Senbek

Prof.

In the Kökşetav copy of Divân-ı Hikmet, the verbs al- “to take”, bar- “to go”, bėr- “to give”, bol- “to be”, ḳal- “to stay”, kėl- “to come”, kėt- “to go”, kör- “to see”, tur- “to stand up”, yürü- “to walk”, are used with their real and figurative meanings and they are also used as auxiliary verbs. Some of them can form a compound verb with both noun and verb. When the mentioned verbs are used as descriptive verbs, the basic verb loses its constructive meaning and adds to the main verb various meanings such as başlama “starting”, süreklilik “continuity”, devam etme “continuing”, bitmişlik “ending”, tezlik “abruptness”, yaklaşma “approaching”, uzaklaşma “moving away”, alışkanlık “habit”, tekrar “repeat”, pekiştirme “reinforcement” yetersizlik “ inadequacy ”.The verb al- “to take”: It occurs in sixty-five places in DHK and this verb has meanings such as “to hold, to take; to be delivered to yourself, to be transmitted; to seize, to win; to accept; break; to purchase; to bring. This verb, which is used in nineteen places in the DHK, adds a meaning of competence to the main verb by using it with {-A} and {- (I) p} gerundium suffixes.The verb bar- “to go”: It occurs in thirty-nine places in DHK and this verb has meanings such as “to arrive, to go; to understand something thoroughly; to accept”. This verb is used in three places in DHK as a descriptive verb, and combines with the main verb through {- (I) p} and {-y} gerundium suffixes and adds both “ continuum” and “telicity” to the main verb.The verb bėr- “to give”: This verb, which is mentioned in sixty-two places in DHK, has meanings such as “to give, convey, to present; working and striving to achieve the goal; to give importance, to admire “etc. It appears with its lexical meanings and as auxiliary verbs. This verb sometimes verbalizes nouns and is sometimes combined with the main verbs through the gerundium suffix {-A}. In this case, although the verb bėr- mostly preserves its own meanings, in some cases it adds the meaning of “quickness” to the main verb.The verb bol- “to be”: It is used quite frequently in DHK and this verb conveys meanings such as “duty, position, etc. fulfill; pass from one state to another state; to have; to lose; to join; to come, to reach, to enter; to come true; to fit, to be approved”. However, it can form a compound verb with both nouns and verbs. Part of the compound verb formed with the verb bol- combines with the main verb via {-Ar}, some of the participle suffixes via{-mAs} and via the gerundium {-Ip}. This verb adds the meaning of sufficiency to the main verb and states that the action has been fully completed.The verb ḳal- “to stay”: It takes place in forty-eight places in DHK and this verb has lexical meanings such as “not being able to reach, not being there; to live; to be found”. The verb forms&nbsp;compound verbs which have noun origins such as ḥayrān, nişān, yaḫşı, tirig, maḥrūm and the main verb through {-y}, {- (I) p}, {- (U) bAn} gerundium suffixes. In these compounds, the verb ḳal- states that the main verb is both continuing and in the process of ending, and sometimes it means quickness.&nbsp;The verb kėt- “to go”: In the DHK, the verb has meanings such as “heading towards a place, taking a road; to lose, to push; to go out, to walk away; to die”. This verb is combined with the main verb through the gerundium suffix {-(I)p}in a few examples and is used in the task of making a descriptive verb. In this case, it reports that withdrawal and action take a long time, and in some cases the action ends in a dynamic manner.The verb kėl- “to come”: It takes place in seventy-three places in DHK and it has several meanings such as “to come, to approach; to be heard; to have experienced any situation; to access, to reach ”etc. Parallel to this, it is used in thirty-two places in the task of forming descriptive verbs. In this case, it is combined with the basic verbs via gerundium suffixes {-A} and {-Ip}.The verb kör- “to see”: It occurs one hundred and fifteen times in DHK and it has meanings such as “to see; to be witness; to understand, to grasp, to anticipate; to meet, to meet; to endure”. This verb, which is used in the descriptive verb task in five examples, is combined with the main verb through the gerundium suffixes {-A}, {-(I)p}. In this case, this verb sometimes adds the meaning of continuity and sometimes quickness to the main verb. However, it expresses the certainty of the order or the persistence of the request.The verb tur- “to stand up”: As in various periods of Turkish language, it is quite common in DHK and it appears with various meanings like “to stand up; to wake up; staying still; to live; to behave, to take a certain attitude towards a person or something ” etc.. This verb is combined with the main verb through gerundium suffixes {-A}, {-y}, {-(I)p}. In this case, the structures indicate that the action takes a long time. However, the structure {-y} tur-, unlike the structure {-A} tur, declares priority meaning with the effect of the gerundium suffix that comes after it. But the gerundium{-Ip} tur- means continuity, habit and repetition.The verb yür- ~ yürü- “to walk”: In DHK, it is mentioned as yür- “to walk” in fifty-five places, and yürü- “to walk” in two places. This verb has meanings such as “to progress, to walk; living in a certain way; to be found”. However, it is combined with the main verbs via gerundium suffixes {-A}, {-y}, {-U}, {- (I)p}, {- (U)bAn}. These structures generally mean that they have started and not yet ended and also mean habits.

The Use of Descriptive Verbs in the Kökşetav Copy of Divân-ı Hikmet

Erdal

Assist. Prof.

Human beings have built a close relationship with the geography they have lived in since the day they came into being. Depending on the general features and life of that geography, animals have become a part of their daily lives. First of all, the animals’ power, then their meat, skin, eggs and suchlike were profited.The Turks used a calendar consisted of animal names for a period and named it “ Turkish Calendar with 12 Animals”. The connection of animals with Turkish culture can be understood from here. Apart from Turkish calendar, animal names have been used in many other areas like place names, human names and surnames, and also nicknames formed with animal names. For their positive characteristics, animal names such as “lion”, “falcon” and “hawk” have been used both as names and surnames.From past to present, culture and language are important values that have been sustaining each other. As a result of this interaction, it is seen that animal names have also been included in idioms, which are one of the most important treasures of a language. Therefore, idioms formed with animal names are also met in Kyrgyz Turkish.Idioms are also the wealth of a language and a mirror of a nation’s past. Idioms include many issues such as the cultural values of a nation, their lifestyle and view of life. After all, they are valuable words that have emerged from people’s life experiences.In this study, the most common Kyrgyz Turkish idioms that formed with the words “at” and “it”, idioms in which another animal name is mentioned in addition to the words “at” and “it” and idioms including cubs are discussed.The discussed idioms including animal names were classified as those that consist of two words and do not have a verb element in their structure; those that consist of more than two words and do not have a verb element in their structure; those that consist of two words ending with an infinitive; those that consist of more than two words ending with an infinitive; those in which another animal and organ names are mentioned in addition to the word “at” and “it”, and those that consist of the names of cubs.The idioms are given in Cyrillic alphabet (in its original form) and written beside in Latin alphabet. The abbreviation of the works are shown in capital letters, the publication year of the work and the page number of idioms are shown in parentheses next to the idioms. In addition, the idioms in Kyrgyz Turkish are explained in Turkey Turkish and the idioms in Turkey Turkish that have the same or close meaning have also been added.In this study, beside the idioms in which the names “at” ,“it” and “cubs” are mentioned, there are also idioms formed with the names of some other animals and organs. In addition, idioms with other words for horses such as “cılkı” and “bee” were also included in the article.It is agreed that the analyzed idioms are consisted of at least two words and at most seven words. It is seen that idioms formed with five, six and seven words is very low in number.Among the idioms, the word “it” comes to the fore with 39 idioms, followed by idioms Türkiyat Mecmuası 357 Erdal Aydoğmuş formed with the word “at” with 21 idioms. However, when the idioms are examined, different animal names are found in the other 18 idioms.Among the idioms, the word “it” comes to the fore with 39 idioms, followed by idioms Türkiyat Mecmuası 357 Erdal Aydoğmuş formed with the word “at” with 21 idioms. However, when the idioms are examined, different animal names are found in the other 18 idioms.When the idioms are examined in terms of negativity, a total of 37 reported idioms can be seen. It is determined that among the idioms expressing negativity, idioms formed with the word “it” (28) are the most. It is understood that most of the idioms formed with the word “at”, which is the name of the other subject animal, are used in positive sense.In some of the idioms, it is found that there are idioms formed with the word “at” and “it” with other animal names. Camel, bird, cat and snake are mentioned among the animals beside the word “at” and “it”.&nbsp;

Idioms Formed With Animal Names in Kyrgyz Turkish (In the Examples of At and İt)

Mustafa

Since the Tanzimat era, there have been authors in the Turkish literature who were producing European style works. Many literary works have been translated from European languages (predominantly French), into Turkish. The first European style examples of stories and novels also belong to this era. Newspapers in various periods as well as journals begun to be published, new literary forms by a variety of authors, and new books were produced. Poetry is the first genre that underwent changes within the framework of the new literary mindset. It went through changes in content and thereafter continued to do so in its structure along with each literary movement. We understand that the generation (of authors) that would leave their signature on the developed European-style works had been brought up in the 1890s. The writers and poets who gathered around the journal titled Servet-i Fünûn were going to have a profound influence on the upcoming generations through the literary works they had written.Having written his works in a time and understanding that were quite different from Servet-i Fünûn, İsmet Özel as a beloved poet has succeeded in having a huge audience by virtue of his poems in the last fifty years, and in addition, he has had an undeniable influence on upcoming poets. He has also contributed to intellectual and literary areas starting from the mid-1970s through his essays, a genre that began to develop in the Turkish literature from the 1960s. İsmet Özel gained an authentic place in the literary world, as a sui generis person with his understanding of poetry, wording, expression, vocabulary, and themes. This study aims to investigate possible similarities between the poems of the poets who laid the foundations of a new and authentic literature in the late 19th centure and those of İsmet Özel, who took his place in the literary world in the second half the 20th century.In this article, we will firstly tackle the common attitude in the formation of the new Turkish literature in the context of parallels and similarities between İsmet Özel and Servet-i Fünûn poets, and we will discuss whether there is any inherent relation between the poetry of the era in question and the aforementioned poet with reference to his writings on the poetry.Thereafter, we will discuss the issue of closeness between Servet-i Fünûn and İsmet Özel on the basis of the word hüzün (sadness). This word and the ones that have semantic affinity with it such as lahid (tomb), makber (grave), kabir (grave/tomb), mezar (burial place/grave), çukur (pit); mükedder (mornful), kederli (mournful/dreary), müteverrim (tuberculous), kırık (broken), mustarib (the one who is suffering from something), efsürde, sönük (faded/pale), bî-mecal (dead on one’s feet), öksüz (orphan), münkesir (offended/vexed), şikeste (resentful/ broken) were frequently used in 1st Constitutional Period Turkish poetry, especially in the texts related to the era of the New Literature, and many subjects that might causally be relevant to hüzün (sadness) found their place. We also come across this word in İsmet Özel’s poems. Moreover, we will also tackle the question of whether we can take the concept of hüzün (sadness) as a common ground between İsmet Özel and Servet-i Fünûn.&nbsp;İsmet Özel’s book titled Erbain, a collection of all of his poems, consists of the books of poems Geceleyin Bir Koşu, Evet İsyan, Cinayetler Kitabı and Celladıma Gülümserken, along with the poems that he had not included in these books. Having an extensive range of use along with the terms that has semantic proximity with it in Servet-i Fünûn tradition, the term hüzün (sadness) was only used ten times in İsmet Özel’s Erbain. The word hüzün (sadness) occurred in the poems Waterloo’da Bir Dişi Kedi (two times), Ölü Asker İçin İlk Türkü, Geceleyin Bir Korku and Davun, which are included in his first book of poems, namely Geceleyin Bir Koşu. By virtue of its semantic affinity to hüzün (sadness), the term üzgün (sad) that is used in Ölü Asker İçin İlk Türkü is also included in this examination. We come across the term hüzün (sadness) in the poems Çağdaş Bir Ürperti (two times), Yaşamak Umrumdadır, Aynı Adam ve Yaşatan, contained in his second book of poems Evet İsyan; as well as in the poems Karlı Bir Gece Vakti Bir Dostu Uyandırmak, Akdeniz’in Ufka Doğru Mora Çalan Mavisi (one instance of hüzün (sadness) in each of them) that were included in the third book of poems, which he named Cinayetler Kitabı. In the first poem, we also see the word mahzun (sad) along with hüzün (sadness), and we picked out thirteen instances of hüzün (sadness) and hüzün-related words in total, if we take mahzun (sad) into account as well. We realized that the common ground between Servet-i Fünûn and İsmet Özel in the use of the concept of hüzün (sadness) remains nothing more than an appearence considering İsmet Özel’s negative attitude toward the word and the emotion that it brings forth. We will discuss in detail the contexts in which İsmet Özel integrates the word hüzün (sadness) into his poetry, his attitude toward hüzün-related emotions, and its meaning and connotations in his poems in a comparative analysis with Servet-i Fünûn poetry.&nbsp;As well as hüzün (sadness), we also examined the meaning and connotations of the word üzünç (sorrow) which is derived from the same root as üzüntü (grief/sadness), and discussed its place in poems and evaulated its proximity with Servet-i Fünûn.

Impressions of Servet-i Fünûn In İsmet Özel's Poetry

Selin

Lecturer

Since the beginning of the humanity, people have needed to understand their environment and started to give names to objects. During the process of giving names to objects, societies have reflected from the viewpoint of the objects, actions and life they have created in their own cultures. So, there are some word groups that help us to identify cultures. One of these word groups is animal names. Analysing animal names gives us an opportunity to understand how certain societies have a viewpoint about animals.Animal names are essential in the language of Turkic people who have lived nomadic lives for centuries. Turkic people have taken advantage of animals from various aspects in order to meet their needs. Animal names were often given place in Crimean Tatar texts. In Crimean Tatar Turkish, animal names were derived in various ways: borrowings from neighbouring languages and modern dialects, originally derived animal names, and borrowings from Old Turkic.In this paper, Crimean Tatar animal names that are borrowed from Old Turkic were identified using "An Etymological Dictionary of Pre-Thirteenth Century Turkish" published by Clauson. Although some sound changes have occurred, some part of the animal names are still being used since the Old Turkic period. The situation shows us how Crimean Tatar Turkish has old characteristics. In addition to this, animal names vary depending on gender and age and some animals have a couple of names in Crimean Tatar Turkish. These variations are an indication of a rich vocabulary.

On Mutual Animal Names Between Crimean Tatar Turkish and Old Turkic

Çiğdem

In the new age, which is known as the Enlightenment since it means liberation from the darkness of the Middle Ages in Europe, the emergence of a mind, science and human-oriented system of thought affected many parts of the world, including the Ottoman Empire, a part of which was in Europe. It opened a way to a multidimensional transformation from economy to culture, from intellectual life to social structure in the Ottoman Empire. The community that was most affected by the Enlightenment movement was, in the first place, the Greek community within the multi-ethnic, multi-religional and multi-cultural boundaries of the Ottoman Empire. The reason for this was because the Greeks living under Ottoman rule were the first community who established commercial and cultural links with Europe. For this reason, they encountered the European Enlightenment earlier than the other Orthodox Balkan communities, and thus paved the way for the formation of a new cultural movement under the leadership of the Greeks especially in the Balkan territories and on the western shores of the Ottoman Empire.&nbsp;This cultural movement is referred to as the Modern Greek Enlightenment (Νεοελληνικός Διαφωτισμός) in western literature. The Greek Enlightenment, which can be described as a part of the Age of Enlightenment and which, in consequence, had an impact on the whole of the Greek world, falls within a time period starting from the end of the 18th century to the beginning of the 19th century. In this period, with the influence of the French Revolution, Western mentality and secular knowledge began to spread over to the East by means of wealthy European-Greek merchants and intellectuals. The Greek intellectuals embarked on a cultural struggle by heading towards the field of education based on the necessity of transforming&nbsp;society for ‘better’ conditions and for concepts such as freedom, liberalism and nationalism, in which they hoped to find a response in the Greek world. As a result, new Greek schools adopting a Western-style and offering higher education (not as high as that of the universities, but more like secondary/high schools) were established. In these new schools, established in the late 18th and early 19th centuries, an innovative educational approach was adopted instead of the tradionalist movement represented by the Patriarchate.&nbsp;The new Greek schools, which were the reflection of the Greek Enlightenment to the Greek educational world, were of particular importance for the Greek national movement in terms of spreading Greek nationalism, the realization of national awakening among the Greek communities and instilling national consciousness in them. One of these innovative schools was established at the turn of the 19th century in Ayvalık which was a small town in the early 18th century, but which had seen significant development since the middle of the same century. The reason for this was that, during this period, Ayvalık had a status that could be regarded as semi-autonomous especially for Greeks, and this situation made the region a centre of attraction both commercially and culturally.&nbsp;This Greek school of Ayvalık, which was called the Academy of Kydonies (Academy of Ayvalık), bearing traces of the Enlightenment, was among the leading institutions of Greek education. Although the Academy was like a secondary/high school, its qualified teachers and the quality of its courses made the school reach a level of higher education akin to that of a university. This was because the Greek community of the Ottoman Empire did not yet have a university at that time. The fact that foreign travellers also described the Academy as a college, shows that the school was really perceived as a ‘college’ in that period.The Academy, whose main goal was to spread and improve education among Greeks, succeeded in making its mark on the whole Greek world in a very short time with the teaching methods it followed and with the courses it taught. The ideas which spread from the Academy through courses and other activities not only effected the educational movements of the period, but also led to the flourishing of nationalist ideology and the development of ethnic awareness among Greeks in Western Anatolia, especially in Ayvalık, and even in the whole Greek world. More importantly, the nationalist thought emanating from this school was one of the driving forces of the Greek rebellion - or the Greek independence movement. Despite its short life, the school, which pioneered the spread of Hellenism among Anatolian Greeks with its enlightenment and revolutionary ideas and activities, became one of the centers of Greek nationalism in Anatolia. Being the first practitioner of modern Hellenism in Anatolia in a cultural context, the school formed a basis for the national awakening of the Ottoman Greeks.Furthermore, the nationalist ideas spread by the Academy were welcomed by the Ottoman administration because they caused the multiethnic structure of the empire to deteriorate, as it was the reaction of the Patriarchate which opposed the enlightenment movement with the thought that its central position would be weakened. Therefore, the school, which faced&nbsp;reactions from the Patriarchate from time to time, also faced the interventions of the Ottoman administration. As a result, the outbreak of the Greek rebellion paved the way for the end of the school, which was the bearer of Greek nationalist ideology.&nbsp;&nbsp;Although we do not claim to reveal everything about the Academy of Ayvalık, this study, by way of introduction, aims to fill a gap in the Turkish literature regarding the school which had an important role in the spread of Greek nationalist ideology among Anatolian Greeks.

