CALL FOR PAPERS

Erhan

Assist. Prof.

Ayşen

Assoc. Prof.

Mustafa

Prof.

EDİTÖRDEN/EDITORIAL

Priscilla

Gifts of Food in Ottoman Culture

Zeynep

Belonging is Hard Work: Food & Climate Dilemmas

Mustafa Koç ile Gıda Çalışmaları Üzerine Söyleşi

Zeliha

Saim

Res. Assist.

Çevirmenlerinin Gözünden Mutfak & Kültür

Hüseyin

Osman

Deniz

Turkey is the world’s largest hazelnut producer and exporter, but hazelnut farmers have been growing hazelnuts in increasingly difficult conditions. In this paper, we seek to show that, despite the commonsense opinion that the problems stem from small-scale cultivation, the more important problem is that unequal power relations that exist in the global hazelnut market.Hazelnuts are an economically strategic commodity for Turkey and are cultivated in every province with a shore on the Black Sea. According to the Turkish Statistical Institute (TURKSTAT, 2020), Turkey makes up 70% of the global production of hazelnuts. Still, issues are found regarding productivity and profitability in Turkey’s hazelnut cultivation. The fundamental problems of productivity are the result of weather conditions, aging hazelnut trees and steep lands, the lack of care shown to hazelnut gardens, the farmers’ aging demographic profile, limited mechanization, indebtedness, unequal power relations, and, according to the hazelnut producers, the prevalence of smallholdings.Hazelnut production suffers from the lack of stable public policies. After creating the Farmer Registration System (ÇKS), the Turkish state essentially withdrew from the market, and since then prices have been set by the free market supply and demand curve (Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry, 2014). Following the bankruptcy of Fiskobirlik (Hazelnut Producers’ Cooperative Union) in 2006, the government charged the Turkish Grain Board (TMO) with purchasing hazelnuts from the farmers until 2009. Thereafter, the new policy tool of “direct income support” for hazelnut garden owners has needed to be supported by TMO purchases occasionally due to fluctuations in prices. Nevertheless, because these ad hoc TMO purchases are informed by political considerations, they could not be effective tools in determining prices to protect the farmers.In the era of developmentalism, the state had supported and protected farmers’ smallholdings’ petty commodity production (Aydın, 2009). After the world economic crisis in the 1970s, structural adjustment programs were implemented under the supervision of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, which limited the state’s involvement in trade, investment, and finance in many countries. During globalization process, independent agricultural producers were integrated into the emerging global supply chains. The “global food regime,” which is controlled by multinational companies (MNC) pushes one segment of small-scale farmers into an enlarging “circuit of casual labor” (McMichael, 2005, p. 266) while another segment becomes the supplier of raw materials to global agri-food corporations (Glenna, 2003; Bonanno, 2011). In developing countries, agricultural structures have been increasingly controlled by global supply chains while the small peasantry survives in a sea of uncertainties (Borlu, 2015; Borlu &amp; Matthews, 2018). Small-scale farmers cannot store their products and have to sell to the market at current prices that sometimes fall short&nbsp;of meeting their production costs. The gap between their income and costs each year contribute to their increasing indebtedness to agri-food companies (Borlu, 2015, p. 190).In this article, we use the findings of our 2017 field research that was conducted in the Black Sea region in three provinces: Düzce, Sakarya, and Ordu. We conducted semi-structured interviews with 23 farmers, 13 local hazelnut merchants (manav), 53 seasonal agricultural workers, six labor contractors (dayıbaşı), two representatives of hazelnut cracking facilities, and nine representatives from local agencies. The qualitative features of our research make it difficult to draw generalizations. Still, certain trends are observable that the literature on hazelnut production supports.Hazelnut garden owners getting older resulted in the farmers’ increased dependence on seasonal agricultural workers (Levent et al., 2018). This is due to the farmers leaning toward having their children go through university education so they can have a stable income. Meanwhile, the unequal power relations between the farmers and the workers make the workers vulnerable, given that the latter are not legally protected due to lack of formal contracts (Levent et al., 2018).The hazelnut market, while not competitive, does show the characteristics of an oligopsony where the global supply chain has few buyers but many sellers (Levent et al., 2018). In this market, small-scale garden owners who cannot store their product sell it to local merchants (manavs), who in turn sell it to cracking facilities and supplier firms. Manavs also act as moneylenders to the farmers who suffer from increased indebtedness. The farmers lack a collective organization and thus as individuals can only increase the area being cultivated in hope of better prices in future seasons.The onset of the Agricultural Reform Implementation Project in Turkey after 2001 brought about the privatization of state monopolies in agriculture and created new market structures (İslamoğlu, 2017). The public mechanisms had failed to provide the crucial support the farmers needed, as the market structures were prevalent. The farmers were allowed to increase the area under cultivation, but without the institutional support that could have helped them increase productivity. The current structure maintains a cycle of low productivity and low prices that is only occasionally broken in some years when the yield is lower than usual due to weather conditions.Despite the falling revenues, hazelnuts remain a major source of income for several hundreds of thousands of households. Accordingly, we think that the state should assume an active role in regulating the market and in creating support mechanisms to protect small farmers. Moreover, in addition to licensed warehousing, creating farmer collectives is also a must in order to limit supply and increase productivity on the registered lands that would empower the farmers in the market. These steps may help hazelnut production become more productive and sustainable, both financially and environmentally.

Devlet ve Küresel Piyasa Arasında: Karadeniz Bölgesi’nde Küçük Ölçekli Fındık Üretimi

Derya

Alternative food movements have created space for woman entrepreneurship based on homemade local and traditional foods in rural areas. The term ‘alternative food movements’ is used to refer to initiatives that aim to create alternative agricultural practices opposite the standardizing effect from the industrial agricultural model (Renting, Marsden, &amp; Banks 2003, p. 394), that aim to improve trading conditions and trade practices and thus increase farmers’ shares of the added value of the final product (Guthman, 2008, p. 1176), and that aim to link producers and consumers in shorter food supply chains in line with the new rural development paradigm (Murdoch, 2000, p. 407).The increased industrialization in agricultural production; its detrimental effects on the public in terms of economics, culture, ecology, and health; and the reactions opposing these have led to the emergence of an alternative food movement in which quality is more important than quantity. A growing number of studies regard quality as socially constructed and embedded to a particular social context, showing that the notion of quality has been increasingly associated with the concepts of locale, region, tradition, and ruralism in recent years (Ilbery &amp; Kneafsey, 2000; Guthman, 2002; Marsden, 1998). The growing demand for natural, farm, artisan, handmade, and other products with the certificates including organic and geographical indication can be considered evidentiary of the increasing importance being local has as a quality marker (Guthman, 2009).Ilbery and Kneafsey (2000) argued that consumer willingness to pay more for local foods is not only for health and safety reasons but also to satisfy a nostalgia for real and wholesome food. According to Bessiere (1998), the social demand for local food and culinary traditions is an illustration of how people aspire toward a shortlived appropriation of a rural identity to rediscover lost rural roots. In other words, the demand for local products reflects the desire to rediscover the lost rural roots through eating practices. For some, local foods activate memories of childhood experiences, while for those who haven’t experienced rural roots, these foods help to reinvent local food production conditions through women’s daily life practices in rural life. According to Ashley (2005, p. 88, as cited in Anthopoulou, 2010), foods produced by rural women in accordance with long standing ancestral traditions and artisanal methods promise a “nostalgic trip back to the realms of the food.” This romantic way of thinking about localism reinforces stereotyped images of rural women as nurturers and guardians of culinary traditions. Anthopoulou (2010) argued that this reinvented image of “rural motherhood” functions as a quality marker that on one hand contributes to the marketability of local foods while encouraging reproducing traditional gender roles on the other.In recent years, promoting local foods and cuisine has become an essential feature of rural development projects, which aim to empower rural women and have small-size farming units generate supplementary income from their agricultural production. This study aims to discuss the ideological, cultural, social, and economic barriers that shape the ways in which rural women conduct entrepreneurial activities based on homemade foods. By focusing on women’s daily practices in domestic and professional life and on how these shape and constrain their entrepreneurship, the study aims to debate the impacts commercializing local foods has on existing gender roles.A case study has been conducted on the local food markets in Seferihisar, İzmir where rural women sell home-based food products such as dolmas, stuffed artichokes, pastries, sweet pastries, bread, and tomato sauce. The source data, drawn from 27 in-depth interviews and 131 survey interviews has been triangulated in order to develop the body of the findings. The aims are to investigate how these local markets affect women’s social and economic lives and to address the following two questions: How do these women perceive the benefits and problems related with the market, and what do women expect and demand from the local governments? The following four topics are covered in the interviews conducted with the woman entrepreneurs.1. What are the demographic characteristics of the women in the local market (age, marital status, education, income level, and number of household members)? What type of products do they choose to sell in the market? Does product differentiation affect the competition among the women in the market? What factors determine the different levels of earnings among the women?2. Do women see their entrepreneurial activities as a means of supplementing family income or as an opportunity for developing a professional personal career? How do women spend their earnings from the market? Does the household division of labor change after women become involved in homebased food production? To what extent do women receive help and support from their family members (husband, children, mother, or father)?3. How do they experience their entrepreneurial activities; what kind of lifestyle changes have their activities brought? Do the local markets help women develop new social networks or build new social relations with those from distant areas? To what extent do they feel they have economic and social power? Do they have autonomy in the decision-making process at the household level?4. Do women think they have effective collective actions among themselves? What do they expect from the cooperatives? How do they identify the factors&nbsp;that contribute to the popularity of local products? What type of social policies and support (credits, provisions, education, training, and marketing channels) do they require from the local governments? Are they pessimistic or optimistic about the future?The main finding of this study is that the local food markets in Seferihisar, which were initiated by the local government and designed to empower women, have involved commercializing women’s home cooking practices, which are an indispensable part of their daily life practices. The nature of their entrepreneurship, homemade foods, has led to an increase in workload, requiring multi-tasking across their family and business lives. Despite this burden, which has resulted in them having less spare time and higher stress/anxiety levels as business owners, the majority of surveyed woman expressed contentment with their achievements, such as having greater emancipation and self-realization, being proud of their labor, and overall having greater happiness. The surveyed women perceive themselves as playing an important role in the process of revitalizing their rural area. Accordingly, they see their achievements as a collective action rather than individual effort.Woman entrepreneurship is argued to be able to contribute to a fairer food system, but this depends on the political circumstances surrounding women’s participation in the decision-making process. Such factors in turn influence the processes of feminizing agriculture, of strengthening women as actors of rural change, and of the corresponding decline in the stereotypical images of rural motherhood that reinforce traditional gender roles. Within this context, the most important impact and consequence of the local markets in Seferihisar is not the visibility of local foods in the markets as a result of the women’s efforts, but rather the women’s increased visibility in the public sphere as a result of locally producing food.

Yeni Bir Kırsal Kalkınma, Bilindik Bir Kırsal Annelik: Ticarileşen Yöresel Yemeklerin Toplumsal Cinsiyet Rollerine Etkisi

Bermal

The Processes for Creating Value in Natural Food Production in Contemporary Turkey

İrem

The Promising Momentum and Collective Practices of the Recently Expanding Network of Consumer-Led Ecological Food Initiatives in Turkey

Halime

Until recently, one important address for weekly kitchen shopping had been the marketplace. Contrary to the retail markets such as supermarkets, online markets, or shopping malls that have grown in recent years, farmers’ markets, whose decisionmaking processes are non-centralized, are an opportunity for producers (rural) to display and sell their goods and for consumers (urban) to access these goods. In this context, the marketplace is a relational space that combines the urban and rural atmosphere; it’s not only a space for exchanging food but also for exchanging knowledge, experience, and culture. Farmers’ markets are mostly known as places where local people meet, exchange food and ideas, and even get into discussions (Braudel, 1992). The market network, on the other hand, is an infrastructural system that establishes and embodies all these relationships in addition to being able to read and decipher them. In this context, the market network and marketplaces will be handled as a research medium for the discovery of food, the places that form it, and the relationships they establish.The farmers’ markets that set up on the street attract with its sounds, crowds, and smells every week, and the channels of the marketplace, like the roots of a tree, lead visitors to the mulberry tree in a village in Tire, a fig field in the Büyük Menderes River Basin, and an apricot garden in Malatya. The market is a medium where large swathes of geography are compressed, crushed into boxes, and then overflows from these boxes to reproduce the geography as the market territory. The market network, which spreads on city streets every week, turns squares and streets into marketplaces and nature into greenhouses, fields, vineyards, and gardens. How does the market, being a founding element, infrastructure, and learning medium associated with different actors and a place that produces human, economic, and cultural geography, shape the earth, humans, and everyday life with the network structure formed by the relations between all living and inanimate beings? The study addresses this fundamental question by focusing on the current outputs of the From the Marketplace research project. The purpose of this article is to reveal in the context of the research how food establishes physical and human geography as well as producer markets’ network structures and transformative spatial processes.De Landa (1997) defined the market as having been self-organized networks of various elements in the early stages of history. Within the context of De Landa’s research, these organized structures, accepted as agricultural product networks, were heterogeneous structures wherever they are born, and these places offer the opportunity for exchange. The food network, which is not only an exchange but also a founding element, can also be seen as an infrastructural system. Bruno Latour (1996) emphasized that infrastructures should be considered as a network that brings together all kinds of human and non-human actors on the axis of maintaining relationships between geographical spaces. In this context, the market can be defined as a network that has spread to physical and human geography and establishes nature, city, and life relations. This article will decipher the reason for these multiple relationships through the farmers’ markets in Büyük Menderes and Küçük Menderes River Basins, the infrastructure of the spaces and life that form around food, the founding positions and modes of the markets, which is the medium of relations. Answers to the questions of how market networks turn nature into productive landscapes, settlements, and energy resources, as well as how human life, society, and cultural geography are shaped around these relationships will be sought through the research conducted in the Tire, Ödemiş, Nazilli, and Karacasu farmers’ markets.Lefebvre bases the beginning of social history on the absolute space of nature. He defines this space as the origin of an agricultural-pastoral space, namely the set of places that peasants, nomads or semi-nomadic shepherds called the places where they worked (Lefebvre, 2014, p. 245). Currently, Lefebvre underlines that these exchange networks, whose roots extend into nature, both shape and are shaped by space due to the flow of raw materials and energy. If we consider this absolute relationship that we define as networks of exchanges as a means of production, we can see it as an infrastructure that cannot be separated from nature, productive forces, knowledge, social division of labor, or infrastructures (Lefebvre, 2014). The spatial state of this infrastructure is the marketplace. In this context, the market network not only establishes the relationship between the rural and the urban, but also constructs the relationship between these two. It also produces an integrated narrative of nature that includes both urban and rural phenomena. Cronon (2009) stated that nature and the city help each other grow and that markets have emerged on this axis. Accessing nature is possible through the relationships in the market network. The market includes both urban and rural applications and is necessary for producing an integrated narrative of nature. The market network, being a food infrastructure, also interacts with other infrastructure systems such as water and transportation networks.Nature is currently the foundation for a new conception of rural that redefines the city-peasant relationship. In this context, the question of how nature transforms under the influence of market networks should be addressed. Despite the tendency architectural and spatial studies have for a long time had of ignoring food production-consumption processes and relationships, the design world’s interest is seen to have increased recently. In this context, the From the Marketplace research project has begun, starting from food sources instead of the aspect made from the urban gaze. The purpose of this article is to introduce the transformational processes the geography feeds and the market network it is fed by and to discover the before and after phases as well as the network structure of the market, focusing on the interactions between producers and consumers in the marketplace through the current outputs of the research project. The&nbsp;article theoretically evaluates the production-distribution-consumption processes around the economic, social, and cultural geographic relationships, as well as the market networks that establish the relationship between the city and the countryside and the marketplaces that are a spatial infrastructure by examining the structural features of the markets in the Büyük and Küçük Menderes River Basins. This research also shows how much importance maintaining farmer’s markets has. The existence of villages and their contribution to production, the variety of products in the market region, the number of producers in the marketplaces, the majority of producers being women, and local governments’ involvement in the processes are the primary parameters for continuity. How these processes function is also important for their continuity.

