the door to the imaret [public soup kitchen], a total of three inscriptions are on the doors providing entrance to the portico courtyard from different directions, one inscription is on the door to the sultan’s ramp, one inscription is in the sultan’s mansion, and one inscription is on the sundial. A total of four inscriptions are on the right and left sides of the sofa mihrabiyes [small ornate niches to the sides of doors] and the doors opening from the sofas to the mosque. A total of five inscriptions are on the mihrabiyes, doors, and main gate, and a total of 22 inscriptions are on the lower floor doors and windows inside the mosque. One inscription is on the upper part of the mihrab, a total of three inscriptions are on the door and sides of the pulpit, and a total of four inscriptions are on the door and wall of the sultan’s mahfil [elevated lodge in a mosque] on the upper floor.Sources report the writings in the complex to belong to the calligrapher Mehmed Vasfi. Although this approach is partially correct, all writings cannot be said to belong to him, because the inscriptions in the complex have different dates and styles. This study understands the inscriptions to belong to more than one calligrapher and to have been added to the buildings at different times. The inscriptions on the windows inside the mosque are particularly remarkable. These inscriptions contain hadiths that encourage and give advice about the construction of mosques; the hadiths also mention how the people who do this kind of work will be rewarded in Paradise. These may be a tribute to the sultan who patronized many architectural works, including mosques and masjids, because of an earthquake. In addition, the hadiths can be considered as attempts to encourage the community to help rebuild the mosques and masjids that were waiting to be restored after the earthquake. While the calligraphy and content of the inscriptions in Laleli Complex do maintain the early and classical period preferences, examples of new applications are also found there. The inscriptions on the tops of doors, on the pulpit, and on the mihrab held to the tradition. One distinctive feature of the calligraphical order of the Laleli Complex is to bring together many verses and hadiths inside the mosque and in the fountain that provide integrity in order to greater emphasize the meaning of a certain subject. Some expressions that had been used in the past were observed to have started being used again after a long time in the Lâleli Complex and other 18th-century structures. After this time, new phrases were seen to be preferred.&nbsp;

The Calligraphic Arrangement of the Laleli Complex (Evaluation of Inscriptions and Writings)

Fatih

Ahmet

Topkapı Palace was the second palace built after the conquest of Istanbul and was actively used until the reign of Sultan Abdulmejid I. Sultan Abdulmejid I moved his rule to Dolmabahçe Palace, after which Topkapı Palace was left neglected over the years. Abdurrahman Şeref Bey, one of the later Ottoman historians, provided important information about the units in need of repair in Topkapı Palace.&nbsp;Shortly after Sultan Mehmed V ascended the throne, he visited Topkapı Palace. During his visit, the sultan’s route was recorded in detail, and a list was made of the buildings that were in need of repair. The traces of the national architecture style of the period can be observed in these repair works that lasted into World War I. The national architecture period possessed an important style that started being seen at the end of the 19th century. The national architecture style emerged under the influence of ideas within Orientalism, Nationalism, and Ottomanism and was inspired by the early and classical period architecture of the Ottoman Empire. Architect Vedad one of the important architects of the period, took part in the repair works carried out in Topkapı Palace. A report was published in 1911 on the work that started in 1909. After the architect Vedad left his job in 1914, the architect Ekrem continued the restoration works in the palace, with the restoration works in the palace being completed in 1915 under his leadership.The Tiled Kiosk was the first example of a restoration to reflect the understanding of the national architecture period. The Tiled Kiosk was converted into a museum in 1870. Toward the end of the 19th century, a staircase was built so that the products to be exhibited could be transported into the Tiled Kiosk. The staircase was built at the entrance facade of the mansion, as can be observed in old photographs, and also reflects the understanding of the national architecture period. The restoration works carried out during the reign of Sultan Mehmed V in the Fatih Pavilion in the third courtyard revealed decorations that were made that also reflect the understanding of the national architecture period. These decorations can be observed from the stepped muqarnas series seen in the portico system and the ceilings of the pavilion. The Hırka-i Saadet Dairesi [Chamber of the Blessed Mantle] in the third courtyard is one of the buildings that were most affected by the repairs during the reign of Sultan Mehmed V. Some of the tiles on the rear walls and interior of the building belong to this period. In addition, the understanding of the national architecture period can be observed in the hand-drawn decorations on the domes, the window details, and the door wings of the Has Room. Another example in the third courtyard is the Kuşhane building (aviary). Reign of Sultan Mehmed V. the Kuşhane was built adjacent to the harem door. The design of Kuşhane, the shape of the window and balcony, and the eaves details all reflect the understanding of the national architecture period. The Revan Pavilion is located in the fourth courtyard and underwent renovations among the repairs made during the reign of Sultan Mehmed V. Today, the hand-drawn decorations on its dome can be thought to partially reflect the national architecture style in terms of motif and composition. The Seferli Koğuşu [Dormitory of the Expeditionary Force], located in the 3rd courtyard, was repaired during the reign of Sultan Mehmed V to display valuable porcelain objects. During these repairs, the door of the building is thought to have been completely renewed due to its form and shape. The inscription on the door was added after these repairs. The outer and inner walls of the Circumcision Room located in the fourth courtyard are decorated with tiles from different periods. During the repairs of Sultan Mehmed V, the tiling was completed with mosaic tiles. The preferred mosaic tiles are thought to be composed of classical motifs and color designs reflecting the understanding of the national architecture period.Some of the restoration works carried out in Topkapı Palace at the end of the 19th century and first quarter of the 20th century reflect the understanding of the national architecture period. The repair works were shaped according to the economy of the period and carried out according to the needs. These works coincide with the periods in which the understanding of restoration and conservation had made progress in the world and are important for the history of art and restoration. The restoration works that were carried out consciously with the understanding of the national architecture period were maintained in the same way as the restoration works carried out by Tahsin Öz in the Topkapı Palace during the early Republican period. The examples that have formed the subject of this article are important in terms of showing the continuity in the principles of restoration and conservation.

