Prof.

Written languages began to form with the evolution of phonetic alphabets. Phonetic systems were adapted to varied languages but the sounds uttered in a language were insufficiently demonstrated in scripts. The problems pertaining to written-phonology have consequently been discussed since ancient times. The spelling problems that appeared became an important issue between the 13th and 15th centuries, when Oghuz Turkish started to develop in Anatolia. This written language was first nourished by Turkish writing traditions beyond the Caspian. Binary spellings are encountered in the writing of consonants /ç/, /p/, /t/, and /ñ/ in the texts of this period. The spelling difficulties of Old Oghuz Turkish may be divided into two categories: a) the problems of inscribing vowels and consonants and noting vowel points in Turkish using the Arabic alphabet, and b) the complications of the initial inscription of Oghuz words in the Arabic alphabet. The first category of the complexities of adapting the Arabic alphabet to Turkish concerns the structure of the alphabet. Since the letter set of this alphabet was created for Arabic, it cannot be expected to fully reflect Turkish phonology. Three separate /z/ sounds (ze, zel, dat), three separate /h/ sounds (ha, hı, he), three separate /s/ sounds (sin, sad, interdental s), the sound of the ayın and their signs are noted as independent letters in this alphabet. Most of these sounds do not exist in Turkish and the letters zel, dat, hı, he, interdental se, sad, and ayın were used only in the inscription of words of Arabic-origin. The second category of inconvenience relates to the indecision regarding the spelling of Turkish-origin words. Multiple spelling was used in texts to display the sounds /d/, /s/, /ç/, /p/, and /ñ/. This circumstance is accepted as a characteristic features of Old Oghuz Turkish and is amply recognized in the history of language and writing. Such a situation primarily occurred when the Oghuz words were first inscribed.&nbsp;The most notable of such variations concerns the inscription of the first sound /d-/. The initial characteristic voices the dental consonant /d-/ sound of the Oghuz dialects and is written using two separate letters in Turkish texts inscribed in the Arabic alphabet. Some words that known originally as encompassing the Oghuz /d-/ may be noted in the same text to use both tı and dal. The second instance of consonant-related spelling instability involves the /s/ sounds written using sin and sad. The same word is inscribed using both sin and sad. These words are written only with sin in Turkish texts inscribed using Khorezm; the letter sad is not used. In Oghuz Turkish, sad is used with the back vowels and sin is employed with the front vowels. Another spelling variation affects words including /ç/ indicated by ç/c sounds. The letter /ç/ does not appear in the Uighur and Arabic alphabet. It is shown through çim and cim in texts written in the Arabic alphabet. As the alphabet evolved, çim also came to be included in Arabic alphabet utilized to write Turkish texts. The sound at the beginning of the word were written using both çim and cim in Oghuz texts written in Anatolia. A sound not found in the Arabic alphabet is denoted by a letter devised by placing three dots under the letter be to spell /p/ in Persian and Turkish words. The Uyghur orthographic spelling instabilities in texts of this period may be observed in the writing of the /ñ/ sound. Written as a primary Turkish consonant since the Köktürk texts, this sound is inscribed in Uyghur Turkish using k + n. This tradition continued with the Arabic alphabet, using which this sound was tradition is felt intensely In Karakhanid and Khorezm Turkish texts, in which the /p/ sounds in Turkish words are indicated with be. In Old Oghuz Turkish texts, the sounds relating to /p/ are displayed both through be and pe because of the influence of the Khorezm tradition. Another inscribed through a combination of kef + nun. The Khorezm tradition persisted in the writing of this sound in the first period texts of Anatolia. Subsequently, this sound was noted by placing three dots on the kef. The spelling differences stem primarily from the alphabet. A problem obviously concering the inscription rather than phonetics may be discerned if the phonemes established in a language are displayed in the same text using discrete letters. Such difficulties occur when letters do not match sounds. Alphabets and spellings are unrelated to the phonetics of a language. Therefore, the features of the Oghuz language and dialects should ground the pronunciation of texts written in Old Oghuz dialect. For example, the pronunciation of a word written in the binary forms of ṭaġ and daġ should be standardized using the single form of [dağ] as in contemporary Oghuz Turkish.

A Phonological Problem Related to the Alphabet of the Old Oghuz Dialect: The Inscription of Consonants

Meltem

Khazar Khaganate, one of the important Turkic states established in the Eastern European geography from the 7th century to 10th century, comes to the forefront in the history scene from various angles. The most well-known of these is that they have adopted Judaism and have managed to keep the trade route active along the north line of the Silk Road for centuries thanks to the policy of “Pax Khazarica” they have implemented. However, the issue that needs to be emphasized about this state structuring and that has led to the prominence different from other Turkic state structures is that many different business lines are lived in the land of Khaganate. Undoubtedly, the fact that the geography of Khanate has spread over a wide area behind this situation has a great effect. In addition, the interaction of sedentary and nomadic peoples with different lifestyles contributed to the formation of new cultural forms.&nbsp;Here, the heritage of the region’s autochthonous and newly arrived residents around Don is called Saltovo-Mayatsk culture. It is not possible to attribute this culture to the Turkiclanguages Khazarians. Because in this cultural circle, Turkic language peoples such as the Alans, Slavs and Bulgars or Ogurs formed an intricate structure. Saltovo–Mayatsk agricultural culture also displays an intricate structure. However, under the Khaganate rule, Bulgarian tribes engaged in agriculture come to the fore among other peoples of Turkic language. Especially archaeological materials shed light on the contribution of Bulgarian tribes to the culture of Saltovo–Mayatsk. There are many different reasons for Bulgarian tribes to start dealing with agriculture: acquaintance with settled tribes such as Slav, Göktürk heritage, geographical and climatic conditions. In addition, the long-standing conflict of the Bulgarian tribes with the Khazarian administration or the endless struggle of the Khazarians with the Arabs caused immigration had a great impact on the change of their lifestyle.Don and its tributaries, Azov and partly Crimea are among the most important locations where Bulgarian tribes are observed within the Saltovo–Mayatsk culture. In this area, as well as their nomadic and fixed settlements, agricultural cultures were also discovered at certain points. Of course, the production of crafts, which is connected with the agricultural culture. According to the written and archaeological sources, most of the land was cultivated for cereals, and ploughs and anchors in different forms were encountered while the soil was cultivated. Plow, sickle and scythe were also discovered for product harvest. Among the other archaeological finds are millstones for processing the crops and granaries for food storage.&nbsp;Viticulture, one of the oldest forms of agriculture in the region, has also been one of the fields of activity of Bulgarian farmers.These agricultural products are not only produced for the domestic market, but also the shares are transferred to the Khaganate and the exports are made. Traces of the agricultural skills acquired by the Bulgars in the Saltovo-Mayatsk culture were also observed in the Danube and Volga fields in the following period. Even the agricultural skills gained in the Khazar lands played a significant role in the rapid adaptation of the Bulgars who migrated to the Middle Volga to the settled life. Analysis of agricultural materials or ceramic pots discovered in connection with migrations from the 7th century to 10th century in archaeological research on the Volga Bulgars lands sheds light on the similarity of these finds with the Saltova-Mayatsk culture. For this reason, just like in the Caspian lands, the development of Volga–Kama urbanism is directly proportional to the increase of fixed settlements that occur in connection with agricultural activities. In other words, as the Bulgars interest in agriculture played a decisive role in the development of crafts and trade, it also formed an important building block of the cities they will establish in the future.

Agriculture in the Khazar Khaganate: Bulgarian Farmers

Hanife

Assist. Prof.

The focus of this study is Szigetvar that was added to the Ottoman lands as a result of Suleiman I’s last military expedition. Szigetvar is a fortress in Hungary and was conquered in 1566. In this study, the order that was set up by the Ottoman State in Szigetvar after its conquest is addressed. The aim of this study is to present information regarding the judicial state of the rayah in Szigetvar its population in the light of the review of the first discovered cadastral record book dated 1579. Therefore, it is aimed to have knowledge of the organization of the Ottoman dominance in Szigetvar with its fall under Ottoman rule.Administrative structure of Szigetvar: Szigetvar district was established after 1566 when it fell under the Ottoman administration. In 1579, the district was composed of Szigetvar, Gorezgal, Siklos, and Hagan boroughs. With the conquest of Kanije in 1600, Kanije state was established and Szigetvar became a district of this state. Szigetvar remained as a district of Kanije state until 1688 when the Ottoman rule came to an end. 63 villages, 1 ranch, and 13 estates were recorded in Sizgetvar district in 1579. There were 762 households in total in the district. There are different views regarding the calculation of the number of households in the studies on population during the Classical era of the Ottoman State. The most accepted of these views is the method determined by Omer Lutfi Barkan as multiplying the tax section with 5. Therefore, we used the method of household x 5= estimated population to obtain the estimated population of a settlement. Accordingly, the estimated population of Szigetvar district was 3.810 people. Among the mentioned population, there are even a few Muslims. The fathers’ names of 3 Muslims in the Kostanci Village were Abdullah; thus, it seems that they accepted Islam and became Muslims later.Economic structure of Szigetvar: The basic economic element in the agricultural area in the Ottoman State was agricultural products. Most of the income in Szigetvar district was earned from agricultural products. The primary agricultural products were wheat, meslin, linen, cabbage, sir, haricot bean, giyah, and cannabis. It is also seen that other agricultural activities were done such as vegetable gardens, fruits, and vine cultivation. The total income earned from agricultural production was 147.674 silver coins. It is seen that animal breeding in Szigetvar district included apiculture and henazır. The total income earned from this tax type was 19.143 silver coins. Commercial and Industrial Activities: what distinguishes between the structure of a city and a village is the commercial and industrial activities. As known, city is a large settlement where most of its population deals with commercial, industrial, and administrative businesses. Mill, the first type of commercial and industrial taxes that we will review, is recorded as “resm-i âsiyab”. The amount of the tax taken from the mill was 175 silver coins in total. The other significant type of tax in the district was “resm-i hime”. It was the tax taken on wood. The total amount taken from this type of tax in Szigetvar district was 9.307 silver coins.Resm-i Fucu: non-Muslims who produced must had to give one tenth of the must to the timar holder. The timar holder would seal the must barrels to sell and announce manapolye by prohibiting must sales. According to this, the process called manapolye would take two months and ten days and it was stated that it could not be longer than that. The income earned from the Fucu was 1.342 silver coins. Citizenship and Accidental Taxes: Citizenship tax is a tax that is not based on production but taken from the individuals depending on their judicial status (married or single, Muslim or non-Muslim) and the land they saved. These taxes in Szigetvar district were resm-i kapu and resm-i cift. The total amount obtained from the Citizenship tax was 38.166 silver coins. Accidental taxes were land title, deştbani, arus and regency. The total amount of income from these taxes was 23.287 silver coins.In conclusion, it is known that the basic source for the local studies of XV. and XVI. centuries are cadastral record books. These books are the primary sources referred to reveal the administrative, economic, social structures and settlement process of a district that forms the basis of the Ottoman rural structure. In this context, the book we studied on is the first cadastral record book of Szigetvar and; thus, it is possible to reveal the order that the Ottomans set in Szigetvar. It is seen that the Ottoman rule was settled in Szigetvar district in 1579. Almost all of the villages of the district were inhabited. Most of the population was settled in the rural areas as a characteristic of the agricultural society. Non-Muslims consisted of almost all of the population in the district. It is seen that the Ottoman State did not inhabit Turkish population as a part of its settlement policy in the Balkans. The fathers’ names of 3 Muslims in the Szigetvar district were Abdullah; thus, it seems that they accepted Islam and became Muslims later and they were not subject to any settlement policy.&nbsp;Moreover, there is a record titled “Varoş-ı Szigetvar, maa çiftlikha ve ispençe-i kıbtıyan” on Szigetvar district. It is seen that the Muslim population was formed as a result of conversions as the fathers’ names of 45 registered citizens’ was Abdullah. In addition, it is significant that the fathers’ names of 14 people in Mehmed bin Bayezid neighborhood and 12 people in Veli bin Ali neighborhood. After the Ottoman conquest, foundations were established in Szigetvar. It can be stated that the existence of these foundations had a significant effect on Szigetvar’s gaining the characteristics of an Ottoman city. The economic structure of Szigetvar district consisted of agriculture. The income earned from agriculture was 83% of the total income of the district. Citizenship and accidental taxes were the second income source after the agriculture tax and constituted 11,5% of the income. The income earned from commercial and industrial products was the third with 5,3% percentage.

Social and Economic Life in The Szigetvar Nahiyesi According to  Cadastral Record Book Dated 1579

Ruşen

The plunder ceremony described in the prelude section of the last legend of The Book of Dede Korkut indicates an epic contrast in the content of the legend. The thematic structure of the last legend includes several contrasting phenomena. These developed into qualified elements of epos and existed as double reflection styles, especially in the layers of the final legend. This study examines this double structure in detail, and its findings on its formation are supported by reference to the views of other researchers. The points in the tale where Khan Kazan and Aruz Koja change places with three other characters are evaluated using diagrams, as are other questions related to these issues. In addition to determining the paradigms where contrasting phenomena can be deployed, the effects and functions of the phenomena for eliminating these contrasts are also addressed in the study. Furthermore, it is emphasized that the contrasting phenomena in question are opposition or internal conflict within the ethnos, and it is determined that this conflict the result of the deterioration of the structure of the Uch Ok (Three Arrows) and the Boz Ok (Gray Arrow) traditions.Additional determinations also appear in the course of investigating the events that take place in the last legend and the identity and status of the characters included in these events. In particular, it is ascertained that Bayindir Khan and Salur Kazan in particular, among the characters reflected in the legend, do not possess the authority to rule over the Galin Oghuz (Eli). In fact, someone from the Boz Ok, such as Aruz Koja, has the right, according to the traditional structure. Another important finding is that although Aruz Koja plays the role of a defender of neglected customs, he is altered into an anti-hero. The political order that dominates the final legend is, in fact, an anti-structure that goes against custom, and the disruption of the sharing principle is directly caused by the anti-structure in question. In this study, it is also determined that the epic contrast that is reflected in the last legend is resolved through the contrasting phenomenon of the victory of Kazan. Here Aruz becomes the representative of chaos.A still more important finding is that the thematic structure of the last legend has sub-textual elements as well as a second full thematic structure. The morphemes that possess a nonlogical character rather than contrasting elements relate to the message underlying the text and the second structure are also determined in the study. In this context, Aruz Koja is confirmed to be the inheritor of political sovereignty, based on the traditional order, primarily seen in the subtext. In this determination, it can be seen that the real status constituted a contradicting phenomenon with the traditional status of subtext. At the same time, it is noted that the terms Uch Ok and Boz Ok, as elements, relate primarily to the second thematic context, and this second thematic structure is also subjected to a transformation. In this context, it can be hypothesized that the terms Uch Ok and Boz Ok are the older versions of the titles of Inner Oghuz and Outer Oghuz factions. The second relevant morpheme is related to the fact that Aruz Koja is a hero before the beginning of the legend and has the form of an anti-hero at&nbsp;its end. However, this is determined from the sub-textual structure and the second thematic structure. Aruz Koja maintains a heroic status until the end of the legend in the surface layer.The Outer Oghuz lords and Aruz Koja, who does not participate in the plunder ceremony depicted in the legend, take a hostile attitude toward Khan Kazan. In the study, it is found that Aruz still maintains the heroic status until this stage, and it is seen that the first and second thematic structures in this legend do not constitute a contrast until this stage. It is clearly emphasized that Aruz Koja has a respectable place and position in the Oghuz community until the moment in question, and Kazan is considered to be an anti-hero who disrupts the integrity of the society during this stage. The murder of Beyrek, advisor to Kazan, by Aruz, is described later in the study, and this incident is judged to be the factor that leads directly to the punishment of Aruz. It is also established that certain types of conduct that attracts attention in the narrative after the deterioration of the plundering tradition indicates Kazan’s status as an anti-hero in a superficial manner. In this regard, it appears that the status change between Kazan and Aruz is related to the murder of Beyrek.It is determined that the thematic structure in the final legend is directly related to the ritual-mythological layer, and a new independent element is formed in the structure of the legend. The ritual phenomenon reflected in the prelude section to the twelfth legend is also examined, and it was established that this phenomenon shows the unchanging structure of the functionality and semantics of the Oghuz community. It can be seen that ritual phenomena are reflected in the thematic structure, and, with this, a reflection from holy to profane phenomena can be recognized in the epic narration. This becomes evident at the end of the legend, as the phenomenon in question is displaced. The displacement event can be confirmed by examining the ritual of remarking performed by Dede Korkut.In this study, it is determined that the structure in the last legend of The Book of Dede Korkut is ritual-mythological, and it is shown that the structure of the legend is, in fact, a variant and reflects the structure of the ritual. Therefore, it is noted that the micro-thematic order, dealt with in the last legend, reflects the ritual-mythological invariance in relation to schemes that display functionality, and it is determined that ritual is present in the subtext of the last legend of The Book of Dede Korkut.

