Abdelkarim

Senem

Assoc. Prof.

The construction of the first church on the site of Hagia Sophia was initiated during the reign of the Roman Emperor Constantine I and inaugurated during the reign of Constantine II. This monument was known as Magna Ecclesia [The Great Church] and was exposed to serious damage in the aftermath of a great fire. The building known as the Second Hagia Sophia was built by the command of Emperor Theodosius II following the design of the first one. It was opened for worship in 415 AD. The second structure, having been built in the same basilica format with a wooden roof similar to the first, was severely damaged by the rebels during the Nika Revolt against Emperor Justinian in 532 AD. The building that is known today as the Third Hagia Sophia, was built at the command of the Byzantine Emperor Justinian I as an even larger and more magnificent building between 532-537 AD. Throughout this process, Hagia Sophia revealed itself as having an important central position in the Eastern Orthodox Church and the Ecumenical Patriarchy. In this respect, besides being a religious center, Hagia Sophia has always been an institution with an iconic meaning.The conquest of Istanbul by Sultan Mehmet the Conqueror was one of the most important turning points, not only for Turkish and Islamic history but also for humanity as a whole. Through this conquest, Hagia Sophia was converted into a mosque. The centuries-old tradition of the Ottoman Empire was to have the adhan [call for prayer] called from the greatest temple of the conquered place following the conquest and to perform the Friday prayer there. In this respect, Hagia Sophia became a symbol of the conquest of Istanbul. Also as a symbol of this conquest, Sultan Mehmet the Conqueror placed his banner at the altar located in the middle of Hagia Sophia, shot an arrow towards the dome, and recited himself the first adhan there, thus marking the conquest of Istanbul. Afterwards, prostrated in gratitude and prayed two rak’ahs,&nbsp;&nbsp;thus converting Hagia Sophia into a mosque. With the conquest of Istanbul, Sultan Mehmet the Conqueror received the title of Caesar of the Roman Empire and gained possession of everything belonging to the Byzantine dynasty. In so doing, he also dedicated Hagia Sophia as a mosque with the first prayer in Hagia Sophia and established the Fatih Complex as well as the Hagia Sophia Waqf. He also bequeathed that Hagia Sophia be preserved forever and stipulated the continuity of its identity as a mosque.Hagia Sophia was converted into a museum in 1934 with the decision from the Council of Ministers. However, after being used as a museum for 85 years, the 10th Chamber of the Council of State voided the decision from the 1934 Council of Ministers. Hagia Sophia was restored into a mosque with the Presidential decision dated July 10, 2020 and reopened for worship with the Friday prayer on Friday, July 24.After this historical decision, Arab poets showed their support through their poems, seeing this transformation as a survival of the power of Islam as well as proof and a symbol of Muslim’s return to their glorious history. In addition, the change that took place with this Presidential decision is important in that it represents not only how the Turkish nation’s dream has come true but also that of all Muslims and their years of longing. Writers, poets, historians, and men of letters have written works for Hagia Sophia, which has a special place in the hearts of Muslim Arabs. These works attempt to express the image of Hagia Sophia within Muslims’ cultural memory.This study examines the poems written about Hagia Sophia, one of the most famous places of worship for both Muslims and Christians. The poems have been selected from the works of modern Arab poets. This study tackles the subjects of the magnificence of Hagia Sophia in the poems, the conquest of Istanbul by Sultan Mehmet the Conqueror, the excitement and happiness of the conversion of Hagia Sophia into a mosque, the elegies written for Hagia Sophia during World War I, and the reopening of Hagia Sophia as a mosque on July 10, 2020. The poems were selected using the screening method.One of the prominent themes of Hagia Sophia in Arabic poetry is its magnificence and fascination in terms of architecture. While describing its structural features, Hagia Sophia is noteworthily described as an immortal masterpiece. Using this theme, Ahmed Shawqi in particular expresses in his poems that Hagia Sophia is a symbol of devotion to religion, one that reflects power and might.Sultan Mehmet the Conqueror’s conquest of Hagia Sophia has a particularly important place in Arabic poetry. In these poems, Sultan Mehmet the Conqueror is depicted as a good commander who is devoted to his religion, has an elevated soul, does not oppress anyone, does not hold grudges, and treats those of his enemies who surrender with mercy.In the poems of the Saudi poet Abdurrahman al-Ashmawi praising the conquest, the poet views Sultan Mehmet the Conqueror’s conquest of Istanbul as a source of pride and states that this blessed transformation occurred based on other historical events. Meanwhile, the&nbsp;Moroccan poet Îyhum praises Hagia Sophia as a mosque that has become an Islamic lantern where the Qur’an is read and the call to prayer echoes.Hagia Sophia transformation into a museum as well as the events that took place during World War I have been handled and processed together in Arabic poems under the themes of a source of sadness, disappointment, deprivation of the Qur’an from the adhan, and alienation from religion. Arabic poems emphasize how the conquest has been revived and a new joy been brought to a feast-like celebration through the reopening of Hagia Sophia as a mosque.&nbsp;

The Hagia Sophia In Modern Arabic Poetry

Ahmet

Assist. Prof.