Pazaryerinden: Üretici Pazarları Ağları, Etkileri ve Dönüştürücü Süreçleri

Nurşen

Nutrition is not just a simple act of eating that can be degraded to physiological needs; it is a socio-cultural phenomenon that should be evaluated through multiple dimensions. Fischler (1988) stated many cultures’ and groups’ reasons for choosing or refusing certain foods are linked to concerns about social belonging, identity, image, and status. Nutrition has a symbolic meaning in the creation, interpretation, and maintenance of inter-human relations. For this reason, deciding which foods to consume, which nutrients to maintain, how to make them ready for consumption, and how they’re presented transforms nutrition from a purely biological action into a cultural phenomenon. Nutrition emerges as a product of cultural, economic, geographical, and historical conditions and contains society’s most important cultural codes.While life expectancy over time has increased as a result of changing socio-economic conditions and improvements in the field of health, healthy nutrition has become emphasized more for maintaining and improving health. Societies that had previously been under threat of hunger and starvation have now turned their attention to consuming foods defined as “healthy” and “good” in order to minimize health problems such as cardiac failure and obesity-caused diabetes related to overeating. In this context, the nutritional regimes in today’s societies are now shaped by consumption culture. Thus, foods are divided into two groups: healthy and unhealthy. This paper, which has been prepared based on a literature review, examines the relationship between consumption culture and nutrition by considering the socio-cultural dimensions of nutrition and eating practices. The paper also questions the relationship between consumption and so-called healthy foods whose consumption is emphasize for maintaining and improving health.Although globalization introduced the term of uniform nutrition, nutritional practices vary among societies and reflect social groups’ identity, belonging, and cultural symbols. For this reason, what or how one considers food to be and in what amounts and environment one consumes these foods are socially determined and have specific meanings. In today’s societies, which Ulrich Beck (2011) defines as the risk society, nutrition and health risks are topics of debate. Noting that eating is an extremely important social impulse, Fox (2003, p. 1) stated breast milk to be the most important and safest food in many parts of the world.Nutrition, in which various disciplines such as physiology, psychology, dietetics, anthropology, and sociology have interest, has also become a popular cultural tool through social media and television programs and attracts much public attention. New food items and recipes introduced through the media excite people with the pleasure of discovering new things. On the other hand, these can also guide people on how to prepare healthy food.Mol (2009, p. 273) emphasized that public health campaigns consider eating healthy foods not as a potential source of pleasure but as a citizen’s duty and combine the&nbsp;pleasure that motivates people to eat and healthy behaviors within the concept of the consumer-citizen. According to Mol, a citizen who eats for pleasure and improves his/ her health while doing this is a consumer-citizen. Although public health discourses consider the ideal to be for everyone to adopt a healthy diet regime, people do not always prefer healthy nutrition practices and can consume bad or unhealthy foods without even being aware of the harmful effects. In general, foods such as fresh vegetables and fruits, legumes, and meat that have low levels of fat, salt, and sugar and that are qualitatively fresh, unprocessed, and home-made are considered to be healthy/good foods; eating moderate amounts of various foods in terms of balance is considered as healthy nutrition (Keane &amp; Willetts, 1996; Paquette, 2005; Povey et al., 1998). Junk food or “garbage” foods, which are defined as “bad food” in opposition to healthy/good foods, include sweets (e.g., cakes, biscuits, and candies), take-out food (e.g., fries, pies, and hamburgers), fatty foods (e.g., fried foods, greasy foods, and non-lean meat), processed foods, genetically modified foods, and foods that contain chemicals and additives (Santich 1994, as cited by Povey et al., 1998, p. 17).Knowing why people consume healthy/bad foods, whether knowingly or unknowingly despite the many efforts to raise awareness on healthy nutrition would be intriguing. Although the pleasure of eating these foods is an important factor, simply reducing the subject to pleasure cannot fully explain the phenomenon. Factors such as the status of consumed foods, the privilege or reputation they provide the consumer, and the sociocultural meanings of the food and group culture can have an effect on this choice. Especially in adolescence, factors such as self-image and peer pressure can appear more important than healthy nutrition. Preferring healthy foods can be associated with mockery and ostracism and has the risk of one being stigmatized as “nerdy” or “antisocial” (Stead et al., 2011, p. 1131). Ultimately, foods are classified as healthy or unhealthy, good or bad, and people can decide which foods to consume within their own socio-cultural context. In fact, which foods one consumes determines who one is and how popular; the consumer culture one lives in shapes one’s nutritional practices as a consumer.For some people, exploring new and unknown flavors can be exciting, and consumers rush from one thing to the other, from one temptation to another, just for the sake of change (Bauman, 1999, p. 88). In this process, certain foods may become popular in a society, a fashion or trend, so to speak. Today, vegetarianism, organics, unprocessed foods, gluten-free foods, high-fiber diets, and stone-age diets are presented as the most fashionable and trendy healthy diets. With the social risks of getting sick and fears of losing health, individuals are guided or directed to consume healthy products, and consumption culture is sustained. However, in our era of temporary human-object relations (Toffler, 1981, p. 69), food and nutrition trends are just as inconstant as other fashion industries; the most fashionable or trendy diet style is condemned to being abandoned after a certain time as a result of people’s demands for change. To put it in&nbsp;assertive terms, the popularity of foods, whether healthy or not, whose consumption is fashionable for a certain period of time decreases over time, with different foods taking their places in the consumerist society.According to Bourdieu (2017) consumption is not just a biological need. Indicators, symbols and, more generally, cultural phenomena should be included in the scope of consumption. Consumption is an issue related to cultural indicators, and the relationships these indicators have with modern/postmodern consumers will never be able to achieve physical satisfaction (Bocock’a (1997, p. 75). In this context, the capitalist system will continue to function within the framework of neoliberal principles, and the foods whose consumption is encouraged only by dictating to society the claim that these foods are “healthy” will change. Green lentils, promoted to be very healthy and beneficial in the 1980s, were replaced by the heal-all hazelnut in the late 1990s. While organic natural foods became popular in the 2000s, the interest in gluten-free foods has been increasing up to today. Media will play an important role in this globally functioning process.In post-industrial societies where individualization has been adopted as the norm, one can see that maintaining and improving health and healthy nutrition are left to the responsibility of the individual. Individuals determine their nutritional practices within the context of their cultural values and norms, their social status and identity, and their economic conditions, with nutrition functioning not only as a biological need but also as a social activity. Whether individuals’ diets consist of healthy or unhealthy foods is not important for the consumerist society that guides individuals through media. What is important is not whether the products are healthy or not but the facts that they serve the consumption culture and that consumers consume them in a short time. As a result, healthy nutrition practices, just like nutrition, are also socially built into everyday life.

Tüketim Kültüründe Beslenme: Sağlıklı / Sağlıksız Yiyecekler

Meral

The main purpose of this study is to discuss how the female body, daily relations, and motherhood experiences are disciplined and controlled through medical, political, and cultural discourses regarding motherhood and infant nutrition based on the literature, despite the transformations in social structures, all the achievements of technological developments, and feminist efforts. The female body and motherhood turn into an area of joint intervention for all political systems by way of infant nutrition and breastfeeding, which are normatively regulated under the influence of political, medical, and cultural discourses, By referencing primary sources in the literature in the context of today’s societies and by citing previous societies, this study discusses the discourses on womanhood and motherhood, which are an area of joint intervention for the social structures that have changed in the process of history in terms of nutrition, breastfeeding, and infant formula. In this regard, one important point to be emphasized here is that breastfeeding is an important alternative to the commercialized nutrition industry that poses health risks. Without ignoring the struggles of the breastfeeding movement and its great achievements, discuss how motherhood has been drawn into managerial and commercial relationships through nutrition and breastfeeding also is important.&nbsp;Motherhood and infant nutrition, which are at the center of the discourses of different institutions, have become subject to several regulations and discussions. As each society has its own nutrition culture and motherhood ideology, having cultural differences regarding breastfeeding and infant nutrition is also possible. These differences are formed and shaped through religious, moral, social, economic, medical, and political meanings. As Blum stated (1993, p. 291), breastfeeding represents both the cultural and natural mother and is socially constructed by the discursive framework of discourses on biology. When examining the cultural and political experiences of various societies from past to present, motherhood as well as its immanent processes and situations are seen to have been constructed as important social issues and to have been subjected to several powerful discourses. The processes of pregnancy, childbearing, nutrition, and childcare are constructed by way of medicine, culture, economics, and politics by being incorporated into the normative order of gender.With the transformation of the “natural,” “good,” “intense,” and “ideal” motherhood ideologies into the dominant motherhood ideologies during the late modern period, women’s daily activities have again been reconstructed by transforming the caring, feeding, and nurturing of infants into a basic social issue, due to infant nutrition having become an important political issue that is included in public health discourses and to having significantly profitable returns by becoming industrialized. This has also been transformed into a subject governed by medical discourses. In this process, the medical and cultural meanings of breast milk have been transformed, with breast milk being evaluated as a commodity independent from the female body. In addition to being bought, sold, and&nbsp;subjected to an exchange process, breastfeeding and breast milk are discussed through biopolitics and public health and are considered as issues that various volunteer organizations fight for. These groups, formed of women and representing an activist movement advocating breastfeeding (lactivism), have put up a fight in the political and social arenas by supporting the idea of “breast is best” as a reaction to capitalizing on infant nutrition and its healththreatening aspects (Jung, 2015). The struggles these groups have initiated and the campaigns they have conducted since World War II can also be said to have caused conflicting internal discourses to emerge on different axes. The conducted breastfeeding campaigns, infant formula usage, public health education, and legal regulations about breastfeeding (especially providing breaks for working mothers to breastfeed),and establishing breast milk banks are some subjects that have come up for discussion. Breastfeeding, discourses on which occur at the center of political debates and are constructed in integration with various technological and micropower discourses, is subjected to the power relation that Foucault (1993) refers to as biopower. By containing the power of a discipline that targets the human body as an object to be manipulated and trained, biopower is a policy of anatomy that gives women exact and specific advice on how breastfeeding techniques are to be performed. The fact that infant nutrition is not only the mother’s duty but has also become the business of governments, health institutions, industries, and the wider society is an issue that has been discussed in this context (Marshall et. al. 2007). By referencing the three different ideologies, Rothman’s (2000) analysis about how motherhood is constructed socially and how the female body is subjected to a series of interventions offers important insights on this point. In cooperation with each other, the three structures Rothman defined as the patriarchal, technological, and capitalist ideologies determine the positions women have within society and subject them to power relations by interfering with women’s bodies and daily lives. While patriarchy points to the dominance men have over women’s bodies, sexuality, roles, and duty in the reproduction process, technology implies the direct control over women’s bodies through medical interventions. The medical institution comes into prominence in the relationship between body and technology. The body is seen as a machine and is subject to medical intervention. With motherhood in particular, interfering in the female body is a possibility, and issues such as parity, pregnancy, childbirth, and breastfeeding are subjected to biopolitical discourse by turning these into medical issues. According to Rothman, capitalism reproduces gender relations with the help of patriarchal ideology and technology in a way that will ensure the continuation of its own system and maximize its profit within the relations of production and consumption. In cooperation with one another, these three ideologies constitute the hierarchical power structures in society and can determine the meanings social events have. Accordingly, these three ideologies allow us to understand why breastfeeding and the female body are at the center of the biopolitics, medical power, and other macro- and micro-power structures (i.e., other social institutions, governments, and organizations operating on a micro scale, groups, trade companies) that regulate daily life. This is because biopower reorganizes the power relations that affect gender relations with the help of these three ideologies Rothman has mentioned and also organizes women’s bodies and their daily activities by defining breastfeeding as the exclusive responsibility of women.Having discourses that state breastfeeding to be an important element of natural motherhood and others that transform all product services, processes, and natural situations regarding motherhood into a consumption area by integrating them into capitalism indicates that these different discourses are in conflict with each other. Because convenience-food products and infant formulas have an important market share nowadays, breastfeeding has also been integrated into the motherhood ideology as a natural, instinctual behavior and occupies a central place in public health discourses by being placed into the neoliberal risk culture. When this subject is evaluated from the Foucauldian perspective, govermentality of the process and subjecting the female body to a set of surveillance and power strategies are for ensuring the guarantee of healthy generations. For instance, when a mother decides to feed her baby with formula, the result may occur where she is accused of being an insufficient mother who puts herself, needs, choices, and comfort above her baby’s well-being (Murphy, 1999, p. 187). While discussions carried out in this context come critically close to the global capitalist aspects on infant formula and nutrition, they also underline that having discourses that evaluate breastfeeding as the only alternative can create moral pressure for women. In particular, the dominant point of view where breastfeeding is the basic component of being a “good” and “ideal” mother, as well as the fact that breastfeeding is represented as the only choice for infant nutrition, may result in restrictions and pressures on women who do not or cannot breastfeed. This fact is also discussed in this context.Different studies have opened discussions on the effects social dynamics have had, putting forth that good motherhood is evaluated in terms of infant nutrition and bodily performance (Marshall et al. 2007). As a healthy option for babies, breastfeeding has been argued as a normative obligation, with discussions found on the moral pressure on women (Murphy, 1999; 2000). Breastfeeding for women is generally seen as equivalent to good motherhood when the baby looks healthy and happy. On the other hand, if a baby is breastfed frequently but doesn’t gain weight or is uneasy, a mother can be seen as inadequate or unsuccessful (Marshall et al. 2007). As a matter of fact, the differences (i.e., variables of subjective capacities, race, class, gender) peculiar to women are anonymized by ignoring them, and their emotions and actions are anonymized by transforming them into political and moral issues. Excessively emphasizing that breastfeeding is an important indicator of being a natural, healthy, reliable and “good” mother ın terms of infant nutrition allows the processes related to breastfeeding to be drawn into consumer relations, and this situation creates a pressure on the women who do not or cannot breastfeed.

Biyoiktidar, Beslenme ve Annelik: Emzirmenin Kültürel ve Politik Görünümleri

Mehmet

Nutrition is not only a biological phenomenon but also an engendered one (Sobal, 2005, p. 136) that represents the inequalities between men and women. Inequalities regarding nutrition can be seen in the processes of supplying, preparing, and sharing food, where males mostly have advantageous positions. These advantages can be seen more visibly when looking at meat eating because of patriarchal traditions. With reference to a number of historical and cultural narratives associated with masculinity, meat is constructed as the most “valuable” of the foods bestowed to men, who are constructed as the most “worthy” creature in the universe, while women are associated with vegetables, fruits, and grains which are socially constructed as “wimpy” foods (Adams, 2019).One of these narratives can be seen in the “masculine” historical conception of the ways pre-agricultural societies supplied food. Patriarchal ideology and the gender regime are based on assumptions that have made masculinity superior to femininity since the beginning of human history (Llyod, 1996). This regime, which is largely based on the belief that men are biologically superior, states that men supplied meat in the past by hunting while women were mostly gatherers (Tanner &amp; Zihlman, 1976, p. 608). The same narrative can also be seen in modern societies and modern scientific discourses. The influence modern medical discourses have on spreading the power of masculinity on legitimate grounds on this point is great. Through modern sciences such as endocrinology and physiology, the biological superiority of the male biology over the image of the weak and slender female body has been declared as a symbol of muscularity and strength. The importance of meat is often emphasized for preserving and developing a healthy male body, with emphasis on physical abilities, muscularity, and athleticism. In addition, society has constructed the widespread belief that men’s sexual power will increase by eating meat (Twigg, 1986). Therefore, obtaining the fit and healthy body that is the symbol of hegemonic masculinity occurs by eating meat, which is another practice associated with hegemonic masculinity ideals. The role the media has on this point together with modern medicine is undeniable. For example, various media content has suggested that meat improves sperm quality and preserves reproductive health, while vegetarian and vegan males are at risk of infertility (Knapton, 2014). The emphasis in this context refers to meat as the source of heterosexuality and the sexual power of normative masculinity, while describing vegetarian diets as a feminine practice. Therefore, men consider eating meat as the norm for the healthy and strong muscular ideal (Potts &amp; Parry, 2010; Roos, Prattala, &amp; Koski, 2001; Rothgerber, 2012).Masculinity is a type of competition based on proving the absence womanliness (Seidler, 1989, p. 18; Bourdieu, 2015, p. 71; Cornwall &amp; Lindisfarne, 1994, p. 11); in this context eating meat can be presumed to be a practice that men use to engender themselves (West &amp; Zimmerman, 1987). As other studies have stated, meat eating is traditionally attributed to masculinity and is often performed by men in order to construct, maintain, and reproduce their masculinity identity (Buerkle, 2009; Gelfer, 2013; Heinz &amp; Lee, 1998; Nath, 2010; Rogers, 2008; Rothgerber, 2012; Sobal, 2005; Sumpter, 2015). On the other hand, men who refuse to meat eating experience exclusion from masculinity by hitting various cultural barriers to masculinity (Adams, 2019, p. 96; Potts &amp; Parry, 2010, p. 53; Maurer, 2002, p. 8).&nbsp;Few studies have been done on this subject in Turkey (Burgan, 2015; Korkmaz, 2014; Erdoğan, 2014; Gedik, 2018). In this context, this study aims to describe and interpret the relationship between meat eating and the masculinity identity as a cultural phenomenon from the eyes of meat-eating men who live in Eskişehir. The research will mainly seek answers to the questions of “How do men make sense of the practice of meat eating in relation to their masculine identity?” and “What strategies have men developed for marginalizing men who do not eat meat?” For this reason, this 2019 study was conducted using the qualitative method and phenomenological design. Data have been collected from semi-structured interviews conducted with 14 men from different sports branches living in Eskişehir. Certain studies have been effective for determining the participants interviewed; in fact, the findings from some studies show compulsorily meat eating to be more common in male-dominated areas like sports such as soccer, rugby, body building, and boxing. even while many vegan elite athletes exist (Brady &amp; Ventresca, 2014; Stibbe, 2004). Therefore, although the compulsory practice of meat eating cannot be generalized, it can be inferred to be emphasized as a much stronger assumption in male intensive sports such as boxing, wrestling, rugby, bodybuilding, and football (Adams, 2019, p. 87). From this point of view, the participants have been purposefully selected from male-dominated areas such as football, bodybuilding, rugby, boxing, and CrossFit. Participants have been selected using the snowball sampling technique, and data are collected from the participants using the semi-structured interview technique. During the interviews, the men were asked general questions about their nutritional patterns, how much animal products do they eat and why, especially with regard to red meat in their nutrition, and how do they make sense of vegetable nutrition. The findings from the study showing eating meat to be a patriarchal symbol (Adams, 2019, p. 94) are considered to be a way men engender (West &amp; Zimmerman, 1987). Men eat meat because of characteristics such as hunting, aggression, violence, and dominance over nature, which they define as exclusive to their gender; they think that men must eat meat for reasons such as health and physique. On the other hand, some men think that meat, especially red meat, is harmful to women. According to the participants, men need more meat because of their biological structure and cultural roles such as working outside. All the participants feel that women don’t need to eat meat like men do because of women’s feminıne nature. Moreover, because men have constructed meat to be a masculine food, they exclude vegan men through hegemonic masculinity discourses; the participants perceive noneating meat men to be emasculated. Another finding from the study reveals that barbequing reproduces masculinity as a homo-social association.