The Cosmological Structure and Ritual in the Legend of the “İç  Oğuza Taş Oğuz Asi Olup Beyrek Öldüğü Boy”

Mustafa

Ataollah

Assoc. Prof.

The city of Rayy, which occupied a significant position in ancient times, maintained this position throughout the history of the following centuries. Located on a junction of the Silk Road, it played a key role in trade. The large fire temple nearby indicates that the city was both a religious center and a very old settlement. A radical transition and transformation took place in the city after its capture by Muslims during the early Islamic conquests. As Muslim geography developed in the ninth century, numerous works were written containing important information on Muslim countries and cities. Muslim geographers of this period provided important information on the social, economic, architectural, and religious structure of Rayy. The city has had various names has historically been referred to in various ways in books. Many historians and geographers referred to Rayy as being in the Jibâl or Daylam Region. Geographers indicate that the city drew water from several sources. The most important water source was the Sûrin River. The city was first established on its banks. Another is the Cîlânî or Gîlânî River. The city is composed of various parts. The southern part was built before Islam and it was called Rey-i Berîn, which means Upper Rayy. This area of has three parts: Shahrestan, Castle, and Rabaz. Shahrestan is the oldest part of these area and it is also called the inner city. Buildings in this part were constructed by the Caliph Muhammad Mehdî and it named Muhammadiyya in his honor after his death. The Castle was built on top of a rocky hill mostly composed of limestone, and it was called the Outer City. The Castle includes two opposite lower sections, the northern and southern terraces. All of the areas outside of the Shahrestan and Castle are included in Rabaz. Most shopping was done in this part of the city, and the market was also located here. Because Rayy was located on a junction on the Silk Road, it possessed an economically significant position, being frequently visited by trade caravans. Muslim geographers provided notable information on trade in this area. Reports tell that merchants coming from all around the world made their exchanged goods here. The city grew and became richer, both economically and culturally. Markets continued their importance in Rayy’s development, and there were large trading houses and inns became established to serve its markets. Geographers also provided interesting information on Rayy’s mines. In the Middle Ages, Rayy produced some goods for export. They were taken to various countries by passing merchants along trade routes. Cotton clothes were important for Rayy. The geographers noted that Ray was rich in agricultural products too, and Rayy is a prime location for agriculture due to its access to water and favorable climate. At the same time, livestock breeding is also important for the city. Because the city underwent economic development, the taxes grew. The dirham and dinar were used currency. The men was used as a measure of weight. After the introduction of Islam, Arabs began to settle in the city, and this led to a change in the ethnic and religious structure of the city. Particularly during the second half of the eighth century, the people of Rayy were a mix of Arabs and Persians. After the settlement of Turks and tribes from Daylam in the city, the ethnic structure of the city diversified further. Because the city had an economically developed and vast area, it had a large population, but it is difficult to give clear information on the size of the population. The religious and sectarian structure of the city was also quite diverse. In pre-Islamic times, Rayy was a center of Zoroastrianism was under their administration. After the arrival of Islam, the number of Muslims increased, and the number of Zoroastrians decreased. The sectarian divisions that occurred in later periods of Islam spread to Rayy as well. Shia Islam gradually strengthened there and reached its peak under the Buyid Dynasty. Although the city hosted other sects, most Muslims were Sunni and Shi’ites. However, conflicts among the sects in both faith and Fiqh caused problems in Rayy. After the Arab Conquest, Islamic architecture began to develop. After the Muslims conquered Rayy, they built a mosque there, which was called Câmî-i Mehdi (Mehdi Mosque) or Cami-i Atîk (Atik Mosque). The most important castle of the city is the Taberek Castle. The name of this castle is often found mentioned in discussions of the history of Rayy. Other important buildings include Hısn-ı Zenbedî and Ferhân Castle.

SocioEconomic and Architectural Structure of the City of Rayy  According to Medieval Muslim Geographers

Nabi

Erselannames, an epic found in written and oral sources in Iran and Anatolia, tells stories about spreading Islam and fighting infidels. It is found in Persian and Turkish written sources as well as the oral tradition of Iranian Turks. The only written copy in the Anatolian area is in Istanbul. It is an illustrated copy that consists of 407 pages, including 27 pictures. The Istanbul copy differs from others in that it lists titles at the top of each page. In total, there are 372 Persian titles in the work. Unfortunately, the first two pages of this voluminous copy are missing. The written versions of Erselannames found in Iran are in Persian and Turkish. In the Iranian Turk oral tradition, Erselannames is known as “Emir Erselan-ı Rûmi Dastan” among the epics narrated by the ashiq. The most comprehensive variant of Erselannames found in oral sources was recorded under the name “Emir Erselan-ı Rûm Epic” in 1978–1979 by Asiq Abdulali Nûrȋ in Tabriz-Karadag. The tapes consist of 20 hours of recording. In this study, the researchers transcribed the epic as narrated on the tapes.As of today, four copies of Erselannames have been found. Persian and Turkish manuscripts and printed copies are located in Turkey and Iran’s stone library. Also, The Istanbul Atatürk Library has a printing of the stone found in Turkey (K.03555 number). Iranian copies of Erselannames are available in libraries in Tehran and Kum. There are four copies of the Persian Erselannames in the National Library of Iran in Tehran:• First copy at the National Library of Iran (number 21177) • Second copy at the National Library of Iran (number 258939) • Third copy at the National Library of Iran (number 2937) • Manuscript at Kum Melik Library (1393/04/06421/005)Erselannames, which uses verse and prose to convey emotional tales, contains poems in Persian and Turkish prosody as well as couplet poems in Persian Arabic (E.İ. 380/7-8). In total, the work has more than 132 verse forms in Turkish and Persian. While the Persian poems are written in prosody meter, the Turkish poems are based on numbers of prosodic units and syllables. The Istanbul copy of Erselannames contains 27 illustrations of scenes in the epic. Different from the other copies of the Istanbul edition, this copy has each page written in a frame. At the beginning of each frame is a short Persian title about the page content. There are 372 short Persian titles in the Istanbul copy. They begin with the title dȋdǝn-i ḫˇace Numân zen-e Melikşâh râ der cezȋre given on the fourth page (E.İ. 406/b) and end with the title daḫil şoden-e Emir Erselan be-şahr-e Rûm. Another feature of the Istanbul copy of Erselannames is its patterns of Azerbaijani Turkish oral literature. That is, certain verbal expressions from the Azerbaijani oral tradition can be found in the written literature. Examples of these patterns are given below: (E.İ. 39/19) el-kesse; (E.İ. 162/13) bu ehvâlât burda kalsun ‘arz edǝyüm Mǝlik Erselan’dan; (E.İ. (E.İ. 150/13) amma neçǝ kǝlmǝ ‘arz edǝyim Emȋr Hûşǝng’dǝn. Erselannames has left important traces in Iranian culture as one of the epics Azerbaijani oral tradition. For instance, it has been featured in Iranian theater and cinema, including two films shot in 1933 and 1955, respectively. Erselannames was also found in the oral tradition until the last 20–30 years, namely, in the narratives of minstrels. However, it is no longer seen. The most comprehensive variant of the epic was recorded on cassettes in 1978–1979, narrated by Ashik Abdulali Nuri (1939–2003). In Iranian Turk narratives, Erselannames holds an important place, much like Shikari. Shikari and The Epic of Emir Erselan are rich epics that contains main motifs from Azerbaijani Turkish culture. As a significant work of oral and written culture, Erselannames should be researchered further.

Saints and Sufis of the First Period in Divan Poetry

Yusuf

In the regions ruled by celestial religions, stories of saints and miracles have been passed down from generation to generation. These narratives, which influenced most of the societies, have, of course, also made their own place in literary texts. The Arabic poetry of the period of ignorance maintained its style and originality in discourse; however, with the advent of Islam, the content of poems underwent a major change. The poem that benefits the Prophet was also supported by the Prophet. As such, religious concepts and individuals were often used in the literary texts of Islamic societies. Divan poets praised Allah and the Prophet while also praising the Evliya, who followed the path of the prophet and provided them with their poems. The education system in Eastern societies is generally based on the relationship between master and apprentice; therefore leaders are often venerated in poetry. It has been almost a tradition to mention these pioneers in scholarly works or poems. The idea that unscientific poetry will not be regarded as a reputation prevails in classical period poetry. Divan poets also used saint names in their poems to show their knowledge. In particular, it was perceived as a necessity for a respected and widely read text to mention the saints’ miracles. In particular, the lives and miracles of the first saints frequently appear in the divans. The poet who wanted to show his knowledge and was after bikr-i mazmun made use of many other references, such as the Qur'an, Hadith, Sufism, mythology, legend, miracle, astronomy, math, alchemy, medicine, etc... The poets integrated their knowledge of various sciences with the word arts such as reminiscence, analogy, taşbih, and ambiguity. The Divan poets also chanted the famous saints to make their praise effective. While a famous saint is the sultan of the spiritual realm, a lauded person is described as the sultan and commander of the material realm. The reputation of some books has almost surpassed that of their authors. These works are known and read in every geography. In this case, the names of such books were sometimes used as mazmun for comparison and sometimes as a pun to remind the author. For example, the names of works such as Mesnevi, Bostan, Gulistan, Baharistan, Kanun and Şifa have often been a mazmun in a way that reminds the authors of them. Ferîdüddîn Attâr's Mantıku’t-tayr can also be judged as such. The cult line to which the poet is affiliated is also a decisive factor in the chanting of the names of saints and Sufis. Furthermore, the poet sometimes uses the saint or Sufi, which he considers appropriate to his own creation, as an element of analogy. The main factor here is that the poet finds that the saint’s characteristic features, virtues and lifestyle close to himself. With all of these, the most basic aim was to try to show art and science. The Divan poets had the necessary reputation for their superiority and style in their knowledge, and they were given the necessary protection because of their different and beautiful form of their knowledge and style. Although there are thousands of poets registered in tezkires, the limited existence of poets spoken and known today demonstrates the depth of their knowledge and originality of their style. Poets have also referred to the miracles of the saints to ensure depth and authenticity. In doing so, they did not ignore the lover; in a way, they established an interest in meaning&nbsp;between the lover and a characteristic of the person mentioned. Sometimes the mentioned saints and Sufis have identified their own suffering with their lives. Thus, the saints and the miracles attributed to them, which are indispensable elements of Islamic Sufism, have taken a unique place in Divan poetry. In the study, 22 of the most prominent saints and Sufis in the period, from Veysel Karenî to Molla Câmî, were used as mazmun in Divan poetry. The names of these individuals are listed alphabetically.

Ayşe

Sixteenth century Istanbul contained numerous imarets that distributed food to a significant population. Alongside the imarets, food was allocated through institutions such as dervish lodges, masjids/mosques, mektebs, madrasas and tombs. Apart from these methods, food might also be allocated to the people of the neighborhood, the poor, etc. without mentioning any institution.Among these institutions, dervish lodges were the foundations that received the greatest amounts donated by benefactors. The dervish lodges were the most important institutions for the distribution of food to the needy after the imarets. Not only did the patrons of these dervish convents meet the food needs of the poor, but also “müridin and muhibbin” provided significant support for this charitable work.In terms of cooking and distributing food, the next most important institution after the dervish lodges was the masjids. Neverthless, the number of philanthropists who devoted food to masjids/mosques was less than half those who donated to dervish lodges. Most masjid/ mosque donations consisted of modest charitable givings. Generally, the residents of a neighborhood made donations to the masjids/ mosques in their vicinity to the extent of their limited resources.Thanks to these foundations, many people, especially students, orphans, dervishes and the poor, received sustenance. Among these institutions, some supplied food to their staff and the poor in general, while others supplied only their staff. Dervish convents and mektebs met the needs of both their own staff and other needy individuals. Masjids also played a role in sustaining the people living in their immediate surroundings. Conversely, madrasas, unlike other institutions, served food only to their staff, particularly their students.&nbsp;On holy days and nights (the nights of Berat, Regaip, Mevlid and Kadir, in the months of Ramadan, Shawwal and Rebi’ülevvel, in the month of Muharrem and on the day of Ashura, on the feast of Ramadan and sacrifice and on Fridays )food distribution was essential in the sixteenth century Istanbul. The foundations with the greatest food allocation, which required cooking and distribution on holy days, nights and months were the dervish lodges. Benefactors attached special importance to distributing food to the people on holy days and nights. Most strikingly, four of the most generous benefactors who provided for food to be served on on holy days and nights were women from the palace circle. Two of these women devoted food to the dervish lodges, while the other two devoted it to the mektebs. The importance of holy days and nights in the distribution of food was especially pronounced in the lodges. Notably, six benefactors also dedicated food for allocation after the recitation of the Quran.&nbsp;Among the philanthropists who donated for food, some made small donations according to their limited means, while others donated very large sums. In other words, food foundations were institutions to which people from varous strata of the Ottoman society contributed.&nbsp;Based on data in Tahrir Registers of Istanbul Waqfs dated 1546, this study discusses food waqfs, other than imarets. This source provides important data on the benefactors who established foundations, the sums they donated for food, the time period when the food was to be given, the institutions to which food donations were made, those who benefited from the distribution of provided by benefactors and lastly the materials used during the preparation of meals. Various tables have been prepared using the aforementioned data. And these reveal many details about the foundations other than imarets that distributed food in sixteenth century Istanbul. These tables are presented in the appendix of the article.