The Academy of Kydonies (Ayvalik): Upon the Origins of Greek Nationalism in Western Anatolia

Hasan

The concept of intertextuality, put forward by Julia Kristeva in the 1960s, means that a text is generally related to the texts written before it, and each text is in a kind of exchange with other texts in different contexts, and also there is no absolute unique text. The term is reproduced from Soviet theoretician Mihail Bahtin’s theory of dialogism which is defined as the relationship of meaning that occurs during the conversation between two people. Bahtin who mentions the theory of dialogism in his work “Problems of Dostoevsky Poetics”, states that the discourse in some texts are. double- voiced Hence, he claims that the texts are constructed based on the dialogical relations. Kristeva, inspired byBahtin’s ideas, has developed his dialogical relations theory based on the principle that one discourse interacts with other discourses and asserts that one text relates to other texts from different angles. Thus, the dialogic relationship forms that emerge depending on the level of discourse leave their place to intertextual relations that are reduced to the text level.&nbsp;Intertextual techniques play a crucial role in the process of fictionalizing and analyzing text. While these techniques allow the author to establish a connection between his own work and other works when constructing his work, they also explain how the reader relates the author with other texts through these methods. The author, who uses intertextual methods, either integrates the elements of different texts into her own text or adapts them in a different way by making some changes.When Araba Sevdası is examined within the framework of the intertextuality theory, it is seen that Bihruz, a main character in the novel, is keen on reading novels and poets. When Bihruz realizes that there is a similarity between his life and the characters of the novels he read he tries to establish a relationship between his life and the lives of the novels’ characters. He learns how the novel characters cope with their problems while he cannot handle those in his life. Hereby, he adopts this information which he learned from the books in order to solve his problems. His reading of different works and taking their heroes as examples shows that the intertextual relations are reflected in Araba Sevdası.&nbsp;&nbsp;Intertextual relations that emerge as a result of the process of revealing the meaning pattern between the two texts from different angles in Araba Sevdası reflects the emotional and mental transformations of the Bihruz character. These relations also reveal the qualifications and expectations of the hero (Bihruz) of the novel. While the supplementary texts in the novel allow the main text to progress through different paths and the plot to be stratified, they reveal the intertextual relations network by articulating the text of the main text in loops. Intertextual relations network in the novel develops around the topics such as love and the pain of separation. Nevertheless intertextual networks allow the reader to associate with it and take the reader on an intertextual journey. In this journey, the ground has been prepared for the reader to relate to other texts depending on the main text.The intertextual relations in Araba Sevdası provides information about the psychology&nbsp;of the character, as well as strikingly reflects his tragicomic situations conspicuously. When Bihruz read different literary works, he adopted the behaviour of the characters in those works. Thence, he acts like how they react in similar situations, and thinks in the same way as they do. In the intertextual context, the discourses of the heroes and the words of famous thinkers in the text were directly transferred to the text, and attempts were made to support the views put forward in the novel. Supplementary texts in the novel with the reference method showed that the main text has a wide range of subtexts.

Function of Intertextual Relations in Araba Sevdası

Meral

The system in which the money, industry, and trade of a country are organized is called a political economy. The nineteenth century witnessed the rise of nationalism and national economic policy as well as an industrial revolution and free trade. These developments, however, were not useful for empires and non-industrialised nations of which the Ottoman Empire was one. Despite its political, social and economic reforms, the Ottoman Empire did not create a national political economy. The various nations which were part of the Ottoman Empire began to revolt and founded their own national states throughout the nineteenth century. Even though the second constitutional monarchy was proclaimed in 1908, it did not prevent the ongoing disintegration of the Empire.From the second half of the nineteenth century onwards the Turks in the Empire began to understand the power of national economic policy, industrialism and nationalism. A lot of internal and external developments contributed to this enlightenment in which some works of modern Turkish literature and its writers and poets played a part . The Balkan Wars of 1912-13 were a turning point. The Sebilürresad journal, whose owner was Mehmet Akif, later to be the writer of the Turkish national anthem in 1921 during the Turkish War of Independence, was established in those days. Turkish writers who were enlightened and well-educated were well aware of the situation of those days. It is understood that Omer Fuad was one of them and he travelled to Bursa, Karacabey, Kirmastı, Bandırma and Ayvalık in 1913 and 1914, publishing his observations in the Sebilürresad journal.His accounts were a good reflection of the social and economic situations that the Turkish people found themselves in. According to him non-Muslim Ottoman subjects dominated the economy of the region and had economic and political power. Turkish historical buildings, like schools and mosques were in a poor state of repair or even in ruins. The Turkish population was poor. On the contrary, non-Muslims, of which the majority was Greek, were powerful and rich and their buildings were modern. In Bursa economic superiority was in the hands of the Christians and the Muslims who needed the economic support of the government. One of the most important merchants was a Bulgarian trader, N. Dimkof, whose horseshoe trade dominated the region and the empire. In Bursa the main industry was that of the silkworm trade , namely sericulture. The workers on the benches were Jewish girls, the masters were Muslims. The tanneries were in the hands of the Muslims, but the Muslim tanners complained about their Muslims apprentices due to their laziness.&nbsp;In Bandırma the economic power of the Greeks eclipsed that of the Muslims. The honorary French consul was a Greek merchant. At the same time, he was the honorary British consul and in consequence he and his trade came under the protection of the French and British. Omer Fuad wrote that there was no indication of an Islamic presence in Bandırma, except that of the Haydar Cavus mosque. In Bandırma, industry and trade were controlled by the Christians. The grain trade, for instance, was governed by mainly Greek merchants. There was also a Jewish merchant who did business as a grain trader. The observer, however, did not blame the non-Muslims, but rather the Muslims owing to their laziness and snooping. While they were at odds with one another, they lagged behind in trade. While the Muslims were toiling, the Christians enjoyed wealth and prosperity.&nbsp;&nbsp;Although the Greeks who settled in Ayvalık were subjects of the Ottoman Empire, they were extremely nationalist and t supported Greece, respecting the Greek flag. Their children wore hats on which was written ‘long live (Zito) Venizelos’ who was the Prime Minister of Greece. Publications from Greece were banned by the Ottomans. Besides Greek traders, Armenian and Bulgarian traders were also powerful rivals of the Muslims (Turks) and trade, power and wealth were in their hands. There were only a few Muslim traders and businessmen, although the owners of the state were Muslim Turks.Omer Fuad’s identity became unknown and his letters in the journal disappeared suddenly, although he had said in his latest published letter that he would write about the situation of the Muslims living in Ayvalık. It is possible that his accounts might have bothered the government. Consequently, his travel accounts are very important in three ways. Firstly, they reflect the Turkish educated people’s point of view about the economy and society in 1913 and 1914. Secondly, they indicate the social, economic and political structure of the regions through which he travelled. Lastly, his observations and considerations are a description of the national political economy of the time and of the importance of the economy in the life of the state and society.

The Economic Nationalism According to Omer Fuad’s Anatolian Letters

Fasih

During the period from 1877 to the winter of 1879, the eastern provinces of the Ottoman Empire suffered from severe drought and famine. Although famine due to this drought increased in Van, Bitlis and Diyarbekir provinces, it was experienced in Mosul province in its most severe form, and agricultural production was completely interrupted in these regions. Successive dry season conditions from 1877 onwards led to a severe hunger in which mass deaths took place from December 1879 to May 1880.In 1877, when the famine began, the Ottoman central government joined a fierce battle called the 93 War against the Russian State. The Ottoman Empire, which sustained a heavy defeat by Russia, suffered a great loss of land, and its economy which was in a weak state also entered into a deep crisis. One of the consequences of this war was the fact that Hakkâri Center Sheikh Ubeydullah initiated an uprising against the unsettled State authority, which also affected the area of the Mosul province. The local and international problems of the central government of the Ottoman Empire prevented measures from being taken against the famine in all eastern provinces turning into severe hunger.In 1877, when the famine began, the Mosul, Shahrizor (Kirkuk) and Sulaymaniyah regions, which constituted the northern regions of Iraq, consisted of sanjaks under the control of Baghdad province. As the famine began to turn into severe hunger and accordingly the disturbance of the peace into a general insecurity, the central government separated these three regions from Baghdad province in 1879 and turned them into a province borough called Mosul. Kirkuk settlement was designated as the center of this province. The establishment of the Mosul province at a time when the central government was struggling with local and international crises did not allow the necessary investments to be made for the placement of a state power mechanism. As a matter of fact, almost all of the Iraqi military force which was required to prevent tribal outbursts resulting from the disturbance of the peace during the famine process had been propelled to the front. Very few of the soldiers were able to return. Most of the zaptieh forces, which provided security for settlements and government institutions, were disbanded because their salaries were not paid. This situation deprived provincial administrators of the necessary mechanisms to carry out an effective struggle against famine disaster.Faced with the effects of famine, the central government tried to assign experienced administrators to the provincial administration. However, experienced administrators who were assigned to a province with natural disaster did not want to take responsibility for struggling&nbsp;with famine due to the concern of not being able to deliver the necessary performance. There upon the central government was forced to assign civilian administrators who wanted to gain the higher authority but lacked the necessary experience. The administrators who went to the provincial area tried to change their positions upon encountering the destruction caused by famine. Those who could not get any results resigned from their duties. Those who continued their duties and those who could not carry out the necessary struggle against famine were dismissed by the central government after complaints from the citizens.When the central government failed to obtain the desired success from the assigned civilian administrators, it unwillingly had to leave the provincial administration to a military administrator. In fact, it was not a rare case for military officials to come to civilian positions in a region such as Iraq, geographically remote to central government. The fact that the region had a long border with Iran and accordingly threatened the peace was the source of reasons for the military officer’s to take the civilian powers in addition to their own powers. The frequent occurrence of this situation led to a constant effort by the military officers to take over civilian power. Within the scope of these efforts, they refrained from working devotedly in order to leave the civilian authorities in a difficult situation whenever the peace in the province was threatened. When the civil authorities of the Mosul province failed to conduct an effective struggle against famine, the military officers took this opportunity to make contacts with the central bureaucracy, have the military officers take control of the province administration and succeeded in assigning by proxy a subordinate military officer as the administrator of Mosul.The military officer, who was assigned by proxy as the administrator of Mosul province suffering from the famine disaster, could not achieve the necessary success due to the deep social devastation caused by the disaster. However, the military officer made contacts with the central government through a petition consisting of joint signatures of the notables of the province in order to turn the assignment of proxy into principal, but the central government avoided appointting a military officer as a the civil servant. The appointment of military officers as civilian servants had been incompatible with the state’s understanding of modernization about administration since the Tanzimat reform era. As a result, the central government of the Ottoman Empire was unable to assign experienced administrators who could carry out an effective struggle against famine on the eastern borders. The inefficiency of state mechanisms and the lack of necessary administrative experience of the assigned administrators left the people of the province vulnerable to the destruction of the famine disaster.

Deprivation of Qualified Statesmen During Famine: The Struggle of the Central Government and Mosul Provincial Administration with the Famine of 1879-1880

Mehmet

The letters have been very functional instruments in regard to providing various opportunities for dialogue, and opening negotiation and interaction areas to master writers in the modern era literary public. When we look at the voluminous correspondences of Namık Kemal, the exchange of letters between Fatma Aliye and Ahmet Mithat Efendi, the controversy between Abdülhak Hamid and Recaizade Mahmut Ekrem regarding Nesteren and many other cases, especially during the formation period of modern Ottoman literature, a vivid dialogue and interaction via letters attract attention. In this article, Recaizade Mahmut Ekrem’s letters to Sadullah Pasha which have not been included in sources until today and are published here for the first time, are analyzed in the related context.As in the case of many examples, writers’ letters are amongst the primary sources of literature history. In Orhan Okay’s words, private letters have documental features and they shed light on their era, personages, interpersonal relations, and many unknown stages in the background of art works; thus, they are an important source for biographical research.When we look at the correspondence between these two important figures in Ottoman literature during the modernization period - Recaizade Mahmut Ekrem and Sadullah Pasha - it is seen that the content of these letters is not limited to personal matters, there is a vivid discussion on the construction of a new literary tradition and literary modernization, and considerations on the main matters of debate in the literary history. In this regard, these letters in question have a documental value.Information about Sadullah Pasha’s literary personality and scope is limited because after his suicide, his unpublished poems, writings and translations were lost. Therefore, the data obtained from these letters in this article, will shed further light on his portrait today. Moreover, Sadullah Pasha is known to have an influence on other important writers such as Abdülhak Hâmid, and his dialogue and interaction with Recaizade Mahmut Ekrem are identified and evaluated via these letters. One of Recaizade Mahmut Ekrem’s poems which is not included in his books and passed on until today, was also revealed owing to one of those letters and is analyzed in this article.An outstanding agenda item, especially in the letters dated 1879, was “progress in literature”. “Progress” [terakki] was a characteristic term of the 19th century and onwards and was a keyword in literary discussions. The purpose of progress in literature here, as it is understood, is to construct a new literature following the example of modern literature blooming in the West.In the exchange of ideas between these two figures, Recaizade specifies that the most important obstacles to modernization in literature are the absence of literary criticism in the Ottoman cultural world, the lagging of language of poetry behind the developments in the language of prose, the contradiction between the aruz prosody and the nature of Turkish, and inadequate research conducted on ancient Ottoman literature. If we broach his views, it is the nature of the aruz prosody that drags Ottoman poets to tumturak-ı elfaz obsession and even forcefully leads them to this direction because aruz prosody is at variance with Ottoman Turkish. If the syllabic meter replaces aruz prosody, misdeeds such as unfamiliar usage of compound phrases are prevented. Thus, the beauty of meaning and clarity of meaning will be provided in regard to rhetoric. According to him, there has been great progress in the language of prose and in line with this progress, it is possible to write a novel appropriate for the current circumstances of that period. However, it is not possible to write a drama in verse, as aruz prosody withstands the structure of Ottoman Turkish. According to Recaizade, another condition to advance in literature depends on research and studies on classical Ottoman literature. In fact, he would also make an effort in 1879, when he wrote these lines, by writing Talim-i Edebiyat, and Kudemâdan Birkaç Şair a while later.On the other hand, Sadullah Pasha suggests that Turkic tribes improved Turkish literature by imitating Arabian and Persian poets on the way to civilization but could not preserve the “national characteristic” of Turkish poetry in the meanwhile. Sadullah Pasha’s propounded ideas remind us of the suggestions of the nationalist criticism that bloomed at the threshold of 20th century and can be considered as one of their premises. During the Meşrutiyet and Republican period, one of the primary criticisms addressed towards Ottoman literature was that it was a cosmopolitan literature rather than a national literature.Because of the conducted research and investigation, it is believed that the letters written by Recaizade Mahmut Ekrem to Sadullah Pasha are not limited to those mentioned here. It is hoped that the other letters and documents of these two personages will be revealed and will fill the gaps in the history of literature and clear the way for new studies.The subject-case of this article, also confronts us with the problematic of accessing resources in the history of Turkish literature studies. It is a known fact that many works and documents like those mentioned here are not open to access as they are kept in private collections or archives. For this reason, the future steps to be taken by the institutions are important to carry out the necessary studies on the collections and archives that are, at least, possible to be open for public use.

Recaizade Mahmut Ekrem’s Letters to Sadullah Pasha and an Examination in the Context of Literary History

Classical Turkish literature is a literature that has taken almost all of its theoretical and aesthetic principles from the Persian poetry tradition, thus reshaping its ancient tradition with Islamic culture and creating a wide ranging influence for itself that has been shaped in all respects under its strong and permanent influence. For this reason, Classical Turkish literature poets, like the Persian poets who belong to the same tradition, wrote their poems according to the verse forms, rhythm, word staff, imagination and style determined by it, and never deviated from this. This situation shows that the divan poets, who were strictly bound to those narrow and certain criteria of the tradition, have a common understanding of poetry consisting of a common imagination, word staff and world of images. We believe that the understanding of poetry of the divan poets can be put forward by an inductive method, with reference to the literary texts from the author’s pen that have survived to the present day. We have reached this conclusion because there are often many signs about how the author wrote his work, which processes he went through, and what interventions he made, in the works that reach the present day with the handwriting of the author himself. We are of the opinion that more objective and practical information about the poetry understanding / poetics of the divan poet could be obtained if we were to analyze the literary texts of the author’s own handwritten texts, which have had the opportunity to reach the present day by overcoming the effect of time. We think that we can prove this theory with reference to the draft copy of Hüsn ü Aşk, which is accepted as one of the most beautiful and original masnavis of classical Turkish literature and has survived to the present day in the author’s handwriting. In so doing, we plan to compare the draft copy of Hüsn ü Aşk with the seven oldest copies and thereby determine and analyze what types of interventions Şeyh Galib made on the text of Hüsn ü Aşk on the basis of both verse and couplet as well as chapter.When the draft copy of Hüsn ü Aşk and the seven ancient copies dated back to earliest dates are compared, it can be seen that Seyh Gâlib made two types of interventions on the text of Hüsn ü Aşk on the basis of both verse and couplet as well as chapterThe first of these is the intervention made by Seyh Gâlib himself on the draft copy and the second is that made during the drawing up of a fair copy of the draft copy. The first of these interventions can be seen in the amendments made mostly with red ink on the draft and the second one can only be determined by comparing the draft copy with the ancient copies. For this reason, it is possible to come to the conclusion that the phrase / verse / couplet / chapter usage shown in the seven ancient copies was different in the draft copy because of the fact that Şeyh Gâlib changed the phrase / verse / couplet / chapter patterns while making a fair copy of the text.&nbsp;Furthermore, it is possible to classify additions, subtractions and changes made both on the text and during the making of a fair copy of the text under three main titles, namely Interventions Seen in Words and Word Groups, Interventions Seen in Chapter and Chapter Titles and Adscititious / Removed / Relocated Couplets. Given that evaluating the three main titles together will exceed the limits of this article, the determination and analysis of two of them will be left to another article, and only the Interventions Seen in Words and Word Groups will be dealt with here. This study will attempt to determine and analyze the differences made between the ancient copies and the draft copy on the basis of words and word groups.In this study, the draft of Hüsn ü Aşk in Süleymaniye Library Halet Efendi number 171 and the ancient manuscripts will be compared. The comparison will show what kinds of interventions and changes Seyh Gâlib made on the text during the compilation process of Hüsn ü Aşk and what the reasons behind them could be. In addition, some evaluations will be made about Şeyh Gâlib’s language, style, art, and his poetics in general based on these literary and scientific evidences. This evaluation will be made after the draft copies and ancient copies to be used in the study have first been introduced. Following that, the types of interventions made by Gâlib Dede in the text on both the draft copy and while making a fair copy of the text will be discussed in general, and finally the interventions seen in the words and word groups in the text of Hüsn ü Aşk will be shown, and the possible reasons for these interventions will be examined.