Period Interventions of National Architecture in Topkapı Palace  (until 1923)

Özgür

The translations made from Arabic and Persian in the field of political thought mainly by Ottoman scholars and bureaucrats constitute the founding elements of Ottoman political thought. This article attempts to shed light on the reasons for translating works on Islamic political thought into Turkish during the Ottoman period and limits itself to the Ottoman classical period between the 14th-18th centuries.The scope of the article is confined to works on Islamic sciences (e.g., fiqh, kalam, hadith, Sufism) that contain political issues, ethical literature dealing with political issues, the adab literature (e.g., siyasetnâme or nasihatnâme texts), or philosophy. In this context, a significant part of the texts related to history and ilm al-qiyafah have been omitted apart from a few exceptions that have direct political references. Texts related to military service (e.g., archery, cavalry, musketeer) have also been excluded from the scope. However, jihad treatises and compilations that highlight jihad as a direct duty of the head of state have been evaluated within the study’s scope. The article also excludes literary texts involving political evaluations and references that occur among many other issues. Therefore, the article is limited to the disciplines of Adab, philosophy-ethics, fiqh, hadith, and Sufism, as well as issues related to these disciplines. The study additionally excludes any translations of official documents or official developments in this regard.As already mentioned, the article’s scope is limited to translations made between the 14th18th century and not the entirety of Ottoman history. Therefore, the article evaluates political translations made as late as the reign of Selim III (1789-1807). Although determining the exact date of some manuscripts is impossible, works are also included that can be inferred to have been translated during period covered in the study’s scope. Therefore, works that are inferred to have been produced pre-19th century based on calligraphy, style, language features, copy date, or dated references made about them have been included in the list.This article examines 172 translated texts that were found to have been made in the field of politics between the 14th-18th centuries, why these works were chosen, whether they contain an assessment of any previous translation of the same work, what procedures were followed when translating, and the reasons for any omissions or additions made while translating. This study also examines the information translators gave as to why they had translated the texts and attempt to determine which motives were effective in the emergence of translated works, which is one of the ways political thought was produced in the Ottoman Empire.The article discusses the sometimes-overlapping reasons for the translations by deconstructing and exemplifying as much as possible the fourteen different reasons identified for the translations. These reasons are listed under the following headings in the article:Extending benefits to the public; being requested by politicians; insufficiency, problems, or difficulties understanding previous translations; the work being the best in its field; hoping to obtain rewards, receive blessings, and earn paradise; wanting to commend what is right and forbid what is wrong, training princes, wanting to guide and advise; as a personal preference, the translator bears the idea of translating in their heart; the text having language that is easily memorized; the text being easily understandable and interpretable; for survival, to earn money; the need to express the text in Turkish; an author’s request for translation; avoiding criticisms directed at an author for original work; and lacking a sufficient intellectual capacity to create an independent work.A significant portion of the translated texts attached special importance to expressing the reason for translation. When looking closely at these reasons, sometimes a single reason is mentioned, and other times several intertwined reasons are mentioned. The earlier translations in particular were stated to have mostly been done for those unable to read Arabic or Persian, with the aimed being that the addressed community that only speaks Turkish can benefit from the texts written in Arabic and Persian. The translations that were made for this purpose tend to involve a plain language. In terms of translation method, literal translations were mostly preferred, with some limited exceptions.In the translations from the 16th-17th centuries, the nature of the works had changed partially, with texts emerging that contained heavier and more lucid artistic expressions than the source text. This situation likely relates to the issue of where and how the Ottomans had positioned themselves in world history. In other words, with the disappearance of the Mamluks, an attitude is understood to have appear that strove to elevate translated texts to higher levels in terms of language and content within the framework of their efforts to take on the role of the protector of the Islamic world as ruler of the Islamic caliphate. On the other hand, some texts, especially those written toward the end of the 18th century, emphasized the issue of understanding the common people and preferred a simpler understanding of translations. Even the 16th- and 17th-century translations were subject to criticism in this respect, with a simplification of the translation having occurred in some cases.&nbsp;