This article covers the life of Yusuf b. Fazlullâh es-Sekâkînî and his poems in the field of asceticism. Es-Sekâkînî was an important scholar and poet who lived in Harran. After receiving his first education in Harran, he went to Baghdad and Damascus as the centers of science to acquire knowledge. After receiving a good education, es-Sekâkînî took up no official duty in the state but rather tried to make a living performing the art of knife making as his profession. However, while performing his profession as a tradesman, he also dealt with education and science. After becoming a Sufi connoisseur, he turned his own house to a dar [house/abode] of al-Hadith and started to give lessons on Arabic language and literature. Due to his success in this field, he became the most important teacher in Harran. Once his dar al-Hadith became insufficient for his students, he had a mosque bearing his name built next to his house and continued his education and scientific activities there. Es-Sekâkînî lived an ascetic life, made studies, and wrote poems in the field of asceticism and poetry. The sources regarding him stated that he made studies and wrote poems on the subject of asceticism. Some sources have presented him among the famous ascetic poets of his time. Unfortunately, most of his studies and poems have not survived. Twelve couplets from a eulogy and an elegy have survived to the present day. Most of his studies and poems were assumed to have been destroyed during the Mongol invasion. For this reason, he and his poems have not been subjected to scientific study but only presented in the form of short biographies.In this study, the authors attempt to shed light on es-Sekâkînî’s poetry and his understanding of asceticism based on his poems in the sources, as the one ode and twelve couplets of his that are available are of a type that could shed light on his poetry. This study attempts to summarize the developmental process of the ascetic school in Arabic literature and presents information on es-Sekâkînî’s life and the political and cultural environment in which he lived. His surviving poems and their Turkish translations are additionally included, with information given about his literary personality and style.Es- Sekâkînî uses a sermon and preaching style in his poems, which is the method embraced by ascetic poets. He tried to affect people by using Zuht and prohibitive forms in his poems. Es-Sekâkînî used a simple and understandable language suitable to the audience due to the fact that he was appealing to the public. While trying to explain his thoughts on Zuht, he tried to explain the basic principles of the ascetic life. Although he lived at a time when Sufism and sects were active, he brought to the fore the principles of a simple and individual ascetic life based on the essence of Islamic faith. Es- Sekâkînî called people to live a life in harmony with the society in his poems and to work for the peace and well-being of society. He advised against emphasizing the worldly life and getting too attached to it. He said the life in this world to be temporary and its beauties deceptive. He emphasized the true life for man to be the life of the hereafter. He encouraged people to live a züht [ascetic] life and stated asceticism to be a way to salvation, one that saves man from the passions of the world and leads one to eternal bliss. He advised people to stay away from hypocrisy and vanity while advising them to perform their worship completely and only for the sake of God in order to earn the hereafter, which is the real home of mankind. Es-Sekâkînî stated that a life could be earned in Paradise by avoiding haram/forbidden and evil deeds and performing acts of worship fully. He wanted to draw people’s attention by describing the blessings of heavenly life. He dwelled on the fact that no one other than the Prophet should be taken as a guide in social and religious life. By praising the Prophet and explaining his miracles in this context, he wanted to draw attention to the Prophet’s role as a guide for ascetics, stating that one who turns away from the blessings of the world and strives to gain God’s mercy can attain supreme positions. Es-Sekâkînî stated being pessimistic to be unnecessary and making a new beginning is always possible for people. He advised people who sought forgiveness for their sins to be merciful and charitable and to do good deeds. He advised being patient with the troubles of the worldly life and to endure old age with the fire of love in order to reach the real Lover (Allah). Es-Sekâkînî emphasized that one can only improve by improving one’s own self and encouraged people to learn science and wisdom. During his lifetime, he avoided giving credit to the separatist ideas emerging as a result of the esoteric movements that had appeared in Muslim society.&nbsp;

The Harran Poet Yusuf b. Fazlullah es-Sekâkînî’s Life, Literary  Personality, and Understanding of Zuht

Arzu

Italy completed its union later than other European forces and soon after tried to achieve its long-desired goal of establishing a colony in North Africa, which at the time was under the rule of the Ottoman Empire. Italy was actually searching for an excuse for war and sent a diplomatic note to the Ottoman Empire on September 23, 1911 through the Italian ambassador in Istanbul, claiming that the Italians in Tripoli and Benghazi were not safe and that the Ottoman state had also been unresponsive to the events that took place against the Italians. With the understanding that war preparations had begun on the Italian side, the Ottoman Empire’s warship Derne, full of ammunition and food, reached Tripoli with great difficulty. The next day, four Italian warships blockaded Tripoli. After the Derne’s arrival in Tripoli, Italy had an excuse for war and sent an ultimatum to Istanbul on September 28, 1911. Without even waiting for a response from the Ottomans, Italy declared war on Turkey, landing in Tripoli on October 4 and capturing the port cities of Tobruck, Derna, Benghazi, and Khoms. Within this period, the Ottoman Empire, which was already experiencing difficult times with its political problems and minority uprising, was abandoned in the international arena, and the Balkan States got ready for war against the Ottoman Empire, which had to sign a peace treaty with Italy on October 18, 1912. With the Treaty of Ouchy, the Ottoman Empire lost Tripoli, its last piece of land in North Africa. Italy didn’t return the Twelve Islands to the Ottoman Empire, and the Italians settled in the Aegean Sea. After Italy started colonizing in North Africa, the balance of power in the Eastern Mediterranean changed, and Italy became a more powerful state. All Islamic geography became prey to the Westerners in their search for colonies, and the lands of the Ottoman State as the protector of the Muslims with the Caliphate began being shared with Western states.While this was the case in the Ottoman Empire, the negative outcome of the Indian rebellion known as the 1857 Uprising in the subcontinent, the end of the Mughal Empire, and the domination of the subcontinent by the British had completely changed the balance and made the British superior to all Western states. After all these events, Muslims from the subcontinent started to support the Ottoman Empire in a variety of ways. The support activities that started with the Serbian Revolt occurred at this time. They set up fundraisers in many centers of the subcontinent and collected aid from them. The names of the people who helped were given in the pages of Urdu newspapers such as Zamindar, Kayser’ul Ahbar, Şems’ul Ahbar, Jarida-e Ruzgar, Avad Panch, Ahsan’ul Ahbar, al-Hilal, and Paisa Ahbar, in which these people were honored. All the Muslims from the subcontinent felt that the Ottomans were alone because it was a Muslim state.During this whole period, considerable literature about Turkey and Turks was formed in the Urdu literature. As a matter of fact, many works were written, especially in the genre of poetry, due to factors such as being able to reach the target group more quickly and being the literary tradition of the subcontinent. These poets and other writers described Italy’s unacceptable behavior toward the Turks as a continuation of the Crusades and blamed the British administration for not doing anything against the Italians. In the poems they wrote in particular, they called on England to do something and establish peace and security in this unjust war of Italy. Zafar Ali Khan was one of the pioneers in the struggle to free the subcontinent. He took the pulse of the war through the war news he wrote in the newspaper Zamindar, of which he was the editor, and sent a message of unity to the Muslims with the poems he wrote. The Italo-Turkish War, what would take place later in the Balkan Wars, and the period of the National Struggle were reflected in Zafar Ali Khan’s poems of which he wrote over forty about the Turks. One of the greatest poets in Urdu literature and Pakistan’s national poet was the Turkish friend Iqbal. He did not remain indifferent to the Italo-Turkish War and stood by the Turks with his speeches at the conferences he gave and in the poems he wrote. “Huzoor-e Risalat Maab” and “Fatimah bint-e Abdullah” are the best examples of the Italo-Turkish War being reflected in the subcontinent. In his poem called “Huzoor-e Risalat Maab,” Iqbal met the Prophet in his dream, and when the Prophet asked him what he’d brought as a gift, Iqbal said, “I brought a gift that cannot even be found in Heaven,” and he presented the Prophet with a bottle containing the blood of Turkish martyrs as a present. In this poem, Iqbal shows the sacred honor he gave to the Turkish people.Zaheda Khatun Shirwani was a member of a prominent family in the Aligarh region and is one of the ones who included the Italo-Turkish War in her poems. Shirwani died at a very young age because of tuberculosis. She lived in that painful period when Muslims were writhing against Western forces and discussed social as well as political situations in her poems. She wrote poems especially for women. She had a rubai [quatrain in classical Arabic/Urdu poetry] in which she wrote the history of the war with the abjad account related to the Italo-Turkish War. Akbar Allahabadi was also known for his satirical poems in particular. Mirza Hadi Aziz Laknovi was a successful poet of classical Urdu poetry who also included the Italo-Turkish War in their poems. All these poets masterfully handled the current situation in their poems, which they considered as the struggle of the Muslim East against the Christian West.&nbsp;

Reflections of the Italo-Turkish War (1911-1912) in Urdu Poetry

Davoud

Prof.