Charity, Waqfs and Food in the Sixteenth Century of İstanbul

Altan

It represents the period in which the East underwent a new wave of attacks in the history of the 14th century Crusades. The target of these attacks in the Eastern Mediterranean is the coasts of Anatolia, Syria, and Egypt. In the 14th century, the Islamic world exhibited strength in this attack on the Asian front’s Ottoman Empire and the various principalities, while the Egyptian–Syrian party or there were the Mamluks of Egypt, Turkey States. Although this attack was met by the Ottomans in Nigbolu, Aydinogullari and other beys on the Aegean shores stand against the attacks, and finally, the Mamluks successfully break this wave on the Egyptian– Syrian front. Tripoli (Tripoli) is one of the cities attacked on the Syrian front in this century. The city that will be referred to is Tripoli because it is mentioned in the sources in the working text as Tripoli, which is in Lebanon today. Because this region is one of the last captured by the Crusaders, a main goal of the Crusaders in terms of becoming a power on land is capturing this city. Tripoli is remembered for being attacked intensely during the Mamluk–Crusader struggle because of the capture of Cyprus by the Mamluks in the 13th century.Sultan al-Malik al-Mansûr Kalavûn set off for Tripoli in 1289, leaving his son Eşref Halil as crown prince and Emir Beydemir as regent and vizier in Cairo. At the same time, orders were sent to the forces in Bilad al-Damascus to prepare for this time. The Sultan, who visited Damascus first, headed toward Tripoli from there. Additionally, eight shavani-type ships were sent to Tripoli as aid against the siege from Cyprus, which became an important base of the Crusaders. During the siege, the Sultan also ordered the catapults to be erected and the sewers to start working on the walls. The city was captured after 34 days of siege. Additionally, 19 catapults were erected toward the city. Much loot and many captives were obtained when the city was captured. The Sultan ordered the city to be demolished in accordance with the custom. Tripoli was large and surrounded by fortified walls; the width of the city walls was such that three horsemen could move side by side. The inhabitants of this settled city were advanced weavers, and in the city, there were four thousand weaving tools. This situation&nbsp;made this city important for more than its military. During this expedition, in addition to Tripoli, Beirut, and Cebele were captured. After Tripoli was captured, five hundred soldiers, ten people from the Tablhane orders, and fifteen people from the Aşarat orders were sent here. Ictas were distributed in the city. Subsequently, the Muslims built a new city near the river. In 1289, Sultan Kalavûn conquered the city, and some of the townspeople fled to Cyprus by ship. Thus, the last structure that the Crusaders built in the world of Islam was also destroyed. After Antakya, the Mamluks destroyed the last great Crusader political entity and brought the Crusader presence on the Syrian continent to the point of extinction. During the post-conquest period, Sultan al-Mansûr Kalavûn had Tripoli’s walls demolished so that they would not be targeted and used by the new Crusades, and then left.The 14th century is when the Crusaders attacked the Anatolian, Egyptian, and Syrian coasts in the Eastern Mediterranean with the idea of a new Crusade. Tripoli became one of the main targets of these attacks. After the Crusaders poured into the sea from Syria, a Crusader group that attacked Tripoli in 1334 was defeated, many of them were killed, prisoners were taken, and their goods were seized. In 1365, the Crusaders attacked Tripoli again. They seized the ships belonging to the Muslims in the port of Tripoli, burned the ships, and captured three people. When the Crusaders’ attack on Alexandria failed, Tripoli became their main target. Because of its proximity to the island of Cyprus, location in the middle of the Damascus coast, and commercial importance, the city became strategically important for the Crusaders. Tripoli, an important trade center, continued to be open to European trade in the 15th century, had tight commercial relations with France and Genoa, and was the main stopover for merchant ships in the Eastern Mediterranean. Silk fabrics were a main export item. States managing Mediterranean trade had one representative there. The Crusaders wanted to inflict multifaceted damage on the Islamic power in the Eastern Mediterranean by attacking places of economic and political significance.The Crusaders did not stand still, and the king of Cyprus, from the Lusignan dynasty, corresponded with local information sources in Tripoli about the city’s possibilities and opportunities for seizure. Completing these preparations, the king finally went on an expedition to the city in 1367 with a fleet of various types of ships ranging from 130 to 200. Within these forces, R …&nbsp;

Tripoli City in the East Mediterranean in the Fight of Mamluk-Crusader

Engin

As far as is known today, Buddhism has influenced some of the senior executives of the I. Turkic (Gokturk) Khaganate, however, it showed among Turks its main influence during the Uyghurs period. As is known, especially in the ninth–eleventh centuries, many works have been written for the Buddhist cultural area. A great majority of these works are translated works. Manichaeism was accepted under the leadership of Bögü who was one of the Otuken Uyghur Khagan, and found a presence among the Turks, although not as much as Buddhism. Efforts have been made to translate Manichaean works into Turkic. By analysis of these translations, it is seen that a large number of words belong to the Manichaean and Buddhist cultural area, some of which are terms that also appear in Uyghur texts. The frequency of use of certain words is also quite high. The reflection of these concepts in the Islamic cultural environment can be accepted as disseminated into the Turkic language by spreading from the noble class to the common people. Even though the texts of Karakhanid Turkic belong to the Islamic cultural area, it is seen that the impact of the Arab–Persian cultural environment is not yet comprehensively felt in these texts, and that the ancient elements, in terms of vocabulary, persist to a great extent. Within years, the Arab–Persian cultural environment has affected the Turkic culture, and this has also been reflected in its vocabulary. In this study, the existence and meaning of words whose origins are mostly foreign ajun~acun, baçak, bor, burhan, çın, didim, erdini, nāg, nigoşak, nom, muyan, soyurka-, tamu, tıldag, toyın, üjük etc. that belong to the pre-Islamic culture, have been examined. They are found in Manichaean and Buddhist Uyghur texts, in such a way that they became Manichaeism and Buddhism terms or found existence in this cultural environment, in the texts of the Islamic period. Although information about the origin of the words in the matter at hand in the study is given, since the goal is not to reveal the origin of the words, these words have been evaluated in terms of their meaning characteristics and meaning changes between cultures without entering into discussions on etymology. The words used in Uyghur texts and mostly of foreign origin are also used in Karakhanid Turkic texts, despite the change in religion and the cultural environment that developed accordingly. This situation is a sign of a transitional stage. The traces of these words, which were found in the works named Kutadgu Bilig, Divanü Lügati't-Türk, Kur'an Translation and Atabetü'l-Hakayık belong to Karakhanid Turkic, and were followed in historical Turkish written languages. It has been observed that some of these words continued to exist for a while in historical Turkic written languages. As a result of the research, it has been observed that some words belonging to the Manichaean and Buddhist cultural environment are used in the same sense in the Islamic period too, especially to criticize these concepts, and some words that belong to belief systems in the pre-Islamic era have been seen to exist in an Islamic sense in the text of Karakhanid Turkic. One of the reasons for using old religious terms is that these words are settled in the language and it is unnecessary to make an additional effort to learn them, although it is not the preferred situation for adherents of the new religion. After a while, most of these words were replaced by the words native to the Arabic–Persian cultural environment but words that were not religious terms or had ceased to be religious terms and settled into the general language continued to exist. In the Karakhanid Turkic texts, some of the words may not be due to the influence of the Manichaean and Buddhist cultural area, but it is understood that Turkish communities have passed them from the language of other communities they interact with into Turkish

Some Words in Karakhanid Texts from Manichaean and Buddhist Cultural Area

Kürşat

Muammer

The basic indicator of learning a language is the speaking skill, and the materials that hone this skill are extremely important tools in this context. Such materials should be designed and applied according to language competencies. Due to the relationship between language and culture, a learning process should be initiated for intercultural communication between the target language and the source language in speaking skills, so that learning can be facilitated and rendered permanent. To this end, when reviewing Turkish textbooks in learning a foreign language, speaking activities that are suitable for the intercultural approach do not appear to be systematic, and discrepancies in rates can be observed.In the study, B1- and B2-level speaking activities in the Istanbul Turkish Teaching Set for Foreigners (ITTSF) and Yediİklim Turkish Teaching Set were presented using the intercultural communicative approach. It aims to validate how many practices related to intercultural communicative approach were used in speaking activities, and what cultural elements were included in these practices, as well as to interpret them. In such textbooks, speaking activities, the way of transferring the approach, the cultural elements, and the numerical data of these elements are presented for this purpose.The result of the analysis shows that the contents suitable for the intercultural communicative approach in the textbooks were generally formed by the unit title designed to support the content. The content suitable for such approach in some units covers all activities; however, any content suitable for the approach could not be found in other units. Traditions and Folklore was used 11 times in certain activities in specific textbooks, making it the most frequently used cultural element in activities related to intercultural communicative approach. Social Life and Geography and Location were used once in activities specified in textbooks, but they were the least used cultural elements in activities related to intercultural communicative approach. The fact that Social Life is one of the least used cultural elements can be considered a deficiency, especially when considering the language of functionality.The results of the numerical analysis of the textbooks imply that ITTSF textbooks were designed in a more orderly and systematic manner in terms of distribution of cultural rates in activities suitable for cross-cultural communication as well as ratio of the number of activities. In ITTSF textbooks, the section entitled From Culture to Culture positively affected the rates and distributions.According to the intercultural communicative approach model, predetermined cultural elements in a specific order in the materials that are used to develop speaking skills will facilitate learning.

Evaluating Speech Activities Used in Teaching Turkish as a  Foreign Language Using an Intercultural Communication Approach

Gizem

The concept of citizenship receives scholarly attention in the migration literature. It often comes to the agenda related with the immigrant integration. Despite of the increasing attention to the concept of citizenship in migration studies, it has received limited interest from diaspora studies. This article revisits the citizenship concept from the diaspora perspective more specifically in the context Turkish diaspora. Main aim is to point out the meaning of Turkish citizenship for Turkish diaspora from the legal perspective. More importantly the rights derived from EU-Turkey association law are discussed in order to underline the importance of Turkish citizenship for their legal position in the countries they reside in. In this regard, Turkish citizenship will be analyzed in the context of both national (Turkey) and EU context by employing not only the legal documents at the national and EU level but also the judgments of the European Court of Justice (ECJ). The article argues that Turkish citizenship is an important legal tool for Turkish diaspora to enjoy with the better rights and opportunities both in Turkey and European Union (EU) Member States (MSs).The first part mainly highlights the conceptual and theoretical background. Although there is not any agreed definition of Turkish diaspora, this article reflects a narrow perspective and refers to the Turkish citizens living abroad as Turkish diaspora. The citizenship tie and status of Turkish diaspora influence their relationship with their homeland (Turkey and Turkish society) and strengthen their political, economic and social embeddedness to the homeland. In this regard, Turkey allows not only dual citizenship but also multiple citizenships. In addition to this, it tries to continue its strengthened relation with the ones who renounce their citizenship in order to naturalize through Blue Card. The article refers to the rights and responsibilities of Turkish citizenship under three spheres: Right to vote and stand for elections, military service and economic aspect. When the citizenship policies are considered, it could be concluded that Turkey wants to strengthen its relationship with its diaspora and tries to attract the attention of Turks abroad to the Turkish citizenship by attributing more rights and opportunities and less responsibilities. In this respect, Turkey could be referred as a “transnational nation-state” and reflects a transnational citizenship policy.The second part discusses the rights of Turkish diaspora derived from Turkish citizenship in the EU MSs. Although there is a tendency to discuss homeland citizenship in relation with the country of origin and homeland society, in this study the importance of Turkish citizenship will be elaborated in the context of country residence. Turkish citizens, in some cases, could even receive better treatment than the citizens of the country of residence and/or EU citizens. This “reverse discrimination” which refers to the less favorable treatment of citizens of the country of residence mainly results from the interaction between national and EU law. The case law of the ECJ clarifies the rights of Turkish citizens in the EU. Therefore, the more favorable situation of Turkish citizens compared with the citizens of EU MSs and/or EU citizens is discussed as a result of the analyses of the judgments of the ECJ on EU-Turkey association law in three spheres: Lawful residence and expulsion, family reunification and social security.Due to the rights derived from EU-Turkey association law, Turkish citizenship also strengthens the legal position of Turkish diaspora in the EU MS. In this regard, Turkish citizenship promotes the active participation of Turkish diaspora to the social and economic life in the country of residence. It could be argued that the transnational citizenship of Turkish diaspora could foster their integration to the country and society of residence. Therefore, as opposed to the discussions from the perspective of countries of immigration which perceives transnationalism and integration as a zero-sum game, Turkish citizenship could be in a complementary position in the integration debate. The article also concludes that in addition to the sentimental meaning of Turkish citizenship to Turkish diaspora, there are pragmatic considerations which could also foster the meaning of Turkish citizenship even for post migration generations.