Beslenme, Kimlik ve Erkeklik: Et Yemenin Sosyolojisi

Emine

Lecturer

Cihad

Individuals have been made vulnerable by taking the freedom of thinking and knowing from those who have completely given in to the symbols imposed by consumer culture, the perfect bodies that they idealize, and the super foods they classify. Healthy living has transformed into obsessions under headings such as healthy eating and sports, and people who have an obsession with healthy nutrition (orthorectic) form new identities with their bodies by worrying about being admired, accepted, and approved in society under the guidance of consumption culture. At the same time, individuals who are removed from the soil and food production processes become alienated from both their bodies and nutrition and come down with sociological disease. Because a strong society should be composed of both mentally and physically healthy individuals, revealing which channels and ways affect the healthy living practices orthorectic individuals develop and the sociological consequences of this perception is important.Through symbols, consumption is attributed to key functions of the identity and status individuals want to have, and individuals try to be different by consuming common symbols with reconstructed social identities. The individual identities formed by social and environmental factors develop according to one’s communication level and gain continuity through social networks. Individuals who take their subjectively created social identity on a global journey leave their own footprints on social media pages. Individuals construct the places they see on the social media and exhibit behaviors that are compatible with the ideal identity they have created in their showcase.These social identities allow individuals’ social categories and the behavior patterns related to social status to become visible. In cultural areas, people express their distinctiveness through the accessories they use, the cars they drive, the holiday destinations they visit, their preferred food or drinks, and their leisure activities. The most easily acceptable practices from the upper classes outweigh those of the lower classes. Therefore, individuals struggle to gain or maintain their position. Bourdieu (2015) stated that individuals use economic, cultural, social, and symbolic capitals for this aim. Foucault (1992), stressed that individuals with the capital of body, culture, intelligence, and class use the act of consuming to invest in these capitals. Because it is an investment area, the body has become the focus of biopolitical discourses and has started to be shaped according to economic goals.The internalized bodily norms that reach consumers through messages on mass media decrease the bodily perceptions of individuals who feel pressured to achieve a body image; this directs them to consumption areas such as cosmetics, aesthetics, fitness, and diet. People’s ideal bodily perceptions, long and healthy life goals, and ambition to stay young trigger nutrient selectiveness, emotional changes, vestigial&nbsp;experiences, and obsessive impulses, which in turn lead to eating disorders such as anorexia nervosa, bulimia nervosa, and orthorexia nervosa (ON). A healthy diet and the relationship an individual has with food become orthorexia when these begin to disrupt various important dimensions/dynamics in human life. ON can also be described as an unhealthy addiction to health food.In food’s journey from the field to the table, the consumer has gradually become removed from the production stages and ultimately alienated from the food that transforms into one’s own body. Marx explains this alienation of humans by being removed from the soil and the separation of soil from nature by pollution with the concept of metabolic rift (Soner, 2015). Media and social media channels are also known to be effective at disrupting orthorectic individuals’ nutritional behavior. Increased sensitivity leads to the emergence of ON, and constantly advertising dietary, organic, or natural products and black listing other products reinforces the spread of this obsession. Individuals with nutritional obsessions will prefer being physically hungry and socially alone as a result of hearing gossip about food.In postmodern society, individuals who strive more and more constantly develop the phenomenon of a healthy life as an obsession beyond their lifestyle and consume their material-spiritual existence for this cause. In this context, the participants have been asked questions about nutrition and sports habits within the scope of this study, and inferences have been made based on their answers. After the data collection process had been performed using the in-depth interview technique on individuals who exercise, the obtained data have been subjected to content analysis, coded, and interpreted through the themes and sub-themes that formed.The participants stated that they eat healthy and exercise to have a healthy life. The participants’ dissatisfaction with their physical appearance was detected as the source of these practices. The participants stated that they could change their eating habits to change their physical appearance, and for this purpose, they followed the nutritional habits of media stars or popular people. When questioned about the importance of changing their appearance, the participants gave answers such as psychologically relaxing, influencing people, and changing external thoughts about themselves. Some of the participants stated that their participation in social environments could change as a result of others criticizing their appearance. They also stated that a proper physique could be used as a status tool and ideal image. The participants have been concluded to be able to build new identities for their bodies over the goals of earning an ideal image and status by being favored, accepted, and approved in the community. Individuals try to be different from others with their reconstructed social identities by consuming common symbols, but each individual is instead standardized and loses originality. However, this standardization arises from fitness centers, not fast-food restaurants. The participants who don’t consume fast-foods anymore have enhanced food sensitivity. As such, they stated being able to spend time, money, and effort on light, natural, and organic foods. Some of them even grow their food at home. Additionally, the participants with anxiety about food safety refuse to eat outside, which has resulted in social isolation and complicated social relations.In conclusion, developing integrated policies is suggested in order for parents and infants to avoid orthorexia and to have the ideal physique they desire. Also, fitness centers should take responsibility for properly and consciously directing people about healthy life practices.

Sağlıklı Beslenme Takıntısının Sosyolojik Bağlantıları

Adem

When choice occurs in discussions about food and nourishment, researching this topic these days is specifically more remarkable. This choice is directly related to how people have changed their food habits during the #stayinghome period of the Corona virus. These discussions are accompanied by many subheadings such as reorganizing restaurants, no longer having fast-food because of malls being closed, cooking at home, and gardening on the balcony or in the yard. Because nourishment is a basic need for humankind, food and meals will always remain on the agenda. In fact, food is being experienced as a significant daily routine during this pandemic. This experience reminded people of food’s sociological roots. However food has been highlighted in the framework of the consumption industry as something to be bought and sold. Materialism is a matter of objectivism and tells the story of how a public phenomenon has lost its historical and cultural roots. Consumer society expects to turn everything into a consumable material and for everyone to yield to this progress. Ritzer (2019) highlighted the effects of having McDonalds everywhere. The current study covers discussions about identity, culture, and belonging through the pressure arising from local, regional, and national cuisines.This study uses the layered approach as a new approach for understanding and interpreting all kinds of changes about cuisine. This approach categorizes public experiences of a certain cuisine under three different branches: local, regional, and fast-food. Although no acute differences exist among these, local cuisine is used to refer to the food routines from a certain region of a certain country. Regional cuisine is considered as a modern interpretation of food experiences that have rare relations with historical food routines. Fast-food, on the other hand, is used to describe the changes of food routines in terms of time, place, and relations. Thus, local cuisine describes localization and genuineness, regional cuisine describes national dimensions, and fast-food represents global fields. Cognitive organizational constructions (Scheme 1) have been used to refer to corrupted relations between a society and its cultural roots. Typical perspectives of each stratum are effective at classifying these preferences. Within the layered approach, the common point of these three experiences is their individual aspects as opposed to their cultural or identical ones. Belonging, nationalism, globalism, retention, and localism represent the common experiences different cuisines have. Through this study, what common point of experience the layers approach has been highlighted as the cake-like taste transition between layers. These telescopic points the discussants mentioned in relation to food also legitimatize this highlight. Whether this experience takes place as a micro -or macro- change is related to the geographical area the society chooses or where the area is located. Experiencing these inter-layers occurs through parallel connections. The concept of “immigrant” is overly emphasized for this reason because immigrants try to protect their own cuisines while simultaneously getting used to the new cuisine of their new society, which results in&nbsp;bringing these cuisines together to find new routines. Localness is used to describe the experience of becoming anonymous in the face of globalization while trying to protect genuineness. Fast food, on the other hand, is used to describe how genuineness becomes global and how something global becomes local.Discussing the significant points that frame the layered approach has been possible in Karabük. Safranbolu grounds the claims of genuine and local cuisine using cultural transitions. However, during this research, the traditional food routines are clarified as having been lost in Safranbolu. The menus of restaurants and cafes that have “local” in their name are mostly preferred by tourists rather than the genuine locals. McDonaldization expresses the idea that cuisines have lost their genuineness/originality and have become almost the same everywhere. During this process, having food yield to being anonymous and global is very important.&nbsp;Within this study, regional cuisine has been determined to be a synthesis of cuisines. This study has addresses expanding the locales of food, changing its originality, and having different cuisines, and has also determined that fast-food changed places with traditional cuisine through public relations. In addition, international students attending Karabük University from different countries deal with the situation from another perspective. Increased pressure over cafes and restaurants has caused new places to open that address refugee students. Thus different national cuisines have been welcomed in Karabük for the very first time. This study presents that layers must gradually be studied through more sub-dimensions. By having a picture of different experiences through new layers, the originality of the layered approach is emphasized.

Yeni Bir Yaklaşım Önerisi: Katmanlaşma Teorisi Bağlamında Yemeğin Sosyolojik İzdüşümleri (Karabük Örneği)

Durmuş

When analyzing the historical course of capitalism its domination seen to have been mainted over various historical periods, from the mercantilist to liberal forms throughout the 19th century, to the state-centered forms of the 20th century and the neoliberal global forms of the present (Postone, 2018, p. 11). This new social form, in which capitalism has maintained its development due to its structure, and where the economy and politics match each other structurally, is called neoliberalism. In short, living in a neoliberal economic and social structure means that everything is made financial. In this case, the idea that the economy has deepened its control over the state apparatus and daily life just as in all other fields is dominant. This has also brought an everincreasing fluctuation to global-exchange relationships. This situation is interpreted as a shift of power from the production to the finance world (Harvey, 2015, p. 41). Studies in the field of sociology, emphasize this new form of capitalism to have transformed the economic structure in the 1970s into a consumption-oriented order in place of a production-based social structure. As a result of this transformation in the economic and social fields, the themes of reproduction, performance, and entertainment gained functionality in the cultural field. While mass media serves to spread the dominant ideology in the social field through its vehicles of communication, it also has instrumental importance in legitimizion the ideology between the rulers and the masses based on consent.While daily life is planned according to capitalist motives in consumer societies with the support of neoliberal market economies, the knowledge of expertise that television provides produces the type of human required for the system. Lefebvre (2010, p. 122), stating that the ideology of the meta has become a collective activity in the consumer society, mentioned television’s function in daily life as a technical instrument as part of the meta of programming for consumption. Television has gradually reached the status of “meta-medium” as a superior instrument in modern and postmodern societies and has become an instrument that directs not only human knowledge of the world but also human knowledge about the ways of knowing (Postman, 2004, p. 92). In this entire process, the cultural field can be defined as a show area that places shows into circulation as a kind of social relationship. Debord (2006, pp. 43, 161) emphasized that ideology has also turned into a metaphysical concept that exists in reality only in the mind, as a separate type of meta and that specialization and mass media are what shows are based on.As in many field, the changes and transformations experienced in the social field have changed and transformed gastronomic culture (production, marketing, consumption). With these changes, nutrition culture, like other fields, has becomes articulated to neoliberal economic planes with consumption having a central location. Due to historical and social changes, nutrition and food are seen to have been transformed from a&nbsp;physiological need to a large industrial structure in the current age. Accordingly, nutrition and food are emphazied to have become an indispensable part of human relations (Akarçay, 2016, p. 17). In this context, the food and beverage culture in consumer society can be said to have transformed into a functional instrument for maintaining daily life with gastronomic culture being structured according to the requirements of the postmodern world. The field of gastronomy is sometimes presented through television shows as a part of show business under the themes of performance and entertainment, or as a new and lucrative income channel in the neoliberal market economy.&nbsp;Kaplan (1992, p. 52) emphasized television to be an instrument of cultural expression just like a storyteller in contemporary societies. As a medium where the dominant values of the age are circulated into the social arena with fictional or non-fictional content television broadcasting has currently entered a structual transformation experiencing a change from fictional production to factual reality productions that deal with ordinary people in everyday life.Reality programs and their subtypes emerged during the beginning of the 21st century within the television industry as product of the socio-economic and cultural structure of the times. The result of a confusing and multi-branched period of time, reality programming owes its widespread success to the predominant economic developments and the emergence of deregulations in the field of broadcasting. A special nod must also be made to the neoliberal economic planning within developed capitalist society and to media’s spread of consumerism as a lifestyle as the major factors contributing to the success of such programming. In the eclectic sense, reality programing has played a mediating role form a globalized cosmopolitan culture (Lewis, 2010, pp. 190-195; Deery, 2012, pp. 2-3; Ganguly, 2012, pp. 323, 342). This study, has formed a purposeful sample by taking into consideration the sub-types of reality programs within national television channels. Using the field-theory framework, the study qualitatively analyzes the relations programs identified in this have way with consumer society as well as the ideological function of performance.&nbsp;In the neoliberal economic stage that todays’s capitalism has reached consumer activity and the individual’s universal life surrounded by images constitute the basic feature of the cultural field. Reality programs, which themselves have a hybrid program format in television broadcasting, also have an ideological meaning as a hybrid cultural form. Gastronomic game shows, in which a cosmopolitan world culture is put into circulation through the field of nutrition, have the general characteristics of this type of program, yet also have a deeper meaning in the social and cultural senses. First of all, reality game shows, just like all television forms, are seen to tell the audience a story and a mythos. In this program format, where ordinary people in daily life are the subjects, individual achievements and life stories are brought to the screen with the&nbsp;element of interest in the foreground. Just as in fictional productions, reality programs with factual content additionally have a dramatic narrative. Reality game shows contain moments of relaxation or catharsis that result from fulfilling a task and also contain the elements of curiosity, delay, tension and dramatic effect that are in parallel with realizing these tasks.&nbsp;Reality game shows have these features as technical or formal codes, but they also function as a cultural phenomenon. In the neoliberal market economy, the young population has great interest in the field of gastronomy, which is presented nowadays as a lucrative income area. The culinary profession, which had previously belonged to lower income groups socio-economically, and had offered a professional experience, has now become an area of interest and professional skill accepted by all walks of society through the mediation of the consent-based guiding elements throughout the country. In social acceptance, knowledge of gastronomic expertise is instilled into the individual rather than into the culinary profession. Instead of being a master of professional experience based on a life-long project, chefs are designed in television programs or in daily life workshops by purchasing short-term experiences. The reason for this situation is the idea that in cases where economic and social uncertainties have come to the fore in the neoliberal period, individuals will transform their knowledge of gastronomic expertise into a valid and profitable profession as a life project. The mass media, in general and television in particular share in the social field through media the knowledge of expertise the examples and representations of chefs who have become successful in the field of gastronomy at a young age. Thus, while the field of gastronomy is shown as a lucrative area within consumer society, individual life stories are meanwhile presented to the audience using an interesting fiction within the show format of the program.&nbsp;Recent studies in the field of mass communication have emphasized social meaning to be constructed in the process of the bilateral interactions between individual and mass media. In this context, reproducing the capitalist system becomes possible and the ideology of consumption is legitimized, especially in the process of the communicative dialogues established among television, the field of gastronomy and individuals as a technical instrument. In addition, gastronomic game shows point to an area where social meaning has dissolved and disappeared into entertainment content as part of a discourse of holistic performance.

Gastronomi Kültürünün İnşası ve Dönüşümünde Televizyon: Masterchef Türkiye ve The Taste Türkiye Programları Örneği

Şengül

Cookbooks seem to belong to the kitchen, which is seen as an unimportant part of everyday life. For this reason, the use of cookbooks as historical material for understanding a situation or a period of time is possible by recognizing the importance of the ordinary. By focusing importance on the unimportant and unworthy, new subjects of interest have emerged in the dominant scientific approach, as well as new resources and new techniques to study these. In such a context, cookbooks have become an alternative resource for understanding a period of time and its socio-cultural texture. As Barbara Wheaton noted (2009, p. 3), whether handwritten or printed, cookbooks that transfer recipes, knowledge, and experience related to the kitchen offer surprises and trophies for the careful reader. Anne Willian et al. (2012) defined cookbooks as a recipe collection for creating meals, while Henry Notaker views cookbooks as books that provide information about the cuisine and recipes at a ratio of 40%-50% (2012, p. 2).Wheaton (2009, p. 3) views cookbooks as a magical hat in which you can get more than you expect if you are a careful reader, pointing to the fact that these are peculiar cultural artifacts that can be helpful if they are read by taking into consideration the context in which they were produced. Similarly, Driver (2015, p. 15) stated that cookbooks reflect various aspects of the past and tell a story about the time in which they were written in. Cookbooks are likely to be used as resources to determine the cultural, political, and economic structures of the society in which the cookbook is produced, as Wheaton’s and Driver’s arguments indicate. For example, Mennel et al. (1995) see these books as an archive that documents domestic history, whereas Tobias (1998) goes beyond domestic history stating that these provide clues about social history. Brownlee, Hewer, and Horne (2005) stated cookbooks to be cultural artifacts that contain written cultural stories; they are the cultural creators of the kitchen (Tonner, 2008, p. 5). These sorts of studies are closely related to the discipline of history and set examples for using cookbooks as historical documents. On the other hand, Ken Albala (2013, p. 116) points to cookbooks, recipe ingredients, cooking methods, and service types for examining gender roles. Other studies on cookbooks involve discussing food culture and the traces of identity (Chen, 2014; Voski Avakian, 2005); gender roles (Theophano, 2002; Bower, 1997; Neuhaus, 1999); nationalism and the formation of nation states (Appadurai, 1988; Gold, 2006; Ichijo &amp; Ranta, 2018); community, ethnicity, migration, and diasporic communities (Monstragelo, 2015; Black, 2010; Epp, 2015); and memory.&nbsp;The aim of this study is to analytically examine one cookbook in order to see what can be learned from a cookbook in our attempt to understand the cultural, political, and economic history of Turkey’s geographical region and to see holistically the analytic categories that result from this analysis. The cookbook The Fundamental Methods and Application of Food and Cooking: Nutrition, Food, Rules of Good Manners by Leman&nbsp;Cılızoğlu (1970), which has been reprinted several times over the years, has been selected for this study for determining these categories and examining what these categories and their content tell us about living in a particular period. One important reason for choosing this book for analysis is that the book not only aims to provide recipes and cooking techniques but also consists of other issues. The target group for this cookbook is determined to be all housewives without any clear discrimination, and the things they are supposed to know are included in the content. In this respect, the book doesn’t focus on a particular cuisine, recipes from a particular chef, urban cooking, or the food prepared in wealthy households. As such, the book has a wider scope. This cookbook from Cılızoğlu, who was a teacher at the Girls’ Art Teacher School [Kız Sanat Öğretmen Okulu], is an educational book that contains information about the importance of food, suggestions for a healthy and balanced diet, the nutritional values for food, how to supply and store food, home economics, how to prepare and serve special meals, and the rules for consuming these meals. In such a context, this book is neither a recipe book nor a book on manners. Just like the other books prepared by the teachers from the Girls’ Institutes and Girls’ Art Schools, this book consists of the various sections that can be found in separate cookbooks all in one book. This characteristic of consisting of various sections is one of the primary reasons for choosing this book in order to find out what categories shed light on the cultural, economic, and political circumstances of the time in which the book was written. In this respect, the book is seen as a useful resource for examining various issues related to food. Among the many cookbooks written by teachers from Girls’ Institutions, this book by Cılızoğlu is the one of the most well-known ones that has been reprinted several times.The name of the book, the chapter orders, the total number of pages, the number of pages designated to each chapter, the recipes, the ingredients used in the recipes, the description of the kitchen and its wares, organizing the table, and suggestions regarding manners are the main focal points of the examination. As a result of this examination, Cılızoğlu’s cookbook can be said to have contributed to the formation of a homogeneous modern and universal cuisine that excludes ethnic, regional, and national references by not providing any geographical markers or any particular ethnic cuisine-based cooking practices or local ingredients, instead pointing to so-called Western standards for cooking. The cookbook positions women as the leading actor for running home economics and for establishing and maintaining solidarity in the family and the happy ideal society as a manifestation of the objective women’s institutions had for forming modern society. As a result, the language of the book is didactical and rule based. It aims to provide the checklist of the rules that should be obeyed in order to organize private life in line with the objectives of the modern state: planning and maintaining order. In other words, these rules are “innocent” ideological tools that aimed to lead the modern women of the nation state. When taking into consideration previous research, just like the other grand narratives and the institutions&nbsp;of a particular period of time, the cookbooks can be said to have likely been used as a tool of modernization for forming the nation state and social change for the “great objectives” of the state and tpolitical power. In this respect, Cılızoğlu’s cookbook can be said to have likely been a tool of the modernization project at a particular period in Turkey’s history for forming an ideal society and for putting this responsibility on the shoulders of women in the private sphere.