The Consequence of Hüsn ü Aşk From Writing to Publication - II

The mental activity of the human, consisting of perceiving, defining and naming his/her environment, processes through the questions asked for all entities, movements and concepts. Therefore, the question, which is one of the basic stages of human thinking and at the same time a literary art (tecâhül-i ârif ve istifham) has various ways of being expressed in Turkish, as in all languages in the world as a grammar category. One of these is intonation, one of the “suprasegmental phonemic units”.The main function of intonation during oral communication is to convey senders’ feelings such as surprise, anger, happiness, excitement, teasing, contempt, etc. to the receiver with the meaning of the message. Thus, the intonations indicate the grammatical structures in the sentence with a phoneme. The most important function of intonation in verbal communication is the question.Question intonation is a suprasegmental sound unit created by the harmonious combination of multiple supra-phonemes such as stress, tone, duration, boundary, and pause in a sentence, while expressing the question that the sender wants to convey to the receiver in a verbal communication with a sentence consisting of multiple words. In other words, while expressing their feelings and thoughts during communication, people perform intonation with the suprasegmental units in each sentence they express. The intonation of the sentence is formed as a result of this process.In historical and modern Turkish dialects, question sentences are generally made with a question suffix (-mI) or question words (ne, kim, *ka), but intonation is also used as a way of producing question sentences, although it is not very common and measured. However, Azerbaijani Turkish is the only Turkish dialect in which it is prudent to produce question sentences with intonation and is widely used in both spoken and written language. The intonation question is used in a measured and widespread manner in modern Azerbaijani Turkish as a means of producing question sentences together with the question suffix and question words. In fact, it is possible to say that the question sentences derived from the questions with intonation are&nbsp;used much more than the question sentences derived from the interrogative particles in both speaking and written language. The most prominent feature of the question sentences formed with intonation in Azerbaijani Turkish spoken language is that question intonation is formed by lengthening the last syllable of the sentence by two or three sounds and by increasing the tone. This intonation is shown in written language only with a question mark.According to the very few studies conducted so far, question sentences with intonations have been used, though not very common, in Old Turkish, Karakhanid Turkish, Kipchak Turkish of historical Turkish dialects with Old Anatolian Turkish, which forms the source of the Contemporary Oghuz dialects. However, the fact that no question marks were used in Turkish texts written in Arabic letters until the 19th century makes it very difficult to identify question sentences that are composed only with intonation. Despite this, in various studies conducted in Azerbaijan, it has been stated that the history of the question sentences with intonation can only be traced back to the 16th century, and it was hardly detected in the centuries before then.It is seen that these types of question sentences were used more after the 16th century, starting from Fuzuli, and it became more standardized depending on the development of the press language and theater works, from the 19th century onwards, in Azerbaijani Turkish. However, due to the aforementioned difficulties, it is possible to identify such sentences not as simple sentences, but as sentences in combined structures in the historical Azerbaijani Turkish texts. Signs such as conjunctions, prepositions or pronouns, antonyms or positive negative repetitions, comparison sentences, context in this kind of sentence etc. point out that the sentence is a question sentence with intonation. Therefore, tracing this question type in Azerbaijani Turkish history requires the determination of the aforementioned “morphological” and “syntactic” signs.Studying the Turkish of Fuzulî, who is a very important poet not only of Azerbaijan, but also of the whole Turkic world with the language of poetry he has built, in terms of question sentences with intonation is of great importance for Turkic studies.&nbsp;In this study, the question sentences with intonations used in Fuzûlî’s Turkish Divan were revealed by determining various words and structures that are indicative of such question sentences. The samples revealed were divided into various groups by categorization, and phonetic and the morphological elements which enable these structures to turn into question sentences with intonation were explained. Thus, the subject of the question sentence with intonation, which is only general knowledge in the history of language, was examined by taking into consideration the Fuzûlî sample. In this study, it was found that the question sentences with intonation established with the creativity and meticulousness of Fuzuli have mainly two different structures: Question Sentence Structures Constructed Only with Intonation and Question Sentence Structures with Intonation Supported by the Interrogative Particle. There were 24 examples defined for the first structure, and 11 examples defined for the second. It is expected that the method used in this study, in which a total of 35 examples were determined, is of a quality that can be used for other poets and writers who worked in the history of Azerbaijani Turkish.

Question Sentence Structures with Intonation in Fuzuli's Turkish

Murat

The meaning of the human face and the body has been a subject of curiosity since ancient times. The Western tradition of physiognomy and phrenology as well as the Eastern tradition of ilm-i sima (knowledge of the face), ilm-i firaset (knowledge of foresight) and ilm-i kıyafet (knowledge of the apparel) establish a connection between the face and body of the human and his inner world and character. Although these fields are generally accepted as pseudo-science, recent studies have revealed that the human face and body are closely related to culture and literature. The works of Johan K. Lavater deeply affected the 19th century Western novel, and Halit Ziya Uşaklıgil, the first important representative of the modern Turkish novel, wrote his book ilm-i sima influenced by Lavater. However, a cultural analysis of character physiognomy in the context of Turkish modernization has not been carried out. Thus, this study will treat character physiognomy as a cultural symbol and perform an epistemological and ontological analysis on the modern Turkish novel.Turkish modernization, similar to other modernities that have developed outside the West, was previously established as a non-Western modernity. The unique structure of Turkish modernization has been reflected in the physiognomy of the Turkish novel. Thus, the face and body forms of fictional characters have been realized in an epistemological and ontological system that is different from the West. Our recentr close readings showed that Michel Foucault’s notions of historical a priori and archive provide a relevant framework in the analysis of Halit Ziya’s novels and revealed how his texts can be interpreted as plates of deep cultural meanings in terms of non-Western modernity. Foucault puts historical a priori as a condition of reality for statements. He is in pursuit of “the conditions of emergence of statements, the law of their co-existence with others, the specific form of their mode of being, the principles according to which they survive, become transformed, and disappear”. Similarly, in Foucault’s words, “the archive is not that which, despite its immediate escape, safeguards the event of the statement, and preserves, for future memories, its status as an escapee; it is that which, at the very root of the statement-event, and in that which embodies it, defines at the outset the system of its enunciability”.When viewed through Foucault’s notions of historical a priori and archive, it has been observed that the physiognomy of Halit Ziya’s characters reflect a change evolving from an absolute discourse to a modern one in the Western sense. In İntibah, which is the representative of the Tanzimat novel, Ali Bey’s sight or way of looking is based on edeb (decency)/shyness, whereas in Aşk-ı Memnu, the state of vision/looking between Behlül and Bihter is shaped through the concepts of sin, guilt and degradation. Thus, character physiognomy, reflected as sight or smile, is in fact, not a simple description of a fictional scene, but an expression of a changing mindset.Peyami Safa, on the other hand, is a novelist known for his ability to describe his characters in their psychological depth and also for his investigations into some of the most central philosophical questions such as being, time, knowledge and reality. Our close readings not only showed that Safa was one of the Turkish novelists with the highest knowledge of physiognomy, but also showed that he was making the most of character physiognomy when constructing his philosophical approaches. The most striking example of this is the moment when people are told, in Yalnızız, that they will only be taken to the ideal country Simeranya with a physiognomy and a manners test. Thus, physiognomy ceases to be a simple facial and bodily appearance and becomes a symbolic domain of the novelist’s modern mysticism.

Oriental Mirrors of Fictional Physiognomy: Non-Western Modernity and a Cognitive Cultural Reading of the Modern Turkish Novel

Cemile

Res. Assist.

Alienation is a versatile concept that is used in a wide range of subjects from philosophy to psychology, from sociology to economics. This concept is a character that should be considered together with the perception of reality changing throughout the ages. In the Middle Ages there is a perception of reality that is representative of balance and harmony in a theological way and found its worth in works such as Dante's Divine Comedy. In the east, the style of the Quran was centered and the narrative styles suitable for the Quran were adopted. However, with the prominence of science and technique in the Age of Enlightenment, the perception of reality evolved to take science from theology to the fore. With the prominence of positivism, the mind was exalted and the works in which the cause-effect relationship prevailed. In the first period novel examples in Turkish Literature, it seems possible to trace this situation. However, especially in the 20th century, the perception of reality, which accepted the leadership of reason, began to be destroyed. Modernization has revealed some symptoms in society after the developments and changes that the human mind cannot encompass. With the inability to reach the world outside of itself and the loss of control mechanisms, the situation has become alienated to its own reality. This situation has undoubtedly been reflected in literary works, and the old harmonious, regular narratives have been replaced by pieces that have lost their linearity in the context of time.&nbsp;&nbsp;The modernization process in Turkish literature was not realized in the natural historical flow as in the West, but with some artificial interventions. In this context, the psychology of not being able to catch up with the West has been the main subject of the literary works after the Tanzimat. The concept of alienation, which is closely related to individualization, also began to sprout in this phase. Later, although there were some independent individualization efforts, tendencies such as the dominant literary view and highlighting social issues completely blocked the way of autonomy. However, after this stage, the concept of alienation in the modern sense emerges and becomes clear, especially after the 1950s. Existentialism, which reflects the uneasy, unhappy and hopeless psychologies of individuals after the Second World War, also began to show itself in this stage in Turkish literature. Likewise, surrealism is one of the prominent currents of this universe. In this sense, literary schools, which offer different approaches to poetry as İkinci Yeni does, are among the important thresholds that should be mentioned. In this way, the reception of the truth has changed and the narratives, in which the contribution of the reader is taken into consideration, have become meaningful. And as a result, content that is loaded with polyphonic, rich connotations and where we can read the inner world and the crisis of the individual has emerged.Vüs'at O. Bener, the author of Dost story, which is at the center of our work, has written many works that are full of rich associations, multi-layered in terms of meaning and intensely dealing with the inner world of the characters. Known for his pessimism and restless atmospheres in the literary world, the author offers researchers rich content in the context of alienation.&nbsp;Dost, the first story he wrote, is an important narrative in this sense. Although the language of the story is quite plain and the expressions are clear, the atmosphere it presents to the reader is quite blurred. There are three characters in the story that we examined in the context of alienation. The alienation of Niyazi Bey, who is in an intellectual position among others, is felt very intensely. He does not feel that he belongs to the town he is in; in a view that belittles the people around him. The second character, Kasap Ali, is presented as the friend of the main character and a friend whom he socializes with through drinking. He is a very rude person and constantly humiliates his wife. His wife Naciye wants to get rid of him at the first opportunity and marry Niyazi Bey. She even ignores her children for this marriage. However, Niyazi Bey, who approaches her only with sexual urges at night, does not want to marry a woman like her. As you can see, these three characters we mentioned are foreign to themselves. These are the types that cannot be compromised with their current situation and are constantly restless and unsatisfied. Also, these three characters do not have enough power to take any steps to change the conditions they do not accept and compromise, as we mentioned in our study. This is nothing more than reification and feelings of helplessness, which is one of the important symptoms of the individual alienated in the modernizing world.

Vüs’at O. Bener and Dost in the Context of the Concept of Alienation

Engin

Hikmet

The new world order that emerged after the First World War put the future of the Ottoman Empire in jeopardy. Following the Mondros Armistice Agreement, many parts of the country were occupied by the members of the Entente States. In addition, allocating land to Armenians, Greeks and Kurds was also on the agenda. Although they had not officially occupied, the troops of the Entente States proceeded to Istanbul, the capital of the state, and the sultan and the government were under pressure. Under these circumstances, the liberation of the country did not seem possible. Local resistance organizations were established in many cities, and a struggle was initiated against both the occupation forces and the minorities’ harmful activities. The resistance evolved into an organized struggle with the arrival of Mustafa Kemal Pasha in Samsun. The center of the struggle was moved to Ankara with the dissolution of the Last Assembly (Meclis-i Mebusan) and the occupation of Istanbul. The Turkish Grand National Assembly (TGNA) was formed here. However, the formation of the Assembly received reactions from the Entente States and their supporters. With Damat Ferit Pasha becoming the head of the cabinet, the Grand Vizier and sheikhislam as well as the Sultan under pressure began working against the new Assembly. Fatwas were declared against the new Assembly to demonstrate that it was a rebellion against the Sultan. TGNA benefited from two means to consolidate its legitimacy: religion and the press. Religion was utilized by issuing fatwas against unfounded allegations. The press was used to communicate the situation of the country, the activities of the enemies, and the goals of the National Struggle to the public. The press functioned as a crucial tool to increase public participation in the National Struggle initiated with the purpose of rescuing the state from occupation and the reign and caliphate from capitivity, as well as to publicize the legitimacy of this struggle. İstikbal Newspaper, which was first published in Trabzon in 1918, was one of these tools with its publication policy supporting the National Struggle. Unlike the newspapers with an anti-National Struggle agenda and those belonging to minority groups in Trabzon, İstikbal Newspaper, directed by Faik Ahmet, aimed to support the National Struggle, explain the struggle for independence to the domestic and foreign communities, defend Turkishness, and reveal the plans of the enemies. The newspaper, which initially could not serve these purposes efficiently as it was published in a Greek printing house,later on gained the desired freedom when its printing house was established. The formation of the Turkish Grand National Assembly also became the subject of various news items in İstikbal Newspaper, which was published until 1925. Examining these news items shows that the creation of the TGNA was approached from four different perspectives. First of all, it dealt with the issue of why a new Assembly was needed. It was argued that the a new Assembly was essential because the occupation of Istanbul, centre of the Ottoman Empire, precluded legislative-executive-judicial activities; the Sultan who was also the caliph was in captivity, and the country’s independence was in danger. There was no article in the Constitution to constitute a legal basis for the new Assembly. For this reason, drawing on the constitutions of foreign states such as France, it was asserted that the Parliament could be opened at another place in the country during force majeure. İstikbal Newspaper which also drew attention to the elections for representatives in the parliament, listed the criteria sought in the deputies. According to these criteria, the deputies were supposed to be reliable and accommodationist, familiar with the public needs, and not be narrow-minded and manipulated. Finally, the Assembly's task was to save the caliph and the sultan, to prevent the occupation of the country, and to ensure that the occupied lands would be reannexed to the homeland. While İstikbal Newspaper continued its publishing activities in this direction, it also discussed the resignation of the pro-National Struggle government in Istanbul and the establishment of the Fourth Ferit Pasha cabinet, which was an advocate of the Entente States.

The Reflection of the Opening of the Grand National Assembly in the İstikbal Newspaper in Trabzon

Süleyman

Assoc. Prof.

The Ottoman Empire conducted its military activities, particularly during the course of foundation of the Beylic, with the forces provided by the nomadic Turkmen groups. However, formation of a state organisation upon expansion of the borders also led to a change in military structure. Sultan’s household soldiers at the headquarters and the soldiers deployed under the manorial system within provincial organisation changed the role of nomadic communities in wars, as well. The nomads, who had once been groups fighting in the frontlines in the wars, turned into citizens who produced, paid tax and undertook the tasks assigned to them during the time of war. Under these new conditions, the role of nomads during Ottoman wars was to contribute through the animals they raised and provide service. This service involved satisfying the need for meat of the army with the sheep they fed, and providing logistics support by selling their camels or transporting the loads of the army.One of the basic principles of the Ottoman campaign organisations was, as far as possible, to supply the food and other ammunition required by the army from the people in and around the expedited region. Accordingly, considering the living areas of the nomadic communities like Bozulus, Danişmendlü, Türkmen-i Halep and Yeni-il during the second half of the XVI century and the first half of the XVII century, the roles played by the said groups multiplied during the campaigns of the Ottoman Empire towards the east. Particularly, during the periods when the battle between the Ottoman Empire and Safavid Dynasty arose, such as in the era of Murat IV, demands from the nomadic rayah in the region increased. During the era of Murat IV, the Campaign of Hüsrev Paşa to Baghdad, the Revan Campaign participated in by the Sultan in person and the Baghdad Campaign in 1638, were good examples to observe contributions of the nomadic communities to Ottoman campaigns. Thus, this study focused on the contribution of nomads to the campaigns towards the east during the era of Murat IV.One of the most important items of food for the Ottoman Campaign organisations was meat. It was the most critical product in terms of the supplying process as it was required to be supplied fresh and consumed before spoilage within the time frame of the conditions. In the Ottoman Empire, the need for meat was substantially satisfied by means of the sheep raised by the nomads. This was the case during organisation of the campaigns, as well. The sheep required for the meat needs of the soldiers was supplied through the extraordinary taxes and purchases, which had been rendered a liability. Within the frame of the campaigns mentioned in the details of the study, how much meat was supplied from which nomadic community was demonstrated with examples of documents. Moreover, how much of the quantity of sheep demanded from the nomads during the Revan and Baghdad campaigns was also collected. In doing so, it was aimed to find out which nomad, by name, fulfilled his liability to what extent. In addition, it was also aimed to determine the setbacks and question the reasons hereof.&nbsp;&nbsp;Transportation in Ottoman campaign organisations during the early modern period was largely performed by means of camels. The direction of the campaigns, east, west, north or south, had not changed this. Thus, the leading camel producers within the Ottoman society were the nomads. Naturally, the first group to consult for supplying camels during campaign organisations was the nomadic people. The camels were supplied by the nomads in two ways. The first one was supplying camels by demanding the avarız, an extraordinary tax, in kind. The other one was, as in the supply of sheep, purchasing the camels in exchange for a set price. In this study, by which methods and in what quantities camels were demanded from the nomadic people during the Revan and Baghdad campaigns were put forward. Furthermore, to what extent those demands were satisfied by the related people was determined. In addition, the tasks regarding logistics support to the army undertaken by the nomadic groups were examined. In the light of the campaigns examined accordingly, the distances along which the military ammunition were transported and the price paid in consideration were found. Moreover, data relating to the financing of the said transportation were given. Finally, all these data obtained from the archives were subjected to a general evaluation in the assessment part of the study.