Adorned with Roman Dress, Embellished with Turkish Style:  Reasons for Translating of Political Thought Works into Ottoman  Turkish

Burhan

Bryson’s Oikonomikos Logos and Effects of His Views on  Management of The Estate on Islamic Thought

Emrah

A Research on the Approach of Islamic Law to the Issues Raised  by Technology: Internet Shopping According to Islamic Law

Hüseyin

Fatwa Practice in the Contemporary Period: Examples from  Religious Institutions in the Context of Islamic Law and Society

Elif

Time Doctrine and Traces of Historical Consciousness in Mullā  Ṣadrā‘s Existence-centered Philosophy

@JOURNAL_BOX_CURRENT

Şahabettin

This study aims to investigate the utterance and meaning properties of augmented (mezîd) verbs expressing reflexivity (mutâva‘at) in the Arabic Language. In this study, dictionary definitions of the word ‘mutâva'at’, reflexivity measures of triliteral (sülâsi) verbs, augmented (mezîd) verbs expressing reflexivity (mutâva‘at), usage characteristics of the verbs expressing reflexivity, the opinions of grammarians about reflexivity and comparison of the verbs stating reflexivity with intransitive and passive verbs will be examined in the light of examples from the Qur’an, Arabic poetry and proverbs.Verbs play a significant role in Arabic grammar. Expressing judgment with verb sentences forms the basis of expressing thoughts in Arabic. Arab grammarians, from the time of Sîbeveyhî to the present day, have given special importance to verb patterns and their meanings whether they are mücerred (pure) verbs or mezîd (augmented) verbs. Understanding Arabic texts correctly and translating them appropriately in Turkish is closely related to knowing verb measures and their meanings. In grammar books, verbs have been dealt with under various sub-titles. Active-passive (ma‘lûm-meçhûl), transitive-intransitive (müte‘addî-lâzım), soundweak (sahîh-mu‘tel) and declinable-indeclinable (mutasarrıf-câmid) can be given as examples of these titles. Another important sub-topic of verbs is augmented (mezîd) verbs and their meanings. Verbs in Arabic are divided into two parts depending on whether their letters are original or not. The first category is pure (mücerred) verbs all letters of which are original, and the second one is augmented (mezîd) verbs to which letters are attached. In the Arabic language there are different meanings that augmented verbs express and reflexivity is one of them. Verbs which carry the meaning of reflexivity were used both in religious texts and in Arabic poetry and proverbs during the time before Islam (Câhiliyya).This study uses the scanning method, one of the data collection methods, to analyze and evaluate the collected data, and the views of the Arab grammarians on the subject were included. In order to better understand the subjects, the Qur'an, Arabic poetry and proverbs were quoted. In our preliminary research, it was found that there was no academic study on verbs expressing reflexivity in Arabic. Thus, we decided to prepare this study under the title of “Verbs Expressing Reflexivity in Arabic Language” to close this gap, even if only slightly.In the Arabic language, “infi‘âl” is the basic measure in terms of reflexivity. The measure of “infi‘âl”, which is one of the augmented verbs, is always intransitive and it never takes a direct object (mef‘ûlün bih). While other augmented verbs express other meanings beside reflexivity, the measure of “infi‘âl” only expresses reflexivity. In the Arabic language, there&nbsp;also some other augmented measures expressing reflexivity. Verbs that express reflexivity are not a different notation of intransitive verbs since there are also some transitive verbs with the meaning of reflexivity which take a direct object. However, intransitive verbs can never receive direct objects. Verbs that express reflexivity are divided into two in terms of transitiveness. The first category is that of reflexive (mutâvî‘) verbs that are always intransitive and the other is that of reflexive verbs which are transitive. Other augmented verbs stating reflexivity are also intransitive most of the time.&nbsp;While the topic of verbs is covered along with nouns and letters in grammar books, some books are dedicated only to verbs like the example of Kitâbu fa‘altü ve ef‘altü of Ebû İshâk ez-Zeccâc. In the words of Ibn Hisham, the meaning of reflexivity (mutâva‘at) is that the first of the two verbs creates an effect and the agent of the second verb accepts this effect. Agents of the verbs that express reflexivity have the meaning of object (mef‘ûl). In other words, agents of the verbs expressing reflexivity are not real agents which create an effect because these agents do not describe an action, state or occurrence, but on the contrary they are affected by the action.As a basic fact of grammar taught by Arab grammarians, verbs expressing the meaning of reflexivity are not regular. Radıyüddîn al-Esterâbâdî also says that the use of augmented verbs is irregular, and that those things that are heard from the Arabs should be taken as a basis when deciding which pure triliteral verb comes in which augmented verb measure.&nbsp;Arab grammarians included the style of reflexivity in their works and explained their conditions and features of their usage by giving examples from verse and poetry. There is no significant difference of opinion among the grammarians on the subject of reflexivity. The first grammarian who dealt with reflexivity was Sîbeveyhî. Later grammarians followed in his footsteps. Definitions of reflexivity given by later grammarians such as Radıyyüddîn elEsterâbâdî ve İbn Hişâm el-Ensârî were clearer and more precise, and their way of dealing with the issue was more systematic. Verbs expressing reflexivity are active in terms of utterance and passive with regard to meaning. Some grammarians, such as Sîbeveyhî, evaluate the verbs that express reflexivity in the same category as passive verbs in terms of meaning.