Bir Yemek Kitabından Neler Öğrenilir? Leman Cılızoğlu’nun Yemek Pişirme Temel Metod ve Uygulama Beslenme Yemek Görgü Kuralları Kitabı Üzerinden Bir İnceleme

Tülin

This article examines how Orhan Pamuk has handled the food scenes where the Istanbul bourgeoisie are staged in his narratives and what these scenes represent in terms of Turkish modernization. The article begins with a discussion on the difficulties of defining the bourgeoisie and the polysemic structure of the concept. It then discusses the central position of everydayness in modern literature and how food scenes in this context can be considered as ‘fillers’ as defined by Moretti (2015, p. 86). Later, the article analyzes Orhan Pamuk’s novels, especially Masumiyet Müzesi [Museum of Innocence], Sessiz Ev [House of Silence], and Cevdet Bey ve Oğulları [Cevdet Bey and His Sons] in addition to his autobiographic narratives such as İstanbul: Hatıralar ve Şehir [Istanbul: Memories and the City] and Manzaradan Parçalar [Fragments of the Landscape] through a thematic reading upon the axis of food scenes.The article first examines the factual content of these scenes as well as the various meanings constructed around them in reference to class, gender, modernity, and tradition. As a result of this investigation, the bourgeoisie’s eating habits in Orhan Pamuk’s narratives can primarily be said to have a close relationship with the historically and socially constructed set of meanings. However, at the same time, these narratives also emphasize food and eating to have universal and timeless meanings beyond the historical and social context.Defining the bourgeoisie is not easy. The problem being that it consists of a very broad and diverse class. Thus, like many terms in social sciences, ‘bourgeoisie’ also refers both to a factual reality in the social realm and an abstraction in fictional (or even scientific) texts.When compared with peasant/manual labor life, bourgeois life implies comfort, manners, and cleanliness. In contrast with a noble life, however, it implies a certain absence of true luxury and a certain type of awkwardness in social behavior. Much later, when urban life became richer and more complex, the bourgeoisie lifestyle could also be set against that of an artist or an intellectual and represented order, social convention, sobriety, and dullness in contrast to all that is spontaneous, joyful, and more brilliant.Indeed, this serious, boring bourgeoisie was also the precursor of a new narrative form in novels and the centerpiece of modern cultural discourse. Reflecting its ghostlike formlessness in modern society, one that had already been self-initiated, the bourgeoisie has been illustrated in quite different ways in novels. Its essence has always been a central concern in modern narratives; however, it has appeared both as a protagonist, the hero who conquers the modern World and even more so as the super-individualistic antagonist.But relationship does being a bourgeoisie have with food scenes in literature?At this point, we still should ask what general purpose food scenes serve in novels. The answer is in explaining the predominance of everydayness and everyday repeated activities in the representation of the bourgeois life. These nonstop silent actions compose what Moretti calls ‘fillers’ of the novel (Moretti, 2015, 87). These fillers reflect regular work and rational lifestyles and show the hidden rhythms of these regularly repeated activities, meals certainly being one of them.So, to understand how these fillers function, let’s take a closer look now at the dinner scenes in Orhan Pamuk’s novels, this great narrator of the anxious bourgeoisie of Turkey.Indeed, Pamuk’s real skills as a writer and Nobel Prize winner lies in his talent for creating an ordinary atmosphere and mundane characters through details. As such, he’s particularly good at employing fillers, including food scenes. However, very little has yet been done to get below the surface of the atlas that Pamuk has genuinely knitted.Let’s start with Cevdet Bey ve Oğulları. In this splendid family saga, we encounter three kinds of meals: business lunches/feasts, occasional but somehow regular family gatherings, and finally friends eating together on a completely random basis. The Museum of Innocence is perhaps Pamuk’s richest novel in terms of dining scenes. Already, the long lasting dinners that our love-besotted protagonist Kemal has eaten with his beloved Füsun’s family in their little house in Çukurcuma for almost 8 years stand at the center of the book. However, in contrast with these informal, private, and peculiarly regular meals, we also read about meals in some Istanbul restaurants: The famous Fuaye where rich friends meet to talk about the latest business gossip or their deepest feelings, enjoying the special attention of an experienced waitress. Or the Bosphorus restaurant where Kemal and Füsun’s family occasionally drink rakı, eat fish, and enjoy old Turkish music. The novel Silent House also has many narratives on eating; while these are on the eve of the 1980 coup d’état in a restless country, most of them are quiet, anxious, scrapped scenes. Even the only occasion where the whole family gathers closes with silent, uneasy, and broken moments.All of these passages give us particularly rich factual information on the eating landscape of Istanbul, on how the food fashions of the city have changed over time, and on which foods and eating habits have resisted these changes.In Fragments of the Landscape, composed of autobiographic texts, Pamuk also writes about his relationship with street food in İstanbul and how it provokes an attractive sense of escape from the private realm and mother’s kitchen to a feeling of sin in eating alone and of significant (but still attractive) guilt by violating the rule of healthy nourishment from mom.This theme of escape from mother’s rule is mostly dominant in Museum of Innocence. From 1976 to 1984, Kemal eats many dinners at his beloved Füsun’s family home,&nbsp;leaving his mom alone at home. Thus, this distant relating of the family with a wealthier origin finds himself completely peaceful and happy in this modest home in a poor Istanbul neighborhood. However, these dining rituals not only unite the families, but also remind us of Anderson’s claims about the formation of nations as imagined communities; living in an analogous time, these actions simultaneously unite the whole nation too.However in Cevdet Bey ve Oğulları, the family gatherings that are occasionally held on religious holidays are represented in quite a different atmosphere. This time, we hear the anxious inner voice of the mother who seeks in vain for a certain peace, harmony, and happiness in the family in contrast with the loud voices of the men who fight over political causes, business problems, or property rights. We also witness all the tension that continues working within this wealthy family. Through these food scenes, we also see that some people are still excluded from this community, such as the son of a unionist uncle who asks for his share of the heritage (in Cevdet Bey) or a son born out of wedlock who works as the family’s servant (in The Silent House); none of them are invited to these tables.&nbsp;Nevertheless, in spite of this stressed atmosphere, Orhan Pamuk’s desperate characters continue to join these family dinners, like all of us, because they seek to be part of a community. So a divided personality working like a machine exists behind Pamuk’s bourgeois characters who spontaneously seek the meaning of life and make endless calculations to raise and protect their interests. We catch them mostly at dinner scenes where they come together and form a community.

Orhan Pamuk Anlatılarındaki Yeme İçme Sahneleri Bağlamında, İstanbul Burjuvazisi Ne Yer, Nerede Yer, Nasıl Yer, Neyi Temsil Eder?

Since the mid-1980s, food along with its relation to gender, ethnicity, socio-economic inequalities, and power relations has become a topic of sociological research. Starting with the publication of All Manners of Food in 1985, Stephen Mennell has contributed significantly to the literature on the sociology of food. The main aim of this article is to evaluate Stephen Mennell’s contributions to the sociology of food within the framework of the developmental approach. Mennell’s studies were first classified as a category under the developmentalist approach in a special issue of Current Sociology (Mennell, Murcott, &amp; van Otterloo, 1992). After identifying the food literature with a developmental approach, the authors in the issue presented developmentalism as a materialist opposition to structuralism. According to them, in order to determine and control social behavior the developmentalist perspective does not completely reject the powerful symbolic meanings structuralists have given to food. Developmentalists examine the role that cooking plays in developing people’s mental capacities and social structures. Developmentalists in particular investigate the reasons for certain specific preferences and avoidances. They argue the social factors that shape the taste of a generation to be largely shaped by the dynamics of long-term social development processes. The developmentalist approach focuses on the impact social, cultural, economic and political arrangements have on the formation of culinary cultures and analyzes the effects transformations in social structure have on culinary cultures.The first part of this article focuses on the roles court kitchens have in the formation of taste and how courts gradually lost their determining functions. According to Mennell, social structures and institutions play an important role in taste formation. On this point, he draws attention to the importance of court kitchens in European history. Under the influence of the court society model by Elias (2006), Mennell presents how court elites considered conspicuous consumption of food to be vital for demonstrating their power. While explaining court society, Mennell differentiates between female-dominated domestic cuisine and male-dominated professional cuisine. In line with the changes in social structure, he argues that courts gradually lost their model-setting role in food taste, and this led to courts losing their other functions.&nbsp;In the second part of the article, the impact social and political developments have had on shaping culinary culture is discussed through three main problematic issues: comparative culinary cultures; the civilizing of appetite; and food dislikes, avoidances, and prohibitions. In his assessment of comparative culinary cultures, Mennell suggests an explanation for the differences and similarities between French and English cooking in terms of the developmental approach. He compares England and France in order to understand why haute cuisine was developed in France, not in England. He explores the reasons why these two geographically close and historically independent countries’ food cultures had diverged. He explains the formation of French haute cuisine through the social structure of 17th- and early 18th-century France. According to him, the different experiences these two countries had in the 18th century had paved the way for France’s sovereignty over England, which can be defined as a type of cultural culinary dependence (the co-existence of native and foreign styles of food with different social connotations) in the 19th century.Mennell shows three different periods to exist in food evolution. The first period, which can be characterized by famines and feasts, is where the nobility showed their status through excessive food consumption. The second period, which witnessed a significant increase in the food supply, is where the bourgeois class developed a distinctive taste through the etiquette in, restrictions on, and art of cooking. The third period relates to the industrialization processes characterized by mass production and food consumption. In parallel with political and social developments, Mennell argues that culinary history has also gone through a civilizing process. He explains the complex relationship between hunger drive and appetite control through the process of what he calls the civilizing of appetite. The term the civilizing of appetite, which seems to be partly related to the increased safety, regularity, reliability, and diversity of food resources, describes the gradual increase of self-control over appetite and a change in focus from quantity to quality of food.Mennell discusses differences in eating habits through changes in social structure and social relations. Along with the transition from agricultural to industrial societies, he examines how food dislikes, avoidances, prohibitions, and taboos are socially developed. He explains people’s growing sense of repugnance towards the slaughtering of animals for food with people’s increasing ability to identify themselves with animals. In line with the overall civilizing process, he demonstrates how the social connotations of various items of food play an indispensable part in the growth of feelings of repugnance.The third part of the article questions how improvements in printing technologies have helped strengthen common culinary traditions, and how culinary writing influences culinary culture as well. Mennell examines two different forms of food writing: gastronomic literature and cookbooks. He claims cookbooks and culinary texts to not only provide information about national kitchens but to also convey information about the nation itself. He historically describes how written recipes appeared in early modern English cookbooks shortly after they had become widespread in kitchens; whereas in 18th-century France, cookbooks had developed new techniques and practices and had become a source of innovation. In this way, recipes had become widespread, along with a set of restrictive kitchen rules. As Mennell points out, printed cookbooks provided a rapid transfer of improved forms of traditional recipes. Mennell examines how cookbook writing is historically associated with home-family life and femininity, while gastronomy writing is associated with public space and masculinity.The final part of the article deals with the dynamics of the rise and fall of a public sphere of eating and the democratizing functions gastronomic guides have. Mennell argues that Habermas’ model of the development of the public sphere is useful for understanding the basic stages of gastronomy. He examines the emergence of the gastronome, of a dining public, and of gastronomic discourse. He demonstrates how, throughout the 19th and 20th centuries, gastronomy had had a changing balance between the functions of articulating elite standards on one hand and the democratization of taste on the other.

Stephen Mennell’in Yemek Sosyolojisine Katkıları

Evren

Evinç

Edina

The study aims to explore the symbolic meanings behind the transformed image of kahvehanes and kafanas throughout history and to explore them as sites of memory. For the purpose of this study, the Turkish and Serbian terms of kahvehane and kafana will be used not only because these terms better describe the similarities between these places but also to refer to the same type of place in the multilingual Ottoman Empire.Istanbul and Belgrade, both being ruled by the Ottoman Empire have had great significance in its history, Istanbul being the capital until the founding of the Republic of Turkey, while Belgrade was the empire’s gate that opened out to Europe. Because they shared the same history for almost 500 years, both cities have many features in common, the coffeehouse culture being among these. With their origins as part of Ottoman culture, both kahvehanes and kafanas still exist in today’s modern world as part of daily life in both Turkey and Serbia; these coffeehouses continue to serve the same purpose despite minor differences.Places do not have a memory of their own, but they may trigger the memory of the people. One might get caught up into remembrance through feasts, rites, images, stories, and other texts as these carry the memories that people had invested into them. Accordingly, cities can also be considered as places of memory that shape the memories of the citizens through their collective experiences. In other words, while the transformation process in city spaces leads to the emergence of new buildings; the existing buildings embody both their current form and a memory of their former state. In developing urban structure, memory is the consciousness of the city. Yet demolishing the buildings in a city may be considered as a step towards destroying the collective memory. When memories are lose and as a result a memory crises occurs, the effects may be felt on the continuity of the subject and of a culture as it moves from past to present. The dynamic structures cities have as well as their on-going transformations owing to both global trends and local/regional factors lead to urban amnesia. Thus, memory is closely related to temporal, spatial, and social factors and is subject to change according to the identity of the group and the necessities of the present time.This study has adopted a comparative approach in order to reveal the differences between the kahvehanes and kafanas. The scope is limited to the kahvehanes in Istanbul and the kafanas in Belgrade. As far as methodology is concerned, the spaces that present the data with respect to urban memory are addressed within the framework of Massey’s (2005) three propositions, the first of which suggests that spaces are a product of relationships. The second proposition indicates that variety or plurality bestows togetherness and a heterogenic structure to a space. Lastly, the third proposition designates spaces to have dynamics that are reproducible within the framework of relationships. Hence, by establishing strong relationships between spaces and society,&nbsp;the first of these propositions focuses on the representations of space as a product of relationships. Secondly, plurality is approached in terms of social dimensions as spaces have heterogenic structures. Finally, relations are established through the temporal dimension in association with the spaces’ dynamics and transformations.The kahvehane society played an important role in the emergence of public spaces in the Ottoman Empire. The new form of sociability that emerged from kahvehanes gained pace very quickly and in a short time became the center of everyday life, exceeding the borders of Istanbul and spreading to other cities in the Ottoman Empire.While wars continued and cities and lands changed hands, kahvehanes and kafanas as the extension of kahvehanes in Serbia became the places where these changing dynamics were observable through the conversations, state talks, entertainment, and even the uprisings that revealed economic corruption as well as the reformations. Both kahvehanes and kafanas served various functions, from simply being the living room of a house to being the first performance venues and witnesses of the important political events that changed the course of history. But above all, kahvehanes and kafanas allow one to observe the daily experiences of ordinary people sitting in coffeehouse, their agendas, relations with other people, worries, and hobbies; in other words, the simple details of everyday life.&nbsp;Aside from a few kahvehanes located in large cities, the majority in today’s Turkey are still male-only spaces. Although the decorations have changed with the divans being replaced with tables and chairs, kahvehanes continue to serve only tea, coffee and light refreshments. However considering them as the cultural venues they had been in the past is currently difficult. Instead of live performances, people watch TV while they play backgammon or card games and discuss current political and economic events.The kafanas in today’s Belgrade, on the other hand, can be considered as restaurants that offer traditional food and musical performances. They continue to have the key urban and traditional features of the city and its culture in addition to being meeting points. However, the main difference between kafanas and kahvehanes is observable in their clientele, as both men and women can eat and enjoy their time together in today’s kafanas.Despite all these complexities and in addition to the religious and cultural differences, the similarities between the kafanas in Belgrade and the kahvehanes in Istanbul are notable, which demonstrates that the people of Belgrade had largely adopted the concept of the coffeehouse that the Ottomans had introduced. Although today these coffeehouses have been subject to change in accordance with the needs of the modern world, they continue to reflect the social, cultural, political, and economic status and daily life habits of the cities where they are located. Thus, a number of similarities and common elements exist between kahvehanes and kafanas, demonstrating the fact that they are representations of memory.