Role of Nomads in Meat Supply and Transportation in the Ottoman Campaigns of Murat IV Period

Ekrem

Ceylon, which is very close to India, took the name Sri Lanka during the period when the Sinhala-Tamil tension in the country turned into armed clashes and has been one of the major actors of international trade along the busy maritime routes in Western Asia, China and the Far East throughout history. Ceylon, also referred to as the "Teardrop of India" due to its geographical shape and location, owes the other analogy of the "Pearl of the Indian Ocean", to the potential of gemstones hosted by 25% of its total land. Ceylon, whose capital is Colombo, has a profound past and interesting network of relationships that is important in terms of world and Ottoman history in its historical and geographical depths. Political and economic processes in this small island country have been the basis for the relations of the Ottoman Empire with the region in the last quarter of the 19th century and the new appointments that Abdulhamid II would make to Ceylon Island, which had already been contacted in the context of "consulship" were choices that could permeate the socio-cultural hierarchy of the region. On this basis, it is possible to refer to an affinity for the Ottoman State in the history of Muslims, one of the most populous minorities of modern Sri Lanka. The Ottoman Empire tried to functionalize this "sympathy", which was fed by the local people and the ruling elites with different motives, through the shahbenders appointed to the island in the second half of the 19th century, when the South Asian Muslims' expectations about the Ottoman Empire reached their peak. The Ottoman consuls in question were selected from people who belonged to an “elite” family, who had established a bond of friendship with Anatolia and the Turks in a past that was likely to be instrumental and - an “invented” memory that also needs to be analyzed. When they are considered together with their genealogy, the fact that Moor Muslims had been in contact with the Ottoman State on various occasions towards the last quarter of the 19th century, which&nbsp;indicates that they were the descendants of a legendary Turkish sultan - and which must be analyzed with another study - is actually an indication of their "deep" affinity and loyalty towards the Ottoman State. On this basis, it is probably no coincidence that the leading names of the Moor tribes represented by various mukhtars were appointed by Abdulhamid II as Ottoman representatives to the island. Abdulhamid II, who also sought wealth and nobility as well as Islamic sensibilities in consul selection, preferred people who belonged to Moor families with a noble genealogy – whether true or false or even whether he was aware or not of its existence – as representatives of the Ottoman State to Ceylon. The protectionist and Pan-Islamist character of the relations established with the Muslims of South Asia by Abdulhamid II who was on the Ottoman throne during the years when these individuals from wealthy and elite families were consuls ensured that the Ottoman consuls who were sent to the region acted on the basis of friendship with regard to the Turks and the Ottoman Empire – specific to Ceylon - in every stage of socio-cultural life. The Pan-Islamist propaganda particularly in South and South East Asia, which can be interpreted as the "engineering consent" of the Ottoman consuls, who also operated on the grounds of the aforementioned friendship without needing much motivation, created its own "myth" as a symbol of fragility and symbolic persona that need to be considered together with the political balances in the world during the reign of Abdulhamid II. This myth is reflected between the lines of various archival documents related to the region, such as "submissive" and actually "unsettled" qualifications ‘voiced’ as "the caliph of the earth", "the sultan of believers", and indeed rendering the "asylum" of Abdulhamid II's Pan-Islamist politics unrealizable by shifting it from the basis that had to be created by ultimately taking into account the cyclical realities. Consequently, the Pan-Islamic potential, which has a deep socio-cultural infrastructure, an extensive geographical range, and above all a widespread social consent, could not be transformed into a sustainable and rational project, economically and politically. Moreover, during this period, many local names and families operating on behalf of the Ottoman State in South Asia turned the collective memory of the society they were members of into a “functional” tool, as stated above, by transforming the friendship they established with the Turks into political and economic “unearned income”. Ultimately, the reality of the persuasion, trust and loyalty processes of the elite, who are in a position to ‘negotiate’ to a certain extent, and the local people of administrations in Muslim geographies that were “exposed” to administrations that could not be steered with the participation of the public and the colonial administrations comprised of these peoples and representing them or states in the same cultural geography are independent of one another. When it comes to generating projects with socioeconomic sustainability, it seems that the instrumental friendship and memories of the local elites have chosen to save the future, not the past when they were shaping the fate of the local millions in the context of a different future that has them convinced and in another political context they trust. Although it can’t be generalized, the existence of examples that can be described as "post-nobility" on the islands in South Asia, where there are many post-Ottoman political and bureaucratic career stories that are fostered by Ottomanism, suggests that perhaps the "emotional" relations that the Ottoman State established with the region in the context of Pan-Islamist policies in the beginning is built on fragile "wishes" and the existing or subsequently generated ‘strategic agendas’ of local elites rather than realizable plans. The Muslim minority that included the best jewelry masters on the island, has concentrated on the dynamics of "faith" to repel the repression of the colonial pressure it has been exposed to for the past few centuries, and embraced a "devised" memory that has been shaped from this dynamic.

Introduction to the Relationship of the Ottoman Empire with Ceylon Island

Fikret

The Ottoman bureaucrat and intellectual Mehmed Rauf travelled to a number of countries, cities and regions of Europe on his way to and from the Great Exhibition of London (opened on May 1, 1851), and reflected his views and impressions on his visits in the book entitled Seyahatname-i Avrupa (The Travelogue of Europe). This work is one of the most important travel works in terms of the number of cities and places visited among the works describing the travels of Ottoman statesmen to Europe up to that time. The second part of the author’s handwritten autograph of the Seyahatname-i Avrupa, includes an unpublished report (layiha) by the same author, in which the economic, political and social features of Europe are evaluated. This report, which has comparable features to the opinion writings of certain earlier Ottoman statesmen who have travelled to Europe, is a piece of work that can be viewed as a bureaucrat intellectual’s report on European societies at the end of his travels. In this study, we examine the textual features of this autograph work, the subjects it dealt with and the similarities to the works that it was influenced by. We also provide a transcription and facsimile of certain parts of the work in Latin letters for better understanding of the text.&nbsp;In the report, the author expresses the dominant views and administrative measures that ensured the strengthening and progress of European states. According to him, in Europe, civil servants had certain rights while doing their duties and holding responsibilities. Practices regarding the training, appointment, social rights and responsibilities of civil servants had a great part in Europe’s success. Civil servants openly expressed their opinion on government affairs. In the negotiations on state affairs, all of them freely expressed what they knew without fear and expressed useful views. The work and affairs of civil servants and deputies were supervised. Especially in countries governed by the constitutional method, that is, in the states and nations with a constitutional government, deputies who were elected by the people and sent to govern the state for a predetermined period, supervised the work of the ministers in parliament and checked if the administrative works were done in accordance with the rules set. Civil servants were selected on the basis of merit. They did not open new civil service positions only to favour someone. They also did not cause extra expenses by building unnecessary buildings. Since they did not have unnecessary officers, the number of civil servants was not many and therefore, they did not cancel or change their positions unless they had a fault.&nbsp;For the author, in Europe, taxes were charged according to people’s income. Taxes were collected from the people in accordance with the rates and tariffs prepared by the state, which were based on the income and trade of the people, and no money was taken from anyone more than the determined rates.&nbsp;European states preferred to go to war as little as possible because wars in those times did not involve personal power and national heroism as they did in ancient times. On the contrary, they required great expenses and various technical systems. So, they carefully calculated how much it would cost and if losses could happen during the war. In Europe, people were taken&nbsp;to the military for a specified period and officers were specially trained. There were many modern and regular schools for officers, and military students studied both social and military sciences in these schools.There were schools in Europe for the education of everyone, from the deaf to the mute to the blind. There were observatories, anatomy halls, large museums and galleries where stuffed animals, skeletons and mineral samples were exhibited, all of which served to teach the application of science and studies more effectively.&nbsp;Press, broadcasting and cultural activities were carried out freely in Europe. Anyone who wanted to write books on the things they had invented and experienced could easily write and have them printed, and these then passed on to new generations. In this way, the standards of science and arts increased. People in Europe had rights and freedoms. Because people were educated, policemen and officials did not treat people harshly.&nbsp;Strong and big bridges and wide and smooth roads were widespread in Europe and they facilitated transportation. Railways were very developed. Transport and shipping facilities had enabled the development of agriculture and trade. Nothing would happen in any of the European countries that would lead to a weakening of agriculture and trade or even a crisis. Traveling increased tourism activities. When traveling, people did not take too many expensive and flashy things and maids with them, and they did not need to make such unnecessary expenses.&nbsp;Issuing company stocks was a method used to fund large investments in Europe. One of the methods applied in the realization of the works for the welfare of the citizens was based on establishing certain companies and printing stocks on their behalf and selling them with certain prices according to procedures and rules. Banks helped development by lending, and in this way, wealthy people could safely deposit their money in banks and profit from it. Uppermost importance was given to export in Europe. They made sure that exports were higher than imports. The postal system and telegraph were also developed considerably.

On the Unpublished Work “The Discourse of Europe” by Mehmed Rauf the Author of The Travelogue of Europe

Seyit

While it means to open, to fissure, and to find out according to the dictionary definition, an exegesis terminologically means to read between the lines, or to reveal hazy and ambiguous discourses. Exegesis, or explanation of texts – şerh-i mütûn – as it was called by the deceased Ali Nihad Tarlan, means elaboration of the text by those who claim they have a better understanding of the text in order to enlighten others. The primary resource of exegesis, which is the one of the most important fields of old Turkic literature, is definitely those works that are done to understand and interpret The Holy Quran. That is why it can be said that this field is directly related to exegeses in the early years of Islam.&nbsp;There are many exegeses for different works in our literature. Sometimes a poem and sometimes books that are divided into volumes are expounded by various people. In particular, Mesnevi by Mevlana, Kaside-i Bürde by el-Busîrî, as well as certain poems of Yunus Emre have been expounded by many commentators. That being said, one of the most expounded works is Dîvân of Urfî-i Şîrâzî. There is a point here that needs to be mentioned specifically; the movement called Sebk-i Hindi in our literature in the 17th century did not only influence the poets such as Neşatî, Nailî, Nef’î, Şeyh Gâlip but also it affected commentators. Many exegeses have been written about both the full text of Dîvân of Urfi-i Sirazi and certain parts of it like his gazelles and odes. One of these exegeses is the exegesis of Sahhâf Ahmed Rusdi. The main source of this study, Şerh-i Dîvân-ı Urfî-i Şîrâzî, is registered to the Unique Works Library of Istanbul University with the registry number of TY-3501. This work consists of 226 pages and was copied by Kıblelizâde Mahmut in 1741, (1154 in Islamic calender) and it was made known by M. Akif Gozitok for the first time. In this book, firstly the odes of Urfi and then his gazelles and stanzas are expounded. There is an index which shows the first two words of poems immediately after the first page of the book. It is easy to find the pages of the odes thanks to this index.Sahhâf Ahmed Rusdi gave the original Persian couplets first and then gave the Turkish interpretation while commenting. He sometimes mentioned what Urfi might have meant by the couplets when he saw necessary. That is why we can say that this work is perhaps more an interpretation rather than an exegesis. This attitude of the commentator can be seen till the end of the book. He also benefited from others who expounded the works of Urfi, especially from Nesati. Others who Sahhâf Ahmed Rusdi benefited and mentioned in his book are Naziri and Nedimi. Moreover, Sahhâf Ahmed Rusdi saw other exegeses about Urfi and mentioned what others said about certain words of Urfi in his book. He also does not mention grammatical explanations like many others did as long as he doesn’t see a necessity. If there are various narratives about a word, he gives some information about how to understand those and some of their dictionary meanings in texts, and sometimes in apostilles. Some of the dictionaries he mentioned in the book are Ahterî, Şu’ûrî, Keşfu’l-Lugât, Şerh-i Lugat-ı Şehnâme and Şerefnâme.&nbsp;In this study, some information is given about exegeses. Later, the writer of Şerh-i Dîvân-ı Urfî-i Şîrâzî, Sahhâf Ahmed Rusdi, and the copyist of this work, Kıblelizâde Mahmut are briefly mentioned. In the third part of the study, firstly the characteristics of the book are addressed and the registry of completion is shown to demonstrate the beginning and the end of the text and when it was copied. Afterward, the exegesis methodology of the commentator is depicted with examples picked from the text. Later on, the dictionaries that are mentioned in the text are listed. Lastly, gazelles, odes and stanzas chosen from the text and transcribed are presented. At the end of the study, pages from the copy of Kıblelizâde Mahmut and two documents about Kıblelizâde Mahmut in The Ottoman Archives of the Prime Ministry are attached in appx. 1 and appx 2.&nbsp;To conclude, it is understood that the main reason of Ahmed Rusdi in the text is to translate the Persian text to Turkish. After translating to Turkish, the writer mentioned what Urfi might mean in his poems. There is no doubt that any study on Şerh-i Dîvân-ı Urfî-i Şîrâzî of Sahhâf Ahmed Rusdi will benefit both our literature and classic exegesis literature quite a lot.

The Work of Şerh-i Dîvân-ı Urfî-i Şîrâzî of Sahhâf Ahmed Rüşdî

Müslüm

The Ottoman Empire supported migration and settlement movements as a policy from the early period. However after the 18th century the subjects who started to migrate to Anatolia after their lands were lost became a big problem and Russia’s quick rise with the Ottomans losing in the arena of battle meant that an unexpected situation occurred. Especially after losing the great 1877-1878 war against Russia, Caucasia became the only power in which Turkic Tribes were living in. In order to secure the acquisition of the land, Russia gradually occupied cities and to put pressure on the Turkic Tribes, leading figures were executed. A big part of these societies that did not accept the sovereignty of Russia revolted while others were forced to migrate.&nbsp;A prominent name in Turkology, Ahmet Caferoglu was born in a village in Azerbaijan called Gence and worked for Azerbaijan’s independence against Russia, volunteering in the Islamic army and taking part in fighting. In 1920 the Soviet army occupied Azerbaijan, resulting in Caferoglu coming to Turkey, and undertaking important study into poets that had migrated from Azerbaijan lands to Anatolia.&nbsp;The motive that drew Ahmet Caferoglu to work on this topic was that there is a lack of expansive knowledge in relation to poets from Azerbaijan, insufficient information in sources, and the confusion regarding poetry which belongs to different people who share the same pseudonym. The first of his works on this matter is based upon the poetry belonging to Mîr Seyyid Nigari’s son, who passed away at a very young age, who wrote poems under the pseudonym Siraci. Caferoglu, who by publishing this work, brought to light that Molla Osman Siraceddin’s poems are mixed up in sources, revived a huge impact on Azerbaijan Turks and those who work in the field of Turkology.After his work was published Ahmet Caferoglu received many letters, critique, and encouragement from others studying the subject and so he began to publish in the Azerbaijan Homeland Information Journal. Seyyid Nigari’s cousin Mîrzade Mustafa Fahreddin Akabâlî wrote a letter to Ahmet Caferoglu on the topic.&nbsp;With this letter it was learned that Molla Osman Siraceddin had taken credit for Mîrzade Seyyid Nigari’s son Siraceddin Efendi’s poems and that he intentionally manipulated Seyyid Nigari’s work, Nigar-name.&nbsp;While Mustafa Fahreddin Akabâlî’s father who shares the same lineage as Mîr Hamza Nigari Efendi migrated from Karabag to Amasya due to the persecution of the Russians, Mîrzade Mustafa Fahreddin was born in 1889 in Amasya after the death of Mîr Hamza Nigari Efendi.Although Mîrzade Mustafa Fahreddin Akabâlî did not meet Mîr Seyyid Hamza Nigari Efendi, his life was spent amongst his followers and he grew up listening to discussions about Nigari from sources such as his father Seyyid Sadeddin Efendi and his teacher Muhammed Bahaeddin Efendi.&nbsp;&nbsp;In this sense, he especially analyzed papers written by Seyyid Nigari and Siraceddin Efendi and wrote his works by using them as a platform. While these must also be evaluated as a source on their own, they illuminate firstly, the letter which is the topic of our article and many subjects that are unknown in the works published.&nbsp;Mîrzade Mustafa Fahreddin Akabâlî who writes about the topic in Huma-yi Ars a work which is not seen in the the work published by Ahmet Caferoglu and therefore not mentioned is something that is also noteworthy.&nbsp;In this article, after presenting the text of the letter found in Ahmet Caferoglu’s personal archive at Istanbul University Research Institute of Turkology, an evaluation of Mîrza Mustafa Fahreddin’s allegations is made.&nbsp;

On a Letter Mîrzade Mustafa Fahreddin Akabâlî sent to Ahmet Caferoglu

Ertuğrul

Kadı Burhaneddin Divanının İki Yeni Tıpkıbasımı Kadı Burhaneddin Ahmed, Kadı Burhaneddin Divanı Yeni Tıpkıbasım. Ankara: Bitlis Eren Üniversitesi Yayınları, 2019; Kadı Burhaneddin Ahmed, Kadı Burhaneddin Divanı. Ankara: Türk Dil Kurumu Yayınları, 2020.

@JOURNAL_BOX_CURRENT

Meltem

Khazar Khaganate, one of the important Turkic states established in the Eastern European geography from the 7th century to 10th century, comes to the forefront in the history scene from various angles. The most well-known of these is that they have adopted Judaism and have managed to keep the trade route active along the north line of the Silk Road for centuries thanks to the policy of “Pax Khazarica” they have implemented. However, the issue that needs to be emphasized about this state structuring and that has led to the prominence different from other Turkic state structures is that many different business lines are lived in the land of Khaganate. Undoubtedly, the fact that the geography of Khanate has spread over a wide area behind this situation has a great effect. In addition, the interaction of sedentary and nomadic peoples with different lifestyles contributed to the formation of new cultural forms.&nbsp;Here, the heritage of the region’s autochthonous and newly arrived residents around Don is called Saltovo-Mayatsk culture. It is not possible to attribute this culture to the Turkiclanguages Khazarians. Because in this cultural circle, Turkic language peoples such as the Alans, Slavs and Bulgars or Ogurs formed an intricate structure. Saltovo–Mayatsk agricultural culture also displays an intricate structure. However, under the Khaganate rule, Bulgarian tribes engaged in agriculture come to the fore among other peoples of Turkic language. Especially archaeological materials shed light on the contribution of Bulgarian tribes to the culture of Saltovo–Mayatsk. There are many different reasons for Bulgarian tribes to start dealing with agriculture: acquaintance with settled tribes such as Slav, Göktürk heritage, geographical and climatic conditions. In addition, the long-standing conflict of the Bulgarian tribes with the Khazarian administration or the endless struggle of the Khazarians with the Arabs caused immigration had a great impact on the change of their lifestyle.Don and its tributaries, Azov and partly Crimea are among the most important locations where Bulgarian tribes are observed within the Saltovo–Mayatsk culture. In this area, as well as their nomadic and fixed settlements, agricultural cultures were also discovered at certain points. Of course, the production of crafts, which is connected with the agricultural culture. According to the written and archaeological sources, most of the land was cultivated for cereals, and ploughs and anchors in different forms were encountered while the soil was cultivated. Plow, sickle and scythe were also discovered for product harvest. Among the other archaeological finds are millstones for processing the crops and granaries for food storage.&nbsp;Viticulture, one of the oldest forms of agriculture in the region, has also been one of the fields of activity of Bulgarian farmers.These agricultural products are not only produced for the domestic market, but also the shares are transferred to the Khaganate and the exports are made. Traces of the agricultural skills acquired by the Bulgars in the Saltovo-Mayatsk culture were also observed in the Danube and Volga fields in the following period. Even the agricultural skills gained in the Khazar lands played a significant role in the rapid adaptation of the Bulgars who migrated to the Middle Volga to the settled life. Analysis of agricultural materials or ceramic pots discovered in connection with migrations from the 7th century to 10th century in archaeological research on the Volga Bulgars lands sheds light on the similarity of these finds with the Saltova-Mayatsk culture. For this reason, just like in the Caspian lands, the development of Volga–Kama urbanism is directly proportional to the increase of fixed settlements that occur in connection with agricultural activities. In other words, as the Bulgars interest in agriculture played a decisive role in the development of crafts and trade, it also formed an important building block of the cities they will establish in the future.