Baha al-Din Walad (Sultan Ulama) was the father of Jalal al-Din Muhammad Rumi, the great preacher and mystic of the Balkh and took refuge in Asia Minor from his native land due to his intellectual and ideological differences with Sultan Muhammad Khwarazmshah and Imam Fakhr Razi, as well as due to the invasion of the Mongol invasion. Baha al-Din Walad became a permanent guest of the hospitable Turks of Konya. Being away from the motherland and mother tongue and living with new people did not hinder the spiritual growth of the young Rumi until he sat in his father’s place and guided the people toward morality and spirituality. Rumi’s encounter with Shams Tabrizi and subsequent spiritual transformation is a well-known story this article does not need to repeat instead, this article looks at the effect of Turk and Turk motif on Rumi’s mystical thought and language. Based on the group of reviews in this regard, after being in the land of the Turks, Rumi can be concluded to have gained great love and relationships mingling with these warm and hospitable people and to have tried to learn and use their language as a second language. The many Turkish words, terms, interpretations and sentences that appear in Rumi’s prose and poetry are indicative of this abundant attachment. The word “Turk” as an element both poetic and mental is one of the prominent and symbolic motifs in Rumi’s poetry. Like other Persian-speaking poets, Rumi used various symbols to effectively express his thoughts, beliefs and feelings; however the word and symbol of “Turk” was one of the most important motifs with which Rumi show himself to have a special relationship. The reason for this was his existence in the land of the Turks&nbsp;(Eastern Rome) was safe and comfortable, and his beloved teacher, (Shams Tabrizi) was also a Turk. By performing a complete review of Rumi’s works, this article has precisely compiled the scope of semantic and literary usage, both symbolic and non-symbolic, of the Turk motif as well as the interpretations and images Rumi presented by means of the word “Turk”. The most important literary use of “Turk as a word” in Rumi’s poems involved the establishment of artistic as well as spiritual and semantic confrontations between Turks and Hindus, mostly throught the use of symbolic features, such as the confrontation and contrast of light Turk and dark Hindu, Turks’ faith and Indians’ lack thereof, day and night, the whiteness and blackness of the eyes, flowers and mud, the lover’s white face (Turks) and black hair (Indians), Turks’ happiness and Indians’ misery, and Turks’ rule and Indians’ servitude. This motif also denoted other contradictions such as Turks, Tajiks, Armenians, Romans, Bulgarians, Arabs, Kurds, Zanzibaris. In addition, Rumi used the Turk motif to express personal symbolic features such as the beloved, beauty and flirting, strength and fierceness, plunder and attack, as well as metaphors such as the moon and sun. Another point that has been noticed in Rumi’s language is the diversity of Turkic people. Rumi mentioned Khotai Turks, Turkestan Turks, Targhir Turks, Turkman Turks, and Tabrizi Turks. Rumi also was a mystic of existential and intuitive unity; as a result, he expressed the most beautiful spiritual/ and meaningful expression of unity regarding the Sufi multiplicity by taking advantage of the apparent diversity and plurality of nations and languages using his unifying point of view.&nbsp;

“The Turk” Motif in Rumi’s Poems

Ebru

When the works written by eyewitnesses of the First Crusade at the end of the 11th century are found insufficient for illuminating certain events, the records of contemporary authors from that time come to the fore. In this context, the Historia Hierosolymitanae expeditionis takes first place, written by Albericus Aquensis (i.e., Albert of Aachen in English) as a contemporary author of the time. His Historia is a most detailed and colorful depiction of the expedition and a unique work about the Islamic-Crusader struggle between 1096-1120 in Anatolia and the Near East. This article will evaluate the Historia by examining it in terms of its value as a resource.Although not much information is known about the author’s life, he is understood from the records in his work to have originated from Aachen (Aix la Chapelle) in the Rhineland. The author is also understood to have probably been born before 1080 at the latest and to have served as a canon (priest) at the Church of Saint Mary in Aachen and, thanks to his monastic education, gained the skills to write his work in Latin. Although Albert was a clergyman, he used a secular language.Albert never came to the East in person, but managed to create his work to serve as a lesson for the next generations based on the testimonies from eyewitnesses who had participated in the expedition as well as what he heard from others. In the 19th century, some historians became selective in their own way and considered some of the information they found reasonable to be based on a lost source, while other parts were simply fables. However, all these claims had yet to pass beyond being theories until now. Albert used the oral statements from the Crusaders who’d returned from the expedition as a source and did not benefit from any known written works that have survived to the present day.However, debates have occurred since the middle of the 19th century about how historically reliable Albert's work is. Although the work had been seen as an indispensable source despite its internal inconsistencies, especially in terms of geographical knowledge and chronology, historians still approached the information in the Historia with caution. The author’s contradictory repetition of events from time to time, or his early chronological description of an event that actually had taken place at a later date, as well as his mistakes regarding topography led to criticisms and doubts. However, the information he conveyed was determined to be largely consistent with the Eastern Christian and Islamic sources and to in general correctly reflect the course of events. Without Albert's records, a serious lack of data would be found when evaluating the process of how the Latins had settled in Northern Syria and the Middle East. No other source exists that gives a more detailed or more informative view about how the County of Edessa was established in 1098. Albert's work is also invaluable with its detailed statements in terms of dealing with the First Crusades of 1101, which is extremely important for Turkish Anatolian history.The Historia, of which 13 manuscripts and 12 books have survived, concerns the years 1095-1120. The author narrated the First Crusade from the perspective of Lorraine and dealt with events mostly from the perspective of Godefroi de Bouillon and the County of Edessa, mainly focusing on the history of the Kingdom of Jerusalem. The only contemporary Latin source with which these records in the Historia containing important details about the early period of Latin states in the East can be compared is the work by Fulcher of Chartres and his Gesta Francorum Iherusalem Peregrinantium [A History of the Expedition to Jerusalem], in which he narrates the developments that had taken place up to 1127. Albert importantly emphasized that he had obtained information from reliable sources while copying his work, as this shows that he had confirmed the information and had not depended upon a single source. Albert not only narrated the historical process and military events, but also included various details that seemed interesting to him in his work and tried to explain the experiences and observations experienced during this time through as many aspects as had been conveyed to him.As a result, Albert's Historia offers the broadest description of the First Crusade and fills in the gaps regarding other cases where eyewitness authors had left some events obscured. Although one cannot expect absolute impartiality from Albert, many of the statements the author mentioned have also been confirmed by Eastern sources. However, the work should be studied carefully, as sometimes it provides inaccurate information in terms of geographical information and chronology. The author sometimes repeated events and other times ignored the chronological order or included some legendary tales. Regardless, the Historia is a unique work about the First Crusade and the establishment of Latin states in the East, especially with regard to the period of the First Crusader ruler of Jerusalem, Godefroi de Bouillon (1099-1100), and his successor, King Baldwin I of Jerusalem (1100-1118). Historia contains many unique and important details not found in any other source.&nbsp;