Kahvehanelerin Kent Belleğindeki Yeri: İstanbul’daki Kahvehanelerin ve Belgrad’daki Kafanaların Karşılaştırmalı Analizi

Cansu

This study is set to investigate the transformation that surgery has undergone through its interactions with technology in the context of robotic surgery. We have established a relationship between the notion of touch in surgery and the tendency to avoid entering others’ personal space, which has resulted from the fluidity phenomenon that became the main logic of the new social action in the new relationship order established by finance capitalism. We consider touch as a social concept and demonstrate the direct relation between touch and the interactions touch establishes with reality. Based on its power to comprehend, construct, and influence reality, we discuss the function of the magic touch, particularly in terms of the physician’s contact with the patient. By pointing out touch’s function in establishing relationships at the intersubjective level, we discuss how the intensity and style of touch can be critical, especially in the patient-physician relationship. Throughout the study, we discuss how robotic surgery has both spiritually and physically transformed the phenomenon of touch, which is inherent in the nature of healing. By emphasizing the significance of human contact in treatment, we argue that including a non-human third entity (Da Vinci) that determines the aspect of contact in this patient-physician relationship will change the nature of the human relationship itself. We advocate that this transformation can be analyzed as a symptom and an ideal type of a more general social-moral transformation. In order to analyze the reflections of this transformation at the technical level in the subjects’ world of meaning, we have conducted in-depth interviews between October 2018 and January 2019 with 15 physicians from different specialties who use Da Vinci in various private and public hospitals in Kocaeli and Istanbul. This study attempts to analyze how Da Vinci may cause several transformations in the relationships surgeons have with their profession, their own body, the machine, and patients, as well as how surgeons experience the conceptual consequences that Da Vinci brings to the profession. In order to comprehend the historical background of the process that has resulted in robotic surgery, we explore the transformations in medical practices in relation to the regime of verity and the changing forms of knowledge and establish a typology accordingly. The act of touching, which transformed from being a unique power possessed throughout the history of medicine into a sign of magic, eventually gaining a symbolic meaning in the rational and high-tech environment and becoming indirect through the intervention of robotic surgery, can be argued to have also changed the privilege of contact, an important symbol of the wisdom attributed to physicians. We advocate that establishing the patient-physician relationship, which had been established on direct contact over the ages, upon an interface provided by an inorganic entity has brought an important ontological break in surgeons’ human relationship with patients. We believe that medicine’s function of magic touch shifting to the position of technician and physicians’ privilege of contact transforming after Da Vinci also imply that social values have transformed into avoidance through technology, the reduced personal contact with patients, and the sterile relationships.Although Da Vinci has brought changes to how the profession is defined, our study has found that performing surgery with the assistance of surgical robot did not mean the manual dexterity of the surgery had linearly lost its importance. For the surgeon, the machine-human relationship emphasizes the many contradictions and various strategies (such as legitimization, avoidance, power struggles, acceptance, and negotiation) that are associated with them. We argue the basis of the contradictions surgeons experience to be the loss of tactile relations with the patient. After Da Vinci, the physician-patient relationship gets redefined by containing all power structures; emotional flows, and symbolic exchanges through an interface. The fact that the patient’s body is no longer directly experienced by the physician but is transformed into a two-dimensional image viewed through an interface and subjected to some kind of relocation/translation in the operating theatre implies an objectification of the patient’s body. On the other hand, the physician’s body is also no longer a totality of his/her experiences; the physician only becomes a good user of the perfect machine. Therefore, a radical change can be said to have occurred in the definition of surgical skill because operations that had been performed by looking at the object itself in conventional surgery has been replaced with operations where the surgeon is looking at the image of the object in the context of the surgical robot. One of the most important results of robotic surgery is this reduced contact between human beings. On one hand, this can be read as a symptom of the tendency to avoid the other, which is observed in today’s human relationships that have been redefined by virtual reality. On the other hand, it also implies a technology-referenced transformation in the definition of surgical skill. Although the surgeon is not completely deskilled through the machine like technicians can be in the face of automation; surgeons do have to rebuild their technological skills. In this new definition of skill, two significant factors have been identified: mechanical weaknesses and mechanical requirements. While mechanical weaknesses such as loss of tactile sense and being far from the patient are eliminated by various compensation mechanisms such as assigning team members (the bedside assistant who touches the patient instead of the physician as a sort of extension of the physician’s body), developing visual skills; being able to use the machine itself, and transferring professional knowledge such as knowledge of anatomy and dexterity to the machine can be defined as the new professional skills the machine requires. As for transferring pre-existing surgical skills to the machine, the organic and the inorganic intertwine: surgeons as craftsmen transfer their skills and professional knowledge present in their body and hands to the patient not through direct touch but through a machine. Thus, the tactile relationship established between the patient’s and physician’s bodies is replaced by a mechanical articulation. This situation causes remarkable changes in surgeons’ imaginations of their own body. Da Vinci, which becomes an extension of the surgeon’s body as a limb embedded in the machine during the operation, functions as a means of expanding the possible limits of the surgeon’s body and&nbsp;translates the surgeon’s skills onto the patient’s body. Thus, the professional knowledge embodied in the surgeon is re-embodied in the machine. We argue that this situation pushes us to re-question the distinct boundaries between body and machine as well as those between organic and inorganic.In addition, the reduced significance of direct contact during a surgical operation does not touch to have lost its complete importance for the patient-physician relationship. We advocate that a different form of magic embedded in the shaman’s touch is maintained in the context of touching the patient, but this time the healer is positioned not as a mediator of sacred power but as a mediator of professional knowledge. Although the surgeon has lost tactile sense during surgery, touch still maintains its symbolic significance as a trust-building channel and a means of persuading the patient facing the risk of death. Da Vinci’s introduction to the operating theatre (OT) also indicates a new robotic-centered arrangement and a new relationship system within the OR. First of all, robotic surgery causes a type of vector shift in the OR by repositioning the patient’s and surgeon’s bodies (the two fundamental bodies in the field of surgical action) away from each other. In this new assemblage in the OR, power is also redistributed together with this repositioning. The new center of power is not the circumference of the patient’s body but the control console that is removed from it. However, the perpetrator (Da Vinci) who physically performs the procedure and the surgeon who controls it share the power that was once absolutely the surgeons’, who now struggles not to lose it to the machine completely. The OR, which was conceived as a kind of sacred place with its own rituals in the pre-Da Vinci period, has as a result become an arena for the struggle of the distributed power. Not only has the operating theatre been redefined, but the limits, hierarchy, and capital (cultural, social and economic) of the medical field have also been restructured; the limited number of Da Vinci machines in certain medical centers has triggered a distinction among surgeons. The surgeon who struggles for power in both the medical field and operating theatre also struggles for autonomy in relation to the machine. However, the surgeon who confronts the perfect robot, the representative of the standard that compensates for the human weaknesses, as a subject can give meaning to his/her actions in the non-standard situation during a surgical operation, can take responsibility for his/her actions, and most importantly has the privilege of making decisions in non-standard situations as well as seeks ways to maintain autonomy in relation to the machine.

Sihirli Dokunuştan Temassız Sağaltıma Hasta-Hekim İlişkisinin Dönüşümü: Robotik Cerrahinin İnsani Sonuçları

Şeyda

According to some, Marcel Mauss (1872-1950) as a savant difficult to position in the tradition of the social sciences was disorganized; his studies remained superficial and he was the natural and requisite heir, a second man removed from wholeness; according to others, Mauss was a remarkable exception within 20th-century French thought who had planted the seeds of many new fields through the breadth of his areas of interest and variety of topics in his repertoire. Aside from Marcel Mauss’ (1872-1950) opus magnum, the oft mentioned and referenced text Essai Sur le Don [The Gift, 1925], Mauss had not been studied until recently without being connected to Durkheim thought; in particular, the works from the last years of his life had not been evaluated, and he had stayed as a well-viewed thinker but one less seen. With his epistemological transitiveness and the variety of topics in which he was interested, marking Marcel Mauss’ theoretical position and anchoring his intellectual image and heritage are nearly impossible, because as seen in his extremely short biography, “The information that remains as esoteric as the knowledge Mauss had provided is very sparse, and at the same time has left a deep impact” (Lévi-Strauss, 2013, p. 15).Marcel Israël Mauss, born on May 10, 1872 as the eldest son of Gerson Mauss and Rosine Durkheim (Émile Durkheim’s sister) in Épinal of Vosges (a region of France close to Germany), first enrolled in the Historical Sciences and Philology Chair (Section 4 of l’École Pratique des Hautes Études [EPHE]) in the fall of 1895 after completing his philosophy education in Bordeaux in the same year; afterwards he also enrolled in the History of Primitive Peoples’ Religions Chair (EPHE’s Section 5). There he worked on Semitic and Indo-European languages with Antoine Meillet, Lucien Finot, and Israël Lévi, and on religions with Louis Marillier, Alfred Foucher, and Sylvain Lévi. He went to England and Holland in December of 1897. There he met with the famous Indian experts Willem Calland, Moritz Winternitz, and James Frazer, who is acknowledged as one of the founders of the discipline of anthropology through his work, The Golden Bough (1890). He began giving lessons in EPHE’s fifth section in 1901. In 1925, he pioneered the establishment of the Ethnology Institute (l’Institut d’Ethnologie) within the University of Paris together with Lucien Lévy-Bruhl and Paul Rivet and acted as the institute’s general secretary. In 1931, this time he was elected to the Sociology Chair at the Collège de France. He resigned in 1940 when the anti-Semitic laws enforced by the Vichy Government took effect, living in retirement until February 11, 1950 when he died. According to Camille Tarot (2003, p. 8), Marcel Mauss was a frontier human in three ways: as the child in a family that alternated between tradition and modernity and tended toward modernity, as one whose family had lived on the border of Germany then settled in Épinal by choosing France after the Sedan War of 1870 and passing through the Alsace region of Bischwiller, and lastly through the epistemological transitiveness that is unable to fit within the sphere of a single discipline.Marcel Mauss, accepted as the founder of ethnology1 in France despite never having done any field work, aimed to identify the commonalities in various types of societies by benefitting in particular from important ethnographic monographys such as Franz Boas’s The Indians of British Columbia (1888) and The Family among the Australian Aborigines (1913) and Bronislaw Malinowski’s Argonauts of the Western Pacific (1922), as well as to find “one of the cornerstones upon which today’s societies are built” (2013, p. 227).2 The articles Mauss had written on a broad repertoire through the psychological orientation, personal understanding, social morphology, techniques of body, magic theory, potlatch, and gifts in communities in Polynesia, Melanesia, and North America were published in fragments in L’Année sociologique, which Durkheim had founded and Marcel Mauss had been editor-inchief of since 1917. These fragments were published under the name Sociologie et Anthropologie (Sociology and Anthropology) in 1950 after his death along with Claude Lévi-Strauss’s famous preface.Marcel Mauss’ first publication was the book Essai sur la nature et la fonction du sacrifice (Sacrifice: Its Nature and Functions), which he penned with Henri Hubert while in England in 1899. Immediately upon his return to France, he wrote an important article “La sociologie: Objet et méthode” (“Sociology: Object &amp; Method,” 1901), this time with Paul Fauconnet, in which they verify the limits of the Durkheimian sociology project and advocate the necessity for sociology as a science, which was currently being established. He published his book, De quelques formes primitives de classification (Primitive Classification, 1903), which he had written with Émile Durkheim in the same year as that article. He followed this book with Esquisse d’une théorie générale de la magie (General Theory of Magic, 1904) written with Henri Hubert, “Essai sur les variations saisonnières des sociétés eskimos” (“Seasonal Variations of the Eskimo: A Study in Social Morphology” 1906) written with Beuchat, and “Introduction à l’analyse de quelques phénomènes religieux” (“Introduction to the Analysis of Some Religious Phenomena,” 1908). An incomplete version of his thesis “Sur la prière” (“On Prayer”) was published in 1909. In 1925, after long years of war and Durkheim’s death, Mauss wrote Essai sur le don, accepted as his most important study, by starting work in order to revive the magazine L’Année sociologique. In the 1930s, he turned to studies where he portrayed the body as a micro-society, which would allow him to be accepted as the founder of body sociology in the following years, and he published the article “Les techniques du corps” (“Techniques of the Body,” 1935). In this period he also wrote two articles, “Hommage à Picasso” (“Homage to Picasso,” 1930) and “Arts indigène” (“Indigenous Art,” 1931).As much as the articles Mauss did write, the works he had planned to write but never started or that he had left unfinished provide an opportunity for understanding the richness of his world of thought, foremost being his study, Sur la prière, which he had left incomplete and published in 1909 in an unfinished state. The second volume of “Esquisse d’une théorie de la magie,” which had been planned for addressing the relationships between magic and religion, was designed but unable to turn into a publication. He was known to be working on completing a book towards the end of the 1930s on “The macrocosmos, microcosmos, and the Tikis, human statues seen in Tahiti” (Bert, 2012, p. 18). In addition, with respect to what Fournier had transferred from Mauss’ archives, Mauss had thought to transform his article “La nation” (“The Nation”) into a great work in 1920; he had planned to publish a book on Bolshevism and wanted to work on technology (Fournier, 1994, pp. 15–16).Starting in the fall of 1890 when Mauss had been a student of Durkheim in Bordeaux, a friendship developed based on professional cooperation and collaboration beyond their family relationship. After Mauss completed his high school education, Durkheim prompted him to investigate religious phenomena as a field where he would be able to use his potential and make the maximum contribution to the science of sociology from which it emerged (Mauss &amp; Philippe, 1979, p. 214).3 Mauss took on the task of classifying 26,000 suicide cases in 75 separate files for Durkheim’s study Le suicide (Suicide, 1897; Mauss &amp; Philippe, 1979, p. 210). In 1903, Durkheim and Mauss coauthored the work De quelques formes primitives de classification, which addressed the relationships between social structures and classification&nbsp;systems and aimed to show the parallelism between societies’ degrees of complexity and classification systems by comparing samples of Zunis and Chinese living in North America with Australian Aborigines. When looking at the contribution rates between 1898-1913 in the journal L’Année sociologique, which Émile Durkheim had founded and where he had brought his sociology project to life, while Durkheim ranked center at 15.9%, Mauss followed him with a very high percentage of 15.2% (Tarot, 2003, p. 14).4 Regarding Les Formes élémentaires de la vie religieuse (The Elementary Forms of Religious Life, 1912), which was Durkheim’s last work, Henri Hubert implied that Mauss’ anthropological interests were reflected in the book, telling Mauss “Only your signature is missing,” and that although it was published with a single author, the work was the product of a collective effort (Fournier, 2010, p. 474). Moreover, long before Durkheim studied Australian Aborigines in this work of his, Muass in 1889 had written a thesis on the sacrificial rites of Aborigines. After the deaths of Robert Hertz in 1915, Émile Durkheim in 1917, and Henri Hubert in 1927, Mauss became the backbone of the journal L’Année sociologique and devoted most of his work hours to preparing Durkheim’s lessons and Hubert and Hertz’s studies for publication.5 Marcel Mauss was by his uncle’s side in difficult times such as the Dreyfus Affair and World War I up until Durkheim’s death in 1917; afterward, he remained loyal to Durkheim’s comparative sociology project and struggled to establish a true science of society in his studies as Durkheim’s student and heir.Perhaps for all these reasons, Mauss had for many years always been considered Durkheim’s heir and complement to his projects. Nowadays, however, this type of portrait has gradually faded for Mauss; his inseminations over a very large inventory have been exposed through his areas of interest in such things as beliefs, rituals, thought categories, symbols, bodily techniques, and collective representations and his orientations such as the totality of social facts, criticism of ethnocentrism, investigations into social morphology, and defense of cultural relativism; the idea has come up that concepts such as techniques of body, formation of ‘self’, symbolic meaning, habitus, and communicative exchange, which are counted among the basic topics of study in today’s sociology, are found in Mauss’ studies in a core state, noted but not detailed.Following the detailed and voluminous biography Marcel Fournier wrote in 1994, anecdotes and unknown aspects about Mauss one by one began to be exposed. The number of thinkers such as Robert Lowie who had assessed Mauss among social&nbsp;scientists only as a simple follower of Durkheim gradually decreased. While LéviStrauss, Merleau-Ponty, and Lefort accepted the originality of Mauss’ thinking, Dumont and Evans-Pritchard advocated in their studies that Mauss was a camouflaged critique of Durkheim (Tarot, 2003, p. 18). Since the 1990s, Mauss has again come up in various contexts as a communicative-exchange moral theorist, personality theorist, and body techniques theorist. Social scientists such as Marcel Fournier, Camille Tarot, Irène Théry, and Alain Caillé have made Mauss’ studies the subject of reexamination with a different eye, particularly La Revue de M.A.U.S.S.6 While Alain Caillé claimed that Mauss in all cases deserves to be in the pantheon of great social scientists, Camille Tarot defined Mauss as “an investigative discoverer of ideas and methods; an unsystematic thinker and educator; and an innovative, anti-conformist, original, and free spirit” (2010/2, pp. 23–24). Irène Théry claims that, by separating Mauss’ thinking into two stages, the first stage was when Mauss followed Durkheim’s steps more; the second stage is when he focused on gender distinctions in primitive societies.&nbsp;In fact, attempts to define Marcel Mauss as being akin to Durkheim but beyond him had begun at a much earlier date. Charles Andler, who had advocated Mauss for membership in Collège de France at the start of the 1930s, described Mauss as “like Durkheim but more equipped than Durkheim,” while recalling Mauss as a researcher possessing ethnographic formation; as having command over many old languages such as Vedic, classical Sanskrit, Pali, and classical Hebrew from the Indo-European languages and Avestan from one of the oldest languages of Iran7 at a time when sociologists mostly had trouble with foreign languages; and as being armed with a rare dedication and passion of work. Andler stated that the Sociology Chair, which Mauss had accepted in place of the Social Philosophy Chair that had become available when Jean Izoulet died in 1929, could only be entrusted to “One of the rarest fragments of French science and philosophy” such as Mauss (Fournier, 1996, pp. 164–165).This article assists in the effort to present Mauss, who has become increasingly visible within the social sciences, as a genuine intellectual and in abandoning studying Mauss adjacent to Durkheim’s thought largely by underlining the unique aspects of Mauss sociology and anthropology. Here however develops an alternative reading that doesn’t ignore the humane and professional affinities between Durkheim and Mauss and at the same time doesn’t confine Mauss to a Durkheim-centered study. For this, Mauss’ interest in the observable, his multidisciplinary approach that attempts to conceptualize social fact in its entirety, his definition of individuality opposite collective consciousness, his emphasis on conflict, and his un-inherited legacy shall be discussed. The Conclusion section will present a general evaluation on the convergences and divergences between the Durkheim-Mauss duo.