Agriculture in the Khazar Khaganate: Bulgarian Farmers

Altan

It represents the period in which the East underwent a new wave of attacks in the history of the 14th century Crusades. The target of these attacks in the Eastern Mediterranean is the coasts of Anatolia, Syria, and Egypt. In the 14th century, the Islamic world exhibited strength in this attack on the Asian front’s Ottoman Empire and the various principalities, while the Egyptian–Syrian party or there were the Mamluks of Egypt, Turkey States. Although this attack was met by the Ottomans in Nigbolu, Aydinogullari and other beys on the Aegean shores stand against the attacks, and finally, the Mamluks successfully break this wave on the Egyptian– Syrian front. Tripoli (Tripoli) is one of the cities attacked on the Syrian front in this century. The city that will be referred to is Tripoli because it is mentioned in the sources in the working text as Tripoli, which is in Lebanon today. Because this region is one of the last captured by the Crusaders, a main goal of the Crusaders in terms of becoming a power on land is capturing this city. Tripoli is remembered for being attacked intensely during the Mamluk–Crusader struggle because of the capture of Cyprus by the Mamluks in the 13th century.Sultan al-Malik al-Mansûr Kalavûn set off for Tripoli in 1289, leaving his son Eşref Halil as crown prince and Emir Beydemir as regent and vizier in Cairo. At the same time, orders were sent to the forces in Bilad al-Damascus to prepare for this time. The Sultan, who visited Damascus first, headed toward Tripoli from there. Additionally, eight shavani-type ships were sent to Tripoli as aid against the siege from Cyprus, which became an important base of the Crusaders. During the siege, the Sultan also ordered the catapults to be erected and the sewers to start working on the walls. The city was captured after 34 days of siege. Additionally, 19 catapults were erected toward the city. Much loot and many captives were obtained when the city was captured. The Sultan ordered the city to be demolished in accordance with the custom. Tripoli was large and surrounded by fortified walls; the width of the city walls was such that three horsemen could move side by side. The inhabitants of this settled city were advanced weavers, and in the city, there were four thousand weaving tools. This situation&nbsp;made this city important for more than its military. During this expedition, in addition to Tripoli, Beirut, and Cebele were captured. After Tripoli was captured, five hundred soldiers, ten people from the Tablhane orders, and fifteen people from the Aşarat orders were sent here. Ictas were distributed in the city. Subsequently, the Muslims built a new city near the river. In 1289, Sultan Kalavûn conquered the city, and some of the townspeople fled to Cyprus by ship. Thus, the last structure that the Crusaders built in the world of Islam was also destroyed. After Antakya, the Mamluks destroyed the last great Crusader political entity and brought the Crusader presence on the Syrian continent to the point of extinction. During the post-conquest period, Sultan al-Mansûr Kalavûn had Tripoli’s walls demolished so that they would not be targeted and used by the new Crusades, and then left.The 14th century is when the Crusaders attacked the Anatolian, Egyptian, and Syrian coasts in the Eastern Mediterranean with the idea of a new Crusade. Tripoli became one of the main targets of these attacks. After the Crusaders poured into the sea from Syria, a Crusader group that attacked Tripoli in 1334 was defeated, many of them were killed, prisoners were taken, and their goods were seized. In 1365, the Crusaders attacked Tripoli again. They seized the ships belonging to the Muslims in the port of Tripoli, burned the ships, and captured three people. When the Crusaders’ attack on Alexandria failed, Tripoli became their main target. Because of its proximity to the island of Cyprus, location in the middle of the Damascus coast, and commercial importance, the city became strategically important for the Crusaders. Tripoli, an important trade center, continued to be open to European trade in the 15th century, had tight commercial relations with France and Genoa, and was the main stopover for merchant ships in the Eastern Mediterranean. Silk fabrics were a main export item. States managing Mediterranean trade had one representative there. The Crusaders wanted to inflict multifaceted damage on the Islamic power in the Eastern Mediterranean by attacking places of economic and political significance.The Crusaders did not stand still, and the king of Cyprus, from the Lusignan dynasty, corresponded with local information sources in Tripoli about the city’s possibilities and opportunities for seizure. Completing these preparations, the king finally went on an expedition to the city in 1367 with a fleet of various types of ships ranging from 130 to 200. Within these forces, R …&nbsp;

Tripoli City In The East Mediterranean In The Fight of  Mamluk-Crusader

Hanife

The focus of this study is Szigetvar that was added to the Ottoman lands as a result of Suleiman I’s last military expedition. Szigetvar is a fortress in Hungary and was conquered in 1566. In this study, the order that was set up by the Ottoman State in Szigetvar after its conquest is addressed. The aim of this study is to present information regarding the judicial state of the rayah in Szigetvar its population in the light of the review of the first discovered cadastral record book dated 1579. Therefore, it is aimed to have knowledge of the organization of the Ottoman dominance in Szigetvar with its fall under Ottoman rule. Administrative structure of Szigetvar: Szigetvar district was established after 1566 when it fell under the Ottoman administration. In 1579, the district was composed of Szigetvar, Gorezgal, Siklos, and Hagan boroughs. With the conquest of Kanije in 1600, Kanije state was established and Szigetvar became a district of this state. Szigetvar remained as a district of Kanije state until 1688 when the Ottoman rule came to an end.63 villages, 1 ranch, and 13 estates were recorded in Sizgetvar district in 1579. There were 762 households in total in the district. There are different views regarding the calculation of the number of households in the studies on population during the Classical era of the Ottoman State. The most accepted of these views is the method determined by Omer Lutfi Barkan as multiplying the tax section with 5. Therefore, we used the method of household x 5= estimated population to obtain the estimated population of a settlement. Accordingly, the estimated population of Szigetvar district was 3.810 people. Among the mentioned population, there are even a few Muslims. The fathers’ names of 3 Muslims in the Kostanci Village were Abdullah; thus, it seems that they accepted Islam and became Muslims later. Economic structure of Szigetvar: The basic economic element in the agricultural area in the Ottoman State was agricultural products. Most of the income in Szigetvar district was earned from agricultural products. The primary agricultural products were wheat, meslin, linen, cabbage, sir, haricot bean, giyah, and cannabis. It is also seen that other agricultural activities were done such as vegetable gardens, fruits, and vine cultivation. The total income earned from agricultural production was 147.674 silver coins. It is seen that animal breeding in Szigetvar district included apiculture and henazır. The total income earned from this tax type was 19.143 silver coins.Commercial and Industrial Activities: what distinguishes between the structure of a city and a village is the commercial and industrial activities. As known, city is a large settlement where most of its population deals with commercial, industrial, and administrative businesses. Mill, the first type of commercial and industrial taxes that we will review, is recorded as “resm-i âsiyab”. The amount of the tax taken from the mill was 175 silver coins in total. The other significant type of tax in the district was “resm-i hime”. It was the tax taken on wood. The total amount taken from this type of tax in Szigetvar district was 9.307 silver coins. Resm-i Fucu: non-Muslims who produced must had to give one tenth of the must to the timar holder. The timar holder would seal the must barrels to sell and announce manapolye by prohibiting must sales. According to this, the process called manapolye would take two months and ten days and it was stated that it could not be longer than that. The income earned from the Fucu was 1.342 silver coins.Citizenship and Accidental Taxes: Citizenship tax is a tax that is not based on production but taken from the individuals depending on their judicial status (married or single, Muslim or non-Muslim) and the land they saved. These taxes in Szigetvar district were resm-i kapu and resm-i cift. The total amount obtained from the Citizenship tax was 38.166 silver coins. Accidental taxes were land title, deştbani, arus and regency. The total amount of income from these taxes was 23.287 silver coins. In conclusion, it is known that the basic source for the local studies of XV. and XVI. centuries are cadastral record books. These books are the primary sources referred to reveal the administrative, economic, social structures and settlement process of a district that forms the basis of the Ottoman rural structure. In this context, the book we studied on is the first cadastral record book of Szigetvar and; thus, it is possible to reveal the order that the Ottomans set in Szigetvar.It is seen that the Ottoman rule was settled in Szigetvar district in 1579. Almost all of the villages of the district were inhabited. Most of the population was settled in the rural areas as a characteristic of the agricultural society. Non-Muslims consisted of almost all of the population in the district. It is seen that the Ottoman State did not inhabit Turkish population as a part of its settlement policy in the Balkans. The fathers’ names of 3 Muslims in the Szigetvar district were Abdullah; thus, it seems that they accepted Islam and became Muslims later and they were not subject to any settlement policy. Moreover, there is a record titled “Varoş-ı Szigetvar, maa çiftlikha ve ispençe-i kıbtıyan” on Szigetvar district. It is seen that the Muslim population was formed as a result of conversions as the fathers’ names of 45 registered citizens’ was Abdullah. In addition, it is significant that the fathers’ names of 14 people in Mehmed bin Bayezid neighborhood and 12 people in Veli bin Ali neighborhood. After the Ottoman conquest, foundations were established in Szigetvar. It can be stated that the existence of these foundations had a significant effect on Szigetvar’s gaining the characteristics of an Ottoman city. The economic structure of Szigetvar district consisted of agriculture. The income earned from agriculture was 83% of the total income of the district. Citizenship and accidental taxes were the second income source after the agriculture tax and constituted 11,5% of the income. The income earned from commercial and industrial products was the third with 5,3% percentage.

Social and Economic Life in The Szigetvar Nahiyesi Acording to  Cadastral Record Book Dated 1579

Ferit

Şevket Süreyya Aydemir, one of the important intellectual men of the Republic period, published biographies entitled “One Man” in three volumes between 1963 and 1965, “the second man” in three volumes between 1966 and 1968, “the drama of Menderes” in 1969 and “Enver Pasha from Macedonia to Central Asia” in three volumes between 1970-1972. In fact, Aydemir conducted a kind of research on the history of Modern Turkey in the light of these biographies. Remzi Press, where biographies have already been published, has also revealed the nature of these works by using the phrase “the last century of our recent history has been completed” on the back of the last volume.Turkey’s 1960s were very interesting in terms of the history of political thought as well as political history. Because at this time when doctrinal political parties were founded, doctrinal political movements also acted with the motto “this order must change”, while both right and left movements put forward ideas in which socio-economic analysis was intensive. At this point, Aydemir, who wrote series of biographies during the period in question, seems to have brought quite important criticisms, sometimes explicit and sometimes tacit, about the process of the Turkish Revolution.Aydemir, does not consider the historical event in which happened in 23 July 1908 called as the “ikinci meşrutiyet” as a revolution, because according to him, in that event whether the Sultanate regime, the internal structure of the state, or any of the religious institutions were changed. At this point, Aydemir, a man of “doctrine and cadre”, criticizes that there is no world, no ideas, no composition of systems in the Young Turks movement, in short, there is no basis for a doctrine. He states that the groups fighting for legitimacy do not enter into a theoretical discussion such as “natural rights”, “divine rights”, which have a place in the history of political thoughts, work only for a parliamentary institution, that is, a status without intellectual depth, so the Young Turks movement can be considered as “not a struggle for ideas and doctrine”, but an “adaptation” effort.In Aydemir’s article, there are sometimes tacit, sometimes explicit, but intense criticism of the process of “revolution” of the Ataturk era. According to Aydemir, Atatürk and his friends created a new state after winning a “great victory” in the national struggle, now “economic and social Dumlupinars” were needed, because Turkey had to become an equal country politically and economically in a backward, Asian country, civilized world, and be cleansed of the remnants of medieval class and feudalism. But what had to be done to win “economic&nbsp;and social Dumlupinars” in the process of Turkey’s revolution was not fulfilled “as much as necessary”. For a “backward and underdeveloped” country such as Turkey to develop rapidly and form its national economy, the ways to be chosen, the procedures to be followed were not specific. At the Izmit interview, Atatürk said that he would not turn his back on foreign capital, and the Izmir economic Congress, which convened later, represented complete liberalism. This was a “late born and late” liberalism for Turkey because the world was no longer a nineteenthcentury world, the free market in the world was fragmented, Europe had lost its ability to be the economic center of the world. The new leaders of Turkey still looked at the liberal and individual Western Europe of the nineteenth century. In this vein, Aydemir’s most objected point was the 1924 Constitution.According to Aydemir, the most important mission of the Inönü period was “to replenish Atatürk”. Of course, doctrinism could not be expected from Inönü, who was not a doctrinaire, but the territorial revolution could be carried out, class domination, oligarch colonialism, and Ashraf-ayan derivation could be put to an end. By expanding statehood, great facilities could be created, and capitalism and class fights in the classical sense could not be challenged. Secularism could be deepened; a revolutionary education could be applied instead of “copy education from the West”. During the reign of Atatürk, the peasant was “untouched”, while socioeconomic problems in the East continued. Because of this, a populist, secular, revolutionary, interventionist” national republic “should be established with the order of the” national chief”, and the dynamism of the revolution should be ensured. Inönü failed to meet these expectations.“To continue and replenish Atatürk”; according to Aydemir, this was not possible after Atatürk’s death. Now it was the Democratic Party’s turn to make it happen. The DP had previously given bad signals on May 29, 1950. Menderes discussed the revolutions that took place during the Republic period by classifying them as “revolutions that cost the people or did not cost the people”. In this speech, Menderes also portrayed the May 14 elections as an important revolution that could not be measured by what had been held up to that time. Aydemir, while evaluating the revolutions before him as mild, thought that Menderes signaled a change in the “social structure” and realized it “willingly or unwillingly”. In this speech, Menderes “did not commemorate Atatürk”, broke all the ties left behind by not mentioning the stages such as the abolition of the reign and the introduction of popular rule as the stages of the transition to a multiparty order. DP and Menderes used religion in politics in every sense, contrary to the revolution, and had a “cheap earning experience” by translating the “azans read in the nation’s own language” into Arabic in the early days of its power. Although Turkey was the first example of National Liberation Movements, at the Bandung Conference, the DP government despite the common stance of the Asian and African nations against imperialism, was “the lawyer of the West” not of Atatürk. Since the DP government considered the struggle for independence of Tunisia, Algeria, Morocco as “an internal matter of France”, it was hurting the soul of Atatürk.On May 27, 1960, a coup took place and the army seized power. But the revolutionaries, who continued the tradition of Ataturk, did not turn the 27 May movement into “economic, social, political” structural changes, they already had no such “horizons”. Thus, Atatürk could not be replenished again. When the Revolution triumphed, the fragmentation of the Revolutionary staff was an immutable law of the revolutions. From the French Revolution of 1789 to the Bolshevik Revolution and even the National Liberation Movement of Turkey, this law was valid in all revolutions. By “bowing his head” to this law on May 27, he was soon torn apart and lost his power of enterprise.

Criticisms of the Turkish Revolution in the Historiography of  Şevket Süreyya Aydemir

Esra

Soner

Ahmet Hamdi Tanpinar started teaching art history, aesthetics, and mythology at the Fine Arts Academy (Güzel Sanatlar Akademisi) in 1933. On the 100th anniversary of the declaration of the Gülhane Hatt-ı Hümâyunu (Imperial Edict of Gülhane) in 1939, the idea of establishing a new chair within the Faculty of Literature of Istanbul University to examine the changes in the period that Turkish literature had undergone with the Tanzimat was on the agenda. Hasan Âli Yücel, the minister of national education, appointed Tanpinar as a professor to the chair of Modern Turkish Literature in Istanbul University on November 15, 1939. Tanpinar, who had just taken up the position, was asked to prepare a scientific research book. It took him about 10 years to write the book.First, Tanpinar planned to publish the History of Turkish Literature in Nineteenth Century one chapter at a time, as he wrote them. However, over time, he gave up the idea and waited to finish the entire book for publication. Therefore, when the initial chapters of the book were printed, the year 1942 was written on the inner cover of the 1949 edition. Publication of the book completed in 1949. In 1956, the second edition of the History of Turkish Literature in Nineteenth Century was published. In his review on this edition, Asaf Halet Çelebi drew attention to the fact that the 1956 edition was quite different from the 1949 edition and concluded that the 1956 edition was almost new work compared with the first one. However, Çelebi did not attempt to compare the editions completely.In this study, we aimed to compare the 1949 and 1956 editions of the History of Turkish Literature in Nineteenth Century and determine the differences. The 1949, 1956, 1967, 2010, and 2016 editions of the book were scanned and compared. Quotations in the 1956 edition were taken from the most recent edition published by Dergâh Publications in 2006 owing to its easier access compared with other publications. However, as our main aim was to reveal the edits, additions, and deletions made by Tanpinar, the subsequent corrections in the Dergâh edition, such as those in date, writers’ names, book titles, and the added bibliography part were not included in the comparison. In the study, the 1949 and 1956 editions were compared in terms of in-text organization, writing style, and content. We analyzed the differences between the two editions under three separate titles. For showing the changes in organization, we prepared tables as they provided a holistic view. We closely examined the expanded content of the 1956 edition that is more voluminous than the first edition. When both editions were analyzed in terms of writing style, we concluded that in this scientific research book, Tanpinar preserved his artistic writing style that he used in his novels and poems. In our conclusion,&nbsp;we made some predictions regarding the effects and thoughts under which the author made corrections in his work, by considering the differences, although the reasons for the changes made in the second edition could not be determined precisely.