Augmented Verbs Expressing Reflexivity (Mutâva‘at)  in the Arabic Language

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Serhan

Religion, which means “path, faith, tradition, bond, servitude” in all cultures, is a phenomenon that changes individual and social life with very strong influences. From this point of view, religion plays an important role in the formation of an individual's personality by contributing to their level of consciousness. We can also say that each religion has established a common ‘language of religion’ to form a common perception. In this respect, revelation is a sign this common language of religion and a state of communication in which God himself addresses in a language that humans speak. In other words, the revelation -word of God- that determines an individual's relationship with themselves, their surroundings, and God is presented to human understanding using the Qur'an's own linguistic and stylistic characteristics within the possibilities and limits of the Arabic language. Hence, in order to actualize this addressaddressee dialectic, the Qur'an takes into account the perceptions and concepts of the society it was revealed to and forms a common world view formed by the values of the society such as language, faith, culture, and history. Moreover, it actualizes the most beautiful transformation and change of the individual's mindset and identity by using the Qur'anic Style, which is the language's own style of expression, in verse and language form. Indeed, the correct understanding of the divine word is made possible by taking into account its distinctive Quranic language, its style, and its ikhbari (pronouncement) and inshai (constructive) sentence structures in parallel with its style of expression. In this way, it contains the transitivity in which one can be included in the context of the other from time to time in the course of the Qur'anic style, and it turns into the inshai structure, which is a higher style of the ikhbari form, and drives its addressees to change their actions.&nbsp;This study aims to identify the main subject of Surat Al-Infitar by taking into account the relationship between the addressees and the environment in light of the methods that are unique to the Qur'anic style offered as a linguistic method of understanding the Qur'an and the style of the language of religion that encompasses the whole of the Qur'an. In this sense, our study takes into account the constructional (inshai) structure that plays a role in manifesting&nbsp;and turning the warning (ikhbari) expressions for doomsday -like the sky will break apart, the stars will fall- into action mostly "here-now", beyond the informing of the future apocalypse. Therefore, the study tries to address the surah as a whole within the framework of the specific language structure of the divine word and the Qur'anic style. Thanks to this information that forms the basis of the method of the Qur'anic style, the verse(s) and/or the surah turns the gayb (invisible) sphere like the apocalypse, the judgement day, the hereafter into an active "event" and a new "action" happening "here-now" through the issues of the testimonial sphere of this world in a style that can be understood by all. As it were, the surah creates the comprehension of the truth of the revelation, which is first and foremost the first stage of the God-man relationship, through the reality of the change in the cosmic structure. And it also creates the understanding of "the hereafter with the consciousness of reckoning". Accordingly, it lays the burden of personal responsibility to the individual and it shows how the will and power of the divine truth manifests.&nbsp;In this context, the surah talks about the cosmic changes that took place during the events of doomsday which transforms into kalami action through Allah's taqwini laws and turns this action into morality. The surah begins with "doomsday" scenes that can be described as "the sudden occurrence of an event and/or the beginning of cosmic change" as if to show a new era is about to begin. The word infitar, which gives its name to the Surah, means "splitting, disturbing the existing order, interfering with something". And in this context, it is interpreted as "without knowing its nature, the revelation of the commandments of God to the Earth either through the descent of the Angels or by the greatness of the Lord". In our opinion, these events are aimed at drawing attention to the reality, nature, and possibility of the divine revelation, as well as emphasizing to their addressees that the old corrupt order will be replaced by a new one. As a matter of fact, when we take into account the revelation course of the Qur'an, we see that it conveys its divine message to a society where the majority were illiterate and thought it impossible for Allah to send his divine message to its addressees by means of a human being who also was illiterate. In addition, the context of forward-looking ikhbari statements reveals to us the inshai structure of the issues towards this world. In this sense, the surah builds a religious and moral consciousness through taqwini/qawni verses beyond just giving information. The point that draws attention here is that the qawni verses are both verses themselves, and that they are accepted as signs, prognostics, that is, intellectual evidence of the truth that exists in their own selves. It reflects the greatest evidence for the positioning of the revelation the fact that all beings, including the earth, sky, and man, with their apparent–known features witnessed by themselves are a verse. And it plays a role in the comprehension that they are all parts of the same whole, including this revelation. Moreover, in the minds of the addressees, who thought that it was impossible for Allah to send his message through the Prophet Muhammad Who was ontologically human, the entity to which they ascribe sanctity gains a new meaning and the actions created by this meaning explain the possibility of such revelation.&nbsp;Thus, a&nbsp;consciousness about everything that the Allah-universe relationship represents is created in the addressees and the absolute creative power behind this truth is pointed out. Therefore, the main subject of the surah is the creation of the awareness of the day of reckoning and the understanding of the hereafter, which is put forth with a style that is simultaneous with the possibility of the divine revelation, its nature and its reality.In line with this perspective, our work offers to read the depictions of the doomsday which belongs to the gayb for humans, the topics concerning the hereafter like the awareness of the day of reckoning in inshai form in the context of Qur'anic style. In this respect, our article attempts to understand and explain the effects of the Qur'anic style that are reflected in this world and which turn it into action and morality here and now, not in terms of the “reality and/or awareness of the scenes of the apocalypse”. Of course, this study, taken in the context of the Qur'anic style, is an effort aimed at basing not the style itself but only its method and, in parallel, determining the main idea of the surah.