İkinci Adam ya da Kayda Değer Bir İstisna: Sosyal Bilimlerde Konumlandırılamayan Bir Düşünür Olarak Marcel Mauss

When analyzing the great breakdowns and changes in history, the great depressions and crises encountered by all humanity will be seen as the most important reasons. COVID-19 is just such a crisis the whole world is currently facing. This world-wide crisis references the process wherein history is built or written in a particular way. These different times we live in are characterized by great risks alongside their great benefits. The most dangerous of these are likely the epidemics that can spread fast and effectively influence the whole world. Therefore, the world is at greater risk for epidemics, and the feelings of security have been eroded by the tunnels of fear that have formed. In the COVID-19 process, three main predictions have become prominent. Foremost is the prediction that the epidemic will affect not only healthcare systems but all parts of life. Second is the assessment that nothing will be like it was. Third is the claim that people will go on with life under the new normal. Clearly new investigations into these predictions will question several issues that will change as a consequence. These questions will most likely focus on critical components and dimensions of life such as economic, cultural, judicial, political, religious, familial, and cultural identity issues; healthcare and education systems; international affairs; and technological/digital life. This article, whose purpose is to discuss the multi-dimensional sociology of COVID-19 based on the new normal, will deal with early evaluations and debates on the epidemic’s effects. The points implied through the multi-sociological aspects of the pandemic are the sociological, psycho-sociological, political, and international sides of life; the economic order; and education systems, as well as healthcare and disease systems. The pandemic and its influences over these will be evaluated in terms of sociological imaginings. The interpretations will focus on the developments and current interactions in relation to the conceptualization of the new normal.Healthcare systems have been the first of the fields to be deeply affected by the COVID-19 pandemic that emerged in China and has since ravaged the whole world. In particularly, the pioneer countries of the European Union with primarily private sectors and the USA have had scattered responses. In other words, they have not been able to counter the crisis the pandemic has caused. Therefore, these places have the highest levels of negative effects. The impacts COVID-19 has had on healthcare systems have revealed some issues regarding dimensions and components in the sector. Healthcare systems, just like throughout history, have been remarkable for both providing and maintaining today’s social order and cultural structure. As such they have critical interactions with social order regarding the circumstances of an era.This pandemic, which directly threatens human health as well as many aspects of societies, naturally continues to influence many other components of social life, along with its sociological effects on social life. For instance, individuals who are unable to return to their previously normal behaviors and habits may very likely appear&nbsp;problematic. In any case, the psycho-sociological processes shaped by the epidemic bring challenges that will need to be managed. After the epidemic, we will face remarkable changes, and a new normal will exist in political and international affairs in addition to many other fields. Depending on technology-authority relations, In particular, techno-politics may become the frontier in political life. Large-scaled phenomena like epidemics and disasters can also cause great shake ups and changes in economic areas just like in politics. The history of epidemics shows us their power to change economies. The most concrete influences of COVID-19 will most probably be seen and persist in economic areas on the basis of socio-economic stratification. This process will affect all economic factions as it will circulate economic depression and problems across the world. Education systems are surely one of the fields the epidemic has caught unprepared; they are practically astonished by how to deal with it. Formal education was the first massive activity to be disrupted once lockdowns started. The COVID-19 pandemic will likely result in the rethinking and even restructuring of education systems regarding all aspects, from philosophy to the methods and techniques they apply. Policy-makers and implementers will be forced to do this. The technological developments and attributes of the new generations have already started discussions on questioning traditional methods, leaning toward new ones for a long time; and COVID-19 appears likely to accelerate this.The discourse of the new normal will be determinant in shaping all areas influenced by COVID-19. Because some questions and obscurities exist on what the next normal will be and how it will be shaped, new opinions concerning this can be said to be scary, but its intrinsic inevitability has begun being indicated. In particular, individuals and whole societies have been challenged to publicly submit to the healthcare discourses and politics. Because people have been forced to take in exaggerated tunnels of fear, the new normal may be considered as an escape path from fears. Many fields can be noticed as trying to justify the new normal in positive ways. As seen in previous experiences, because the new normal carries new behaviors, habits, fears, facilities, industries, and markets, one may say that, post-COVID-19, the world will not remain as it had been. This discourse partly stems from the actuality of the phenomena, as well as being partly constructed through manipulations. In other words, the actuality of the influences caused by the pandemic has a potential to create a critical process of change; meanwhile, this also refers to the desire several actors with various purposes have to be included in and to manage the process through interpretations based on an exaggerated imagining of the future.&nbsp;While discussions are found on when the epidemic will end, all agree its effects will remain after the process. In this sense, we can on the one hand see many efforts to overcome the healthcare problems caused by the epidemic and, on the other hand, the many struggles to control its destructive individual and social impacts across the&nbsp;world and in Turkey. The most important of these is the actuality that this epidemic has become one of the most crucial crises encountered in the world as a whole in recent times. Accordingly, humanity seems to have come together, perhaps for the first time, to struggle against a common enemy despite some deviations. Coming up with new understandings and new behavioral patterns is possible in terms of both the epidemic’s extensity and profundity. We will see how, on which side, and to what extent these changes will appear in the future. We can express our expectation to be that social life has the ability to conscientiously elude this crisis with minimal harm.We will face the new normal after the crisis caused by the epidemic, and differentiations are sure to exist. However, the amounts will not be as huge as predicted for various purposes. I had wanted to analyze hope and expectations, but future is fictionalized by focusing on how societies can be controlled. Making a sufficient futuristic evaluation is nigh impossible about what expectations, questions, and lessons humanity will have; about whether the future will get better, and about whether it will be shaped on values. This is only because post-modern philosophy has a fragmented and short-term perception of time and memory. Changes will absolutely happen, but it will not be a zero point. In other words, starting from scratch with no viral revolutions will not be possible. The virus, being the source of the epidemic, can create a coalescing picture by forcing people to take in tunnels of fear, but it isn’t able to build a great movement by creating a collective sentiment. Additionally, interpreting the future as a linear process is impossible.

Covid-19 Salgınının Çok Boyutlu Sosyolojisi ve Yeni Normal Meselesi

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Mahmut

Levent

Ahmet

This study centers on the distance education applications, which have played a leading role in implementing educational activities conducted by higher education institutions in Turkey and around the World during the COVID-19 global pandemic. COVID-19 and similar crises, unlike financial crises, not only affect financial conditions and job security but also profoundly impact mankind sociologically and psychologically, causing communicational breakdowns with others, even loved ones such as family and close friends. Undeniably, digital tools and methods became better known and made better use of following the COVID-19 outbreak. Parallel to the rapid increase in the global pandemic, almost all developed and underdeveloped countries decided one by one to conduct distance education. This paper examines the administrative insight of higher education in Turkey as well as the decision-making mechanism specific to CHE and Istanbul University. Within this framework, the study is comprised of four main parts. The first section involves the effects of the COVID-19 global pandemic on educational activities, the second section addresses the possible developments that are expected in the education sector after the pandemic, the third section handles the administrative style adopted by CHE during the global pandemic and the decisions made in line with this, and the final section discusses the distance education implements Istanbul University used during the 2020 spring semester.UNESCO advised schools and teachers to use distance education programs and open education applications and platforms to preserve the continuity of education as another option besides closing schools. The pandemic has not only significantly impacted teachers and students but also parents, academic assessment systems, graduations, and education economy. These are indicated under the sub-headings of Impacts on Parents, Impacts on Educational Institutions, Impacts on the Processes of the Educational Assessment System, and Impacts on Educators.The section titled Possible Post-COVID-19 Developments to Expect suggests that applications and studies of new ideas will be supported by universities as well as all sectors and areas with the beginning of a normalization period in light of the experiences gained during the pandemic period. Topics such as increasing the density of blended education, increasing open educational sources, and expediting the digitalization process are discussed.The section titled Operation of the Turkish Higher Education System During the COVID-19 Pandemic Under the Coordination of the Council of Higher Education discusses the roadmap and milestones of the period starting with the three-week period starting once education activities were cancelled on March 16, 2020 until the end of the 2020 Spring Semester as ordered by the Presidency on March 12, 2020.The section Distance Learning Actions Istanbul University Made During the COVID-19 Pandemic tells the 6 month-long successful story of the oldest university in Turkey (among the oldest universities in the world) in dealing with the pandemic. Information is given here about Istanbul University’s structure, history, and operations and the distribution of students based on registration type, age, and gender from the Faculty of Open and Distance Education (FODE) which has been instrumental in its success. Under the more serious conditions of the global pandemic starting on March 23, 2020, Istanbul University’s reflections on starting distance learning using digital capabilities in all universities with the capacity (including pre-graduate, graduate, and post-graduate studies) was made under the publication “The Distance Learning Practices of Istanbul University.” In this respect, a learning management system with its own resources for all levels of formal students was first prepared within a short period of five days under the leadership of FODE. This system, called the Istanbul University Learning Management System (IULMS), was prepared with unprecedented procedural management success with the aim of creating an interstage between Istanbul University students and teachers.One of the most important surveys made in the 2020 Spring Semester at Istanbul University was conducted with the students after finishing the semester. The survey is important in two aspects. Firstly, the students were more informed and experienced in August in terms of the distance learning procedures. Secondly, the questions in the survey covered not only the application of the procedures but also all aspects of distance education. In this respect, the survey covered courses, the IULMS and the online course system, assessments and evaluation, teaching materials, and general aspects of evaluation.In the equally important measurement and evaluation section, higher levels of satisfaction are understood to exist for some aspects and lower levels for others. Accordingly, the students stated having had no problems uploading the open-ended exam papers and having sufficient time allocated to them for homework and projects. However, they were also observed to be hesitant about the adequacy of the time given for the open-ended exams and of the exams prepared for measuring the information that had been conveyed during live lessons. All these analyses have great importance for Istanbul University to be able to provide a more qualified digital education in the 2020-2021 academic year. This can be said to be an important reference resource for improving the quality of the subjects that students were relatively less satisfied with and for instilling an important sense of institutional belonging.Education is undoubtedly a dynamic that has changed and transformed structurally during the global pandemic and that according to some people has also developed. With the soaring number of cases, face-to-face education at all levels was able to be sustained using digital platforms and distance education. This has surely led to different impacts on not only the structure of education systems but also all the agents within the system. Accordingly, students, their families, institutions, the structure of academic services, and&nbsp;educators have all been affected during this time. Thus, the principles of digital education, which is likely to prevail for years, have started to gain more general importance in the situation. This course is expected to give rise to blended education, the quantity and the quality of open educational resources, and the digital education processes overall.Istanbul University, one of the oldest and most established universities both in Turkey and the world, has managed the process efficiently thanks to its Faculty of Open and Distance Education, which has accumulated distinct know-how and experience over the past 10 years. Providing students with a considerably rich digital learning platform possessing synchronous and asynchronous courses, Istanbul University has been an outstanding example to quite a number of universities. Istanbul University continues down the road by taking the necessary precautions to minimize the setbacks through the feedback received from instructors and students and through cooperation with strong communication channels by focusing on improving and enriching distance education and its resources for the 2020-2021 academic year.

Kovid-19 Küresel Salgın Sürecinde İstanbul Üniversitesi Uzaktan Eğitim Uygulamalarına Genel Bir Bakış

Emrah

Introduction This study aims at redefining the borders between economics and sociology from the late 19th century to the present. The borders between economics and sociology have closed twice since their emergence. In the midst of the 19th century, classical sociologists were involved in economic phenomena to gain enlightenment regarding why modernism had emerged in the West instead of anywhere else in the world. Classical sociologists referred historical, comparative, and deductive analyses in their explanations about the roots of Western modernization and the disparities of Western societies. Although they tackled the puzzle from a different perspective, classical sociologists found a middle ground for sociological methodology. After classical sociologists, sociology backed into its own territory and economic phenomena remained out of focus until the 1980s when the rebirth of economic sociology. Economics has abstained from building an intellectual bridge with the other social sciences, even though its history is the longest-standing among the social sciences. The classics of economics involved in the mechanism of wealth and redistribution in the society, however, they had little concern with sociological phenomena such as institutions. In the mid-19th century, neoclassical economic thought, which assumed that individuals act rationally and have perfect information about the market, infiltrated into economics. For neoclassical economists, individual behavior is analyzable using mathematics under these assumptions. By doing so, neoclassical assumptions demote society and promote individual behavior by abstracting the individual from society. This assumption in neoclassical economics is point where economics diverged from sociology because it created an unbridgeable methodological gap between them. Sociological methodology is deductive, whereas economics rests on an inductive methodology as neoclassical economics focus on individual behavior. As sociology analyzes society by referencing historical and comparative methodologies to clarify differences among societies, economics assumes the individual in every society to be a rational actor. The Birth of Economics and Sociology Randall Collins (2005, 26–27) pointed out that economics is the first science to have become involved in phenomenological knowledge. Collins’ argument is based on many drastic changes that occurred in the 17th century, such as the emergence of modern capitalism, nation states, and the bourgeoise as a consequence of European overseas trade. During that century, the main economic thought of mercantilism had been to collect precious metals and to expand foreign markets, thus economics emerged as a knowledge of wealth. After a century, some liberal dissidents who believed mercantilist economic policies were undermining the industrial class in England started scathing attacks on mercantilism. Eventually, Adam Smith published his voluminous work The Wealth of Nations in 1776. However, economics in that century had remained a part of the moral sciences; more than a century would need to pass in order for it to appear as the science of economics (Uygur &amp; Erdogdu, 2012, 3). In the mid-19th century, neoclassical efforts gave birth to economics as a science; neoclassical economists, most prominent among them being Leon Walras, Alfred Marshal, and Karl Menger, reduced economics to a science of individual behavior. Finally, neoclassical economics found its place in London School of Economics in 1864. It was the first economics department in the world. The emergence of economics varied across countries and did not follow the same pattern. While economics in England was shaped by liberal thought, it tended to be a statist doctrine in Germany and France. At this juncture, the disparities existing among these countries in the 19th century should be stressed. While economics in France could not go beyond a political discourse, in Germany it was a social science with solid foundations that would become a main source of German sociology. Sociology, comparing against economics, can be thought of as the newest among the social sciences. Sociology both as a science and as a profession emerged in the late-19th century when industrialism caused economic and social turmoil. During this period, classical sociologists pursued the roots of modern capitalism in Western Europe and its ramifications on society. Karl Marx, Emile Durkheim, and Max Weber argued the puzzle from different perspectives by referring comparative historical approaches that considered economic phenomena from a sociological point of view. The Rise of Economics: The Divergence with Sociology Neoclassical domination had enabled economics to be perceived as “scientific”. Through the efforts of neoclassical economists, economics had built its own scientific rules using mathematical methods to winnow out any political discourse in the late-19th century, and the first economic department was established at London School of Economics in 1864. In these years, the science of economics spread around the world; however, the fact that this scientific journey varied from country to country should be underscored. Economics in America can be said to have pursued the European agenda, with its first economics department being established at Harvard University only four years after the one in England. Following Harvard University, many prestigious American universities had founded economics departments by the turn of the century. Economics education in America, like in England, had been developed under the canopy of neoclassical economics; afterward, America became the epicenter of world economics. Economics in Germany had its own peculiarities contrary to America and England due to this tradition being embedded within the social sciences. In other words, economics in Germany had ambiguous frontiers with history and sociology. The German tradition during the 19th century, known as the German Historical School, made the claim of economics’ collaboration with sociology, history, statistics, and law to elucidate economy and society together. The German tradition materialized in the writings of economists such as Friedrich List and Gustav von Schmoller as well as sociologists such as Karl Marx and Max Weber, the prominent figures of sociology. After WWII, economics gained prestige while sociology lost the popularity and domain it had had at the beginning of 20th century. Between 1945-1970, economics took advantage of its mathematical methodology to expand its domain over the social sciences. Furthermore, economics had opportunity to bolster its expanding domain as a profession. As is known, American post-war grand strategy of liberal world order in that period was based on promoting American hegemony through the IMF and the World Bank. During that period, economists played a crucial role in integrating non- Western countries into the liberal world order. American sociology proceeded under the canopy of Parsonian sociology in the years after WWII. Parsons’ conceptualization of society is known to be based on general equilibrium between societal subfields. In this perspective, the concepts of agent, rationality, and organization were relegated, and thus sociology was focused only on social integration to stabilize American society under the severe conditions of the Cold War. In this political atmosphere, American sociology lead by Parsons had no room for economic phenomena such as class interests or individual behavior. The Birth of Economic Sociology After the Parsonian years, sociology brought men back into sociology in the 1960s. This crucial change in the sociological agenda enabled sociology to analyze rationality, organizations, and individual behavior. Thus, economic phenomena had entered into a sociological territory. On the side of economics, neoclassical economics were being criticized by the new institutional economics. According to the new institutionalists, the science of economics needs a more realistic perspective because the neoclassical approach assumes a heavily under-socialized individual. The new institutional economics developed many theoretical approaches to close the neoclassical economics gap at that time. With the rise of (neo)liberalism in the mid-1970s, sociology turned its view toward the market. According to sociologists, new institutional economists tried to close the gap between economy and society by adding a dose of realism. However, for sociologists, they still weren’t considering the social relations that penetrate economic life at different levels. To build a bridge between economic phenomena and sociology, sociologists needed a new theoretical approach, which they called new economic sociology (Granovetter, 1985).