As An Example Of Rewriting History Of Turkish Literature In  Nineteenth Century: Organization, Content, Style Differences  From 1949 Edition To 1956 Edition

Nabi

Erselannames, an epic found in written and oral sources in Iran and Anatolia, tells stories about spreading Islam and fighting infidels. It is found in Persian and Turkish written sources as well as the oral tradition of Iranian Turks. The only written copy in the Anatolian area is in Istanbul. It is an illustrated copy that consists of 407 pages, including 27 pictures. The Istanbul copy differs from others in that it lists titles at the top of each page. In total, there are 372 Persian titles in the work. Unfortunately, the first two pages of this voluminous copy are missing. The written versions of Erselannames found in Iran are in Persian and Turkish. In the Iranian Turk oral tradition, Erselannames is known as “Emir Erselan-ı Rûmi Dastan” among the epics narrated by the ashiq. The most comprehensive variant of Erselannames found in oral sources was recorded under the name “Emir Erselan-ı Rûm Epic” in 1978–1979 by Asiq Abdulali Nûrȋ in Tabriz-Karadag. The tapes consist of 20 hours of recording. In this study, the researchers transcribed the epic as narrated on the tapes.As of today, four copies of Erselannames have been found. Persian and Turkish manuscripts and printed copies are located in Turkey and Iran’s stone library. Also, The Istanbul Atatürk Library has a printing of the stone found in Turkey (K.03555 number). Iranian copies of Erselannames are available in libraries in Tehran and Kum. There are four copies of the Persian Erselannames in the National Library of Iran in Tehran:• First copy at the National Library of Iran (number 21177) • Second copy at the National Library of Iran (number 258939) • Third copy at the National Library of Iran (number 2937) • Manuscript at Kum Melik Library (1393/04/06421/005)Erselannames, which uses verse and prose to convey emotional tales, contains poems in Persian and Turkish prosody as well as couplet poems in Persian Arabic (E.İ. 380/7-8). In total, the work has more than 132 verse forms in Turkish and Persian. While the Persian poems are written in prosody meter, the Turkish poems are based on numbers of prosodic units and syllables. The Istanbul copy of Erselannames contains 27 illustrations of scenes in the epic. Different from the other copies of the Istanbul edition, this copy has each page written in a frame. At the beginning of each frame is a short Persian title about the page content. There are 372 short Persian titles in the Istanbul copy. They begin with the title dȋdǝn-i ḫˇace Numân zen-e Melikşâh râ der cezȋre given on the fourth page (E.İ. 406/b) and end with the title daḫil şoden-e Emir Erselan be-şahr-e Rûm. Another feature of the Istanbul copy of Erselannames is its patterns of Azerbaijani Turkish oral literature. That is, certain verbal expressions from the Azerbaijani oral tradition can be found in the written literature. Examples of these patterns are given below: (E.İ. 39/19) el-kesse; (E.İ. 162/13) bu ehvâlât burda kalsun ‘arz edǝyüm Mǝlik Erselan’dan; (E.İ. (E.İ. 150/13) amma neçǝ kǝlmǝ ‘arz edǝyim Emȋr Hûşǝng’dǝn. Erselannames has left important traces in Iranian culture as one of the epics Azerbaijani oral tradition. For instance, it has been featured in Iranian theater and cinema, including two films shot in 1933 and 1955, respectively. Erselannames was also found in the oral tradition until the last 20–30 years, namely, in the narratives of minstrels. However, it is no longer seen. The most comprehensive variant of the epic was recorded on cassettes in 1978–1979, narrated by Ashik Abdulali Nuri (1939–2003). In Iranian Turk narratives, Erselannames holds an important place, much like Shikari. Shikari and The Epic of Emir Erselan are rich epics that contains main motifs from Azerbaijani Turkish culture. As a significant work of oral and written culture, Erselannames should be researchered further.

Saints and Sufis of the First Period in Divan Poetry

Gizem

The concept of citizenship receives scholarly attention in the migration literature. It often comes to the agenda related with the immigrant integration. Despite of the increasing attention to the concept of citizenship in migration studies, it has received limited interest from diaspora studies. This article revisits the citizenship concept from the diaspora perspective more specifically in the context Turkish diaspora. Main aim is to point out the meaning of Turkish citizenship for Turkish diaspora from the legal perspective. More importantly the rights derived from EU-Turkey association law are discussed in order to underline the importance of Turkish citizenship for their legal position in the countries they reside in. In this regard, Turkish citizenship will be analyzed in the context of both national (Turkey) and EU context by employing not only the legal documents at the national and EU level but also the judgments of the European Court of Justice (ECJ). The article argues that Turkish citizenship is an important legal tool for Turkish diaspora to enjoy with the better rights and opportunities both in Turkey and European Union (EU) Member States (MSs).The first part mainly highlights the conceptual and theoretical background. Although there is not any agreed definition of Turkish diaspora, this article reflects a narrow perspective and refers to the Turkish citizens living abroad as Turkish diaspora. The citizenship tie and status of Turkish diaspora influence their relationship with their homeland (Turkey and Turkish society) and strengthen their political, economic and social embeddedness to the homeland. In this regard, Turkey allows not only dual citizenship but also multiple citizenships. In addition to this, it tries to continue its strengthened relation with the ones who renounce their citizenship in order to naturalize through Blue Card. The article refers to the rights and responsibilities of Turkish citizenship under three spheres: Right to vote and stand for elections, military service and economic aspect. When the citizenship policies are considered, it could be concluded that Turkey wants to strengthen its relationship with its diaspora and tries to attract the attention of Turks abroad to the Turkish citizenship by attributing more rights and opportunities and less responsibilities. In this respect, Turkey could be referred as a “transnational nation-state” and reflects a transnational citizenship policy.The second part discusses the rights of Turkish diaspora derived from Turkish citizenship in the EU MSs. Although there is a tendency to discuss homeland citizenship in relation with the country of origin and homeland society, in this study the importance of Turkish citizenship will be elaborated in the context of country residence. Turkish citizens, in some cases, could even receive better treatment than the citizens of the country of residence and/or EU citizens. This “reverse discrimination” which refers to the less favorable treatment of citizens of the country of residence mainly results from the interaction between national and EU law. The case law of the ECJ clarifies the rights of Turkish citizens in the EU. Therefore, the more favorable situation of Turkish citizens compared with the citizens of EU MSs and/or EU citizens is discussed as a result of the analyses of the judgments of the ECJ on EU-Turkey association law in three spheres: Lawful residence and expulsion, family reunification and social security.Due to the rights derived from EU-Turkey association law, Turkish citizenship also strengthens the legal position of Turkish diaspora in the EU MS. In this regard, Turkish citizenship promotes the active participation of Turkish diaspora to the social and economic life in the country of residence. It could be argued that the transnational citizenship of Turkish diaspora could foster their integration to the country and society of residence. Therefore, as opposed to the discussions from the perspective of countries of immigration which perceives transnationalism and integration as a zero-sum game, Turkish citizenship could be in a complementary position in the integration debate. The article also concludes that in addition to the sentimental meaning of Turkish citizenship to Turkish diaspora, there are pragmatic considerations which could also foster the meaning of Turkish citizenship even for post migration generations.

Türk Diasporası, Türk Vatandaşlığı, Türkiye-AB Ortaklık  Hukuku, Ulusötesi Vatandaşlık, Avrupa Birliği Adalet Divanı (ABAD) Kararları

Ruşen

The plunder ceremony described in the prelude section of the last legend of The Book of Dede Korkut indicates an epic contrast in the content of the legend. The thematic structure of the last legend includes several contrasting phenomena. These developed into qualified elements of epos and existed as double reflection styles, especially in the layers of the final legend. This study examines this double structure in detail, and its findings on its formation are supported by reference to the views of other researchers. The points in the tale where Khan Kazan and Aruz Koja change places with three other characters are evaluated using diagrams, as are other questions related to these issues. In addition to determining the paradigms where contrasting phenomena can be deployed, the effects and functions of the phenomena for eliminating these contrasts are also addressed in the study. Furthermore, it is emphasized that the contrasting phenomena in question are opposition or internal conflict within the ethnos, and it is determined that this conflict the result of the deterioration of the structure of the Uch Ok (Three Arrows) and the Boz Ok (Gray Arrow) traditions.Additional determinations also appear in the course of investigating the events that take place in the last legend and the identity and status of the characters included in these events. In particular, it is ascertained that Bayindir Khan and Salur Kazan in particular, among the characters reflected in the legend, do not possess the authority to rule over the Galin Oghuz (Eli). In fact, someone from the Boz Ok, such as Aruz Koja, has the right, according to the traditional structure. Another important finding is that although Aruz Koja plays the role of a defender of neglected customs, he is altered into an anti-hero. The political order that dominates the final legend is, in fact, an anti-structure that goes against custom, and the disruption of the sharing principle is directly caused by the anti-structure in question. In this study, it is also determined that the epic contrast that is reflected in the last legend is resolved through the contrasting phenomenon of the victory of Kazan. Here Aruz becomes the representative of chaos.A still more important finding is that the thematic structure of the last legend has sub-textual elements as well as a second full thematic structure. The morphemes that possess a nonlogical character rather than contrasting elements relate to the message underlying the text and the second structure are also determined in the study. In this context, Aruz Koja is confirmed to be the inheritor of political sovereignty, based on the traditional order, primarily seen in the subtext. In this determination, it can be seen that the real status constituted a contradicting phenomenon with the traditional status of subtext. At the same time, it is noted that the terms Uch Ok and Boz Ok, as elements, relate primarily to the second thematic context, and this second thematic structure is also subjected to a transformation. In this context, it can be hypothesized that the terms Uch Ok and Boz Ok are the older versions of the titles of Inner Oghuz and Outer Oghuz factions. The second relevant morpheme is related to the fact that Aruz Koja is a hero before the beginning of the legend and has the form of an anti-hero at&nbsp;its end. However, this is determined from the sub-textual structure and the second thematic structure. Aruz Koja maintains a heroic status until the end of the legend in the surface layer.The Outer Oghuz lords and Aruz Koja, who does not participate in the plunder ceremony depicted in the legend, take a hostile attitude toward Khan Kazan. In the study, it is found that Aruz still maintains the heroic status until this stage, and it is seen that the first and second thematic structures in this legend do not constitute a contrast until this stage. It is clearly emphasized that Aruz Koja has a respectable place and position in the Oghuz community until the moment in question, and Kazan is considered to be an anti-hero who disrupts the integrity of the society during this stage. The murder of Beyrek, advisor to Kazan, by Aruz, is described later in the study, and this incident is judged to be the factor that leads directly to the punishment of Aruz. It is also established that certain types of conduct that attracts attention in the narrative after the deterioration of the plundering tradition indicates Kazan’s status as an anti-hero in a superficial manner. In this regard, it appears that the status change between Kazan and Aruz is related to the murder of Beyrek.It is determined that the thematic structure in the final legend is directly related to the ritual-mythological layer, and a new independent element is formed in the structure of the legend. The ritual phenomenon reflected in the prelude section to the twelfth legend is also examined, and it was established that this phenomenon shows the unchanging structure of the functionality and semantics of the Oghuz community. It can be seen that ritual phenomena are reflected in the thematic structure, and, with this, a reflection from holy to profane phenomena can be recognized in the epic narration. This becomes evident at the end of the legend, as the phenomenon in question is displaced. The displacement event can be confirmed by examining the ritual of remarking performed by Dede Korkut.In this study, it is determined that the structure in the last legend of The Book of Dede Korkut is ritual-mythological, and it is shown that the structure of the legend is, in fact, a variant and reflects the structure of the ritual. Therefore, it is noted that the micro-thematic order, dealt with in the last legend, reflects the ritual-mythological invariance in relation to schemes that display functionality, and it is determined that ritual is present in the subtext of the last legend of The Book of Dede Korkut.

The Cosmological Structure and Ritual in the Legend of the “İç  Oğuza Taş Oğuz Asi Olup Beyrek Öldüğü Boy”

The powerful military and economic might of the Ottoman Empire brought together an irrepressible arrogance against the West. The Ottomans believed the West could never prevail against them. This pride prevented the sultan from understanding the looming threat on the horizon, which would grow slowly and eventually leave him incapacitated. The frivolous precautions taken once the danger was implicit were not enough to keep the country from dire straits. Intellectuals looked to the press and literature as the most effective way to raise public awareness. They realized that the type of literature or genre would be essential to gaining public interest and understanding. The novel, the most influential literary genre on this subject in the West, was also attractive to Turkish intellectuals. Novels became increasingly common after the first trials, which were previously naive and unsubstantial.In this study, political references and allusions in Namık Kemal’s novel, Intibah, were analyzed within the framework of Ottoman history. Kemal’s previous works contained historical and political themes. Many critics were amazed by the thematic change of Intibah, an ordinary love story, and Namık Kemal’s first attempt at novel writing. Although the novel’s inspiration lies in similar examples in western and Turkish folk stories, the fact that Namık Kemal chose a melodrama was quite a departure from the subject areas of all his other previous works. Another starting point was the assessment of the palace analogy, a significant determination of Tanpınar. The palace and the sultans were traditional centers of literature and all life, around which everything revolved and the focus of all representations. Everything, including literature focused on the sultan and directed all his similitudes to him. Namık Kemal likely wrote with this mentality when he wrote Intibah.The highly debatable spring depiction at the beginning of the novel represents the beginning of all these representations and is a metaphor for the prosperity and glory of the period of the foundation and ascension of the Ottomans. The novel’s protagonist represents the Ottoman State, namely the Ottoman State authority, based on the interesting similarity in the name of Sir Ali. The novel Intibah (renaissance) represents the revival of the State of Osman to Western civilization. The dilemma between the two civilizations, society and the state after the Ottomans met the West, was observed in all institutions and structures of the period. Ali experiences the same dilemma and conflict, caught between Mahpeyker, representing the West, and Dilasub, representing Eastern civilization. After the spring depiction at the novel’s beginning, Ali is introduced with emphasis on his strength and preciousness, representative of a prince. However, the disappearance of the real, powerful, and wise authority that ruled him and his family is absent, leaving Ali, in the position as the new authority, vulnerable to his new and alien life with his frailties and weaknesses. This predicament necessitated the sharing of authority. The mother, Mr. Mesut and Mr. Atıf, who appear as the intellectual representation in the novel, assume the duty of guiding authority.Throughout his entire life, Namık Kemal was known for prioritizing nationalist and moral values. According to him, the only power that will enable us to stand up to Western civilization and raise up the state, the wounded lion, is the ore that exists within us and glorified us once before. This ore is woven from moral, religious, and customary values and is dormant in our conscience, folk conscience, and literature. In the novel, the symbol of this ore is Dilaşub. She is wise, moral, obedient (obedient to state as a whole), abstemious, respectable, and honest. At the end of the novel, she is stabbed in the heart because Dilaşub represents both the emotional side of the East and the ore at the heart of civilization. Likewise, Mahpeyker, who represents the West, known for its rational side, is daggered from her brain. One of the most important aspects of the novel that brings to mind a politically-layered reading is the negative emphasis on the nationalities of the two characters. They are Abdullah, who is an Arab, and a Croatian man. In partnership with Mahpeyker who symbolizes the West, these men prepare the end of Ali who represents the Ottoman State. They cannot kill it, but they destroy the ore inside, making it unable to stand again by striking a blow.

“Sergüzeşt-i Ali Bey Yahut Sergüzeşt-i Âli-i Osman” Intibah as  Political Fiction

Yusuf

In the regions ruled by celestial religions, stories of saints and miracles have been passed down from generation to generation. These narratives, which influenced most of the societies, have, of course, also made their own place in literary texts. The Arabic poetry of the period of ignorance maintained its style and originality in discourse; however, with the advent of Islam, the content of poems underwent a major change. The poem that benefits the Prophet was also supported by the Prophet. As such, religious concepts and individuals were often used in the literary texts of Islamic societies. Divan poets praised Allah and the Prophet while also praising the Evliya, who followed the path of the prophet and provided them with their poems. The education system in Eastern societies is generally based on the relationship between master and apprentice; therefore leaders are often venerated in poetry. It has been almost a tradition to mention these pioneers in scholarly works or poems. The idea that unscientific poetry will not be regarded as a reputation prevails in classical period poetry. Divan poets also used saint names in their poems to show their knowledge. In particular, it was perceived as a necessity for a respected and widely read text to mention the saints’ miracles. In particular, the lives and miracles of the first saints frequently appear in the divans. The poet who wanted to show his knowledge and was after bikr-i mazmun made use of many other references, such as the Qur'an, Hadith, Sufism, mythology, legend, miracle, astronomy, math, alchemy, medicine, etc... The poets integrated their knowledge of various sciences with the word arts such as reminiscence, analogy, taşbih, and ambiguity. The Divan poets also chanted the famous saints to make their praise effective. While a famous saint is the sultan of the spiritual realm, a lauded person is described as the sultan and commander of the material realm. The reputation of some books has almost surpassed that of their authors. These works are known and read in every geography. In this case, the names of such books were sometimes used as mazmun for comparison and sometimes as a pun to remind the author. For example, the names of works such as Mesnevi, Bostan, Gulistan, Baharistan, Kanun and Şifa have often been a mazmun in a way that reminds the authors of them. Ferîdüddîn Attâr's Mantıku’t-tayr can also be judged as such. The cult line to which the poet is affiliated is also a decisive factor in the chanting of the names of saints and Sufis. Furthermore, the poet sometimes uses the saint or Sufi, which he considers appropriate to his own creation, as an element of analogy. The main factor here is that the poet finds that the saint’s characteristic features, virtues and lifestyle close to himself. With all of these, the most basic aim was to try to show art and science. The Divan poets had the necessary reputation for their superiority and style in their knowledge, and they were given the necessary protection because of their different and beautiful form of their knowledge and style. Although there are thousands of poets registered in tezkires, the limited existence of poets spoken and known today demonstrates the depth of their knowledge and originality of their style. Poets have also referred to the miracles of the saints to ensure depth and authenticity. In doing so, they did not ignore the lover; in a way, they established an interest in meaning&nbsp;between the lover and a characteristic of the person mentioned. Sometimes the mentioned saints and Sufis have identified their own suffering with their lives. Thus, the saints and the miracles attributed to them, which are indispensable elements of Islamic Sufism, have taken a unique place in Divan poetry. In the study, 22 of the most prominent saints and Sufis in the period, from Veysel Karenî to Molla Câmî, were used as mazmun in Divan poetry. The names of these individuals are listed alphabetically.