Citizenship Consciousness in Turkish Diaspora: Legal and Political Context

Esra

The powerful military and economic might of the Ottoman Empire brought together an irrepressible arrogance against the West. The Ottomans believed the West could never prevail against them. This pride prevented the sultan from understanding the looming threat on the horizon, which would grow slowly and eventually leave him incapacitated. The frivolous precautions taken once the danger was implicit were not enough to keep the country from dire straits. Intellectuals looked to the press and literature as the most effective way to raise public awareness. They realized that the type of literature or genre would be essential to gaining public interest and understanding. The novel, the most influential literary genre on this subject in the West, was also attractive to Turkish intellectuals. Novels became increasingly common after the first trials, which were previously naive and unsubstantial.In this study, political references and allusions in Namık Kemal’s novel, Intibah, were analyzed within the framework of Ottoman history. Kemal’s previous works contained historical and political themes. Many critics were amazed by the thematic change of Intibah, an ordinary love story, and Namık Kemal’s first attempt at novel writing. Although the novel’s inspiration lies in similar examples in western and Turkish folk stories, the fact that Namık Kemal chose a melodrama was quite a departure from the subject areas of all his other previous works. Another starting point was the assessment of the palace analogy, a significant determination of Tanpınar. The palace and the sultans were traditional centers of literature and all life, around which everything revolved and the focus of all representations. Everything, including literature focused on the sultan and directed all his similitudes to him. Namık Kemal likely wrote with this mentality when he wrote Intibah.The highly debatable spring depiction at the beginning of the novel represents the beginning of all these representations and is a metaphor for the prosperity and glory of the period of the foundation and ascension of the Ottomans. The novel’s protagonist represents the Ottoman State, namely the Ottoman State authority, based on the interesting similarity in the name of Sir Ali. The novel Intibah (renaissance) represents the revival of the State of Osman to Western civilization. The dilemma between the two civilizations, society and the state after the Ottomans met the West, was observed in all institutions and structures of the period. Ali experiences the same dilemma and conflict, caught between Mahpeyker, representing the West, and Dilasub, representing Eastern civilization. After the spring depiction at the novel’s beginning, Ali is introduced with emphasis on his strength and preciousness, representative of a prince. However, the disappearance of the real, powerful, and wise authority that ruled him and his family is absent, leaving Ali, in the position as the new authority, vulnerable to his new and alien life with his frailties and weaknesses. This predicament necessitated the sharing of authority. The mother, Mr. Mesut and Mr. Atıf, who appear as the intellectual representation in the novel, assume the duty of guiding authority.Throughout his entire life, Namık Kemal was known for prioritizing nationalist and moral values. According to him, the only power that will enable us to stand up to Western civilization and raise up the state, the wounded lion, is the ore that exists within us and glorified us once before. This ore is woven from moral, religious, and customary values and is dormant in our conscience, folk conscience, and literature. In the novel, the symbol of this ore is Dilaşub. She is wise, moral, obedient (obedient to state as a whole), abstemious, respectable, and honest. At the end of the novel, she is stabbed in the heart because Dilaşub represents both the emotional side of the East and the ore at the heart of civilization. Likewise, Mahpeyker, who represents the West, known for its rational side, is daggered from her brain. One of the most important aspects of the novel that brings to mind a politically-layered reading is the negative emphasis on the nationalities of the two characters. They are Abdullah, who is an Arab, and a Croatian man. In partnership with Mahpeyker who symbolizes the West, these men prepare the end of Ali who represents the Ottoman State. They cannot kill it, but they destroy the ore inside, making it unable to stand again by striking a blow.

“Sergüzeşt-i Ali Bey Yahut Sergüzeşt-i Âli-i Osman” Intibah as  Political Fiction

Gülşen

In Arabic, the origin of the hammam (bath, bathhouse) is known as حم) hamem, hmm). Roman baths featured three rooms with different micro-climatic ambiances: the warm room (tepidarium), the hot room (calidarium), and the cold room (frigidarium). Over time, the demands of society changed. Roman baths, the sequel to the Greek and Hellenic gymnasium, were an essential element in a city’s establishment. They served as the center of culture, work, profit, entertainment, social life, diplomacy, policy, sport, medicine, and physical-psychological purification. Baths provided rulers public support and social status to citizens. Spending time in baths, which were open even at night, was a sign of social prominence. Furthermore, baths were used for therapeutic purposes, to make physiotherapy with water, provide mass body cleaning, enemas, cupping or scarification treatments, healing broken bones, cataracts, and for cosmetic use, such as hair or beard shaving. Bath attendants (hamamci, tellak) worked as doctors in epidemy/pandemic times. Christianity had a negative influence on the perception of Roman baths, negating their occupations and promoting their impact in spreading epidemic disease, etc. Ultimately, baths were discredited, lost their function, and collapsed in time. Nevertheless, some edifices remained due to their resemblance to chapels and were repurposed as consul meeting halls, assembly areas, textile and ceramic factories, or prisons.On the other hand, Anatolian baths were a cross-section of bathing traditions from Hittitian, Ionian, Roman, Byzantines, Seljuks, and Arabs, who lived in the Arab peninsula before Islam. A stereotyped bath standard does not exist. Every structure is adapted according to the demands of society. For example, dressing-rooms (entry/cold room) and warm rooms in Anatolian baths are bigger than those in Roman baths. As far as function, these baths were used as centers of culture, work, profit, entertainment, social life, diplomacy, policy, medicine, and for physicalpsychological purification, same as the Roman baths. However, not used for sport. Otherwise, they were used for religious purposes and Islam regarded them positively. Anatolian baths were accepted as one of three essential architectural elements for a city’s establishment, in the Roman bath tradition. Discussing anarchy while living in the state was discouraged in Anatolian baths. It was said that baths were hazardous places for the community. Furthermore, bathing in homes became discredited over time.Ottoman/Turkish bath culture always gets attention from western travelers. Mentions frequently appear in travel guides reflecting the rich traditions of Turkish social life. This article examined the travel writings of Montagu, Moltke, Martin, Kinglake, Fontmagne, Pushkin,Nerval, Hornby, and Amicis. This research reveals the differences and similarities between western and eastern impressions, how western travelers perceive and approach Turkish baths, what their opinions are before and after the bath experience, and what initially draws them to the baths, according to the travelers themselves, etc. Certain deductions are made. For example, baths generally look like mosques and consist of three rooms: frigidarium, tepidarium, and calidarium. There are fountains, flowers, couches (sedir) in a high-ceiling frigidarium. When travelers enter the room, they usually stop in their tracks. Some frigidaria have dressing-rooms known as camekân/camegâh. Tepidariums are used to acclimatize to the heat. When the body becomes soft, warmed by the radiant heat, bathers enter the caldarium for even higher heat. In here, small windows known as elephant eyes are arranged on the ceiling. A raised central platform, known as gobek tashi, is the basin of a bath, known as kurna bashi, with a private room, known as halwet, providing an occasional cold-water pool experience. This is where the massage takes place. The massage consists of rubbing (peeling off layers of dead skin) and massaging by hand, with a coarse bathing-glove with foaming water, covering the body with oil, perfuming, again rubbing with a coarse bathe-glove but without water, and washing with cool water at the end. A wet waistcloth, known as peshtamal, is changed and turned back to the tepidarium, then to the frigidarium. It is time for eating, drinking, and relaxing.Baths relieve fatigue and give vigor. Due to these health benefits, baths have been a tradition before and after travel to rid exhaustion. It is said that anyone who has not experienced a Turkish bath has never had a real bath in their life. Baths are also used to cool and warm the body.At the entrance to the bathhouse, a paid attendant receives customers. Baths, excluding double baths, occur according to schedule. Women and men attend the bathhouses on different days and hours. To prevent any mixup, timetables are displayed or a hanging red or blue towel is visible on the bath’s wall to signal service by gender.Bath attire for men consists of a striped peshtamal (waistcloth), headcover, and a wooden patten. For men, baths are a sanctuary of calm and an oasis to spend time.Traditionally, female slaves and brides participated in bathing. Before weddings, arranged entertainment is customary. A bride’s status is distinguished by honor, guests are bedecked and gorgeous. Bridesmaids sing and read poems while guests eat and drink. The hands and toes of the bride are hennaed and she receives gifts from her guests. Brides kiss the hands of her guests, in a display of respect and gratitude.The bathhouse is likened to coffee houses, where all types of events are held. Women dress their best when visiting bathhouses. For women, a stay of four or five hours at the bathhouse is not unusual. According to tradition, when a Turkish man wants to divorce his wife, he shows his intention by refusing his wife the money to attend the bathhouse twice a week.

Turkish Baths Through the Eyes of Western Travelers

Mehtap

Sakha (Yakut) Turkish differentiated with other Turkish dialects in the early period. It emerges as a Turkish dialect that needs attention with its preservation of the old language elements. The letter /ń/, which distinguishes the old Turkish script from other writing systems, appears as a difference. This sound is in the alphabet of Sakha (Yakut) Turkish today. This sound, which is not found at the beginning of the word in old Turkish and in today’s Sakha (Yakut) Turkish, is used in the middle and end of Turkish-origin words. Considering the Old Turkish period, it is seen that the sound is differentiated as /n/ and /y/ since the Old Uyghur period. Different studies have been done on the words containing the /ń/ sound in the old Turkish studies. In this study, the words that are stated to have this sound in Old Turkish studies were evaluated in terms of Sakha (Yakut) Turkish. Old Turkish /ń/ vowel words were investigated and evaluated from Sakha (Yakut) Turkish dictionaries and grammars. This section is the first part of the study. Looking at the words examined in this section, it is seen that the Old Turkish /ń/ sound is generally met with the /y/ sound in Sakha (Yakut) Turkish.In the continuation of the study, the place of /ń/ sound separately in Sakha (Yakut) Turkish is emphasized. Remarkable results have been reached in this section. In Sakha Turkish, it is seen that the words containing the /ń/ sound at the beginning of the word are mostly onomatopoeic words and verbs and nouns derived from these, place and personal names, and words that have been transferred to Sakha Turkish from other languages. Considering the /ń/ sound in Sakha Turkish, it is seen that it can be used interchangeably with the /n/ sound, the /ý/ sound and /c/ sound.When evaluated in terms of old Turkish /ń/ words, it can be said that Dolgan Turkish preserves this sound more than Sakha Turkish does. In Dolgan, the words “ańıg”, “meńi”, “küńeş” are preserved with the sound /ń/ in Sakha Turkish. That Dolgan preserves the /ń/ sound can be thought of as related to the absence of the Dolgan Turkısh /ý/ sound. Unlike the /y/ sound in the alphabet, the /ý/ sound in speech is the nasal /y/ sound used in Sakha Turkish. This sound which is used in speech and described as “nasal sound” or “y nasal” in dictionaries is not included in the alphabet, it is used in utterance, and it is phonemic. In the words borrowed from Russian, letter-ordered words that produce this sound in pronunciation, there are words from which the letter /ń/ originates, while adapting to the sound characteristics of Sakha (Yakut) Turkish. Some sound events originating from Mongolian can also cause the emergence of the /ń/ sound in the words of Sakha Turkish.In general, we see that the Old Turkish /ń/ sound corresponds to the /y/ sound in Sakha Turkish most of the time. When the dictionaries are scanned and the studies are examined, the Old Turkish /ń/ sound is preserved in a limited number of words, and sometimes it can be met with the /ý/ sound in Sakha Turkish in a limited number of words. Apart from that, there is /ń/ sound as a separate sound in the alphabet which is in general use. There are various situations that produce this sound. In general, it is seen that this sound is used in borrowings from other languages, especially in words borrowed from Russian, and can be used interchangeably with the nose /ý/ sound, and appears next to the sounds /m/, /ŋ/ and /n/.

Usage of Ń (Ny) Voice in Sakha (Yakut) Turkish

Ferit

Şevket Süreyya Aydemir, one of the important intellectual men of the Republic period, published biographies entitled “One Man” in three volumes between 1963 and 1965, “the second man” in three volumes between 1966 and 1968, “the drama of Menderes” in 1969 and “Enver Pasha from Macedonia to Central Asia” in three volumes between 1970-1972. In fact, Aydemir conducted a kind of research on the history of Modern Turkey in the light of these biographies. Remzi Press, where biographies have already been published, has also revealed the nature of these works by using the phrase “the last century of our recent history has been completed” on the back of the last volume.Turkey’s 1960s were very interesting in terms of the history of political thought as well as political history. Because at this time when doctrinal political parties were founded, doctrinal political movements also acted with the motto “this order must change”, while both right and left movements put forward ideas in which socio-economic analysis was intensive. At this point, Aydemir, who wrote series of biographies during the period in question, seems to have brought quite important criticisms, sometimes explicit and sometimes tacit, about the process of the Turkish Revolution.Aydemir, does not consider the historical event in which happened in 23 July 1908 called as the “ikinci meşrutiyet” as a revolution, because according to him, in that event whether the Sultanate regime, the internal structure of the state, or any of the religious institutions were changed. At this point, Aydemir, a man of “doctrine and cadre”, criticizes that there is no world, no ideas, no composition of systems in the Young Turks movement, in short, there is no basis for a doctrine. He states that the groups fighting for legitimacy do not enter into a theoretical discussion such as “natural rights”, “divine rights”, which have a place in the history of political thoughts, work only for a parliamentary institution, that is, a status without intellectual depth, so the Young Turks movement can be considered as “not a struggle for ideas and doctrine”, but an “adaptation” effort.In Aydemir’s article, there are sometimes tacit, sometimes explicit, but intense criticism of the process of “revolution” of the Ataturk era. According to Aydemir, Atatürk and his friends created a new state after winning a “great victory” in the national struggle, now “economic and social Dumlupinars” were needed, because Turkey had to become an equal country politically and economically in a backward, Asian country, civilized world, and be cleansed of the remnants of medieval class and feudalism. But what had to be done to win “economic&nbsp;and social Dumlupinars” in the process of Turkey’s revolution was not fulfilled “as much as necessary”. For a “backward and underdeveloped” country such as Turkey to develop rapidly and form its national economy, the ways to be chosen, the procedures to be followed were not specific. At the Izmit interview, Atatürk said that he would not turn his back on foreign capital, and the Izmir economic Congress, which convened later, represented complete liberalism. This was a “late born and late” liberalism for Turkey because the world was no longer a nineteenthcentury world, the free market in the world was fragmented, Europe had lost its ability to be the economic center of the world. The new leaders of Turkey still looked at the liberal and individual Western Europe of the nineteenth century. In this vein, Aydemir’s most objected point was the 1924 Constitution.According to Aydemir, the most important mission of the Inönü period was “to replenish Atatürk”. Of course, doctrinism could not be expected from Inönü, who was not a doctrinaire, but the territorial revolution could be carried out, class domination, oligarch colonialism, and Ashraf-ayan derivation could be put to an end. By expanding statehood, great facilities could be created, and capitalism and class fights in the classical sense could not be challenged. Secularism could be deepened; a revolutionary education could be applied instead of “copy education from the West”. During the reign of Atatürk, the peasant was “untouched”, while socioeconomic problems in the East continued. Because of this, a populist, secular, revolutionary, interventionist” national republic “should be established with the order of the” national chief”, and the dynamism of the revolution should be ensured. Inönü failed to meet these expectations.“To continue and replenish Atatürk”; according to Aydemir, this was not possible after Atatürk’s death. Now it was the Democratic Party’s turn to make it happen. The DP had previously given bad signals on May 29, 1950. Menderes discussed the revolutions that took place during the Republic period by classifying them as “revolutions that cost the people or did not cost the people”. In this speech, Menderes also portrayed the May 14 elections as an important revolution that could not be measured by what had been held up to that time. Aydemir, while evaluating the revolutions before him as mild, thought that Menderes signaled a change in the “social structure” and realized it “willingly or unwillingly”. In this speech, Menderes “did not commemorate Atatürk”, broke all the ties left behind by not mentioning the stages such as the abolition of the reign and the introduction of popular rule as the stages of the transition to a multiparty order. DP and Menderes used religion in politics in every sense, contrary to the revolution, and had a “cheap earning experience” by translating the “azans read in the nation’s own language” into Arabic in the early days of its power. Although Turkey was the first example of National Liberation Movements, at the Bandung Conference, the DP government despite the common stance of the Asian and African nations against imperialism, was “the lawyer of the West” not of Atatürk. Since the DP government considered the struggle for independence of Tunisia, Algeria, Morocco as “an internal matter of France”, it was hurting the soul of Atatürk.On May 27, 1960, a coup took place and the army seized power. But the revolutionaries, who continued the tradition of Ataturk, did not turn the 27 May movement into “economic, social, political” structural changes, they already had no such “horizons”. Thus, Atatürk could not be replenished again. When the Revolution triumphed, the fragmentation of the Revolutionary staff was an immutable law of the revolutions. From the French Revolution of 1789 to the Bolshevik Revolution and even the National Liberation Movement of Turkey, this law was valid in all revolutions. By “bowing his head” to this law on May 27, he was soon torn apart and lost his power of enterprise.