A Unique Resource for the Historiography of the Near East:  The Historia of Albert of Aachen

The Islamic world has mostly remembered Persian polymath ‘Omar Khayyām of Nishapur (d. 526/1132 [?]) as a “Graeco-Arabic philosopher” (faylasūf) who also produced works in Avicenna philosophy, mathematics, theoretical astronomy, and astrology—not particularly in poetry. Khayyām’s achievement of worldwide recognition as a poet only goes back to nineteenth-century London, where Edward FitzGerald’s translations of his poetry into modern English led him to be hailed as one of the greatest poets of all. Yet this language was not the only one that gave a new life to the Rubaiyyat: While Iranian intellectuals like Sādeq Hedāyat (1903-1951), Muhammad ‘Alī Foroughī (1877-1942) and Qāsim Ghānī (1895-1952) searched for the authentic Khayyām, having attempted to identify the earliest sources referencing his poems, Khayyām also became highly popular in the twentieth century Ottoman Empire (now Turkey), thanks to a wide range of efforts by Ottoman littératuers, poets, and translators who rendered Khayyām due to various literary, cultural, and political motivations and purposes. One of the main problems faced by modern interpreters was that of “verses with contradictory meaning” in the ouvre of Khayyām, an issue which has presented the obstacle of deducing a coherent worldview from his poetry.&nbsp;On the other hand, Turkish translators have utilized Khayyām as a vehicle supporting the existence of other forms of Muslim lifestyle, mentality, and aesthetics, i.e., in order to emphasize the rationalist or secularist outlooks that prevailed in earlier socio-intellectual contexts. From ‘Abdullāh Cevdet (1869-1932) to Rıza Tevfik (1869-1949), the early translators of Khayyām’s quatrains often accentuated his universal voice, considering him a materialist with spiritual leanings, who was ready to embrace the unknown with a sense of nihilistic fatalism. This is a sensibility similar to that which influenced certain French Romanticist, Decadent, and Symbolist poets, as well as the Freethought of early modern European philosophy (Baruch Spinoza) and poetry (John Milton). Thanks to the efforts of leftist intellectual and critic Sabahattin Eyüboğlu (1908-1973) to vernacularize Khayyām through his free verse adaptations, a new wave of vernacular Turkish translations began to appear from the 1980s onwards by non-experts, amateur researchers, and poetry enthusiasts, who set the poet’s verse into modern lyrics by expressing certain secular aspects of his “philosophy of life,” making the poet’s work accessible to people beyond the confines of academia.The oldest extant accounts regarding Khayyām do not position him as a celebrated poet but rather to emphasize his skills in various sciences, including astronomy and falsafa (AristotelianAvicennan/Graeco-Arabic philosophy). For instance, Abū al-Ḥasan al-Bayhaqī’s Tārīkh-e Bayhaqī from the year 567/1167 underlines the fact that Khayyām was a faylasūf (philospher) while refraining from mentioning his quatrains. One of the earliest extant manuscripts that mentions Khayyām as a poet is ‘Imād al-Dīn Kātib-e Iṣfahānī’s Kharīda al-qaṣr, where he is included among the poets of Khorasan. Another work, Mirṣād al-‘ibād, a thirteenth century work compiled by the Qubrawī sheikh Najm al-Dīn al-Dāye, refers to Khayyām’s quatrains only in a negative light.&nbsp;Khayyām’s poetry encompasses a wide variety of views, among which ones can deduce several themes, such as (i) the beauty and uniqueness of life, (ii) carpe diem/joy of life, (iii) the universe being beyond comprehension and reasoning, as well as two doctrines from classical Arabic philosophy, in particular (iv) the rejection of an other-worldly life and (v) the material transformation of the body as a way of uniting the earth. However, most interpreters and translators do not qualify these common themes in the context of twelfth century Graeco-Arabic/Aristotelian-Avicennan philosophy, refraining from situating Khayyām as a faylasūf who developed a critical attitude towards the doctrines that were prevalent during his time.After briefly discussing the contributions Khayyām has made in the fields of philosophy and mathematics through new studies that have been made available, this article will analyze quatrains that Khayyām infused with Graeco-Arabic philosophical vocabulary. Byfirst attempting to immerse ourselves into Khayyām’s worldview, we will examine these quatrains with the aim of discovering new ways of commenting on his poetry. In my analysis, I accentuate the significance of certain philosophical terms with their bases in ontology, cosmology/cosmogony, epistemology, and physics, such as jawhar (substance), wujūd (existence), falak (the heavens), ma‘lūm (the object of knowledge), qadīm (the pre-eternity of the world), as well as the postclassical method of scholarly arbitration, taḥqīq (verification). Besides the common Sufi interpretation of his quatrains, this article will demonstrate how one might interpret Khayyām’s poetic works through the lens of Graeco-Arabic philosophical vocabulary.&nbsp;

Poet, Faylasūf, and Doubt: Avicennan References and Criticism  in ‘Omar Khayyām’s Quatrains

Elif

This study aims to reveal the role and importance of Toron Castle, an important castle built by the Crusaders in the Eastern Mediterranean, from the end of 1105 when it was constructed until 1187. After the capture of Jerusalem on July 15, 1099, the Crusaders started an invasion in Galilee and advanced to Tibnīn, an important position of the region. At the end of 1105, a castle was built by Hugh of St. Omer, which the Crusaders named Toron. Toron Castle is located on the road connecting Tyre, Damascus, and Banias and was described as the first great castle established in Upper Galilee. The castle enabled the main road from Damascus to Tyre to be blocked. Due to Toron Castle and its strategically important location, the Crusaders gained control over the area stretching from Damascus to the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem and were able to keep the regions north of Tyre and Galilee under pressure and control. Toron Castle became an important attack and defense base in the struggles against the regional Muslim forces. Toron did not just have military importance, however. The castle also served as a center around which the settlement developed, allowing it to serve multiple functions as a civil, administrative, and economic structure. When Hugh of St. Omer died shortly after the completion of the castle’s construction, King Baldwin I handed the castle’s administration over to the Crusader noble Humphrey I of Toron. Thus, Toron became one of the important lordships of the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem. Toron played an important role for the Kingdom of Jerusalem because the land on which the castle was built contained highly fertile agricultural land with the surrounding climate favorable for agriculture. The fortress also controlled the trade route from Damascus to Tyre. In 1107 during the reign of Humphrey I of Toron, the fortress was attacked by the Governor of Tyre. However, the Muslims failed to capture the castle. The castle of Toron was effective at keeping the city of Tyre under control during this period and undertook an important task in the struggles against the Fāṭimids and Damascus. During the reign of Humphrey II of Toron, the castle became a regional fortified center in parallel with the growth of the lordship and played an effective role in defending the northern areas of the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem. During this period, the boundaries of the Lordship of Toron expanded to include Banias. Toron Castle also played an important role in defending Banias against Muslims. After the death of Humphrey II, Humphrey IV became the head of the lordship. During his reign, the Toron family lost their rule of Toron, with management of castle being transferred to the royal family. The chronicles record that Toron became an important tax collection center under the rule of the royal family and contributed to the economy of the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem. The castle and lordship of Toron continued to exist as an important center that played a role in shaping the administrative, military, economic, and social life of the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem in the region until it was conquered by Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn in 1187.&nbsp;

A Medieval Crusader Castle: Tibnīn (Toron) 1099-1187

Habibe

Res. Assist.