Surat Al-Infitar in Terms of Qur’anic Style

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Journal of Islamic Review - İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi  is an open access, scholarly, peer-reviewed journal published biannually in March and September. The journal was founded in 1953. Manuscripts submitted for publication should be in Turkish, English or Arabic.

The Journal of Islamic Review, is a double-blinded peer-reviewed journal that includes national and international scientific studies that apply disciplinary, interdisciplinary and multidisciplinary methods in the field of Islamic sciences such as Major Islamic Sciences, Philosophy and Religious Sciences, and Islamic History and Arts.

The journal publishes research papers, research notes, book reviews, symposium promotions and manuscripts.   Articles submitted to the Journal of Islamic Review are evaluated according to the double blind review system.

Brief History

With the closure of İstanbul Dârulfünun (University) Faculty of Theology in 1933, the Institute of Islamic Studies, established within the Faculty of Literature, was closed down in 1941, and it was reopened again in 1953 with its Director Zeki Velidi Togan and Deputy Director Fuat Sezgin. The Institute, whose name was changed to Research Center in 1982, became affiliated to the rectorate of Istanbul University in 2018. In addition to all its activities both as an Institute and as a Center, the institution continued to publish a peer-reviewed scientific journal within its body.

Nine volumes and fourteen issues were published with the title of "İslam Tetkikleri Enstitüsü Dergisi" between 1953-1979; and after then with the title of "İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi" until 1995. The journal began publishing  again as of March 2020 and aims to publish studies in the field of Islamic Sciences and to present them to researchers.

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SOBIAD

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Journal of Islamic Review

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The Journal of Islamic Review is an  open access, peer-reviewed, scientific journal published  twice a year in March and September. The journal targets both national and international audience.Journal of Islamic Review aims to contribute to the accumulation of knowledge in the field of Islamic sciences by the publishing scientific articles at the national and international level. The Journal of Islamic Review, is a double-blinded peer-reviewed journal that includes national and international scientific studies that apply disciplinary, interdisciplinary and multidisciplinary methods in the field of Islamic sciences such as Major Islamic Sciences, Philosophy and Religious Sciences, and Islamic History and Arts.The journal publishes research papers, research notes, book reviews, symposium promotions and manuscripts.   Articles submitted to the Journal of Islamic Studies are evaluated according to the double blind review system. No fee is requested from the authors for the submissions, evaluations and publishing.

Aim and Scope

TÜBİTAK-ULAKBİM TR Dizin DOAJSOBİADEBSCO Humanities SourceEBSCO Central &amp; Eastern European Academic Source Scopus

Indexing and Abstracting

The journal is committed to upholding the highest standards of publication ethics and pays regard to Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing published by the <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, the <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, the <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a>, and the <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> on <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a> The subjects covered in the manuscripts submitted to the Journal for publication must be in accordance with the aim and scope of the Journal. Only those manuscripts approved by every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Changing the name of an author (omission, addition or order) in papers submitted to the Journal requires written permission of all declared authors.Plagiarism, duplication, fraud authorship/denied authorship, research/data fabrication, salami slicing/salami publication, breaching of copyrights, prevailing conflict of interest are unethical behaviors. All manuscripts not in accordance with the accepted ethical standards will be removed from the publication. This also contains any possible malpractice discovered after the publication. Plagiarism Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. If plagiarism/self-plagiarism will be found authors will be informed. Editors may resubmit manuscript for similarity check at any peer-review or production stage if required. High similarity scores may lead to rejection of a manuscript before and even after acceptance. Depending on the type of article and the percentage of similarity score taken from each article, the overall similarity score is generally expected to be less than 15 or 20%. Double Blind Peer-Review After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by the editors-in-chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope. The editor provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles and hands over the papers matching the formal rules to at least two national/international referees for evaluation and gives green light for publication upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.