Sosyolojinin Piyasayı Keşfi: Ekonomi Sosyolojisi

A Reassessment of Turkey’s Import Substitution Strategy: Bureaucracy, Politics, and the International Organizations

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Alexander

Tradition, Morality and Solidarity in Durkheim’s Theory

Çağrı

Since the 1950s, environmental sociology is hardly accepted despite existing social-environmental issues. These problems have been generated by the rapid industrialization and urbanization causing pollution in the post-war era. Environmental sociology was established in the 1970s when environmental problems gained public attention and the environmental movement emerged. The theories of sociologists Durkheim, Weber, who introduced the rationalization concept, and Marx, who introduced the theory of metabolic rift, were welcomed in environmental sociology. However, Durkheim was criticized that his methodological dictum was excluding society-environment interaction. There are two explanations for the association between Durkheim and societyenvironment interaction. On the one hand, the industrialism of his era caused the exclusion of environment from sociology. On the other hand, Durkheim’s works have significant references to environment that indicate a potential for environmental sociology. This paper aims to examine Durkheim’s sociological approach in terms of society-environment interaction. First, the foundation of environmental sociology is summarized. Then, both examples showing the exclusion of environment and societyenvironment interactions in Durkheim’s studies are shown. The paper concludes with the assessment of Durkheim’s contribution to current environmental sociology challenging ecological crisis that threatens society. Although the first years of sociology were marked by geographical and biological determinism, sociologists favoring a “world view” of development, progress, and modernism in later years ignored environment as an issue (Hannigan, 2006). After a century, when environmental problems had surfaced and threatened industrialized Western societies, environmental concerns and movement were accepted in society and from the cultural perspective. Two pioneers of environmental sociology, Dunlap and Catton (1978) criticized human exceptionalism paradigm of causing the exploitation of nature and Durkheim’s methodological dictum (Madappalli, 2016). The paradigm assumes nature as an endless resource and that the human progress is limitless, while human existence is unique as a result of its developed culture (Catton &amp; Dunlap, 1978) that “covers the dependence of human societies to biophysical environment” (Rice, 2013, p. 238). However, environmental problems and restrictions in the 1960s shook this paradigm and Durkheim’s methodological dictum that reportedly ignored society-environment interaction. Hence, environmental parameters were included in sociological researches. In fact, the New Ecological Paradigm (NEP) scale, developed by environmental sociologists, introduced “environmental facts” against the social facts of Durkheim. The paradigm aims to consider the effects of&nbsp;environmental problems like resource scarcity on main sociological research issues like stratification (Catton &amp; Dunlap, 1978). Hence, environmental sociologists, by using the New Ecological Paradigm, challenge Durkheim’s methodological dictum by accepting the effect of environment on society (Dunlap &amp; Catton, 1979). Durkheim was criticized for excluding the impact of the environment on sociology with his methodological dictum. Sociology, a social discipline excluding environment (Foster, 1999, p. 367), was positioned out of “psychology, biology, economics, and geography” by Marx, Weber, and Durkheim, the three fathers of sociology (Buttel, Dickens, Dunlap, &amp; Gijswijt, 2002, p. 5). However, Marx and Weber were applauded for their concepts, the metabolic rift and rationality, in environmental sociology, unlike Durkheim who was criticized for his methodological dictum that was believed to be against the use of biophysical parameters in sociology (Lidskog, Mol, &amp; Oosterveer, 2015). Durkheim defined social facts only with other social facts, ignoring the biophysical environment (Dunlap, 2016), and implied examination of social systems without using environmental parameters (Norgaard, 1997, p. 159). Durkheim developed a social reductionism to resist biological reductionism (Benton, 1991, as cited in Konak, 2010). Hence, traditional sociology following Durkheim’s approach excluded biophysical environment (Hoyen, 2013). To objectify society within a scientific discipline (Durkheim, 2016, pp. 58, 59, 168), Durkheim defended the use of social facts and collective consciousness against biology and psychology (Hannigan, 2006, p. 5), that social facts can only be explained by social facts (Buttel, 2002) that have power over individuals and are different from non-human and organic facts (Durkheim, 2016). As a result, the methodological dictum made Durkheim and sociologists ignore biological and physical parameters (Dunlap, 1997; Dunlap &amp; Catton, 2007). The exclusion of physical reality by Weberian and Durkheimian authors (Ritzer 1975; Choldin 1978, as cited in Dunlap &amp; Catton, 2007) should be seen as a constructive approach in the early years of sociology (Buttel, 2002). The exclusion of environment was dominant and environmental parameters were ignored in other subdisciplines like rural sociology until the 1970s; these subdisciplines are the foundation of environmental sociology (Dunlap &amp; Martin 1983, as cited in Dunlap, 2002). Durkheim implied the static position of nature throughout history while society changes and evolves (Durkheim, 2010; Gross, 2000; Jarvikoski, 1996). Durkheim separated the concept of evolution, originated from ecology and biology, from nature and integrated it into the social sphere (Durkheim, 2014). Furthermore, he put a sharp distinction between human society and animals, as they lack of morality and collective consciousness (Durkheim, 2010) and they are static unlike human societies (Durkheim, 2014). Although sociological theorists Durkheim, Weber, and Marx did not directly examine society-environment interaction; their studies indirectly included this issue (Hannigan, 2006, p. 5). Hence, Durkheim should be comprehended through the extensive framework of human-nature systems instead of narrow anthropocentricism (Rosa &amp; Richter, 2008). In fact, Durkheim did not deny the importance of biological and physical parameters in sociology (Jarvikoski, 1996). Moreover, Durkheim followed the example of natural science during the exploration of social reality (Durkheim, 2016). Despite a strong and common prejudice in traditional sociology, Durkheim’s studies involve many references to the environment. However, the methodological dictum of Durkheimian scholars reinstructed sociology (Catton, 2002), resulting in Dunlap and Catton, two founders of environmental sociology, strongly criticizing the Durkheimian theory. Contrarily, the limited prevalence of social facts and the emphasis on the environmental parameters in Durkheim’s studies are important objections to their critique (Rosa &amp; Richter, 2008). Çelebi (2007, p. 159) highlighted the importance of the balance between population and land as social facts that affect society. Durkheim considered the effects of the position of sun and the condition of the atmosphere to people, and his social morphology notion had other environmental insights like the use of land (Gross, 2000). He also implied the coevolution of nature and society in his work of Pragmatism and Sociology (Foster, 1999). According to him, nature is not the reverse of society, but a part, the highest representation, and complex form of nature (Durkheim 2010; Jarvikoski, 1996). Moreover, Durkheim (2016) implied similarities between “physical environment” and society and defined society as part of nature. Durkheim often referred to nature in his classical study of totemism. Tribe members lean toward plants, animals, and rocks in understanding their society. They imitate animals in their religious rituals. Safety and domination of nature make up their religion (Durkheim, 2010). Durkheim often used biological terms like species, population density, and resource scarcity in his explanation of social evolution and solidarity concepts (Buttel, 2002). He implied that division of labor exists in all living organisms, and transfers society from nature (Durkheim, 2014). On the other hand, his notion of competition and division of labor undermined environmental concerns like pollution and resource scarcity in urbanization (Lenski, 1984, as cited in Buttel &amp; Humprey, 2002). This paper aims to examine Durkheim’s sociological approach in terms of societyenvironment interaction. The construction process of sociology as a distinct discipline excluded environmental parameters. However, urbanization and industrialization in the 1950s have caused environmental concerns and movements in Western societies.&nbsp;The foundation of environmental sociology was challenged in the 1970s by the methodological dictum of Durkheim. Although some of his studies strongly separate society from environment like social facts, he often referred to environmental concepts like population, balance, organism, and resource scarcity. Durkheim also implied metabolic interaction between society and environment, and that society is a complex part of nature.

Durkheim’da Toplum-Çevre Etkileşimi: Dışlayıcı Toplumsal Olgulara Karşı Çevreci Potansiyel

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Eric

Durkheim and the Nation

Bjørn

From Holism to Participation: Three Phases in Durkheim’s Work

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Published by the Istanbul University Department of Sociology, İstanbul University Journal of Sociology has held an important place in the development of sociology as a scientific discipline in Turkey. First published in 1917, İstanbul University Journal of Sociology was the first sociology journal written in Turkish. In its roughly 100-year history, the journal has become the most pioneering and prominent publication within the discipline.

İstanbul University Journal of Sociology is an open-access, double-blind peer-reviewed, international journal focusing on the publication of research and studies covering all aspects of the social. The journal’s goal is to aid and facilitate both international and interdisciplinary scientific communication, to strengthen the links between scientific research and society in Turkey, and to stimulate and enhance the quality of debate. Representing an interdisciplinary forum for the exchange of recent data and expert opinions, it reflects the importance of a comprehensive approach to resolving the social problems in Turkey.
İstanbul University Journal of Sociology publishes peer-reviewed research reports on sociology, bringing together research conducted within a variety of different disciplines. Articles include theoretical, philosophical, political essays, research papers, research on social behaviors, and historical research related to any social activity. In addition to original research, the journal features both articles and book reviews.
Studies that clearly contribute to the current knowledge of sociology are given priority. Scholarly commentaries on topical issues and systematic reviews are also encouraged.

All expenses of the journal are covered by the Istanbul University. Processing and publication are free of charge with the journal. There is no article processing charges or submission fees for any submitted or accepted articles. http://istanbul.edu.tr:8080/en/journal/iusd/information/policies

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İstanbul University Journal of Sociology

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Editor

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The journal’s goal is to aid and facilitate both international and interdisciplinary scientific communication, to strengthen the links between scientific research and society in Turkey, and to stimulate and enhance the quality of debate. Representing an interdisciplinary forum for the exchange of recent data and expert opinions, it reflects the importance of a comprehensive approach to resolving the social problems in Turkey. İstanbul University Journal of Sociology publishes peer-reviewed research reports on sociology, bringing together research conducted within a variety of different disciplines. Articles include theoretical, philosophical, political essays, research papers, research on social behaviors, and historical research related to any social activity. In addition to original research, the journal features both articles and book reviews.

Aim & Scope

Web of Science Emerging Sources Citation Index (ESCI)TÜBİTAK ULAKBİM TR-Dizin

Indexing and Abstracting

The subjects covered in the manuscripts submitted to the Journal for publication must be in accordance with the aim and scope of the Journal. The Journal gives priority to original research papers submitted for publication.Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by editor-in-chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope.Short presentations that took place in scientific meetings can be referred if indicated in the article. The editor hands over the papers matching the formal rules to at least two national/international referees for evaluation and gives green light for publication upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims. Changing the name of an author (omission, addition or order) in papers submitted to the Journal requires written permission of all declared authors. Refused manuscripts and graphics are not returned to the author. The copyright of the published articles and pictures belong to the Journal.

Policies

İstanbul University Journal of Sociology is an open access journal which means that all content is freely available without charge to the user or his/her institution. Except for commercial purposes, users are allowed to read, download, copy, print, search, or link to the full texts of the articles in this journal without asking prior permission from the publisher or the author.The articles in İstanbul University Journal of Sociology are open access articles licensed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International (CC BY-NC 4.0) license (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.en" target="_blank">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.en</a>)

All expenses of the journal are covered by the Istanbul University. Processing and publication are free of charge with the journal. There is no article processing charges or submission fees for any submitted or accepted articles.

Authors publishing with İstanbul University Journal of Sociology retain the copyright to their work, licensing it under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International (CC BY-NC 4.0) license that gives permission to copy and redistribute the material in any medium or format other than commercial purposes as well as remix, transform and build upon the material by providing appropriate credit to the original work.

İstanbul University Journal of Sociology is committed to upholding the highest standards of publication ethics and pays regard to Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing published by the Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE), the Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ), the Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA), and the World Association of Medical Editors (WAME) on <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a>All submissions must be original, unpublished (including as full text in conference proceedings), and not under the review of any other publication synchronously. Authors must ensure that submitted work is original. They must certify that the manuscript has not previously been published elsewhere or is not currently being considered for publication elsewhere, in any language. Applicable copyright laws and conventions must be followed. Copyright material (e.g. tables, figures or extensive quotations) must be reproduced only with appropriate permission and acknowledgement. Any work or words of other authors, contributors, or sources must be appropriately credited and referenced.Each manuscript is reviewed by one of the editors and at least two referees under double-blind peer review process. Plagiarism, duplication, fraud authorship/denied authorship, research/data fabrication, salami slicing/salami publication, breaching of copyrights, prevailing conflict of interest are unnethical behaviors.All manuscripts not in accordance with the accepted ethical standards will be removed from the publication. This also contains any possible malpractice discovered after the publication. In accordance with the code of conduct we will report any cases of suspected plagiarism or duplicate publishing.

Ethics

İstanbul University Journal of Sociology adheres to the highest standards in research ethics and follows the principles of international research ethics as defined below. The authors are responsible for the compliance of the manuscripts with the ethical rules.-    Principles of integrity, quality and transparency should be sustained in designing the research, reviewing the design and conducting the research.-    The research team and participants should be fully informed about the aim, methods, possible uses and requirements of the research and risks of participation in research.-    The confidentiality of the information provided by the research participants and the confidentiality of the respondents should be ensured. The research should be designed to protect the autonomy and dignity of the participants.-    Research participants should participate in the research voluntarily, not under any coercion.-    Any possible harm to participants must be avoided. The research should be planned in such a way that the participants are not at risk.-    The independence of research must be clear; and any conflict of interest or must be disclosed.-    In experimental studies with human subjects, written informed consent of the participants who decide to participate in the research must be obtained. In the case of children and those under wardship or with confirmed insanity, legal custodian’s assent must be obtained.-    If the study is to be carried out in any institution or organization, approval must be obtained from this institution or organization.-    In studies with human subject, it must be noted in the method’s section of the manuscript that the informed consent of the participants and ethics committee approval from the institution where the study has been conducted have been obtained.

It is authors’ responsibility to ensure that the article is in accordance with scientific and ethical standards and rules. And authors must ensure that submitted work is original. They must certify that the manuscript has not previously been published elsewhere or is not currently being considered for publication elsewhere, in any language. Applicable copyright laws and conventions must be followed. Copyright material (e.g. tables, figures or extensive quotations) must be reproduced only with appropriate permission and acknowledgement. Any work or words of other authors, contributors, or sources must be appropriately credited and referenced.All the authors of a submitted manuscript must have direct scientific and academic contribution to the manuscript. The author(s) of the original research articles is defined as a person who is significantly involved in “conceptualization and design of the study”, “collecting the data”, “analyzing the data”, “writing the manuscript”, “reviewing the manuscript with a critical perspective” and “planning/conducting the study of the manuscript and/or revising it”. Fund raising, data collection or supervision of the research group are not sufficient roles to be accepted as an author. The author(s) must meet all these criteria described above. The order of names in the author list of an article must be a co-decision and it must be indicated in the <a href="http://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/FileHandler2.ashx?f=copyrighttransferformen_tjs.doc" target="_blank">Copyright Transfer Form</a>. The individuals who do not meet the authorship criteria but contributed to the study must take place in the acknowledgement section. Individuals providing technical support, assisting writing, providing a general support, providing material or financial support are examples to be indicated in acknowledgement section.All authors must disclose all issues concerning financial relationship, conflict of interest, and competing interest that may potentially influence the results of the research or scientific judgment.When an author discovers a significant error or inaccuracy in his/her own published paper, it is the author’s obligation to promptly cooperate with the Editor-in-Chief to provide retractions or corrections of mistakes.

Editor evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, sexual orientation, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors. Editor provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles for publication and ensures that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential before publishing.Editor is responsible for the content and overall quality of the publication and must publish errata pages or make corrections when needed.Editor does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers. Only editor has the full authority to assign a reviewer and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal.Reviewers’ judgments must be objective. Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the Editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the Editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. Unless the authors and editor permit, the reviews of referees cannot be published or disclosed. The anonymity of the referees is important. In particular situations, the editor may share the review of one reviewer with other reviewers to clarify a particular point.

Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by editor-in-chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope.Short presentations that took place in scientific meetings can be referred if indicated in the article. The editor hands over the papers matching the formal rules to at least two national/international referees for evaluation and gives green light for publication upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims. Changing the name of an author (omission, addition or order) in papers submitted to the Journal requires written permission of all declared authors. Refused manuscripts and graphics are not returned to the author.

Peer Review

Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by Editor-in-Chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope. Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, sexual orientation, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors and ensures a fair double-blind peer review of the selected manuscripts.The selected manuscripts are sent to at least two national/international referees for evaluation and publication decision is given by Editor-in-Chief upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.

Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal. Reviewers’ judgments must be objective. Reviewers’ comments on the following aspects are expected while conducting the review.- Does the manuscript contain new and significant information?- Does the abstract clearly and accurately describe the content of the manuscript?- Is the problem significant and concisely stated?- Are the methods described comprehensively?- Are the interpretations and consclusions justified by the results?- Is adequate references made to other Works in the field?- Is the language acceptable?Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees is important.