Criticisms of the Turkish Revolution in the Historiography of Şevket Süreyya Aydemir

Ahmet

Res. Assist.

The political history and the state-centered approach in Turkish historiography have led to questioning problems related to the country’s history, in addition to presenting some conjuncture and solution in writing. It can be said that the way to solve these issues is a Turkish historical model involving a “mentality-based approach.” Based on this claim, the study aims to discuss the historiography in the history of the Turkish nation. Finally, it proposes to adopt a mentality-based solution model.While dividing Turkish history into periods based on mentality and based on the understanding of periodization according to dynasties, attempts have been made to create an alternative to Turkish history, which is seen as a monolith in the context of political history. In our study, Turkish history is handled in three main periods based on mentality. The first of these is designed as the “Early Turks,” the second as the “Muslim Turks,” and the third as the “Modern Turks” (or the modernization process of the Turks). However, studies on the current state of understanding of history in Turkey analyze its historical past before advancing their own theses, and the historical thoughts of the Ottoman period and the early Republican period are among the main topics discussed. Particular attention has been paid to the Turkish history thesis that emerged with the early Republic as it both nurtures an uninterrupted Turkish political history narrative and carries the discussions to the axis of civilization—of course, without failing to emphasize the speculative historical theses that emerged due to ideological reasons and that these theses have turned into meaningless claims for the academic world today.Continuing with an analysis of the current state of Turkish historiography and understanding of history, it is underlined that the political conjunctural structure of the post-1945 period is as decisive as the legacy from previous periods. Here it is emphasized that, while the understanding of uninterrupted continuity continues to find a place for itself by getting stronger, it sometimes brings along “inconsistency,” unnecessary, “excessive interpretation,” and some new “fictions” in the fields of “antiquity” as well as the civilization/sociocultural understanding that it has proposed. Just as social life in this period (production, belief, social structure, education, etc.) was presented with a realistic conceptualization with the definition of “steppe life” based on the religion of the sky and animal husbandry, the religion of the Göktanri before Islam was made a sham for almost all Turkish peoples and Islam. Excessive interpretations and fictions that emerged from being treated as if they were in an organic bond are exemplified. Another important issue that shapes the current situation of the understanding of history is the Islamization adventure of the Turks, e.g., the Battle of Talas, which is especially highlighted in the official narrative. The phenomenon of mass Islamization, presented as one of the results of the war, is explained by the readiness of the Turks to Islam thanks to their pre-Islamic beliefs. With this narrative becoming canonized over time, the analysis of the existing structure has come to an end.The model proposed in the study consists of three main mentality-based models and two transition periods. The first period is the one in which pre-Islam Turks—or the communities known as “Ancient Turks”—are discussed. The actors of this period are communities centered in Central Asia, living in the wider Eurasia, geographically dispersed, with the names of various tribes, generally unable to establish good relations with each other, and hierarchically structured under the leadership of one. How the Turks (Ancient Turks) before Islam, which is the first period of Turkish history, lived, what they believed, what they considered important, what kind of culture and mentality they had, and the framework of the “oral tradition” that carries the events of thousands of years are bequeathed through the Göktürks’ Orkhon Inscriptions and described with Turkish epics and The Book of Dede Korkut. Inscriptions constitute the only material that can be used to describe the written historiography of the period. The first break in Turkish history is the Islamization of the Turks; this can be thought of as a transformation that culminated in the majority in Turkish society adopting Islam. Undoubtedly, Islam brought important changes to the culture of the Turks during this period, not only in social life but also in lifestyle—especially in art and thought. The change in historiography and historical thought was one of them. The Turks gained experience in writing history by seeing themselves in surrounding cultures and acquired a historiographical method suitable for the character of the Islamic period from Arab and Iranian historians.The second main period, the Islamic period, begins with the hierarchical acceptance of the new religion among Turks for various reasons (political and economic). It is known that different forms of Islam emerged due to their new religious interpretation. It can be said that during the period, although most of the Turkish society initially lived in rural areas, an organization and culture that would establish cities was achieved in time. The most basic feature of Islamic period historiography is that God is always at the center of the narrative; here, thoughts about why God will be pleased with the research, writing, and transferring of history to the future are explained, supported by verses. In the development of historical events, the will of God can take its place in the text as the most valid reason. Depending on the idea that God owns time, the Islamic period is constructed in a linear form. The second breaking point confronting Turkish historiography is the process of Westernization—and therefore, the process in which secularization began to affect the Ottoman Turks. The period in question is the period that started from the Nizam-ı Cedid movement or the Tanzimat Edict, covering both Constitutional periods and entering a new phase with the proclamation of the Republic in political history narratives.The third period in Turkish historiography is the modern period dominated by secular typing. Modern period historiography can be expressed with four characteristic features: (1) the search and emphasis on objectivity in historiography, (2) the tightening of the historian-power relationship, (3) the strengthening of the narrative feature of history, and (4) the strengthening of the theoretical, functional, and utilitarian side of history. The text continues with a discussion section, evaluating the whole of the proposed model and presenting conclusions.

Some Problem Determinations Regarding the Writing of Turkish  History and the “Mentality-Based History” Model Proposal

Soner

Ahmet Hamdi Tanpinar started teaching art history, aesthetics, and mythology at the Fine Arts Academy (Güzel Sanatlar Akademisi) in 1933. On the 100th anniversary of the declaration of the Gülhane Hatt-ı Hümâyunu (Imperial Edict of Gülhane) in 1939, the idea of establishing a new chair within the Faculty of Literature of Istanbul University to examine the changes in the period that Turkish literature had undergone with the Tanzimat was on the agenda. Hasan Âli Yücel, the minister of national education, appointed Tanpinar as a professor to the chair of Modern Turkish Literature in Istanbul University on November 15, 1939. Tanpinar, who had just taken up the position, was asked to prepare a scientific research book. It took him about 10 years to write the book.First, Tanpinar planned to publish the History of Turkish Literature in Nineteenth Century one chapter at a time, as he wrote them. However, over time, he gave up the idea and waited to finish the entire book for publication. Therefore, when the initial chapters of the book were printed, the year 1942 was written on the inner cover of the 1949 edition. Publication of the book completed in 1949. In 1956, the second edition of the History of Turkish Literature in Nineteenth Century was published. In his review on this edition, Asaf Halet Çelebi drew attention to the fact that the 1956 edition was quite different from the 1949 edition and concluded that the 1956 edition was almost new work compared with the first one. However, Çelebi did not attempt to compare the editions completely.In this study, we aimed to compare the 1949 and 1956 editions of the History of Turkish Literature in Nineteenth Century and determine the differences. The 1949, 1956, 1967, 2010, and 2016 editions of the book were scanned and compared. Quotations in the 1956 edition were taken from the most recent edition published by Dergâh Publications in 2006 owing to its easier access compared with other publications. However, as our main aim was to reveal the edits, additions, and deletions made by Tanpinar, the subsequent corrections in the Dergâh edition, such as those in date, writers’ names, book titles, and the added bibliography part were not included in the comparison. In the study, the 1949 and 1956 editions were compared in terms of in-text organization, writing style, and content. We analyzed the differences between the two editions under three separate titles. For showing the changes in organization, we prepared tables as they provided a holistic view. We closely examined the expanded content of the 1956 edition that is more voluminous than the first edition. When both editions were analyzed in terms of writing style, we concluded that in this scientific research book, Tanpinar preserved his artistic writing style that he used in his novels and poems. In our conclusion,&nbsp;we made some predictions regarding the effects and thoughts under which the author made corrections in his work, by considering the differences, although the reasons for the changes made in the second edition could not be determined precisely.

As an Example of Rewriting History of Turkish Literature in  Nineteenth Century: Organization, Content, Style Differences  from 1949 Edition to 1956 Edition

Hasan

This study discusses the Selahaddin Eyyubi Kulliye-i Islamiyesi, which was opened as a provincial branch of the Daru’l-hilafeti’l-aliyye Madrasa within the scope of the reforms initiated in Istanbul madrasas during the Second Constitutional Era. The purpose of the establishment, administrative structure, educational philosophy, and all other characteristic features of the Kulliye, which was opened considering local needs and the integrity of center and provinces, will be evaluated as a whole.The Selahaddin Eyyubi Kulliye-i Islamiyesi was inaugurated in Jerusalem in 1915, appearing to be a unique international madrasa model with its organizational structure and curriculum. The prominent feature of the Kulliye is that its admissions span the widest geographical area reached by the Ottoman Empire and the hinterland, where Muslims outside this area live. Despite the extraordinary conditions of the period, this international Kulliye, which was opened to address Islamic geography, to meet the religious needs of the countries with an Arab majority, and to unite the Muslims of the world, can act as a role model for multinational, religious higher education institutions. This study aims to address said Kulliye, which is one of the important landmarks of Ottoman education history, based on primary sources—especially the documents obtained from the Istanbul Mufti’s Meshihat Archive—and thus contribute to today’s religious teaching approaches.Apart from Hüseyin Atay’s work titled Osmanlılarda Yüksek Din Eğitimi, where the Kulliye is mentioned—albeit briefly—other works also deal with the subject separately.The first of these is Martin Strohmeier’s work, titled Al-Kulliya as-Salahiya in Jerusalem: Arabismus, Osmanismus, und Panİslamismus im ersten Weltkrieg, which was published in German in 1991. The last part of the work, which comprises evaluations about the establishment, curriculum, regulations, staff, and students of the Kulliye, also includes some documents and photos of it. There is also an article titled Al-Kulliya al-Salahiyya, A Late Ottoman University&nbsp;in Jerusalem by the same author, published in 2000, and Ruveyde Fazl Ahmed’s master’s thesis with the title el-Medresetü’s-Salâhiyye fi’l-Kuds, which was completed in the year 2015.Among Turkish works, Kenan Ziya Taş’s Osmanlının Son Cihan Projesi Kudüs Selahaddin Eyyûbi Külliye-i İslâmiyesi is worth mentioning. It is understood that the aforementioned work is the book version of the author’s previous article, An Ottoman School in Jerusalem: Salahaddin Eyyubi Kulliye-i Islamiyesi. It is evident that the subject of the Kulliye has been discussed superficially, with only a few documents, and that the archive belonging to the Meshihat authority with which the Kulliye is affiliated was not used in this book. When the original text of the Kulliye Regulations and its Latinized translation with some errors added to the end of the book are removed, one can see that there is no text giving comprehensive information about the Kulliye.Zeki Salih Zengin’s article, II. Meşrutiyet Döneminde Kudüs Ve Medine’de İki Eğitim Kurumu: Medrese-i Külliye ve Selahaddin Eyyubî Külliye-i İslamiyesi, and Harun Yılmaz’s article, Osmanlı Son Döneminde Medreselerin Islahı ve Panislamizm Tartışmaları Bağlamında Bir Medrese: Kudüs Selâhaddîn-i Eyyûbî Külliye-i İslâmiyyesi ve Külliye Talimatnamesi, stand out as two important works that reveal the founding philosophy of the Kulliye.First, it is important to note that the Daru’l-hilafeti’l-aliyye Madrasa, which is structured as a new madrasa model following the regulations proposed during the Second Constitutional Era, was planned with two different organizational structures: central and provincial. While the Daru’l-hilafeti’l-aliyye Madrasa, which was opened in Istanbul, constitutes the central organization, the madrasas opened outside of Istanbul as its branches constitute the provincial organization. Within the scope of the provincial organization, madrasas that were opened in the Anatolian geography, including in Kirkuk, were structured under the name of Five-Year Provincial Madrasa, and within the same scope, a unique international madrasa model was set forth in Jerusalem under the name of Kulliye.In addition to the difference of central–provincial structuring in Ottoman madrasas, the fact that the provincial organization differed in terms of curriculum, syllabus, and student resources is a concrete indication that local needs were taken into account and that local opportunities were exploited.On the other hand, the fact that the student admissions of the Selahaddin Eyyubi Kulliye-i Islamiyesi encompassed a wide geographical area—from South Africa to Morocco, from the Caucasus to Kazan, from Poland to China, and from Tashkent to Afghanistan, India, and the Philippines—draws attention as a 100-year-old example of the international and multicultural education approach that is at the top of the contemporary education agenda.The Kulliye, in this respect, became an area where the most concrete and practical application of the Islamic Union’s politics was projected. It was a strategic educational institution born out of the need to ensure that Muslims of different ethnic origins and sects united and acted together on the basis of Islam and to protect the state against the divisive and destructive influence of regional and ethnic nationalism, which was fueled by Western states—especially the British. The fact that a center like Jerusalem, which has a multicultural, multi-denominational, and multi-religious historical background, was chosen as location attributes the Kulliye the role of uniting and unifying the Islamic world, in addition to its internationality. In conclusion, the international Selahaddin Eyyubi Kulliye-i Islamiyesi remains, despite the extraordinary conditions of the Second Constitutional Era, an important educational institution with unique qualities that can serve as a role model for the multicultural, international, religious higher education institutions that became widespread in the first quarter of the twenty-first century. Despite its brief activity of only two years, it is evident that the Kulliye has left behind valuable experiences that can provide important contributions to today’s religious education approaches.&nbsp;

An International Model for Higher Religious Education: Kulliya  Al-Salahiyya Al-Islamiyya of Jerusalem

Havva

This study analyzes Safiye Erol’s novels Kadıköyü’nün Romanı, Ülker Fırtınası, Ciğerdelen, and Dineyri Papazı in the context of modernization, social change, and urbanization by examining the history of Kadıköy.The period between 1930 and 1950, in which Erol takes the subject in her novels, is interesting in terms of the history of Kadıköy. The district that spatially reflects the repercussions of the sociocultural and socioeconomic change processes of the Early Republican period in a meaningful reflexivity has experienced rapid urbanization since the beginning of the century and becomes one of the “new Turkey’s” most popular resort places in the 1930s.In the 1950s, this experience matured, and the change gained a new dimension when the kiosks and mansions, which began to concentrate to change the social fabric of the district since the 1850s, collapsed and made way for modern apartments. Notably, it is not possible to express periodization in certain dates when discussing spatial change. However, in the history of Kadiköy, symbolic cases or certain concentrations allow us to make some classifications without ignoring the transitions between centuries and decades. In this framework, when we examine the history of Kadıköy, we can discuss a general picture: Kadıköy is one of the modest village considered far from the center of the city until the second half of the 19th century. It mainly hosts Greek and Turkish fishing families. However, with the commencement of ferry services in 1850 and the construction of Haydarpaşa–İzmit railway line in 1873, the region started to mobilize and turned from a small village into a popular summer resort.&nbsp;The district has attracted the Ottoman court elites and bureaucrats, Levantines, foreign traders, and diplomats, and included weaker socioeconomic statuses such as the Jewish people fleeing the Kuzguncuk fire and migrants from the Crimean War. In addition, it has become a dynamic place that accommodates many seasonal or daily guests with its population. Safiye Erol writes her novels with this background in mind and treats Kadıköy as the ground of her discussions in the context of Ottoman–Turkish modernization. The author observed the unique experience of Kadıköy and noticed the sociological richness of the district with special attention that distinguishes her from her contemporaries. Kadıköy has a place in each of the four novels and has a crucial place in the lives of heroes in all except for Ciğerdelen. Kadıköy is one of the characters of the story in Kadıköyü'nün Romanı, and the place where the bitter-sweet memories of heroes take place in Ülker Fırtınası and Dineyri Papazı. With its promenade places, beaches, coves, tennis courts, kiosks, gardens, and as a place where the experience of the Early Republican Period comes to life, it gains various meanings in the texts. In addition to analyzing the parts where Kadıköy is used in these four novels, this study examines the representation of Kadıköy in the general fiction and attempts to determine the general description of Kadıköy in Safiye Erol’s novels.