Policies

The journal is an open access journal and all content is freely available without charge to the user or his/her institution. Except for commercial purposes, users are allowed to read, download, copy, print, search, or link to the full texts of the articles in this journal without asking prior permission from the publisher or the author. This is in accordance with the <a href="https://www.budapestopenaccessinitiative.org/read" target="_blank">BOAI</a> definition of open access.The open access articles in the journal are licensed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.en" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) license.

All expenses of the journal are covered by the Istanbul University. Processing and publication are free of charge with the journal. There is no article processing charges or submission fees for any submitted or accepted articles.

Authors publishing with the journal retain the copyright to their work licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/" target="_blank">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/</a>) and grant the Publisher non-exclusive commercial right to publish the work. CC BY-NC 4.0 license permits unrestricted, non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

Editor should consider publishing correction if minor errors that do not effect the results, interpretations and conclusions of the published paper are detected. Editor should consider retraction if major errors and/or misconduction that invalidate results and conclusions are detected.Editor should consider issuing an expression of concern if there is evidence of research or publication misconduct by the authors; there is evidence that the findings are not reliable and institutions of the authors do not investigate the case or the possible investigation seems to be unfair or nonconclusive. The guidelines of <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/flowcharts/complete-set-english" target="_blank">COPE</a> and <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/" target="_blank">ICJME</a> are taken into consideration regarding correction, retractions or expression of concern.

To guarantee that all papers published in the journal are maintained and permanently accessible, articles are stored in Dergipark which serves as a  national archival web site and at the same time permits LOCKSS to  collect, preserve, and serve the content.Additionally, authors are encouraged to self-archive the final PDF version of their articles in open electronic archives with  that conform to standards of Open Archives Initiative (<a href="https://www.openarchives.org/" target="_blank">https://www.openarchives.org/</a>). Authors should provide a link from the deposited version to the URL of IUPress journal website.

<div style="text-align: left;">Journal of Islamic Review - İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi is committed to upholding the highest standards of publication ethics and pays regard to Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing published by the <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, the <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, the <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a>, and the <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> on <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a></div>All parties involved in the publishing process (Editors, Reviewers, Authors and Publishers) are expected to agree on the following ethical principles.All submissions must be original, unpublished (including as full text in conference proceedings), and not under the review of any other publication synchronously. Each manuscript is reviewed by one of the editors and at least two referees under double-blind peer review process. Plagiarism, duplication, fraud authorship/denied authorship, research/data fabrication, salami slicing/salami publication, breaching of copyrights, prevailing conflict of interest are unnethical behaviors.All manuscripts not in accordance with the accepted ethical standards will be removed from the publication. This also contains any possible malpractice discovered after the publication. In accordance with the code of conduct we will report any cases of suspected plagiarism or duplicate publishing.

Ethics

The journal adheres to the highest standards in research ethics and follows the principles of international research ethics as defined below. The authors are responsible for the compliance of the manuscripts with the ethical rules.<ul><li>Principles of integrity, quality and transparency should be sustained in designing the research, reviewing the design and conducting the research.</li><li>The research team and participants should be fully informed about the aim, methods, possible uses and requirements of the research and risks of participation in research.</li><li>The confidentiality of the information provided by the research participants and the confidentiality of the respondents should be ensured. The research should be designed to protect the autonomy and dignity of the participants.</li><li>Research participants should participate in the research voluntarily, not under any coercion.</li><li>Any possible harm to participants must be avoided. The research should be planned in such a way that the participants are not at risk.</li><li>The independence of research must be clear; and any conflict of interest or must be disclosed.</li><li>In experimental studies with human subjects, written informed consent of the participants who decide to participate in the research must be obtained. In the case of children and those under wardship or with confirmed insanity, legal custodian’s assent must be obtained.</li><li>If the study is to be carried out in any institution or organization, approval must be obtained from this institution or organization.</li><li>In studies with human subject, it must be noted in the method’s section of the manuscript that the informed consent of the participants and ethics committee approval from the institution where the study has been conducted have been obtained.</li></ul>