War has created multidimensional narrative types in the Japanese literature. For this reason, some of the colonial places where Japanese people experienced war from different points of view and perspectives, such as Manchukuo, can be said to have provided some literal works about the experience of war as well as of Japanese colonial life.Since 1930s in particular, Japan had turned its face toward militarism due to Japanese military initiatives. This militaristic view brought about a drastic war and memories of war both in and outside of Japan.After the war, Japan entered a different period that can be described as an “amnesia”. However, the concept of “amnesia” cannot be stated for the Japanese people who had experienced Japanese colonial life. For example, Hisae Sawachi’s work 14 Sai: Fōteen provides some examples not only of Japanese colonial life but also of Japanese militarism before the war. The Kwantung Army which had been effective in North-eastern China, was a particularly important military organization through which Japan carried out its military activities. The Kwantung army, had not just been effective in the territories of China it had also been an important military organization through which Japan carried out its military activities in mainland China. Military service had been brought to the fore, and even Japanese citizens living in various geographies were expected to contribute and support Japanese imperialism as well as Japanese nationalism.Militarism was also associated with certain Japanese cultural values from that period. For example, “sakura” [cherry blossoms], which have an important place in Japanese culture, were metaphorized to represent the soldiers who’d lost their lives at a young age during the war. These young soldiers who’d lost their lives on the battlefield were represented like beautiful flowers that had fallen from their branches when their blooms were at their most beautiful look.&nbsp;This study, examined how Japanese imperialism and Japanese militarism were presented together with aesthetic elements in Hisae Sawachi’s novel 14 Sai: Fōteen. Concepts such as national spirit, respect for the Emperor, keeping moral values, and sacrificing oneself in the battlefield for the sake of Japan and the Japanese Emperor, are frequently included in the novel, in combination with the militarist understanding of that period. For this purpose, the emergence of the term gyokusai [honorable suicide instead of surrender], has been evaluated through the novel,where it is given as an example of the axis of this term’s effect in the literary field after the war. 14 Sai:Fōteen was inspired by a true-life story that reveals how Japanese citizens living in a Japanese colony far from the Japanese homeland had served Japanese militarism in there. For this reason, Hisae Sawachi’s aim in presenting this experience to the readers was to raise awareness, draw attention to the war environment that had been created at a time when the elements of war and militarism were praised and glorified.The young female protagonist wants her homeland Japan to win the war while she is living in Manchukuo. For this purpose, she thinks that the most important requirement for her country is to win the war. She acts in accordance with militaristic way of thinking but doesn’t even know what militarism is. The young girl lives in the city of Jilin (Kitsurin in Japanese) in Manchukuo. Her father works for the South Manchurian Railway Company (Mantetsu). The Japanese government had built lodgings for the Japanese to reside all along the railway line. The young girl resides in one of these lodgings with her family.Hisae Sawachi expresses the shame she felt over the years for her pro-militarist stance at that time in the novel. The press and broadcasting organizations were seen to make publications supporting the Japanese army and militarism, and the educators who worked in the Japanese colony also were also have to support this policy. It is also possible to consider the “heroic system” that had been established within this legendary narratives can be considered to have been created and legitimized by the militarist powers and government. Some heroic words are found that can be linked with militarism and national sacred duty. The term gyokusai can be seen to have given particular importance and 14 Sai: Fōteen can be seen as a work that examines the concept of sacred duty and how it has been handled in a way that served militarism.&nbsp;&nbsp;

Perceptions Toward Militarism and the Concept of Gyokusai in  Hisae Sawachi’s Novel 14 Sai

Hatice

The Ottoman Empire suffered a great defeat and weakened as a result of the Tripoli War and fell into a worse situation with the Balkan Wars. Having even lost Edirne for a while, the Ottoman Empire took advantage of the disagreements among the Balkan allies during the division of lands and took back Edirne and its surrounding areas. Thus, Eastern Thrace and Edirne were included in the territory of the Ottoman Empire until August 1913.The Balkan Wars involved the people of Anatolia uniting their whole existence with a sense of togetherness and solidarity under the aim of protecting their homeland. During these wars, men and women both young and old were mobilized to defend their homeland. This cohesion was an extremely important indicator for the formation of a national consciousness.The Muslims of India were among the British colonies who felt connected to the Ottoman Empire due to the caliphate and also felt dutybound to save the Ottoman Empire from the difficulty it was experiencing during the Balkan Wars. Indian Muslims gave their lives and property for this cause without any hesitation. The Muslims of the subcontinent felt such love and devotion toward Turkey that they were curious about the outcome of the wars beforehand and even went to fortune tellers for this. Muslim societies in Europe, Africa and Asia considered the attack on the Ottoman Empire, being the last independent Muslim country, as the new Crusade, and for this reason tried to help the Ottomans in every possible way.The war was followed very closely in India. For the first time, the Ulama who had different thoughts united along the same lines and collected aid for the Ottoman Empire. They also decreed fatwas stating support of the Ottoman Empire to be obligatory in the India. Meanwhile, the Muslim women in India sold their jewelry and sent the money they’d collected to their siblings in need in the Ottoman Empire. Young, old, male, or female, all tried their best. Almost half of the aid collected from the whole world came from India. The Muslims of the world believed that strengthening religious siblinghood and uniting were necessary. In this context, Indian Muslims performed two important activities: the Indian Red Crescent Society and the Anjuman-i Khuddâm-i Kaaba [Society of the Servants of Kaaba].The medical delegation that was sent to Turkey to provide medical aid to the wounded during the Balkan Wars while also providing health services in Ottoman lands also sent letters to India about their memories and impressions. The people of India eagerly awaited these letters, through which Ottoman propaganda was maintained by publishing them in newspapers.&nbsp;After the Red Crescent Delegation was sent to Turkey, another important formation that was brought to life during the Balkan Wars was the establishment of the Anjuman-I Khuddâm-Kaaba. The idea for establishing this society, which had formed to ensure the security of Mecca and Medina, was first put forward by Maulana Mushir Hosain Kidwai and Maulana Abdul Bari. Anjuman-i Khuddâm-i Kaaba continued to exist in India for a long time with its activities and occupied an important place in the political relations established with the Ottoman Empire.In line with all this information, the Muslims of India can be seen to have provided all kinds of support to the Ottoman Empire during the war. In addition, literary agents did their best at this time, both conveying the true news to the public through newspapers and guiding the feelings of the people through poems. The Muslims of India displayed the best example of Islamic solidarity with the material and moral support they provided during the troubled times of the Ottoman Empire.&nbsp;