Safiye Erol’s Kadıköy: Hybrid Combination

İlhami

Öğretim Görevlisi Dr.

Gölgelenen Sultan, Unutulan Yıllar I. Mahmûd ve Dönemi  (1730-1754)

Berksan

Carmen Uriarte, Las Relaciones Hispano-Turcas durante la  Guerra Civil Española 1936-1939, Madrid: Ministerio de  Asuntos Exteriores Centro de Documentación y  Publicaciones, 1995, 207 Sayfa, ISBN-10: 8487661491.

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The city of Rayy, which occupied a significant position in ancient times, maintained this position throughout the history of the following centuries. Located on a junction of the Silk Road, it played a key role in trade. The large fire temple nearby indicates that the city was both a religious center and a very old settlement. A radical transition and transformation took place in the city after its capture by Muslims during the early Islamic conquests. As Muslim geography developed in the ninth century, numerous works were written containing important information on Muslim countries and cities. Muslim geographers of this period provided important information on the social, economic, architectural, and religious structure of Rayy. The city has had various names has historically been referred to in various ways in books. Many historians and geographers referred to Rayy as being in the Jibâl or Daylam Region. Geographers indicate that the city drew water from several sources. The most important water source was the Sûrin River. The city was first established on its banks. Another is the Cîlânî or Gîlânî River. The city is composed of various parts. The southern part was built before Islam and it was called Rey-i Berîn, which means Upper Rayy. This area of has three parts: Shahrestan, Castle, and Rabaz. Shahrestan is the oldest part of these area and it is also called the inner city. Buildings in this part were constructed by the Caliph Muhammad Mehdî and it named Muhammadiyya in his honor after his death. The Castle was built on top of a rocky hill mostly composed of limestone, and it was called the Outer City. The Castle includes two opposite lower sections, the northern and southern terraces. All of the areas outside of the Shahrestan and Castle are included in Rabaz. Most shopping was done in this part of the city, and the market was also located here. Because Rayy was located on a junction on the Silk Road, it possessed an economically significant position, being frequently visited by trade caravans. Muslim geographers provided notable information on trade in this area. Reports tell that merchants coming from all around the world made their exchanged goods here. The city grew and became richer, both economically and culturally. Markets continued their importance in Rayy’s development, and there were large trading houses and inns became established to serve its markets. Geographers also provided interesting information on Rayy’s mines. In the Middle Ages, Rayy produced some goods for export. They were taken to various countries by passing merchants along trade routes. Cotton clothes were important for Rayy. The geographers noted that Ray was rich in agricultural products too, and Rayy is a prime location for agriculture due to its access to water and favorable climate. At the same time, livestock breeding is also important for the city. Because the city underwent economic development, the taxes grew. The dirham and dinar were used currency. The men was used as a measure of weight. After the introduction of Islam, Arabs began to settle in the city, and this led to a change in the ethnic and religious structure of the city. Particularly during the second half of the eighth century, the people of Rayy were a mix of Arabs and Persians. After the settlement of Turks and tribes from Daylam in the city, the ethnic structure of the city diversified further. Because the city&nbsp;had an economically developed and vast area, it had a large population, but it is difficult to give clear information on the size of the population. The religious and sectarian structure of the city was also quite diverse. In pre-Islamic times, Rayy was a center of Zoroastrianism was under their administration. After the arrival of Islam, the number of Muslims increased, and the number of Zoroastrians decreased. The sectarian divisions that occurred in later periods of Islam spread to Rayy as well. Shia Islam gradually strengthened there and reached its peak under the Buyid Dynasty. Although the city hosted other sects, most Muslims were Sunni and Shi’ites. However, conflicts among the sects in both faith and Fiqh caused problems in Rayy. After the Arab Conquest, Islamic architecture began to develop. After the Muslims conquered Rayy, they built a mosque there, which was called Câmî-i Mehdi (Mehdi Mosque) or Cami-i Atîk (Atik Mosque). The most important castle of the city is the Taberek Castle. The name of this castle is often found mentioned in discussions of the history of Rayy. Other important buildings include Hısn-ı Zenbedî and Ferhân Castle.

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Translation, though concerning quite many scientific disciplines such as medicine, pharmacy, mathematics, physics, philosophy, history, linguistics etc., and many other areas concerning practical lives like politics, trade, literature; for the most part, deals with interlinguistic connections.&nbsp;The interactions between Arabic and Turkish started to flourish after the Turks’ adoption of Islam. The translations from Arabic to Turkish stemmed mainly from the need to learn about the religion of Islam. Oghuz Turkish, in its formation process as a written language, was also fulfilling such a demand. Hence, the texts with religious content seriously predominated the ones that were produced in the early periods.&nbsp;The expansion of Oghuz Turks into larger lands under the Seljuk dominion, and their adoption of a new religion as large masses, took place in periods that are quite close to each other. Whereas the need for written correspondence in the state hierarchy was being fulfilled via Persian, it is obvious that Arabic or Persian would fall short of such a proper function in the case of spreading religious knowledge. For this reason, a small number of literate Turks went into the effort of producing texts in Turkish, which was the common spoken language among Oghuzs and other clans. One may argue that the endeavour to write in Turkish gradually spread towards the west, beginning in the Horasan region. The adoption of Islam by the Oghuzs, and the formation of a large state organization in a simultaneous way, both came into play in the flourishment of the Oghuz language in the written form. Though the need for an official language was met by correspondences that were being written in Persian, it was not sufficient for the learning of the new religion, and in corresponding the demand for knowledge, which came forward in various strata of society in differing proportions. The fact that Arabic was the language of the main religious source, and the official language being Persian was leading to a shortage of communication for the larges masses of Oghuzs, with both the state and religion. Though the official language, being Persian, did not constitute a serious problem for the people who did not have grave concerns about the state mechanism, their disconnection with religion was quite of an inconvenience.Firstly expanding to the Horasan region, and up to the inlands of Anatolia afterwards, Oghuz settlements necessitated their meeting with the new religion, and re-organizing their lives in accordance with the two motives, along with adapting to a new geography. Except&nbsp;for the migrant settler masses, religious knowledge had become a necessity for the Oghuzs, who adopted a sedentary life in their daily practices. The fact that it was religious motives behind the transmission of knowledge from Arabic to Turkish aggravated the responsibility of the translators who shouldered it. Any mistake that was to be made in the translation of a literary text would at worst vitiate the aesthetic flavour of the text. However, the translation of a religious text obviously requires much more sensitivity. Hence, one should admit that it requires a very special effort in the translation of such issues as the faith and the attributions of Allah, which also shape one’s conception of God. The Quranic translations that were produced with such a sensitivity as much served for the formation of the written Turkish as for the comprehension and teaching of the religion.&nbsp;The young Turkish scholars, who did not know any other written sources other the Arabic ones, must have used Arabic as a guide during their translations. We should admit that the translation of Arabic expressions to a language that had been used in written form before, must have been very difficult. Especially, the translation of some peculiar Arabic phrases to Turkish correctly, required the utmost prudence, so as to understand the source of religion in the most correct way.The underline translation method which was commonly used in the early periods, despite being a poor method for the phrases, was successful in producing comprehensible Turkish written texts. In the course of these translations, there were some peculiar elements in Arabic, such as ism-i fail (present participle), sıfat-ı müşebbehe and the exaggerative present participle, which were alien to Turkish to a great extent. Building the conception of God in accordance with the understanding of oneness (and unity), the Quran presents the idea of God as almighty andbenevolent, by often making use of the aforementioned peculiar expressions. It also uses those word structures in order to explain the condition of men in the face of orders and prohibitions to which it appeals in regulating human life. The suffix -IcI in Oghuz Turkish virtually seems to have taken on a very special task, so as to meet the peculiar expressions of Arabic in question. The suffix IcI, which did not usually come forward in the early years in Old Turkish and the Anatolian region, is now one of the most common elements, and it is one of the indicators of verb performers.We know that the suffixes -GlI and -GAn were being used for certain verb performers of Arabic in the Karakhanid and Khorezmian regions. Such a differentiation indicates the rising sensitivity in the Anatolian geography with regard to the translations of these aforementioned structures. It also shows that the written language in Anatolia developed quite separately from the Turkistan region. Although the Quranic translations that were written in Karakhanid and Khorezmian Turkish contain some occasional instances of the suffix -IcI (=ĠUçI), it seems to have been used far less in proportion to the Anatolian region.Besides the historical dialects such as Karakhanid and Khorezmian, there are some examples that it was from time to time corresponded by the suffixes -IcI (küçi and Kuçi) in Afghanistan Uzbek Turkish and Kazan Tatar Turkish.

The Place of Suffix -IcI in The Formation of Turkish as a Written Language

Gülten

Onur

The Place of Woman in Siberian Realm Turkish Legends and the Perception of Ancient Turks in This Regard

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Latif

Fatma

While, in the first reading phase, reading as a language skill appears in the form of learning how the systematics of reading functions by making sense of certain writing symbols, it turns out to be the most fundamental means of acquiring knowledge and developing language in the later stages. Texts stand out as the most essential instrument used in the acquisition of four basic language skills in foreign language education. The reading passages used in both native language education and teaching Turkish as a foreign language are primarily regarded as teaching aids and materials. In Turkish teaching process, all texts ranging from the low-level texts such as warning and instruction signs on undergrounds and buses to the literary texts that involve deep meanings like poems have their own area of use in language education. For instance, in teaching Turkish to foreigners, a dialogue between a ticket officer and a passenger in the stage of buying a ticket for the underground or a column in a newspaper assumes a textual quality. Similarly, a poetry text containing figurative language and literary phrases or a text conveying information about a topic related to Turkish culture in a course book involves a textual characteristic with respect to a specific language skill. In other words, each meaning element that can be read, listened, written or spoken has a textual feature in terms of language teaching.&nbsp;Reading basically has the aim of communication and certain types of factors are present in the process of reading. These factors include the author, the text, the reader and the feedbacks. The most significant of all these during the process are the reading texts. In this respect, texts occupy a highly important place in teaching Turkish as a foreign language. The texts are not only involved in reading skill but also frequently used in the development stages of other language skills. When the sets designed to teach Turkish as a foreign language are closely examined, it is observed that the majority of the texts available in course books is made up of reading passages. As for the activities related to other language skills, a great majority of them is associated with the reading texts and their formation is based on the texts in question. To cite an example, in an activity aimed at the development of writing or reading skill, a dialogue or story text is given to the students to be read and they are asked to continue the text by speaking or writing.&nbsp;When texts are analyzed in terms of their types, it is seen that no association is present among the researchers with regard to the classifications of text types and that the categorizations have been achieved by the researchers in quite different ways. Despite the fact that each text classification is consistent and meaningful in itself, a variety of text type classification has come up due to the differences between the researchers’ points of view. Concerning language teaching, however, the concepts of texts and text types differ from the related classifications in some aspects. The reason for this is that the text to be used in the teaching of language involves a material quality. In this way, it is possible to regard every teaching material which can achieve the objectives and acquirements as a text.&nbsp;When the studies conducted upon text classifications are examined, it is observed that the related categorizations contain certain defects in terms of the field of language teaching. This being the case, a text type classification that can be used in language teaching has been performed in this study. In accordance with this classification, texts are divided into two as texts based on the aim of formation and those based on their functions. The former is also separated into two groups as fictional texts aimed directly at language teaching and original texts intended for the daily use of native language speakers and used indirectly in foreign language teaching. The texts formed on the basis of their functions, on the other hand, have been analyzed in terms of writing purpose and language use and gathered under two main titles as texts with utility function and literary texts. The original texts involved in the texts classified in accordance with their aim of formation are also divided into two in themselves as daily texts and literary texts. The daily texts contain such passages like menus, tickets, posters, warranty certificates and graffiti that are prepared with no aesthetic concern and that assign native language readers as their target group. As for the literary texts, they include novels, stories, tales, legends, etc that are put down on paper with an aesthetic concern and with native language readers being their target group. With respect to the texts based on their functions, the texts with utility function refer to all reading materials that can be readily experienced in daily life and that neither involve literary value in terms of the aim of writing or use of language nor aesthetic concern. The texts with utility function have been gathered within themselves under three titles as formal, instructive and communicative texts. The literary texts are those that are formed with an aesthetic concern in relation to the aim of writing and language use. These texts are also titled in three ways within themselves as instructive texts, texts based on expression/demonstration and poetry.&nbsp;Apart from the classification of text types, this study involves, as well, the analysis and comparison of the reading texts available in Yedi İklim Turkish Teaching Set and İstanbul Turkish Teaching Set for Foreigners along with recommendations related to which text type might be used in which language level.