It is authors’ responsibility to ensure that the article is in accordance with scientific and ethical standards and rules. And authors must ensure that submitted work is original. They must certify that the manuscript has not previously been published elsewhere or is not currently being considered for publication elsewhere, in any language. Applicable copyright laws and conventions must be followed. Copyright material (e.g. tables, figures or extensive quotations) must be reproduced only with appropriate permission and acknowledgement. Any work or words of other authors, contributors, or sources must be appropriately credited and referenced.All the authors of a submitted manuscript must have direct scientific and academic contribution to the manuscript. The author(s) of the original research articles is defined as a person who is significantly involved in “conceptualization and design of the study”, “collecting the data”, “analyzing the data”, “writing the manuscript”, “reviewing the manuscript with a critical perspective” and “planning/conducting the study of the manuscript and/or revising it”. Fund raising, data collection or supervision of the research group are not sufficient roles to be accepted as an author. The author(s) must meet all these criteria described above. The order of names in the author list of an article must be a co-decision and it must be indicated in the <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/1B163C33EBDD4AC68B3BAB7341ABAB15" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form.</a> The individuals who do not meet the authorship criteria but contributed to the study must take place in the acknowledgement section. Individuals providing technical support, assisting writing, providing a general support, providing material or financial support are examples to be indicated in acknowledgement section.All authors must disclose all issues concerning financial relationship, conflict of interest, and competing interest that may potentially influence the results of the research or scientific judgment.When an author discovers a significant error or inaccuracy in his/her own published paper, it is the author’s obligation to promptly cooperate with the Editor to provide retractions or corrections of mistakes.

Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, sexual orientation, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors. He/She provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles for publication and ensures that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential before publishing.Editor-in-Chief is responsible for the contents and overall quality of the publication. He/She must publish errata pages or make corrections when needed.Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers. Only he has the full authority to assign a reviewer and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal.Reviewers must have no conflict of interest with respect to the research, the authors and/or the research funders. Their judgments must be objective.Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees must be ensured. In particular situations, the editor may share the review of one reviewer with other reviewers to clarify a particular point.

Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by editor-in-chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope.The editor hands over the papers matching the formal rules to at least two national/international referees for double-blind peer review evaluation and gives green light for publication upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.

Peer Review

Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, sexual orientation, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors. He/She provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles for publication and ensures that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential before publishing.Editor-in-Chief is responsible for the contents and overall quality of the publication. He/She must publish errata pages or make corrections when needed.Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers. Only he has the full authority to assign a reviewer and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal.Reviewers must have no conflict of interest with respect to the research, the authors and/or the research funders. Their judgments must be objective.Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees must be ensured. In particular situations, the editor may share the review of one reviewer with other reviewers to clarify a particular point.

Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by Editor-in-Chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope.  Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, sexual orientation, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors and ensures a fair double-blind peer review of the selected manuscripts.The selected manuscripts are sent to at least two national/international referees for evaluation and publication decision is given by Editor-in-Chief upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal.Reviewers’ judgments must be objective. Reviewers’ comments on the following aspects are expected while conducting the review.-    Does the manuscript contain new and significant information?-    Does the abstract clearly and accurately describe the content of the manuscript?-    Is the problem significant and concisely stated?-    Are the methods described comprehensively?-    Are the interpretations and consclusions justified by the results?-    Is adequate references made to other Works in the field?-    Is the language acceptable?Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees is important.

LanguageThe language of the journal is both Turkish, English and Arabic.Manuscript Organization and SubmissionAll correspondence will be sent to the first-named author unless otherwise specified. Manuscpript is to be submitted online via <a href="https://dergipark.gov.tr/login" target="_blank">https://dergipark.gov.tr/login</a> that can be accessed at <a href="https://dergipark.org.tr/en/pub/iuislamtd" target="_blank">https://dergipark.org.tr/en/pub/iuislamtd</a> and it must be accompanied by a <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/3F28EE2ACBFA46DA87C61E21B0A85E5B" target="_blank">Title Page</a> specifying the article category (i.e. research article, review etc.) and including information about the manuscript (see the Submission Checklist) and cover letter to the editor. Manuscripts should be prepared in Microsoft Word 2003 and upper versions. In addition, <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/1B163C33EBDD4AC68B3BAB7341ABAB15" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a> that has to be signed by all authors must be submitted.1. Manuscripts should be prepared using the Article Template. Due to double blind peer review, manuscript file must not include any information about the author.2. The abstract must be between 150–250 words and written as one paragraph. Please ensure that abstract reads well and is grammatically correct.3. Underneath the abstract, 5 keywords that inform the reader about the content of the study should be specified.4. The manuscripts should contain mainly these components: title, abstract and keywords; sections, references, tables and figures.5. A <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/3F28EE2ACBFA46DA87C61E21B0A85E5B" target="_blank">title page</a> including author information must be submitted together with the manuscript. The title page is to include fully descriptive title of the manuscript and, affiliation, title, e-mail address, ORCID, postal address, phone, mobile phone and fax number of the author(s) (see The Submission Checklist).6. References should be prepared as <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/41FBB78E2E274A4298EEE4756E518446" target="_blank">ISNAD 2th edition.</a>