The Activities of Indian Muslims in the Balkan Wars

Hüseyin

Mahmoud

Gibran Khalil Gibran was a Lebanese poet and writer and is considered one of the most prominent diaspora poets. He was also the dean of the Pen League, which he founded with a few of the most famous diaspora authors in Northern America.Gibran’s articles and books echoed greatly among readers in the Arab world at the beginning of the 20th century due to the way he addressed the problems and issues Eastern societies were suffering from. Gibran was distinctive for the revolutionary tendency that appeared in his books. The studies that have been written about Gibran have multiplied and varied, with studies having been written about his life, literature, ideas, and philosophy. Still, no independent study has yet occurred of Gibran’s revolutionary tendency. Some studies have certainly examined Gibran’s revolutionary issues in brief, such as Hanna Fakhoury’s book Compendium of Arabic Literature and Its History, but he did not expand on this. Likewise, references are found to this phenomenon in Gibran in Mikhail Naima’s book Khalil Gibran: A Biography. Therefore, this research studies the revolutionary phenomenon and revolutionary thought of Khalil Gibran, according to the descriptive and analytical methods. The study describes and analyzes this phenomenon in order to identify the factors and reasons that led to its emergence and development, as well as to learn, study, and analyze the most important revolutionary issues that Gibran dealt with. The study has found that the revolutionary phenomenon with respect to Gibran was not a mutation but actually had several factors that contributed to its emergence, including his upbringing and formation, the difficult and turbulent life he lived in his prime, the instability of his family, and the ongoing disputes between his parents that led to his mother departing with him and his siblings to Boston in America. Signs of rebellion appeared in Gibran starting with his elementary schooling. Gibran did not commit to his lessons at school but rather rebelled against his teachers and likely quarreled with his peers. Although Gibran did not commit to his lessons, he was intelligent, daring, and inclined toward art and drawing.One of the factors that contributed to Gibran’s revolutionary tendency was the harsh conditions of his diasporic exile, as his mother, sister, and brother died shortly after travelling to Boston. Gibran also suffered from poverty in the first period of his life abroad, and this led to him being disturbed and resentful toward life and what it involves.One of the factors behind Gibran’s revolutionary tendency was the negative reality of his country, Lebanon. Lebanon and its environs in the late 19th and early 20th centuries underwent difficult political and economic situations. Although Gibran was living far from his homeland, he witnessed Lebanon’s bad situation when he was 15 and so, he returned to Beirut in 1898, settling there for four years to study the Arabic language at the Collège de la Sagesse [School of Wisdom]. Later on when he returned to America, he began writing articles that mentioned the social problems that had spread in Eastern societies, criticizing the economic, political, and religious conditions prevailing there and urging people to change and revolt against those conditions.Among the factors affecting Gibran’s revolutionary tendency was the influence on Gibran’s thought from the German philosopher Nietzsche, who is also well known for his revolutionary thought and his severe criticism of Western values, sanctities, and philosophies.After examining the factors that contributed to the emergence of revolutionary thought in Gibran, the study goes on to discuss the most important issues and cases that Gibran dealt with in his articles and revolted against. Gibran revolted against religious tyranny and criticized the improper practices of the clergy, as some clerics used their power to achieve their personal interests. Gibran also revolted against corrupt rulers and judges who oppressed the poor and plundered their country’s goods. He also criticized the feudal lords who owned large areas of land, exploited people’s need to work for them, enslaved these people, and did not give them their rights. Gibran warned of the abhorrent alliance among the clergy, the rulers, and the feudal men, an alliance that increased people’s suffering and misery. Gibran blamed the oppressed peoples for being largely responsible for the miserable situation they had reached and indicated this to have been due to their weakness, humiliation, and consent to being humiliated and underestimated. As such, he called on them to join the revolution and break these restrictions that had been imposed upon them. Gibran spoke about the social problems and corrupt customs that had spread in some Eastern societies like Lebanon. He also spoke of the injustice that befell vulnerable groups of women and children in some environments, as well as those who exploited their poverty, which lead them to a path of vice.After presenting the most important revolutionary issues, the research then addresses Gibran’s revolution against himself during the period in which he was influenced by the thoughts of the German philosopher Nietzsche. At that time, Gibran had turned into a violent storm resenting people after he had provided them with advice and nice words. This occurred in addition to him denying his past and his ideas that he had believed in.The research concludes with several results and recommendations as follows. Gibran was loyal to his country; he cared about his countries’ issues and the problems it suffered. Also, his revolutionary tendency was not a breakthrough but something that had appeared since his early childhood, with the circumstances he experienced then continuing to develop it. Stories were Gibran’s favorite method for addressing the issues he revolted against. Therefore, this study recommends that researchers study Gibran’s story in terms of form, content, and employment. The study also recommends that researchers devote a critical study to the principles and values to which Gibran adhered.&nbsp;

The Revolutionary Tendency of Gibran Khalil Gibran:  A Descriptive Analytical Study