Berksan

Carmen Uriarte, Las Relaciones Hispano-Turcas durante la  Guerra Civil Española 1936-1939, Madrid: Ministerio de  Asuntos Exteriores Centro de Documentación y  Publicaciones, 1995, 207 Sayfa, ISBN-10: 8487661491.

@JOURNAL_BOX_EARLYVIEW

Translation, though concerning quite many scientific disciplines such as medicine, pharmacy, mathematics, physics, philosophy, history, linguistics etc., and many other areas concerning practical lives like politics, trade, literature; for the most part, deals with interlinguistic connections.&nbsp;The interactions between Arabic and Turkish started to flourish after the Turks’ adoption of Islam. The translations from Arabic to Turkish stemmed mainly from the need to learn about the religion of Islam. Oghuz Turkish, in its formation process as a written language, was also fulfilling such a demand. Hence, the texts with religious content seriously predominated the ones that were produced in the early periods.&nbsp;The expansion of Oghuz Turks into larger lands under the Seljuk dominion, and their adoption of a new religion as large masses, took place in periods that are quite close to each other. Whereas the need for written correspondence in the state hierarchy was being fulfilled via Persian, it is obvious that Arabic or Persian would fall short of such a proper function in the case of spreading religious knowledge. For this reason, a small number of literate Turks went into the effort of producing texts in Turkish, which was the common spoken language among Oghuzs and other clans. One may argue that the endeavour to write in Turkish gradually spread towards the west, beginning in the Horasan region. The adoption of Islam by the Oghuzs, and the formation of a large state organization in a simultaneous way, both came into play in the flourishment of the Oghuz language in the written form. Though the need for an official language was met by correspondences that were being written in Persian, it was not sufficient for the learning of the new religion, and in corresponding the demand for knowledge, which came forward in various strata of society in differing proportions. The fact that Arabic was the language of the main religious source, and the official language being Persian was leading to a shortage of communication for the larges masses of Oghuzs, with both the state and religion. Though the official language, being Persian, did not constitute a serious problem for the people who did not have grave concerns about the state mechanism, their disconnection with religion was quite of an inconvenience.Firstly expanding to the Horasan region, and up to the inlands of Anatolia afterwards, Oghuz settlements necessitated their meeting with the new religion, and re-organizing their lives in accordance with the two motives, along with adapting to a new geography. Except&nbsp;for the migrant settler masses, religious knowledge had become a necessity for the Oghuzs, who adopted a sedentary life in their daily practices. The fact that it was religious motives behind the transmission of knowledge from Arabic to Turkish aggravated the responsibility of the translators who shouldered it. Any mistake that was to be made in the translation of a literary text would at worst vitiate the aesthetic flavour of the text. However, the translation of a religious text obviously requires much more sensitivity. Hence, one should admit that it requires a very special effort in the translation of such issues as the faith and the attributions of Allah, which also shape one’s conception of God. The Quranic translations that were produced with such a sensitivity as much served for the formation of the written Turkish as for the comprehension and teaching of the religion.&nbsp;The young Turkish scholars, who did not know any other written sources other the Arabic ones, must have used Arabic as a guide during their translations. We should admit that the translation of Arabic expressions to a language that had been used in written form before, must have been very difficult. Especially, the translation of some peculiar Arabic phrases to Turkish correctly, required the utmost prudence, so as to understand the source of religion in the most correct way.The underline translation method which was commonly used in the early periods, despite being a poor method for the phrases, was successful in producing comprehensible Turkish written texts. In the course of these translations, there were some peculiar elements in Arabic, such as ism-i fail (present participle), sıfat-ı müşebbehe and the exaggerative present participle, which were alien to Turkish to a great extent. Building the conception of God in accordance with the understanding of oneness (and unity), the Quran presents the idea of God as almighty andbenevolent, by often making use of the aforementioned peculiar expressions. It also uses those word structures in order to explain the condition of men in the face of orders and prohibitions to which it appeals in regulating human life. The suffix -IcI in Oghuz Turkish virtually seems to have taken on a very special task, so as to meet the peculiar expressions of Arabic in question. The suffix IcI, which did not usually come forward in the early years in Old Turkish and the Anatolian region, is now one of the most common elements, and it is one of the indicators of verb performers.We know that the suffixes -GlI and -GAn were being used for certain verb performers of Arabic in the Karakhanid and Khorezmian regions. Such a differentiation indicates the rising sensitivity in the Anatolian geography with regard to the translations of these aforementioned structures. It also shows that the written language in Anatolia developed quite separately from the Turkistan region. Although the Quranic translations that were written in Karakhanid and Khorezmian Turkish contain some occasional instances of the suffix -IcI (=ĠUçI), it seems to have been used far less in proportion to the Anatolian region.Besides the historical dialects such as Karakhanid and Khorezmian, there are some examples that it was from time to time corresponded by the suffixes -IcI (küçi and Kuçi) in Afghanistan Uzbek Turkish and Kazan Tatar Turkish.

The Place of Suffix -IcI in The Formation of Turkish as a Written Language

Gülten

Onur

The Place of Woman in Siberian Realm Turkish Legends and the Perception of Ancient Turks in This Regard

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Latif

Fatma

While, in the first reading phase, reading as a language skill appears in the form of learning how the systematics of reading functions by making sense of certain writing symbols, it turns out to be the most fundamental means of acquiring knowledge and developing language in the later stages. Texts stand out as the most essential instrument used in the acquisition of four basic language skills in foreign language education. The reading passages used in both native language education and teaching Turkish as a foreign language are primarily regarded as teaching aids and materials. In Turkish teaching process, all texts ranging from the low-level texts such as warning and instruction signs on undergrounds and buses to the literary texts that involve deep meanings like poems have their own area of use in language education. For instance, in teaching Turkish to foreigners, a dialogue between a ticket officer and a passenger in the stage of buying a ticket for the underground or a column in a newspaper assumes a textual quality. Similarly, a poetry text containing figurative language and literary phrases or a text conveying information about a topic related to Turkish culture in a course book involves a textual characteristic with respect to a specific language skill. In other words, each meaning element that can be read, listened, written or spoken has a textual feature in terms of language teaching.&nbsp;Reading basically has the aim of communication and certain types of factors are present in the process of reading. These factors include the author, the text, the reader and the feedbacks. The most significant of all these during the process are the reading texts. In this respect, texts occupy a highly important place in teaching Turkish as a foreign language. The texts are not only involved in reading skill but also frequently used in the development stages of other language skills. When the sets designed to teach Turkish as a foreign language are closely examined, it is observed that the majority of the texts available in course books is made up of reading passages. As for the activities related to other language skills, a great majority of them is associated with the reading texts and their formation is based on the texts in question. To cite an example, in an activity aimed at the development of writing or reading skill, a dialogue or story text is given to the students to be read and they are asked to continue the text by speaking or writing.&nbsp;When texts are analyzed in terms of their types, it is seen that no association is present among the researchers with regard to the classifications of text types and that the categorizations have been achieved by the researchers in quite different ways. Despite the fact that each text classification is consistent and meaningful in itself, a variety of text type classification has come up due to the differences between the researchers’ points of view. Concerning language teaching, however, the concepts of texts and text types differ from the related classifications in some aspects. The reason for this is that the text to be used in the teaching of language involves a material quality. In this way, it is possible to regard every teaching material which can achieve the objectives and acquirements as a text.&nbsp;When the studies conducted upon text classifications are examined, it is observed that the related categorizations contain certain defects in terms of the field of language teaching. This being the case, a text type classification that can be used in language teaching has been performed in this study. In accordance with this classification, texts are divided into two as texts based on the aim of formation and those based on their functions. The former is also separated into two groups as fictional texts aimed directly at language teaching and original texts intended for the daily use of native language speakers and used indirectly in foreign language teaching. The texts formed on the basis of their functions, on the other hand, have been analyzed in terms of writing purpose and language use and gathered under two main titles as texts with utility function and literary texts. The original texts involved in the texts classified in accordance with their aim of formation are also divided into two in themselves as daily texts and literary texts. The daily texts contain such passages like menus, tickets, posters, warranty certificates and graffiti that are prepared with no aesthetic concern and that assign native language readers as their target group. As for the literary texts, they include novels, stories, tales, legends, etc that are put down on paper with an aesthetic concern and with native language readers being their target group. With respect to the texts based on their functions, the texts with utility function refer to all reading materials that can be readily experienced in daily life and that neither involve literary value in terms of the aim of writing or use of language nor aesthetic concern. The texts with utility function have been gathered within themselves under three titles as formal, instructive and communicative texts. The literary texts are those that are formed with an aesthetic concern in relation to the aim of writing and language use. These texts are also titled in three ways within themselves as instructive texts, texts based on expression/demonstration and poetry.&nbsp;Apart from the classification of text types, this study involves, as well, the analysis and comparison of the reading texts available in Yedi İklim Turkish Teaching Set and İstanbul Turkish Teaching Set for Foreigners along with recommendations related to which text type might be used in which language level.

The Classification of Text Types and The Evaluation of Reading Passages Available in Course Books in Teaching Turkish as A Foreign Language

Home economics appeared as an independent field of research in the nineteenth century and began to be included in the curriculum of girls’ schools in many countries through the second half of the century. As a scientific field, home economics defines systematic, modern and pedagogical standards for housework with a particular focus on household chores being part of the daily routine and aims to increase productivity and professionalism at home. Standardization, discipline, order, rationality, pragmatism, and hygiene appeared as the main principles of home economics. These principles defined the reform programs of many states, which were initiating a modernization process in the realms of political, economic and sociocultural areas in the nineteenth century. These principles are also among the main criteria of Norbert Elias’s definition of the civilizing process, which he defined by focusing on the change and transformation of the standards of correct and proper behavior in Europe from the thirteenth to the nineteenth centuries. Therefore, the rational and scientific approach to house related issues and the introduction of home economics as a course to the curriculum of girls’ schools appear closely related to the modernization and civilizing attempts of the states.&nbsp;In the pre-modern Ottoman world, home administration (ilm-i tedbîr-i menzil), which was considered as a subject of ethics and included as a chapter in ethics books, began to be taken as an independent field as home economics (idâre-i beytiye) in books and periodicals after the second half of the nineteenth century as well as being taught as a course in girls’ schools through the last quarter of the century. Ottoman authors examined the decoration and physical conditions of the house, house-cleaning, health issues, heating, dressing, raising of children, eating and food, table manners, etiquette and all kinds of issues that may be related to the house under the title of home economics. The target of writing on home economics was the disciplining and rationalization of the Ottoman house life with definite standards. This literature criticized the traditional Ottoman house life as being scattered, irregular, and haphazard and proposed a new model of house management based on scientific, rational and pedagogical data, dominated by discipline, order, and hygiene.The opening of new schools for girls at different levels from primary schools to teachers’ schools was an important development for the participation of Ottoman women in the formal education process. Furthermore, the discussions to define the object and content of girls’ curriculum reveals that Ottoman authorities considered the education of women within&nbsp;the perspective of the traditional role and status of Ottoman women as housewife, wife, and mothers despite Ottoman women beginning to benefit from the possibilities of formal education and public life. It seems that the number and the weight of courses related to home economics increased in the curriculum of girls’ schools of the time and attempts were made to fill the girls’ curriculum with those sciences regarded as necessary and useful to femininity, housewifery, and motherhood. The language used in the Ottoman textbooks of home economics shows that the traditional female discourse continued in many aspects. It seems that this literature on home economics aims to reorganize the living space of the family, which is the nucleus of the society according to the scientific, rational, technological and pedagogical standards and approaches of the age.With the introduction of the home economics courses to the curriculum of Ottoman girls’ schools in different levels and the definition of women’s status as home managers, domestic life became a public issue and also a political matter on which state and public authorities developed policies. Because these books are textbooks for girls’ schools and each textbook is published with the permission of the Ministry of Education, it can be said that the woman’s discourse emerging from these books not only represents the idea of authors but also the policy of Ottoman political authorities. However, the introduction of home economics to the curriculum of girls’ schools both in the Ottoman and western world was not a result of an agenda to question or improve women status, rather it seems like a consequence of a process initiated by the state authorities to modernize all segments of life. In this context, the involvement of the course in the curriculums seems primarily related to the modernization and civilization process in almost every realm of Ottoman life from the second half of the nineteenth century, and the Ottoman house which was an area that needed to be reorganized in line with modern standards to serve and contribute to this change and transformation process.

Teaching Scientific Home Economics in Late Ottoman Girls’ Schools: Curriculum and Textbooks

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Journal of Turkology - Türkiyat Mecmuası is the publication of Istanbul University Research Institute of Turkology. It is an open access, scholarly, peer-reviewed journal published biannually in June and December. The journal was founded in 1925. Manuscripts submitted for publication should be in Turkish or English.

Journal of Turkology - Türkiyat Mecmuası aims to contribute to the dissemination of scientific knowledge through publication of high quality articles in accordance with the international publishing standards and contribute to the scientific community in the field of turkology.


The journal publishes studies in the fields of Turkish Language, Turkish Literature, Turkish History, Turkish Art and Turkish Culture in general.

EBSCO Academic Search Complete

SOBIAD Sosyal Bilimler Atıf Dizini

TR Dizin

MLA International Bibliography

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Journal of Turkology

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Editor in Chief

Editor

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Advisory Board Member

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Journal of Turkology, which includes original scientific articles in the field of Turkish Language, Turkish Literature, Turkish History, Turkish Art and Turkish Culture in general, intends to become a source of scientific information by improving visibility and accessibility of qualified information about social sciences. In this context, the journal aspires to contribute to scientific community. Journal of Turkology, which is the publication organ of Research Institute of Turkolgy includes original scientific articles in the field of Turkish Language, Turkish Literature, Turkish History, Turkish Art and Turkish Culture in general.

Aim & Scope

<ul><li>TÜBİTAK ULAKBİM TR-Dizin </li><li>ASOS Index </li><li>SOBIAD </li><li>EBSCO (Academic Search Complete)</li><li>MLA International Bibliography</li></ul>

Indexing and Abstracting

The subjects covered in the manuscripts submitted to the Journal for publication must be in accordance with the aim and scope of the journal. The journal gives priority to original research papers submitted for publication.

Policies

Journal of Turkology - Türkiyat Mecmuası is an open access journal which means that all content is freely available without charge to the user or his/her institution. Except for commercial purposes, users are allowed to read, download, copy, print, search, or link to the full texts of the articles in this journal without asking prior permission from the publisher or the author.The articles in Journal of Turkology - Türkiyat Mecmuası are open access articles licensed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International (CC BY-NC 4.0) license (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.en" target="_blank">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.en</a>)

All expenses of the journal are covered by the Istanbul University. Processing and publication are free of charge with the journal. There is no article processing charges or submission fees for any submitted or accepted articles.

Authors publishing with Journal of Turkology retain the copyright to their work, licensing it under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International (CC BY-NC 4.0) license and grant the publisher non-exclusive right to publish the work.

Journal of Turkology - Türkiyat Mecmuası is committed to upholding the highest standards of publication ethics and pays regard to Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing published by the Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE), the Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ), to access the Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA), and the World Association of Medical Editors (WAME) on <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a>All parties involved in the publishing process (Editors, Reviewers, Authors and Publishers) are expected to agree on the following ethical principles.All submissions must be original, unpublished (including as full text in conference proceedings), and not under the review of any other publication synchronously. Each manuscript is reviewed by one of the editors and at least two referees under double-blind peer review process. Plagiarism, duplication, fraud authorship/denied authorship, research/data fabrication, salami slicing/salami publication, breaching of copyrights, prevailing conflict of interest are unnethical behaviors.All manuscripts not in accordance with the accepted ethical standards will be removed from the publication. This also contains any possible malpractice discovered after the publication. In accordance with the code of conduct we will report any cases of suspected plagiarism or duplicate publishing.

Ethics

Journal of Turkology - Türkiyat Mecmuası adheres to the highest standards in research ethics and follows the principles of international research ethics as defined below. The authors are responsible for the compliance of the manuscripts with the ethical rules.<ul><li>Principles of integrity, quality and transparency should be sustained in designing the research, reviewing the design and conducting the research.</li><li>The research team and participants should be fully informed about the aim, methods, possible uses and requirements of the research and risks of participation in research.</li><li>The confidentiality of the information provided by the research participants and the confidentiality of the respondents should be ensured. The research should be designed to protect the autonomy and dignity of the participants.</li><li>Research participants should participate in the research voluntarily, not under any coercion.</li><li>Any possible harm to participants must be avoided. The research should be planned in such a way that the participants are not at risk.</li><li>The independence of research must be clear; and any conflict of interest or must be disclosed.</li><li>In experimental studies with human subjects, written informed consent of the participants who decide to participate in the research must be obtained. In the case of children and those under wardship or with confirmed insanity, legal custodian’s assent must be obtained.</li><li>If the study is to be carried out in any institution or organization, approval must be obtained from this institution or organization.</li><li>In studies with human subject, it must be noted in the method’s section of the manuscript that the informed consent of the participants and ethics committee approval from the institution where the study has been conducted have been obtained.</li></ul>

It is authors’ responsibility to ensure that the article is in accordance with scientific and ethical standards and rules. And authors must ensure that submitted work is original. They must certify that the manuscript has not previously been published elsewhere or is not currently being considered for publication elsewhere, in any language. Applicable copyright laws and conventions must be followed. Copyright material (e.g. tables, figures or extensive quotations) must be reproduced only with appropriate permission and acknowledgement. Any work or words of other authors, contributors, or sources must be appropriately credited and referenced.All the authors of a submitted manuscript must have direct scientific and academic contribution to the manuscript. The author(s) of the original research articles is defined as a person who is significantly involved in “conceptualization and design of the study”, “collecting the data”, “analyzing the data”, “writing the manuscript”, “reviewing the manuscript with a critical perspective” and “planning/conducting the study of the manuscript and/or revising it”. Fund raising, data collection or supervision of the research group are not sufficient roles to be accepted as an author. The author(s) must meet all these criteria described above. The order of names in the author list of an article must be a co-decision and it must be indicated in the <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/2A4DC4CCF7FA4654AE080549077C9D32" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form.</a> The individuals who do not meet the authorship criteria but contributed to the study must take place in the acknowledgement section. Individuals providing technical support, assisting writing, providing a general support, providing material or financial support are examples to be indicated in acknowledgement section.All authors must disclose all issues concerning financial relationship, conflict of interest, and competing interest that may potentially influence the results of the research or scientific judgment.When an author discovers a significant error or inaccuracy in his/her own published paper, it is the author’s obligation to promptly cooperate with the Editor to provide retractions or corrections of mistakes.

Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender,  citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors. He/She provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles for publication and ensures that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential before publishing.Editor-in-Chief is responsible for the contents and overall quality of the publication. He/She must publish errata pages or make corrections when needed.Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers. Only he has the full authority to assign a reviewer and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal.Reviewers must have no conflict of interest with respect to the research, the authors and/or the research funders. Their judgments must be objective.Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees must be ensured. In particular situations, the editor may share the review of one reviewer with other reviewers to clarify a particular point.

Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by editor-in-chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope.Short presentations that took place in scientific meetings can be referred if indicated in the article. The editor hands over the papers matching the formal rules to at least two national/international referees for evaluation and gives green light for publication upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims. Changing the name of an author (omission, addition or order) in papers submitted to the Journal requires written permission of all declared authors. Refused manuscripts and graphics are not returned to the author.

Peer Review

Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by Editor-in-Chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope.  Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors and ensures a fair double-blind peer review of the selected manuscripts.The selected manuscripts are sent to at least two national/international referees for evaluation and publication decision is given by Editor-in-Chief  upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal.Reviewers’ judgments must be objective. Reviewers’ comments on the following aspects are expected while conducting the review.-    Does the manuscript contain new and significant information?-    Does the abstract clearly and accurately describe the content of the manuscript?-    Is the problem significant and concisely stated?-    Are the methods described comprehensively?-    Are the interpretations and consclusions justified by the results?-    Is adequate references made to other Works in the field?-    Is the language acceptable?Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees is important.

All correspondence will be sent to the first-named author unless otherwise specified. Manuscpript is to be submitted online via <a href="http://dergipark.gov.tr/login" target="_blank">http://dergipark.gov.tr/login</a> that can be accessed at <a href="https://dergipark.org.tr/iuturkiyat" target="_blank">https://dergipark.org.tr/iuturkiyat</a> and it must be accompanied by a <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/1374874F82134F64BFFBC512C7AFD669" target="_blank">Title Page</a> specifying the article category (i.e. research article, review etc.) and including information about the manuscript (see the Submission Checklist). Manuscripts should be prepared in Microsoft Word 2003 and upper versions. In addition, <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/82D81F542BE14E349E5DF2A2BB75B0E8" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a> that has to be signed by all authors must be submitted.<ol><li>Manuscripts should be prepared using the <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/794F0A4F0C2941E9A7272E0D664699CC" target="_blank">Article Template.</a> Due to double blind peer review, manuscript file must not include any information about the author.</li><li>A title page including author information must be submitted together with the manuscript. The title page is to include fully descriptive title of the manuscript and, affiliation, title, e-mail address, ORCID, postal address, phone, mobile phone and fax number of the author(s) (see The Submission Checklist).</li><li>Before the introduction part, there should be an abstract of 150-250 words both in English and in Turkish. An extended abstract in English between 600-800 words, summarizing the scope, the purpose, the results of the study and the methodology used is to be included following the abstracts. If the manuscript is in English, extended abstract is not required. Underneath the abstracts, 5 keywords that inform the reader about the content of the study should be specified in Turkish and in English.</li><li>The manuscripts should contain mainly these components: title, abstract and keywords; sections, references, tables and figures.</li><li>References should be in accordance with Chicago Style of Manual 16th Edition.</li><li>Authors are responsible for all statements made in their work submitted to the Journal for publication.</li></ol>

Author Guidelines

Research Article: Original research articles report substantial and original scientific results within the journal scope. Original research articles are comprised of Abstract, Key Words, Introduction, Methods, Results, Discussion, Conclusion, References and Figures, Tables and Graphics.<ul><li>Abstract:  The abstracts in English and in Turkish must be between 150- 250 words and state aim, method, result and conclusions of the study. </li><li>Introduction: This section must contain a clear statement of the general and specific objectives as well as the hypotheses which the work is designed to test. It should also give a brief account of the reported literature. It should clearly state the primary and secondary purposes of the article. Only, the actual references related with the issues have to be indicated and data or findings related with the current study must not be included in this section.</li><li>Methods: This section must contain explicit, concise descriptions of all procedures, materials and methods (i.e. data sources, participants, scales, interviews/reviews, basic measurements, applications, statistical methods) used in the investigation to enable the reader to judge their accuracy, reproducibility, etc. This section should include the known findings at the beginning of the study and the findings during the study must be reported in results section.</li><li>Results: The results should be presented in logical sequence in the text, tables, and figures, giving the main or most important findings first. The all the data in the tables or figures should not be repeated in the text; only the most important observations must be emphasized or summarized..</li><li>Discussion: The findings of the study, the findings and results which support or do not support the hypothesis of the study should be discussed, results should be compared and contrasted with findings of other studies in the literature and the different findings from other studies should be explained. The new and important aspects of the study and the conclusions that follow from them should be emphasized. The data or other information given in the Introduction or the Results section should not be repeated in detail.</li><li>Conclusions: Conclusions derived from the study should be stated.. The conclusions should be linked with the goals of the study but unqualified statements and conclusions not adequately supported by the data should be avoided. New hypotheses should be stated when warranted, but should be labeled clearly as such.</li><li>Figures, Tables and Graphics: Figures, Tables and Graphics should be numbered in Arabic numerals in the text. The places of the figures, tables and graphics should be signed in the text.  Figures, tables and graphics materials should be “.jpg, .tiff or .jpeg” format and they should be submitted with the article. These materials should be min. 300 pixels and they must not be bigger than page size. If there are visuals more than one, each one must be enumerated. (For Example, Picture 1, Map 1, Figure 1etc.) The pictures, maps and other appendixes that are shown in bracket should be added at the end of the article.</li></ul>Review Article: Reviews prepared by authors who have extensive knowledge on a particular field and whose scientific background has been translated into a high volume of publications with a high citation potential are welcomed. These authors may even be invited by the journal. Review article should contain title, abstract and keywords; body text with sections, and references.

Reference Style and FormatJournal of Turkology – Türkiyat Mecmuası complies with Chicago Style of Manual 16th Edition for referencing and quoting.Authors who would send proposals to the journal are kindly invited to follow the examples given below when writing the footnotes and compiling the bibliography. These examples are borrowed from the Chicago Style of Manual (<a href="http://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide/citation-guide-1.html" target="_blank">http://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide/citation-guide-1.html</a>). A few more examples have also been added. Further information and numerous examples about the “notes and bibliography” system are available at the 14th and 15th chapters of the Chicago Manual of Style (16th edition).Examples:FF first footnote, NF next/short footnotes, B bibliographyBook, one, two or three authorsFor four or more authors, each of them is cited in the bibliography, only the first author’s name is cited in footnotes and “et al.” is added next to it, which stands for “and the others”.FF  Clauson, Gerard, An Etymological Dictionary of Pre-Thirteenth Century, (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1972), 55. NF Clauson, An Etymological Dictionary of Pre-Thirteenth Century, 55.B  Gerard Clauson. An Etymological Dictionary of Pre-Thirteenth Century. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1972.FF   A. Nazarov Bakhtiyar, Denis Sinor, Essays on Uzbeks History, Culture and Language,  Research Institute for Inner Asian Studies, (Bloomington: Indiana University, 1993), 55.NF   Bakhtiyar ve Sinor, Essays on Uzbeks History, Culture and Language, 55.B     Bakhtiyar,  A. Nazarov ve Denis Sinor. Essays on Uzbeks History, Culture and Language. Bloomington: Indiana University, 1993.FF  E.R. Tenişev, A.M. Şçerbak, D.M. Nasilov, V.M Nadelyayev, Drevnetyurkskiy Slovar, XXXVIII, (Leningrad:  Izdatel’stvo&lt;&lt;Nauka&gt;&gt;Leningradskoe Otdelenir, 1969), 60.NF Tenişev, Şçerbak, Nasilov, Nadelyayev, Drevnetyurkskiy Slovar, 25.B Tenişev, E.R., A.M. Şçerbak, D.M. Nasilov, V.M Nadelyayev, Drevnetyurkskiy Slovar. XXXVIII. Leningrad:  Izdatel’stvo&lt;&lt;Nauka&gt;&gt;Leningradskoe Otdelenir, 1969.BOOK, if there is an editor/translator in addition to the authorIf there is an editor, then one should cite it as “ed.” instead of “trans.” in footnotes; as for the bibliography “Edited by” instead of “Translated by”.FF  Peter B. Golden, An Introduction to the History of the Turkic Peoples, trans. Osman Karatay, (America: Harrassowitz Verlag, 1992), 36. NF Golden, An Introduction to the History of the Turkic Peoples, 36.B Golden, Peter B. An Introduction to the History of the Turkic Peoples. Translated by Osman Karatay. America: Harrassowitz Verlag, 1992.BOOK, voliminousFF  Robert Dankoff, James Kelley, Mahmûd al-Kashgarî, Compendium of the Turkic Dialects-Dîwân Lugât at-Turk, (Harvard: University Printing Office, 1985), 4: 100. NF Robert Dankoff, James Kelley, Mahmûd al-Kashgarî, Compendium of the Turkic Dialects-Dîwân Lugât at-Turk, 1: 90.B Dankoff, Robert, James Kelley, Mahmûd al-Kashgarî, Compendium of the Turkic Dialects-Dîwân Lugât at-Turk. 4 cilt. Harvard: University Printing Office, 1985.A chapter/section in a bookFF Beatrice Forbes Manz, “Timur”, The Rise and Rule of Tamerlane, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 90-120. NF Manz, “Timur”, 90-120.B Manz, Beatrice Forbes.  “Timur”, The Rise and Rule of Tamerlane içinde, 90-120. Cambridge: Cambridge University, 1989.Preface, presentment, introduction and similar parts in a bookFF Maria Eva Subtelny, Timurids in Transition, Preface to the book titled Turko-Persian Politics and Acculturation in Medieval Iran (Boston: Brill, Leiden ,2007), 5.NF Subtelny, önsöz, 5.B Subtelny, Maria Eva. Timurids in Transition, Preface to the book titled Turko-Persian Politics and Acculturation in Medieval Iran, 5. Boston: Brill, Leiden, 2007.BOOK, electronically publishedIf the book is published in multiple formats, the one that is used is cited. URL is given for the online books that are cited. The access date can be added on prefence. If the page number is missing, either the title of chapter or another number can be added.FF Peter Golden, An Introduction to the History of the Turkic Peoples (America: Harrassowitz Verlag, 1992), Accessed September 18, 2019.<a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/281319978_An_Introduction_to_the_History_of_the_Turkic_Peoples" target="_blank">https://www.researchgate.net/publication/281319978_An_Introduction_to_the_History_of_the_Turkic_Peoples</a>NF Golden, An Introduction to the History of the Turkic Peoples, 206.B Golden, Peter. An Introduction to the History of the Turkic Peoples. America: Harrassowitz Verlag, 1992. Accessed September 18, 2019.   <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/281319978_An_Introduction_to_the_History_of_the_Turkic_Peoples" target="_blank">https://www.researchgate.net/publication/281319978_An_Introduction_to_the_History_of_the_Turkic_Peoples</a>Journal article, copyrightFF John E. Woods, “The Rise of Tīmūrid Historiography”, Journal of Near Eastern Studies, 46/2 (1987), 81-108.NF Woods, “The Rise of Tīmūrid Historiography”, 81-108.B  Woods, John E. “The Rise of Tīmūrid Historiography”,  Journal of Near Eastern Studies, 46/2 (1987), 81-108.Journal article, translationFF  Michiko Kakutani. ”Friendship Takes a Path That Diverges”, by Zadie Smith, Review of Swing Time, New York Times, (2016), 69-90.NF Kakutani, ”Friendship Takes a Path That Diverges”, 69-90.B  Kakutani, Michiko, ”Friendship Takes a Path That Diverges”, by Zadie Smith, Review of Swing Time. New York Times. 2016: 69-90.Journal article, electronicDOI (Digital Object Identifier) number should be cited if it was specified. If not, and if also the publisher or the research area requires it, the access date is cited.FF  Shao-Hsun Keng, Chun-Hung Lin, and Peter F. Orazem, “Expanding College Access in Taiwan, 1978–2014: Effects on Graduate Quality and Income Inequality”, Journal of Human Capital 11, no. 1 (2017): 1–34. https://doi.org/10.1086/690235.NF Keng, Lin, Orazem, “Expanding College Access in Taiwan, 1978–2014: Effects on Graduate Quality and Income Inequality”, 1–34.B Keng, Shao-Hsun, Chun-Hung Lin, and Peter F. Orazem, “Expanding College Access in Taiwan, 1978–2014: Effects on Graduate Quality and Income Inequality”, Journal of Human Capital 11, no. 1 (2017): 1–34. https://doi.org/10.1086/690235.Newspaper article, publishedFF Rebecca Mead, “The Prophet of Dystopia”, New Yorker, April 17, 2017, 2.NF Mead, “The Prophet of Dystopia”, 2.B Mead, Rebecca, “The Prophet of Dystopia”, New Yorker, April 17, 2017.Newspaper article/report, electronicNewspaper articles or reports do not usually take place in bibliographies. Otherwise, the above citation forms are used. If the author of an article or report is not specified, then the citation should begin with the title of article/report.FF “Snap Makes a Bet on the Cultural Supremacy of the Camera.” New York Times, March 8, 2017. https://www.nytimes.com/2017/03/08/technology/snap-makes-a-bet-on-the-cultural-supremacy-of-the-camera.html.NF “Snap Makes a Bet on the Cultural Supremacy of the Camera.”B “Snap Makes a Bet on the Cultural Supremacy of the Camera.” New York Times, March 8, 2017. https://www.nytimes.com/2017/03/08/technology/snap-makes-a-bet-on-the-cultural-supremacy-of-the-camera.html.Book ReviewFF Michiko Kakutani, “Friendship Takes a Path That Diverges.”, Review of Swing Time, by Zadie Smith, New York Times, 7 (2016), 67.NF Kakutani, “Friendship Takes a Path That Diverges.”, 67.B   Kakutani, Michiko. 2016. “Friendship Takes a Path That Diverges.” Review of Swing Time, by Zadie Smith. New York Times, November 7, 2016.ThesisFF Cynthia Lillian Rutz, “King Lear and Its Folktale Analogues” .(PhD diss. University of Chicago. 2013), 90.NF Rutz, “King Lear and Its Folktale Analogues”, 90.B  Rutz, Cynthia Lillian. 2013. “King Lear and Its Folktale Analogues.” PhD diss., University of Chicago.Encyclopedia entryFF Ahmet Temir, “Mongol (or Turko-Mongol) Khanate”, Encyclopedia of Turks, v. 8, (Ankara: Yeni Türkiye Publications, 2002), 416-432. NF Temir, Mongol (or Turko-Mongol) Khanate”, 416-432. B Temir, Ahmet. “Mongol (or Turko-Mongol) Khanate”. Encyclopedia of Turks. 8: 416-432. Ankara: Yeni Türkiye Publications, 2002.Unpublished anouncementFF Erdal İnönü and Harun Doğan, “Some Discoveries that are Named After Turkish Scientists” (The anouncement that was presented in the II. National Symposium of History of Science and Philosophy Work Group, Assos, 18-20th June 2004).NF İnönü and Doğan, “Some Discoveries.”B İnönü, Erdal and Harun Doğan. “Some Discoveries that are Named After Turkish Scientists”. The anouncement that was presented in the II. National Symposium of History of Science and Philosophy Work Group, Assos, 18-20th June 2004.ManuscriptFF Feyzi, Muhadarat-ı Feyzi, İstanbul, İstanbul University The Library of Rare Collection, T6833, 48a.NF Feyzi, Muhadarat-ı Feyzi, T6833, 51b.B Feyzi, Muhadarat-ı Feyzi, İstanbul, İstanbul University The Library of Rare Collection, T6833, 1a-70b.FF Salih b. Nasrullah, Ghayat al-itqan fi tabdir badan al-insan, İstanbul, Süleymaniye Library, Ayasofya 3682, 26a.NF Salih b. Nasrullah, Ghayat al-itqan, Ayasofya 3682, 23b.B Salih b. Nasrullah, Ghayat al-itqan fi tabdir badan al-insan, Istanbul, Süleymaniye Library, Ayasofya 3682, 1a-311a, Copy date 10 Rebiülevvel 1135 (19th December 1722).Archive documentFF The Ottoman Archives of the Prime Ministry (OAPM), Cevdet Askeriye (C.AS.) 71/3352, 9 Şevval 1211 (April 07, 1797).NF OAPM, C.AS. 71/3352.B The Ottoman Archives of the Prime Ministry (OAPM). Cevdet Askeriye (C. AS) 71/3352, 9 Şevval 1211 (April 07, 1920).FF Topkapı Palace Museum Archives (TPMA), E. 3202-2=597-2-7.NF TPMA, E. 3202-2=597-2-7.B Topkapı Palace Museum Archives (TPMA). E. 3202-2=597-2-7.WebsiteFF Yale University. n.d. “About Yale: Yale Facts.” Accessed May 1, 2017. https://www.yale.edu/about-yale/yale-facts.NF “About Yale: Yale Facts.”B Yale University. n.d. “About Yale: Yale Facts.” Accessed May 1, 2017. <a href="https://www.yale.edu/about-yale/yale-facts">https://www.yale.edu/about-yale/yale-facts</a>.E-mail or text messageUsually they are only cited in footnotes. There is no requirement for giving any bibliographical reference.Footnote: Robert Dankoff, E-mail message to the author, 16.10.2015.

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E-ISSN	2651-3188
Period	Biannually
Editor	Mustafa Balcı
Journal of Turkology - Türkiyat Mecmuası is the publication of Istanbul University Research Institute of Turkology. It is an open access, scholarly, peer-reviewed journal published biannually in June and December. The journal was founded in 1925. Manuscripts submitted for publication should be in Turkish or English. Journal of Turkology - Türkiyat Mecmuası aims to contribute to the dissemination of scientific knowledge through publication of high quality articles in accordance with the international publishing standards and contribute to the scientific community in the field of turkology. The journal publishes studies in the fields of Turkish Language, Turkish Literature, Turkish History, Turkish Art and Turkish Culture in general.

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