General Formatting Requirements<a href="http://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/FileHandler2.ashx?f=formatting_guidelines1.pdf" target="_blank">Formatting and content requirements for manuscripts to be submitted to İstanbul University Journal of Sociology </a>Font: The font used in the entire manuscript should be Times New Roman, font size 10. For tables and figures, see below.Page Layout: Page margins for bottom, top, right, and left should be pre-set as 2.5 cm (0.98 inch). Text should be justified with no hyphenation breaks in words at the end of a line. Text should be typed as a single-column document. Paragraphs and headings should not be indented, but aligned with the main text.Paragraph Format: Paragraph indents should be pre-set in the tabs section as follows:before and after: 0.6 nkline spacing: 1.5.Page Limit: Manuscripts prepared in compliance with the guidelines should not exceed 20 pages.Manuscript SectionsTitle: Article titles should be boldfaced and centered. If the study has been submitted before or extracted from a project or a thesis, an asterisk (*) should be placed at the end of the title and an explanation provided as a footnote. (Please refer to the sample).Author (s)’s Names: Author’s names should be written in bold. Authors’ full names, titles, institutional affiliations, postal addresses, and contact details such as e-mail addresses should be mentioned.Abstract: Abstracts should be between150–200 words. No citations should appear in the abstractKey Words: 5–8 words representing the manuscript should be given as keywords.Main Text: Qualitative and quantitative studies should contain the following sections: Introduction, Method, Findings, and Discussion. The Methods section must include Sampling/Study Population, Data Collection Tools,and Procedure as sub-sections if an original research method has been used.Literature reviews should elaborate on the problem, analyze the relevant literature, emphasize the gaps and inconsistencies in the literature, and discuss actions toward solving these problems.Other types of studies can allow slight variations in sections, but they should not contain too many details and sub-sections that could distract readers’ attention and compromise readability.Başlık* Title in TurkishÖz* Öz (Abstract in Turkish) should be between150–200 words. No citations should appear in the “öz”Anahtar Kelimeler* 5-8 Turkish words representing the manuscript should be given as “anahtar kelimeler”Uzun Özet* A 1000-1500 word extended abstract in Turkish that provides the main points of main textReferences: Both in-text citations and references should comply with the APA guidelines as provided in the Publication Manual of American Psychological Association(APA) (6th edition).<ul><li>“Başlık”, “Öz”, “Anahtar Kelimeler” and “Uzun Özet” will be supplied by İstanbul University Journal of Sociology translation office for authors whose native language is not Turkish</li></ul>Tables, Figures, and AppendicesTables and Figures: Tables, figures, pictures, graphics, and similar aspects should be embedded in the text, and not provided as appendices.For tables and figures, use Times New Roman, font size 9.Under the Paragraph tab, ensure that the indentation is as follows:<ul><li>Before and after: 0</li><li>Spacing: Single</li></ul>Tables and figures should be left aligned, and the text wrapping feature should be turned off. Please refer to the sample below for tables.Appendices: Each appendix should be displayed on a separate page after the references section.

Author Guidelines

Before beginning the online submission process please read the Information for Authors and make sure you have the followings available:<a href="http://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/FileHandler2.ashx?f=formatting_guidelines1.pdf" target="_blank">Formatting and content requirements for manuscripts to be submitted to İstanbul University Journal of Sociology</a>Cover letter to the editor<ul type="disc"> <ul type="circle"> <li>The category of the manuscript</li> <li>Confirming that “the paper is not under consideration for publication in another journal”.</li> <li>Including disclosure of any commercial or financial involvement.</li> <li>Confirming that the statistical design of the research article is reviewed.</li> <li>Confirming that last control for fluent English was done.</li> <li>Confirming that journal policies detailed in Information for Authors have been reviewed.</li> <li>Confirming that the references cited in the text and listed in the references section are in line with APA 6.</li> </ul> </ul><a href="http://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/FileHandler2.ashx?f=iusd_copyrightagreementform.doc" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a>Permission of previous published material if used in the present manuscript<a href="http://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/FileHandler2.ashx?f=iusd_title.docx" target="_blank">Title page</a><ul type="disc"> <ul type="circle"> <li>The category of the manuscript</li> <li>The title of the manuscript both in the language of the article and in English</li> <li>All authors’ names and affiliations (institution, faculty/department, city, country), e-mail addresses</li> <li>Corresponding author’s email address, full postal address, telephone and fax number</li> <li>ORCIDs of all authors.</li> </ul> </ul>Main Manuscript Document<ul type="disc"> <ul type="circle"> <li>The title of the manuscript both in the language of the article and in English</li> <li>Abstracts (200-250 words) both in the language of the article and in English</li> <li>Key words: 5 words both in the language of the article and in English</li> <li>Extended Abstract (600-800 words) in English (only for articles which are not in English)</li> <li>Main article sections</li> <li>Acknowledgement (if exits)</li> <li>References</li> <li>All tables, illustrations (figures) (including title, description, footnotes)</li> </ul> </ul>Manuscript Submission<ul type="disc"> <li>ScholarOne manuscript submission site of the journal is: <a href="http://mc04.manuscriptcentral.com/tjs" target="_blank">http://mc04.manuscriptcentral.com/tjs</a> </li> <li>The manuscript must be submitted through the account of the corresponding author. The account of authors other than the corresponding author or someone else who is not included as an author in the work must not be used for submission. All correspondence regarding the submission is made with the corresponding author through e-mail via the ScholarOne system.</li> </ul><ul type="disc"> <li>To login to the ScholarOne manuscript submission system, you must have a User ID and password. If you do not have a username and password, you must follow the instructions in the Create Account at ScholarOne manuscript submission site of the journal.</li> </ul><ul type="disc"> <li>If you experience problems with your account, please do not create a new one and contact İstanbul University Journal of Sociology Editorial Office via <a href="mailto:sosyolojidergi@istanbul.edu.tr" target="_blank">sosyolojidergi@istanbul.edu.tr</a></li> <li>When you log in, click the Author button at the top of the page.</li> <li>Clicking the Author button, you will access Author Dashboard. By clicking Unsubmitted and Manuscripts in Draft heading on the Dashboard you can access your unsubmitted manuscripts. To make a new submission, please click Start New Submission.</li> <li>Manuscript submission is a 7-step process. At any stage you can stop the submission process; everything you have typed into the system will be saved. You can continue to your semi- completed submission by viewing it in the Unsubmitted and Manuscript in Draft section. </li> <li>The 2nd step in the submission process is to upload your manuscript. </li> <li>To upload files; Select the file you want to upload from the Selection File button. Specify the file type from the File Designation button beside. </li> <li>While uploading Main Document, make sure that the main document has no information that clarify the author’s identity. Due to double blind peer review, Main Document must not include Title Page, the name of author or any other detail that can disclose the author identity. </li> <li>Additionaly, Supplemental File for Review must not include any detail that can disclose author identity as well.</li> </ul>Files to be uploaded separately<ul type="disc"> <li><a href="http://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/FileHandler2.ashx?f=iusd_copyrightagreementform.doc" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a></li> <li>Permissions obtained for previously published material if used in the present manuscript</li> <li><a href="http://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/FileHandler2.ashx?f=iusd_title.docx" target="_blank">Title page</a></li> <li>Main Manuscript Document</li> </ul><ul type="disc"> <ul type="circle"> <li>The title of the manuscript both in the language of the article and in English</li> <li>Abstracts (200-250 words) both in the language of the article and in English</li> <li>Key words: 5 words both in Turkish and in English</li> <li>Extended Abstract (600-800 words) in English (only for articles which are not in English)</li> <li>Main article sections</li> <li>Acknowledgement (if exists)</li> <li>References</li> <li>All tables, illustrations (figures) (including title, description, footnotes)</li> </ul> </ul><ul type="disc"> <li>Clicking the Upload Selected Files, the files mentioned above will be uploaded and automatically converted to PDF files on the system.</li> </ul><ul type="disc"> <li>After uploading,  please click on PDF button and view your files. If the uploaded files have flaws, you can delete the files and repeat upload process.</li> </ul><ul type="disc"> <li>Cover letter can be uploaded on the 6th step in the submission process. The final step in manuscript submission process lists all the information you have submitted.  The complete information will be indicated by a green check (✓). If incomplete, there will be a red cross (x) check. Once you have completed the submission process to your satisfaction click on the submit button.</li> <li>Once the manuscript submission is completed, verification screen including your Manuscript ID will appear, and you will be notified via email.</li> </ul>

İstanbul University Journal of Sociology complies with APA (American Psychological Association) style 6th Edition for referencing and quoting. For more information:-    American Psychological Association. (2010). Publication manual of the American PsychologicalAssociation (6th ed.). Washington, DC: APA.-    <a href="http://www.apastyle.org" target="_blank">http://www.apastyle.org</a>Accuracy of citation is the author’s responsibility. All references should be cited in text. Reference list must be in alphabetical order. Type references in the style shown below.Citations in the TextCitations must be indicated with the author surname and publication year within the parenthesis.If more than one citation is made within the same paranthesis, separate them with (;).Samples:More than one citation;(Esin et al., 2002; Karasar, 1995)Citation with one author;(Akyolcu, 2007)Citation with two authors;(Sayıner &amp; Demirci, 2007)Citation with three, four, five authors;First citation in the text: (Ailen, Ciambrune, &amp; Welch, 2000) Subsequent citations in the text: (Ailen et al., 2000)Citations with more than six authors;(Çavdar et al., 2003)Citations in the ReferenceAll the citations done in the text should be listed in the References section in alphabetical order of author surname without numbering. Below given examples should be considered in citing the references.Basic Reference TypesBooka) Turkish BookKarasar, N. (1995). Araştırmalarda rapor hazırlama (8th ed.) [Preparing research reports]. Ankara, Turkey: 3A Eğitim Danışmanlık Ltd.b) Book Translated into TurkishMucchielli, A. (1991). Zihniyetler [Mindsets] (A. Kotil, Trans.). İstanbul, Turkey: İletişim Yayınları.c) Edited BookÖren, T., Üney, T., &amp; Çölkesen, R. (Eds.). (2006). Türkiye bilişim ansiklopedisi [Turkish Encyclopedia of Informatics]. İstanbul, Turkey: Papatya Yayıncılık.d) Turkish Book with Multiple AuthorsTonta, Y., Bitirim, Y., &amp; Sever, H. (2002). Türkçe arama motorlarında performans değerlendirme [Performance evaluation in Turkish search engines]. Ankara, Turkey: Total Bilişim.e) Book in EnglishKamien R., &amp; Kamien A. (2014). Music: An appreciation. New York, NY: McGraw-Hill Education.f) Chapter in an Edited BookBassett, C. (2006). Cultural studies and new media. In G. Hall &amp; C. Birchall (Eds.), New cultural studies: Adventures in theory (pp. 220–237). Edinburgh, UK: Edinburgh University Press.g) Chapter in an Edited Book in TurkishErkmen, T. (2012). Örgüt kültürü: Fonksiyonları, öğeleri, işletme yönetimi ve liderlikteki önemi [Organization culture: Its functions, elements and importance in leadership and business management]. In M. Zencirkıran (Ed.), Örgüt sosyolojisi [Organization sociology] (pp. 233–263). Bursa, Turkey: Dora Basım Yayın.h) Book with the same organization as author and publisherAmerican Psychological Association. (2009). Publication manual of the American psychological association (6th ed.). Washington, DC: Author.Articlea) Turkish ArticleMutlu, B., &amp; Savaşer, S. (2007). Çocuğu ameliyat sonrası yoğun bakımda olan ebeveynlerde stres nedenleri ve azaltma girişimleri [Source and intervention reduction of stress for parents whose children are in intensive care unit after surgery]. Istanbul University Florence Nightingale Journal of Nursing, 15(60), 179–182.b) English Articlede Cillia, R., Reisigl, M., &amp; Wodak, R. (1999). The discursive construction of national identity. Discourse and Society, 10(2), 149–173. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957926599010002002c) Journal Article with DOI and More Than Seven AuthorsLal, H., Cunningham, A. L., Godeaux, O., Chlibek, R., Diez-Domingo, J., Hwang, S.-J. ... Heineman, T. C. (2015). Efficacy of an adjuvanted herpes zoster subunit vaccine in older adults. New England Journal of Medicine, 372, 2087–2096. http://dx.doi.org/10.1056/NEJMoa1501184d) Journal Article from Web, without DOISidani, S. (2003). Enhancing the evaluation of nursing care effectiveness. Canadian Journal of Nursing Research, 35(3), 26–38. Retrieved from http://cjnr.mcgill.cae) Journal Article wih DOITurner, S. J. (2010). Website statistics 2.0: Using Google Analytics to measure library website effectiveness. Technical Services Quarterly, 27, 261–278. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07317131003765910f) Advance Online PublicationSmith, J. A. (2010). Citing advance online publication: A review. Journal of Psychology. Advance online publication. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/a45d7867g) Article in a MagazineHenry, W. A., III. (1990, April 9). Making the grade in today’s schools. Time, 135, 28–31.Doctoral Dissertation, Master’s Thesis, Presentation, Proceedinga) Dissertation/Thesis from a Commercial DatabaseVan Brunt, D. (1997). Networked consumer health information systems (Doctoral dissertation). Available from ProQuest Dissertations and Theses database. (UMI No. 9943436)b) Dissertation/Thesis from an Institutional DatabaseYaylalı-Yıldız, B. (2014). University campuses as places of potential publicness: Exploring the politicals, social and cultural practices in Ege University (Doctoral dissertation). Retrieved from http://library.iyte.edu.tr/tr/hizli-erisim/iyte-tez-portalic) Dissertation/Thesis from WebTonta, Y. A. (1992). An analysis of search failures in online library catalogs (Doctoral dissertation, University of California, Berkeley). Retrieved from http://yunus.hacettepe.edu.tr/~tonta/yayinlar /phd/ickapak.htmld) Dissertation/Thesis abstracted in Dissertations Abstracts InternationalAppelbaum, L. G. (2005). Three studies of human information processing: Texture amplifica&#173;tion, motion representation, and figure-ground segregation. Dissertation Abstracts International: Section B. Sciences and Engineering, 65(10), 5428.e) Symposium ContributionKrinsky-McHale, S. J., Zigman, W. B., &amp; Silverman, W. (2012, August). Are neuropsychiatric symptoms markers of prodromal Alzheimer’s disease in adults with Down syndrome? In W. B. Zigman (Chair), Predictors of mild cognitive impairment, dementia, and mortality in adults with Down syndrome. Symposium conducted at the meeting of the American Psychological Association, Orlando, FL.f) Conference Paper Abstract Retrieved OnlineLiu, S. (2005, May). Defending against business crises with the help of intelligent agent based early warning solutions. Paper presented at the Seventh International Conference on Enterprise Information Systems, Miami, FL. Abstract retrieved from http://www.iceis.org/iceis2005/abstracts_2005.htmg) Conference Paper - In Regularly Published Proceedings and Retrieved OnlineHerculano-Houzel, S., Collins, C. E., Wong, P., Kaas, J. H., &amp; Lent, R. (2008). The basic nonuniformity of the cerebral cortex. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 105, 12593–12598. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.0805417105h) Proceeding in Book FormParsons, O. A., Pryzwansky, W. B., Weinstein, D. J., &amp; Wiens, A. N. (1995). Taxonomy for psychology. In J. N. Reich, H. Sands, &amp; A. N. Wiens (Eds.), Education and training beyond the doctoral degree: Proceedings of the American Psychological Association National Conference on Postdoctoral Education and Training in Psychology (pp. 45–50). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association.i) Paper PresentationNguyen, C. A. (2012, August). Humor and deception in advertising: When laughter may not be the best medicine. Paper presented at the meeting of the American Psychological Association, Orlando, FL.Other Sourcesa) Newspaper ArticleBrowne, R. (2010, March 21). This brainless patient is no dummy. Sydney Morning Herald, 45.b) Newspaper Article with no AuthorNew drug appears to sharply cut risk of death from heart failure. (1993, July 15). The Washington Post, p. A12.c) Web Page/Blog PostBordwell, D. (2013, June 18). David Koepp: Making the world movie-sized [Web log post]. Retrieved from http://www.davidbordwell.net/blog/page/27/d) Online Encyclopedia/DictionaryIgnition. (1989). In Oxford English online dictionary (2nd ed.). Retrieved from http://dictionary.oed. comMarcoux, A. (2008). Business ethics. In E. N. Zalta (Ed.). The Stanford encyclopedia of philosophy. Retrieved from http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/ethics-business/e) PodcastDunning, B. (Producer). (2011, January 12). inFact: Conspiracy theories [Video podcast]. Retrieved from http://itunes.apple.com/f) Single Episode in a Television SeriesEgan, D. (Writer), &amp; Alexander, J. (Director). (2005). Failure to communicate. [Television series episode]. In D. Shore (Executive producer), House; New York, NY: Fox Broadcasting.g) MusicFuchs, G. (2004). Light the menorah. On Eight nights of Hanukkah [CD]. Brick, NJ: Kid Kosher.

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ISSN	1304-2998
E-ISSN	2667-6931
Period	Biannually
Editor	İsmail Coşkun
Published by the Istanbul University Department of Sociology, İstanbul University Journal of Sociology has held an important place in the development of sociology as a scientific discipline in Turkey. First published in 1917, İstanbul University Journal of Sociology was the first sociology journal written in Turkish. In its roughly 100-year history, the journal has become the most pioneering and prominent publication within the discipline. İstanbul University Journal of Sociology is an open-access, double-blind peer-reviewed, international journal focusing on the publication of research and studies covering all aspects of the social. The journal’s goal is to aid and facilitate both international and interdisciplinary scientific communication, to strengthen the links between scientific research and society in Turkey, and to stimulate and enhance the quality of debate. Representing an interdisciplinary forum for the exchange of recent data and expert opinions, it reflects the importance read more

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