The Classification of Text Types and The Evaluation of Reading Passages Available in Course Books in Teaching Turkish as A Foreign Language

Home economics appeared as an independent field of research in the nineteenth century and began to be included in the curriculum of girls’ schools in many countries through the second half of the century. As a scientific field, home economics defines systematic, modern and pedagogical standards for housework with a particular focus on household chores being part of the daily routine and aims to increase productivity and professionalism at home. Standardization, discipline, order, rationality, pragmatism, and hygiene appeared as the main principles of home economics. These principles defined the reform programs of many states, which were initiating a modernization process in the realms of political, economic and sociocultural areas in the nineteenth century. These principles are also among the main criteria of Norbert Elias’s definition of the civilizing process, which he defined by focusing on the change and transformation of the standards of correct and proper behavior in Europe from the thirteenth to the nineteenth centuries. Therefore, the rational and scientific approach to house related issues and the introduction of home economics as a course to the curriculum of girls’ schools appear closely related to the modernization and civilizing attempts of the states.&nbsp;In the pre-modern Ottoman world, home administration (ilm-i tedbîr-i menzil), which was considered as a subject of ethics and included as a chapter in ethics books, began to be taken as an independent field as home economics (idâre-i beytiye) in books and periodicals after the second half of the nineteenth century as well as being taught as a course in girls’ schools through the last quarter of the century. Ottoman authors examined the decoration and physical conditions of the house, house-cleaning, health issues, heating, dressing, raising of children, eating and food, table manners, etiquette and all kinds of issues that may be related to the house under the title of home economics. The target of writing on home economics was the disciplining and rationalization of the Ottoman house life with definite standards. This literature criticized the traditional Ottoman house life as being scattered, irregular, and haphazard and proposed a new model of house management based on scientific, rational and pedagogical data, dominated by discipline, order, and hygiene.The opening of new schools for girls at different levels from primary schools to teachers’ schools was an important development for the participation of Ottoman women in the formal education process. Furthermore, the discussions to define the object and content of girls’ curriculum reveals that Ottoman authorities considered the education of women within&nbsp;the perspective of the traditional role and status of Ottoman women as housewife, wife, and mothers despite Ottoman women beginning to benefit from the possibilities of formal education and public life. It seems that the number and the weight of courses related to home economics increased in the curriculum of girls’ schools of the time and attempts were made to fill the girls’ curriculum with those sciences regarded as necessary and useful to femininity, housewifery, and motherhood. The language used in the Ottoman textbooks of home economics shows that the traditional female discourse continued in many aspects. It seems that this literature on home economics aims to reorganize the living space of the family, which is the nucleus of the society according to the scientific, rational, technological and pedagogical standards and approaches of the age.With the introduction of the home economics courses to the curriculum of Ottoman girls’ schools in different levels and the definition of women’s status as home managers, domestic life became a public issue and also a political matter on which state and public authorities developed policies. Because these books are textbooks for girls’ schools and each textbook is published with the permission of the Ministry of Education, it can be said that the woman’s discourse emerging from these books not only represents the idea of authors but also the policy of Ottoman political authorities. However, the introduction of home economics to the curriculum of girls’ schools both in the Ottoman and western world was not a result of an agenda to question or improve women status, rather it seems like a consequence of a process initiated by the state authorities to modernize all segments of life. In this context, the involvement of the course in the curriculums seems primarily related to the modernization and civilization process in almost every realm of Ottoman life from the second half of the nineteenth century, and the Ottoman house which was an area that needed to be reorganized in line with modern standards to serve and contribute to this change and transformation process.

Teaching Scientific Home Economics in Late Ottoman Girls’ Schools: Curriculum and Textbooks

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Journal of Turkology - Türkiyat Mecmuası is the publication of Istanbul University Research Institute of Turkology. It is an open access, scholarly, peer-reviewed journal published biannually in June and December. The journal was founded in 1925. Manuscripts submitted for publication should be in Turkish or English.

Journal of Turkology - Türkiyat Mecmuası aims to contribute to the dissemination of scientific knowledge through publication of high quality articles in accordance with the international publishing standards and contribute to the scientific community in the field of turkology.


The journal publishes studies in the fields of Turkish Language, Turkish Literature, Turkish History, Turkish Art and Turkish Culture in general.

MLA International Bibliography

Scopus

EBSCO Academic Search Complete

TR Dizin

SOBIAD Sosyal Bilimler Atıf Dizini

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@METRIC_ISSUES

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@METRIC_OPENACCESS

Journal of Turkology

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Editor in Chief

Co Editor in Chief

Section Editor

Editorial Management Board Member

English Language Editor

Editorial Board Member

Advisory Board Member

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Journal of Turkology, which includes original scientific articles in the field of Turkish Language, Turkish Literature, Turkish History, Turkish Art and Turkish Culture in general, intends to become a source of scientific information by improving visibility and accessibility of qualified information about social sciences. In this context, the journal aspires to contribute to scientific community. Journal of Turkology, which is the publication organ of Research Institute of Turkolgy includes original scientific articles in the field of Turkish Language, Turkish Literature, Turkish History, Turkish Art and Turkish Culture in general.

Aim & Scope

<ul><li>TÜBİTAK ULAKBİM TR-Dizin </li><li>ASOS Index </li><li>SOBIAD </li><li>EBSCO (Academic Search Complete)</li><li>MLA International Bibliography</li><li>SCOPUS</li></ul>

Indexing and Abstracting

The journal is committed to upholding the highest standards of publication ethics and pays regard to Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing published by the Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE), the Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ), the Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA), and the World Association of Medical Editors (WAME) on <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a> The subjects covered in the manuscripts submitted to the Journal for publication must be in accordance with the aim and scope of the Journal. Only those manuscripts approved by every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Changing the name of an author (omission, addition or order) in papers submitted to the Journal requires written permission of all declared authors.Plagiarism, duplication, fraud authorship/denied authorship, research/data fabrication, salami slicing/salami publication, breaching of copyrights, prevailing conflict of interest are unethical behaviors. All manuscripts not in accordance with the accepted ethical standards will be removed from the publication. This also contains any possible malpractice discovered after the publication. Plagiarism Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. If plagiarism/self-plagiarism will be found authors will be informed. Editors may resubmit manuscript for similarity check at any peer-review or production stage if required. High similarity scores may lead to rejection of a manuscript before and even after acceptance. Depending on the type of article and the percentage of similarity score taken from each article, the overall similarity score is generally expected to be less than 15 or 20%. Double Blind Peer-Review After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by the editors-in-chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope. The editor provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles and hands over the papers matching the formal rules to at least two national/international referees for evaluation and gives green light for publication upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.

Policies

The journal is an open access journal and all content is freely available without charge to the user or his/her institution. Except for commercial purposes, users are allowed to read, download, copy, print, search, or link to the full texts of the articles in this journal without asking prior permission from the publisher or the author. This is in accordance with the <a href="https://www.budapestopenaccessinitiative.org/read" target="_blank">BOAI</a> definition of open access.The open access articles in the journal are licensed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.en" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) license.

All expenses of the journal are covered by the Istanbul University. Processing and publication are free of charge with the journal. There is no article processing charges or submission fees for any submitted or accepted articles.

Authors publishing with the journal retain the copyright to their work licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) which permits unrestricted, non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

Journal of Turkology - Türkiyat Mecmuası is committed to upholding the highest standards of publication ethics and pays regard to Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing published by the Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE), the Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ), to access the Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA), and the World Association of Medical Editors (WAME) on <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a>All parties involved in the publishing process (Editors, Reviewers, Authors and Publishers) are expected to agree on the following ethical principles.All submissions must be original, unpublished (including as full text in conference proceedings), and not under the review of any other publication synchronously. Each manuscript is reviewed by one of the editors and at least two referees under double-blind peer review process. Plagiarism, duplication, fraud authorship/denied authorship, research/data fabrication, salami slicing/salami publication, breaching of copyrights, prevailing conflict of interest are unnethical behaviors.All manuscripts not in accordance with the accepted ethical standards will be removed from the publication. This also contains any possible malpractice discovered after the publication. In accordance with the code of conduct we will report any cases of suspected plagiarism or duplicate publishing.

Ethics

Journal of Turkology - Türkiyat Mecmuası adheres to the highest standards in research ethics and follows the principles of international research ethics as defined below. The authors are responsible for the compliance of the manuscripts with the ethical rules.<ul><li>Principles of integrity, quality and transparency should be sustained in designing the research, reviewing the design and conducting the research.</li><li>The research team and participants should be fully informed about the aim, methods, possible uses and requirements of the research and risks of participation in research.</li><li>The confidentiality of the information provided by the research participants and the confidentiality of the respondents should be ensured. The research should be designed to protect the autonomy and dignity of the participants.</li><li>Research participants should participate in the research voluntarily, not under any coercion.</li><li>Any possible harm to participants must be avoided. The research should be planned in such a way that the participants are not at risk.</li><li>The independence of research must be clear; and any conflict of interest or must be disclosed.</li><li>In experimental studies with human subjects, written informed consent of the participants who decide to participate in the research must be obtained. In the case of children and those under wardship or with confirmed insanity, legal custodian’s assent must be obtained.</li><li>If the study is to be carried out in any institution or organization, approval must be obtained from this institution or organization.</li><li>In studies with human subject, it must be noted in the method’s section of the manuscript that the informed consent of the participants and ethics committee approval from the institution where the study has been conducted have been obtained.</li></ul>

It is authors’ responsibility to ensure that the article is in accordance with scientific and ethical standards and rules. And authors must ensure that submitted work is original. They must certify that the manuscript has not previously been published elsewhere or is not currently being considered for publication elsewhere, in any language. Applicable copyright laws and conventions must be followed. Copyright material (e.g. tables, figures or extensive quotations) must be reproduced only with appropriate permission and acknowledgement. Any work or words of other authors, contributors, or sources must be appropriately credited and referenced.All the authors of a submitted manuscript must have direct scientific and academic contribution to the manuscript. The author(s) of the original research articles is defined as a person who is significantly involved in “conceptualization and design of the study”, “collecting the data”, “analyzing the data”, “writing the manuscript”, “reviewing the manuscript with a critical perspective” and “planning/conducting the study of the manuscript and/or revising it”. Fund raising, data collection or supervision of the research group are not sufficient roles to be accepted as an author. The author(s) must meet all these criteria described above. The order of names in the author list of an article must be a co-decision and it must be indicated in the <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/2A4DC4CCF7FA4654AE080549077C9D32" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form.</a> The individuals who do not meet the authorship criteria but contributed to the study must take place in the acknowledgement section. Individuals providing technical support, assisting writing, providing a general support, providing material or financial support are examples to be indicated in acknowledgement section.All authors must disclose all issues concerning financial relationship, conflict of interest, and competing interest that may potentially influence the results of the research or scientific judgment.When an author discovers a significant error or inaccuracy in his/her own published paper, it is the author’s obligation to promptly cooperate with the Editor to provide retractions or corrections of mistakes.

Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender,  citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors. He/She provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles for publication and ensures that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential before publishing.Editor-in-Chief is responsible for the contents and overall quality of the publication. He/She must publish errata pages or make corrections when needed.Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers. Only he has the full authority to assign a reviewer and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal.Reviewers must have no conflict of interest with respect to the research, the authors and/or the research funders. Their judgments must be objective.Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees must be ensured. In particular situations, the editor may share the review of one reviewer with other reviewers to clarify a particular point.

Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by editor-in-chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope.Short presentations that took place in scientific meetings can be referred if indicated in the article. The editor hands over the papers matching the formal rules to at least two national/international referees for evaluation and gives green light for publication upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims. Changing the name of an author (omission, addition or order) in papers submitted to the Journal requires written permission of all declared authors. Refused manuscripts and graphics are not returned to the author.

Peer Review

Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by Editor-in-Chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope.  Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors and ensures a fair double-blind peer review of the selected manuscripts.The selected manuscripts are sent to at least two national/international referees for evaluation and publication decision is given by Editor-in-Chief  upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal.Reviewers’ judgments must be objective. Reviewers’ comments on the following aspects are expected while conducting the review.-    Does the manuscript contain new and significant information?-    Does the abstract clearly and accurately describe the content of the manuscript?-    Is the problem significant and concisely stated?-    Are the methods described comprehensively?-    Are the interpretations and consclusions justified by the results?-    Is adequate references made to other Works in the field?-    Is the language acceptable?Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees is important.

All correspondence will be sent to the first-named author unless otherwise specified. Manuscpript is to be submitted online via <a href="http://dergipark.gov.tr/login" target="_blank">http://dergipark.gov.tr/login</a> that can be accessed at <a href="https://dergipark.org.tr/iuturkiyat" target="_blank">https://dergipark.org.tr/iuturkiyat</a> and it must be accompanied by a <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/1374874F82134F64BFFBC512C7AFD669" target="_blank">Title Page</a> specifying the article category (i.e. research article, review etc.) and including information about the manuscript (see the Submission Checklist). Manuscripts should be prepared in Microsoft Word 2003 and upper versions. In addition, <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/82D81F542BE14E349E5DF2A2BB75B0E8" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a> that has to be signed by all authors must be submitted.<ol><li>Manuscripts should be prepared using the <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/794F0A4F0C2941E9A7272E0D664699CC" target="_blank">Article Template.</a> Due to double blind peer review, manuscript file must not include any information about the author.</li><li>A title page including author information must be submitted together with the manuscript. The title page is to include fully descriptive title of the manuscript and, affiliation, title, e-mail address, ORCID, postal address, phone, mobile phone and fax number of the author(s) (see The Submission Checklist).</li><li>Before the introduction part, there should be an abstract of 150-250 words both in English and in Turkish. An extended abstract in English between 600-800 words, summarizing the scope, the purpose, the results of the study and the methodology used is to be included following the abstracts. If the manuscript is in English, extended abstract is not required. Underneath the abstracts, 5 keywords that inform the reader about the content of the study should be specified in Turkish and in English.</li><li>The manuscripts should contain mainly these components: title, abstract and keywords; sections, references, tables and figures.</li><li>References should be in accordance with Chicago Style of Manual 16th Edition.</li><li>Authors are responsible for all statements made in their work submitted to the Journal for publication.</li></ol>

Author Guidelines

Research Article: Original research articles report substantial and original scientific results within the journal scope. Original research articles are comprised of Abstract, Key Words, Introduction, Methods, Results, Discussion, Conclusion, References and Figures, Tables and Graphics.<ul><li>Abstract:  The abstracts in English and in Turkish must be between 150- 250 words and state aim, method, result and conclusions of the study. </li><li>Introduction: This section must contain a clear statement of the general and specific objectives as well as the hypotheses which the work is designed to test. It should also give a brief account of the reported literature. It should clearly state the primary and secondary purposes of the article. Only, the actual references related with the issues have to be indicated and data or findings related with the current study must not be included in this section.</li><li>Methods: This section must contain explicit, concise descriptions of all procedures, materials and methods (i.e. data sources, participants, scales, interviews/reviews, basic measurements, applications, statistical methods) used in the investigation to enable the reader to judge their accuracy, reproducibility, etc. This section should include the known findings at the beginning of the study and the findings during the study must be reported in results section.</li><li>Results: The results should be presented in logical sequence in the text, tables, and figures, giving the main or most important findings first. The all the data in the tables or figures should not be repeated in the text; only the most important observations must be emphasized or summarized..</li><li>Discussion: The findings of the study, the findings and results which support or do not support the hypothesis of the study should be discussed, results should be compared and contrasted with findings of other studies in the literature and the different findings from other studies should be explained. The new and important aspects of the study and the conclusions that follow from them should be emphasized. The data or other information given in the Introduction or the Results section should not be repeated in detail.</li><li>Conclusions: Conclusions derived from the study should be stated.. The conclusions should be linked with the goals of the study but unqualified statements and conclusions not adequately supported by the data should be avoided. New hypotheses should be stated when warranted, but should be labeled clearly as such.</li><li>Figures, Tables and Graphics: Figures, Tables and Graphics should be numbered in Arabic numerals in the text. The places of the figures, tables and graphics should be signed in the text.  Figures, tables and graphics materials should be “.jpg, .tiff or .jpeg” format and they should be submitted with the article. These materials should be min. 300 pixels and they must not be bigger than page size. If there are visuals more than one, each one must be enumerated. (For Example, Picture 1, Map 1, Figure 1etc.) The pictures, maps and other appendixes that are shown in bracket should be added at the end of the article.</li></ul>Review Article: Reviews prepared by authors who have extensive knowledge on a particular field and whose scientific background has been translated into a high volume of publications with a high citation potential are welcomed. These authors may even be invited by the journal. Review article should contain title, abstract and keywords; body text with sections, and references.