Gibran Khalil Gibran lived a tempestuous life and, aside from having an important place in the world literature, is undoubtedly the most important name in the Arab literature of migration. He was a strange person with his enthusiastic personality and always had different perspectives on various issues. He was never one who could easily accept criticism, and he had a unique personality. Gibran was a pioneer of literature, and his works, especially The Prophet, were and still are in great demand. His work The Prophet was translated into Arabic by Antonios Beshir. Due to its popularity, it has been published many times over a short period as well as translated into foreign languages. According to one narration, Gibran Khalil Gibran in fact even said, “I sometimes feel embarrassed in the face of such interest.” Gibran Khalil Gibran’s other works have always remained popular. His life and works have always been a focus of attention, and he always maintained his characteristic focus on finding peace, relaxation, and purification. When looking at the sources that he benefitted from, William Blake, John Keats, and Nietzsche, who’ve all been called both insane and geniuses, are seen to have had a great effect on Gibran. No matter from which perspective one looks, the rebellious, oppositional, and revolutionary spirit one sees in the English poet William Blake, the German lyrical poet Friedrich Hölderlin, the French poet Charles Baudelaire, and the French realist writer Stendhal (1783-1842) are also seen in Gibran. In short, as one writer also stated, “Whether these personalities, including Gibran, are painters, poets, dramatists, or novelists, all of them are hostile to the society that is hostile to man.” While reading a book, watching a movie, or listening to music, humans can feel some emotions get activated within, empathize, and find oneself in a scene that comes to life in one’s mind. The main reason behind the interest Gibran, who’d been highly influenced by English literature, had in this literature is that it has both protesting and revolutionary characteristics. To not grapple with some emotions while reading this literature is impossible. Moreover, Gibran Khalil Gibran himself was a protester and revolutionary. As a matter of fact, these features can easily be found on almost every page of his books. According to Gibran, two types of people break human laws: one is a mad person and the other is a genius. Most importantly, however, those who are closest to the heart of Allah also have these two characteristics, and he viewed himself as being in this category.&nbsp;Gibran pursued the truth throughout his life. According to him, anyone who pursues the truth and reveals it to people is doomed to suffer. “I am extremely radical. Although I want to be constructive, I tend to be destructive. If I had the power to abolish people’s customs, beliefs, and traditions, I would not think for even a minute to do it”. By declaring this statement out loud, Gibran Khalil Gibran provoked and encouraged certain people and prepared them for catharsis. Naturally, some reasons exist behind the popularity of his works, such as how he activates people’s emotions and expresses what is in people’s minds. “One who does not write with the blood of one’s heart is a hypocrite”, “One who does not speak sincerely is dishonest” and “One who does not sing from the heart just shouts”. With such interesting views, he fascinated many readers with different feelings. Ahmet Hamdi Tanpınar said, “Whenever I read Tolstoy’s War and Peace, I found myself purified of every little selfish and stupid weakness. There is something in the great writers that washes the human spirit, like sleep.” Dostoevsky’s Crime and Punishment, Kafka’s Trial and many other works evoke the same feeling in people when they are read. This article discusses the effect Gibran Khalil Gibran has had on readers and thus also reflects on the concept of catharsis, which was put forward by the Hungarian philosopher and literary scientist Georg Lukacs (d. 1971).&nbsp;

Catharsis In Gibran Khalil Gibran

Lihua

Lecturer

Fatma

As the desire to learn Chinese increases globally, the number of students who request studying Chinese as a foreign language increases each year in Turkey. Too much research is found on learning and teaching Chinese as a foreign language (CFL) in Europe, the Americas, and the Sinosphere, but due to the lack of research on Chinese as a foreign language (CFL) for Turkish students in Turkey, researchers should do more intensive research in this field.&nbsp;&nbsp;In terms of Chinese grammar teaching, Chinese and Turkish scholars have done some research, but almost no comparative research has occurred regarding Chinese in the Turkish prepositions. As is well known, Chinese prepositions make up a significant portion of Chinese grammar and are difficult to learn for foreign students, especially so for Turkish students. The reason is that Turkish has no closed-class words for or direct equivalents of Chinese prepositions. Although some Turkish textbooks often use edat [Turkish for preposition/post-positive] to annotate Chinese prepositions, research has found many differences to exist between the meaning of edat in Turkish and Chinese prepositions. This study uses a constructive approach to analyze the differences in how prepositions are used in Chinese and Turkish and has found the Turkish equivalents of most of the prepositions in modern Chinese to be composed of some case affixes, postpositions, or combinations of the two. The second part of the study lists Chinese prepositions as classified according to Liu Yuehua’s (2001) classification of modern Chinese words, alongside their Turkish equivalents that are formed using affixes and/ or postpositions. This table will provide important input to this field for future research. The third part of the study introduces the usages for each Chinese preposition in accordance with the table and lists the Turkish equivalents. The large number of examples used in this study show that, when teaching Chinese prepositions, teachers should understand the students’ native language, compare the students’ primary language to the target language, and guide students in translating these prepositions into their native language correctly. As a result of this analysis, the study finishes with a presentation of teaching strategies according to the characteristics of the Turkish language. The way Chinese prepositions are defined makes learning them difficult for Turkish students studying elementary Chinese. As has been have emphasized previously, Turkish has no closed-class words or direct equivalents for prepositions, unlike Chinese. As such, teachers need to understand more about students’ native language when teaching Chinese prepositions, as well as have an extensive vocabulary of both languages. When teaching Chinese prepositions, teachers should also predict students’ mistakes, provide the Turkish equivalents of these prepositions, and do exercises within a large number of typical contexts in order to understand their usage.The primary goal of this study is to guide teachers who teach Chinese as a foreign language. This study focuses on the strategies used for teaching Chinese prepositions to Turkish students from the perspective of these teachers as a starting point and then compares the differences between Chinese and Turkish prepositions. This study may additionally serve as a guide for future researchers to use as a reference as well as a contribution to studies on Chinese in Turkey.&nbsp;&nbsp;

A Comparison of Chinese and Turkish Prepositions and the  Strategies for Teaching Chinese Prepositions to Native Turkish  Speakers

Metin

Regardless of background, Arab historical studies have been forced to move from the methodology of theoretical analysis to the methodology of document-based applied history and scientific and systematic analyses. Analyzing and reading Ottoman documents scientifically and objectively can be said to help reveal historical facts that have been hidden for centuries. Meanwhile, the issue of Arab researchers’ and historians’ lack of knowledge regarding the Ottoman language and their inability to read Ottoman documents or translate them into Arabic has represented one of the most important obstacles that has hindered the project of re-examining Arab history. This has contributed to the obliteration and falsification of historical facts, with these falsities even being taught in our schools and universities. This has resulted in a distortion of historical consciousness and the creation of a deep chasm between Arabs and Turks, who share cultural and religious commonalities. The process of historical distortion has involved the entire Arab region. Algeria was one of the most important Ottoman provinces to have had its history obliterated, being falsified after the French colonial occupation that stole all Algerian archives while claiming that these archives had been burned with nothing left. France appeared to have stolen the Algerian archives so that the Algerian people and historians would not be able to view them or know the traces of Algerian history during the Ottoman era. Although some Algerian and Arab historians made distinguished efforts regarding the history of Algeria in the Ottoman era, their lack of knowledge about reading Ottoman documents made their research severely deficient with regard to forming any comprehensive historical and analytical reading about the history of Ottoman Algeria. In fact, Algeria had been one of the most important Ottoman states to play a major role in Northern Africa. It was the focus of a major conflict between the Ottomans and the Spaniards in the 16th century, and several Ottoman sources speak of this sharp confrontation between the two competing powers over Algeria. Each of these powers was aware of the importance of the strategic depth that Algeria enjoys in North Africa and the Mediterranean. Algeria is located in North Africa while also&nbsp;being located in southern Europe. This allowed it to control the vital fields over which the European powers moved in the Mediterranean. Algeria also overlooks the Strait of Gibraltar, which is the most important global waterway controlling the Mediterranean region. Therefore, the issue of controlling Algeria during the 16th century was considered a strategic priority of utmost importance in the conflict of empires represented by the Ottoman Empire and the Spanish Empire. Spain considered itself the sole representative of the European Christian world, especially after its success in eliminating the Islamic presence in Andalusia at the end of the 15th century, when Spain carried out a massive extermination of the Muslims of Andalusia and followed an expansionist policy in order to seize the North African region and the entire Mediterranean. As for the Ottoman Empire, it considered itself the only Islamic power representing the Islamic world, especially after its success at the beginning of the 16th century in controlling the Levant, Egypt, and the Hijaz, the center of the Islamic holy lands. The Ottoman Empire pursued an expansionist policy toward the Mediterranean and acted to save the Muslims of Andalusia who’d sought help from Sultan Selim I in order to rid them of the religious persecution the Spanish Inquisition had implemented since the fall of Granada in 1492. In light of the background motivating both empires, the North African region became a scene of great competition between these two parties, in which each one tried to control the most important strategic sites in order to control the entire region. Algeria was one of the most important strategic locations around which this conflict would rage due to the importance of its strategic position. Controlling it was considered the most important key to controlling the commercial and war ships in the Mediterranean between Europe and North Africa. Algeria’s location also enabled control over the most important international waterway, the Strait of Gibraltar, which connects the Atlantic Ocean and the Mediterranean Sea. From this point of view, this research attempts to analyze and examine a number of Ottoman documents and sources regarding the issue of the Ottoman entry into Algeria in order to understand its dimensions and background during the first quarter of the 16th century.&nbsp;