Author Guidelines

Research Article: Original research articles report substantial and original scientific results within the journal scope. Original research articles are comprised of Abstract, Key Words, Introduction, Methods, Results, Discussion, Conclusion, References and Figures, Tables and Graphics. The abstract must be structured as in below. The abstract must be followed by Introduction, Method, Results, Discussion and Conclusions.Abstract: The abstracts in the language of the article and in English must be between 150- 250 words and structured as follows: aim, method, results, and conclusions.Aim - the primary purpose of the article;Method - data sources, design of the study, participants, interventions, and main outcome measures;Results - key findings;Conclusions - Conclusions derived from the study should be stated.KeywordsIntroduction: This section must contain a clear statement of the general and specific objectives as well as the hypotheses which the work is designed to test. It should also give a brief account of the reported literature. The last sentence should clearly state the primary and secondary purposes of the article. Only, the actual references related with the issues have to be indicated and data or findings related with the current study must not be included in this section.Methods: This section must contain explicit, concise descriptions of all procedures, materials and methods (i.e. data sources, participants, scales, interviews/reviews, basic measurements, applications, statistical methods) used in the investigation to enable the reader to judge their accuracy, reproducibility, etc. This section should include the known findings at the beginning of the study and the findings during the study must be reported in results section.Results: The results should be presented in logical sequence in the text, tables, and figures, giving the main or most important findings first. The all the data in the tables or figures should not be repeated in the text; only the most important observations must be emphasized or summarized.Discussion: The findings of the study, the findings and results which support or do not support the hypothesis of the study should be discussed, results should be compared and contrasted with findings of other studies in the literature and the different findings from other studies should be explained. The new and important aspects of the study and the conclusions that follow from them should be emphasized. The data or other information given in the Introduction or the Results section should not be repeated in detail.Conclusions: Conclusions derived from the study should be stated. For experimental studies, it is useful to begin the discussion by summarizing briefly the main findings, then explore possible mechanisms or explanations for these findings, compare and contrast the results with other relevant studies, state the limitations of the study, and explore the implications of the findings for future research and practice. The conclusions should be linked with the goals of the study but unqualified statements and conclusions not adequately supported by the data should be avoided. New hypotheses should be stated when warranted, but should be labeled clearly as such.Figures, Tables and Graphics: Figures, Tables and Graphics should be numbered in Arabic numerals in the text. The places of the figures, tables and graphics should be signed in the text.Review Article: Reviews prepared by authors who have extensive knowledge on a particular field and whose scientific background has been translated into a high volume of publications with a high citation potential are welcomed. These authors may even be invited by the journal. Reviews should describe, discuss, and evaluate the current level of knowledge of practice and should guide future studies. Review article should contain title, abstract and keywords; body text with sections, and references.

Journal of Islamic Review - İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi complies with ISNAD style 2th Edition for referencing and quoting. For more information: <a href="https://www.isnadsistemi.org/en/" target="_blank">https://www.isnadsistemi.org/en/</a>Accuracy of citation is the author’s responsibility. All references should be cited in text. Reference list must be in alphabetical order. Type references in the style shown below.

Ensure that the following items are present:● Cover letter to the editor<ul><li>The category of the manuscript</li><li>Confirming that “the paper is not under consideration for publication in another journal”.</li><li>Including disclosure of any commercial or financial involvement.</li><li>Confirming that last control for fluent English was done.</li><li>Confirming that journal policies detailed in Information for Authors have been reviewed.</li><li>Confirming that the references cited in the text and listed in the references section are in line with <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/41FBB78E2E274A4298EEE4756E518446" target="_blank">ISNAD 2.</a></li></ul>● <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/1B163C33EBDD4AC68B3BAB7341ABAB15" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a>● Permission of previous published material if used in the present manuscript● <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/6C618D769E234F0CA46F418E980135E1" target="_blank">Title page</a><ul><li>The category of the manuscript</li><li>The title of the manuscript</li><li>All authors’ names and affiliations (institution, faculty/department, city, country), e-mail addresses</li><li>Corresponding author’s email address, full postal address, telephone and fax number</li><li>ORCIDs of all authors.</li><li>Grant support (if exists)</li><li>Conflict of interest (if exists)</li><li>Acknowledgement (if exists)</li></ul>● Main Manuscript DocumentImportant: Please avoid mentioning the author(s) names in the manuscript<ul><li>The title of the manuscript</li><li>Abstract (150-250 words)</li><li>Extended Abstract (600-800 words) in English (for the articles that are not in English)</li><li>Key words: 5 words</li><li>Body text sections</li><li>Grant support (if exists)</li><li>Conflict of interest (if exists)</li><li>Acknowledgement (if exists)</li><li>References</li><li>All tables, illustrations (figures) (including title, explanation, captions)</li></ul>

<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/1B163C33EBDD4AC68B3BAB7341ABAB15" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/57E11C6BC2E04CD7AD27223E2F4C67EC" target="_blank">Title Page</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/5F97BA2A57D846F7AC7CC54FF960A15F" target="_blank">Author Form</a>

Journal of Islamic Review

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Appeal in Islamic Law: The Example of Majlis-i Tadkīkāt-i Sharʿiyya in the Scope of Jaridah al-Ilmiah

Reconsidering Classical Fiqh’s Approach to Disorders of Sexual Development: A Study in View of Current Medical Knowledge

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