Reference Style and FormatJournal of Turkology – Türkiyat Mecmuası complies with Chicago Style of Manual 16th Edition for referencing and quoting.Authors who would send proposals to the journal are kindly invited to follow the examples given below when writing the footnotes and compiling the bibliography. These examples are borrowed from the Chicago Style of Manual (<a href="http://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide/citation-guide-1.html" target="_blank">http://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide/citation-guide-1.html</a>). A few more examples have also been added. Further information and numerous examples about the “notes and bibliography” system are available at the 14th and 15th chapters of the Chicago Manual of Style (16th edition).Examples:FF first footnote, NF next/short footnotes, B bibliographyBook, one, two or three authorsFor four or more authors, each of them is cited in the bibliography, only the first author’s name is cited in footnotes and “et al.” is added next to it, which stands for “and the others”.FF  Clauson, Gerard, An Etymological Dictionary of Pre-Thirteenth Century, (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1972), 55. NF Clauson, An Etymological Dictionary of Pre-Thirteenth Century, 55.B  Gerard Clauson. An Etymological Dictionary of Pre-Thirteenth Century. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1972.FF   A. Nazarov Bakhtiyar, Denis Sinor, Essays on Uzbeks History, Culture and Language,  Research Institute for Inner Asian Studies, (Bloomington: Indiana University, 1993), 55.NF   Bakhtiyar ve Sinor, Essays on Uzbeks History, Culture and Language, 55.B     Bakhtiyar,  A. Nazarov ve Denis Sinor. Essays on Uzbeks History, Culture and Language. Bloomington: Indiana University, 1993.FF  E.R. Tenişev, A.M. Şçerbak, D.M. Nasilov, V.M Nadelyayev, Drevnetyurkskiy Slovar, XXXVIII, (Leningrad:  Izdatel’stvo&lt;&lt;Nauka&gt;&gt;Leningradskoe Otdelenir, 1969), 60.NF Tenişev, Şçerbak, Nasilov, Nadelyayev, Drevnetyurkskiy Slovar, 25.B Tenişev, E.R., A.M. Şçerbak, D.M. Nasilov, V.M Nadelyayev, Drevnetyurkskiy Slovar. XXXVIII. Leningrad:  Izdatel’stvo&lt;&lt;Nauka&gt;&gt;Leningradskoe Otdelenir, 1969.BOOK, if there is an editor/translator in addition to the authorIf there is an editor, then one should cite it as “ed.” instead of “trans.” in footnotes; as for the bibliography “Edited by” instead of “Translated by”.FF  Peter B. Golden, An Introduction to the History of the Turkic Peoples, trans. Osman Karatay, (America: Harrassowitz Verlag, 1992), 36. NF Golden, An Introduction to the History of the Turkic Peoples, 36.B Golden, Peter B. An Introduction to the History of the Turkic Peoples. Translated by Osman Karatay. America: Harrassowitz Verlag, 1992.BOOK, voliminousFF  Robert Dankoff, James Kelley, Mahmûd al-Kashgarî, Compendium of the Turkic Dialects-Dîwân Lugât at-Turk, (Harvard: University Printing Office, 1985), 4: 100. NF Robert Dankoff, James Kelley, Mahmûd al-Kashgarî, Compendium of the Turkic Dialects-Dîwân Lugât at-Turk, 1: 90.B Dankoff, Robert, James Kelley, Mahmûd al-Kashgarî, Compendium of the Turkic Dialects-Dîwân Lugât at-Turk. 4 cilt. Harvard: University Printing Office, 1985.A chapter/section in a bookFF Beatrice Forbes Manz, “Timur”, The Rise and Rule of Tamerlane, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 90-120. NF Manz, “Timur”, 90-120.B Manz, Beatrice Forbes.  “Timur”, The Rise and Rule of Tamerlane içinde, 90-120. Cambridge: Cambridge University, 1989.Preface, presentment, introduction and similar parts in a bookFF Maria Eva Subtelny, Timurids in Transition, Preface to the book titled Turko-Persian Politics and Acculturation in Medieval Iran (Boston: Brill, Leiden ,2007), 5.NF Subtelny, önsöz, 5.B Subtelny, Maria Eva. Timurids in Transition, Preface to the book titled Turko-Persian Politics and Acculturation in Medieval Iran, 5. Boston: Brill, Leiden, 2007.BOOK, electronically publishedIf the book is published in multiple formats, the one that is used is cited. URL is given for the online books that are cited. The access date can be added on prefence. If the page number is missing, either the title of chapter or another number can be added.FF Peter Golden, An Introduction to the History of the Turkic Peoples (America: Harrassowitz Verlag, 1992), Accessed September 18, 2019.<a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/281319978_An_Introduction_to_the_History_of_the_Turkic_Peoples" target="_blank">https://www.researchgate.net/publication/281319978_An_Introduction_to_the_History_of_the_Turkic_Peoples</a>NF Golden, An Introduction to the History of the Turkic Peoples, 206.B Golden, Peter. An Introduction to the History of the Turkic Peoples. America: Harrassowitz Verlag, 1992. Accessed September 18, 2019.   <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/281319978_An_Introduction_to_the_History_of_the_Turkic_Peoples" target="_blank">https://www.researchgate.net/publication/281319978_An_Introduction_to_the_History_of_the_Turkic_Peoples</a>Journal article, copyrightFF John E. Woods, “The Rise of Tīmūrid Historiography”, Journal of Near Eastern Studies, 46/2 (1987), 81-108.NF Woods, “The Rise of Tīmūrid Historiography”, 81-108.B  Woods, John E. “The Rise of Tīmūrid Historiography”,  Journal of Near Eastern Studies, 46/2 (1987), 81-108.Journal article, translationFF  Michiko Kakutani. ”Friendship Takes a Path That Diverges”, by Zadie Smith, Review of Swing Time, New York Times, (2016), 69-90.NF Kakutani, ”Friendship Takes a Path That Diverges”, 69-90.B  Kakutani, Michiko, ”Friendship Takes a Path That Diverges”, by Zadie Smith, Review of Swing Time. New York Times. 2016: 69-90.Journal article, electronicDOI (Digital Object Identifier) number should be cited if it was specified. If not, and if also the publisher or the research area requires it, the access date is cited.FF  Shao-Hsun Keng, Chun-Hung Lin, and Peter F. Orazem, “Expanding College Access in Taiwan, 1978–2014: Effects on Graduate Quality and Income Inequality”, Journal of Human Capital 11, no. 1 (2017): 1–34. https://doi.org/10.1086/690235.NF Keng, Lin, Orazem, “Expanding College Access in Taiwan, 1978–2014: Effects on Graduate Quality and Income Inequality”, 1–34.B Keng, Shao-Hsun, Chun-Hung Lin, and Peter F. Orazem, “Expanding College Access in Taiwan, 1978–2014: Effects on Graduate Quality and Income Inequality”, Journal of Human Capital 11, no. 1 (2017): 1–34. https://doi.org/10.1086/690235.Newspaper article, publishedFF Rebecca Mead, “The Prophet of Dystopia”, New Yorker, April 17, 2017, 2.NF Mead, “The Prophet of Dystopia”, 2.B Mead, Rebecca, “The Prophet of Dystopia”, New Yorker, April 17, 2017.Newspaper article/report, electronicNewspaper articles or reports do not usually take place in bibliographies. Otherwise, the above citation forms are used. If the author of an article or report is not specified, then the citation should begin with the title of article/report.FF “Snap Makes a Bet on the Cultural Supremacy of the Camera.” New York Times, March 8, 2017. https://www.nytimes.com/2017/03/08/technology/snap-makes-a-bet-on-the-cultural-supremacy-of-the-camera.html.NF “Snap Makes a Bet on the Cultural Supremacy of the Camera.”B “Snap Makes a Bet on the Cultural Supremacy of the Camera.” New York Times, March 8, 2017. https://www.nytimes.com/2017/03/08/technology/snap-makes-a-bet-on-the-cultural-supremacy-of-the-camera.html.Book ReviewFF Michiko Kakutani, “Friendship Takes a Path That Diverges.”, Review of Swing Time, by Zadie Smith, New York Times, 7 (2016), 67.NF Kakutani, “Friendship Takes a Path That Diverges.”, 67.B   Kakutani, Michiko. 2016. “Friendship Takes a Path That Diverges.” Review of Swing Time, by Zadie Smith. New York Times, November 7, 2016.ThesisFF Cynthia Lillian Rutz, “King Lear and Its Folktale Analogues” .(PhD diss. University of Chicago. 2013), 90.NF Rutz, “King Lear and Its Folktale Analogues”, 90.B  Rutz, Cynthia Lillian. 2013. “King Lear and Its Folktale Analogues.” PhD diss., University of Chicago.Encyclopedia entryFF Ahmet Temir, “Mongol (or Turko-Mongol) Khanate”, Encyclopedia of Turks, v. 8, (Ankara: Yeni Türkiye Publications, 2002), 416-432. NF Temir, Mongol (or Turko-Mongol) Khanate”, 416-432. B Temir, Ahmet. “Mongol (or Turko-Mongol) Khanate”. Encyclopedia of Turks. 8: 416-432. Ankara: Yeni Türkiye Publications, 2002.Unpublished anouncementFF Erdal İnönü and Harun Doğan, “Some Discoveries that are Named After Turkish Scientists” (The anouncement that was presented in the II. National Symposium of History of Science and Philosophy Work Group, Assos, 18-20th June 2004).NF İnönü and Doğan, “Some Discoveries.”B İnönü, Erdal and Harun Doğan. “Some Discoveries that are Named After Turkish Scientists”. The anouncement that was presented in the II. National Symposium of History of Science and Philosophy Work Group, Assos, 18-20th June 2004.ManuscriptFF Feyzi, Muhadarat-ı Feyzi, İstanbul, İstanbul University The Library of Rare Collection, T6833, 48a.NF Feyzi, Muhadarat-ı Feyzi, T6833, 51b.B Feyzi, Muhadarat-ı Feyzi, İstanbul, İstanbul University The Library of Rare Collection, T6833, 1a-70b.FF Salih b. Nasrullah, Ghayat al-itqan fi tabdir badan al-insan, İstanbul, Süleymaniye Library, Ayasofya 3682, 26a.NF Salih b. Nasrullah, Ghayat al-itqan, Ayasofya 3682, 23b.B Salih b. Nasrullah, Ghayat al-itqan fi tabdir badan al-insan, Istanbul, Süleymaniye Library, Ayasofya 3682, 1a-311a, Copy date 10 Rebiülevvel 1135 (19th December 1722).Archive documentFF The Ottoman Archives of the Prime Ministry (OAPM), Cevdet Askeriye (C.AS.) 71/3352, 9 Şevval 1211 (April 07, 1797).NF OAPM, C.AS. 71/3352.B The Ottoman Archives of the Prime Ministry (OAPM). Cevdet Askeriye (C. AS) 71/3352, 9 Şevval 1211 (April 07, 1920).FF Topkapı Palace Museum Archives (TPMA), E. 3202-2=597-2-7.NF TPMA, E. 3202-2=597-2-7.B Topkapı Palace Museum Archives (TPMA). E. 3202-2=597-2-7.WebsiteFF Yale University. n.d. “About Yale: Yale Facts.” Accessed May 1, 2017. https://www.yale.edu/about-yale/yale-facts.NF “About Yale: Yale Facts.”B Yale University. n.d. “About Yale: Yale Facts.” Accessed May 1, 2017. <a href="https://www.yale.edu/about-yale/yale-facts">https://www.yale.edu/about-yale/yale-facts</a>.E-mail or text messageUsually they are only cited in footnotes. There is no requirement for giving any bibliographical reference.Footnote: Robert Dankoff, E-mail message to the author, 16.10.2015.

<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/04D99EA9B27D431F97311853DF4EC59F" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a> <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/5C46AD279E4242B68D3D82EABAEEBF71" target="_blank">Author Form</a> <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/55C06B2F278A4FD58BB9B194F1895032" target="_blank">Title Page</a>

Ensure that the following items are present:<ul><li>Confirm that the category of the manuscript is specifed.</li><li>Confirm that “the paper is not under consideration for publication in another journal”.</li><li>Confirm that  disclosure of any commercial or financial involvement is provided.</li><li>Confirm that last control for fluent English was done.</li><li>Confirm that journal policies detailed in Information for Authors have been reviewed.</li><li>Confirm that the references cited in the text and listed in the references section are in with Chicago Style of Manual 16th Edition. </li></ul>●    <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/084994E3C9A64E64A02F7B37D05E0EAF" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a>●    Permission of previous published material if used in the present manuscript●    <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/91EE60BDCAB94A6595DD7088F4068D9A" target="_blank">Title page</a><ul><li>The category of the manuscript</li><li>The title of the manuscript</li><li>All authors’ names and affiliations (institution, faculty/department, city, country),</li><li>e-mail addresses</li><li>Corresponding author’s email address, full postal address, telephone and fax number</li><li>ORCIDs of all authors.</li></ul>●    Main Manuscript Document<ul><li>Important: Please avoid mentioning the the author (s) names in the manuscript</li><li>The title of the manuscript</li><li>Abstract (150-250 words)</li><li>Key words: 5 words</li><li>Body text sections</li><li>Grant support (if exists)</li><li>Conflict of interest (if exists)</li><li>Acknowledgement (if exists)</li><li>References</li><li>All tables, illustrations (figures) (including title, explanation, captions)</li></ul>

E-ISSN	2651-3188
Period	Biannually
Editor	Mustafa Balcı
Journal of Turkology - Türkiyat Mecmuası is the publication of Istanbul University Research Institute of Turkology. It is an open access, scholarly, peer-reviewed journal published biannually in June and December. The journal was founded in 1925. Manuscripts submitted for publication should be in Turkish or English. Journal of Turkology - Türkiyat Mecmuası aims to contribute to the dissemination of scientific knowledge through publication of high quality articles in accordance with the international publishing standards and contribute to the scientific community in the field of turkology. The journal publishes studies in the fields of Turkish Language, Turkish Literature, Turkish History, Turkish Art and Turkish Culture in general.

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