Dimensions and Backgrounds of the Ottoman Entry into Algeria  at the Beginning of the 16th Century in the Light of Ottoman  Documents and Sources (Archival and Analytical Study)

Murat

Due to its strategic importance in the Eastern Mediterranean, Cyprus has always been an island that attracts attention. The struggles that started with the birth of Islam on the island, which apart from certain periods has never been able to have an independent administration, increased the importance of Cyprus. Due to its geographical location and military and commercial importance, the island in fact has been one area where the struggles between Muslims and Christians have been intense for centuries. In the time of Caliph ʻUmar b. al-Khaṭṭāb (13- 23/634-644), the rapid capture of Bilād al-Shām [Syria] and Egypt by Muslim armies paved the way for the birth of a new sea age in the Mediterranean. However, Caliph ʻUmar, being aware of Arabs’ inexperience with naval warfare compared to the Byzantines and Iranians, rejected Muʻāwiya b. Abī Sufyān’s request to sail following consultations, instead asking him to strengthen the coastal ports, repair their fortifications and walls, and establish permanent garrisons.However, certain events came to pass that caused the Islamic maritime activities to reach a new stage during the reign of Caliph ʻUthmān b. ʻAffān (23-35/644-656), due to the Byzantines capture of Alexandria, which had been under Muslim rule, with a fleet of 300 ships under the command of Manuel and the help of the city’s people during the reign of Emperor Constans II (641-668 AD). Although the Muslims ended up defeating the Byzantines in the Nikiu region and reconquering the city with the efforts of ʻAmr b. al-ʻĀṣ, this situation made them realize that their easily accessible city was impossible to protect without a navy. Muʻāwiya, the governor of Damascus found the opportunity he was looking for with the Byzantine landing in Alexandria and again asked Caliph ʻUthmān for permission to run an expedition to Cyprus. The caliph gave permission for the expedition upon acceptance of the conditions he’d put forth.After completing the necessary preparations, Muʻāwiya appointed ʻAbd al-Allāh b. Qays as the commander for this expedition, and the Islamic navy moved from Acre to the island of Cyprus at the end of winter in 28 AH (possibly 29 AH; 648-649 AD). The governor (Arkhon) of Cyprus understood he could not repel Muslim forces of such great numbers and power and sued for peace once his people found this appropriate. When the people of Cyprus failed to comply with the treaty in 33 A.H., Muʻāwiya organized another expedition to Cyprus with 500 ships and recaptured the island in 653-654 AD [35 or 37 AH].While the navy had been strengthened and some military attempts been made in the Mediterranean during the reign of Muʻāwiya, who would become the head of state after Caliph ʻAlī b. Abī Ṭālib (35-40/656-661), military expeditions would then come to a standstill during the reign of his son, Yazīd I b. Muʻāwiya I (60-64/680-683) and Muslims left Cyprus. During the reign of ʻAbd al-Malik b. Marwān I (65-86/685-705), who came to the throne during a period of turmoil in the state, the Umayyads entered the recovery phase and an agreement was made between the Byzantine Emperor Justinian II (685-695 and 705-711) and the Umayyad Caliph ʻAbd al-Malik b. Marwān I. According to this treaty, the island of Cyprus was to remain joint property shared between the Umayyads and the Byzantines.During the ʻAbbāsid period when Muslims began to search for political renewal, the capital moved from Damascus to Baghdād. At the same time, the center of power also moved from Egypt and Syria, which were on the Mediterranean coast, to the inner parts of Western Asia with Baghdād at the center as a political sphere of influence during the Umayyad rule. Relocating the capital to Baghdād not only distanced the state from the Mediterranean, but also caused the caliphate army to form more effectively as ground forces. However, during the ʻAbbāsid period, naval activities were carried out in the Mediterranean within the scope of the struggle against Byzantium, and in this sense, Cyprus changed hands between Muslims and Byzantines at various times.This study will chronologically evaluate in light of the information presented by Islamic and Christian sources the preparations for the Cyprus expeditions that started during the reign of Caliph ʻUthmān, the events that took place as a result of these first campaigns, the bilateral administration on the island that had been carried out jointly with Byzantium until 353 AH (965 AD), and the two sides’ struggle for dominance over the island of Cyprus.&nbsp;

Cyprus (28-353 AH/648-965 AD): An Island Unable to be Shared  Between the Byzantine Empire and the Islamic Caliphate

Nuri

Burhan ud-Din Muhaqqiq Tirmidhi was born the son of Hasan Tirmidhi in Termez in 1166 or 1169 and was the student of Baha’ud-Din Walad (d. 1231), Mawlana Jalal al-Din Rumi’s (d. 1273) father. After Tirmidhi completed his education in Termez, he left for Balkh in 1208 at the age of 40, inspired by a dream, whereupon he attended the assemblies of Baha’ud-Din Walad, Rumi’s father, for 40 daysand then returned to Termez. One year later, however, hewould return to Balkh and resume his lessons with Baha’ud-Din Walad. Tirmidhi undertook the task of teaching and educating Rumi, who was still a child at that time, as part of his upbringing. After Baha’ud-Din Walad left Balkh with his family, Tirmidhi returned to Termez and started to spend his days wandering the plains, sometimes in a state of divine intoxication (jazba and sakr). Other times he would givelectures and perform deep contemplation (tafakkur). While Tirmidhi continued to live this way, after 8-10 years in 1231he dreamt that his teacher Baha’udDin Walad, who’d settled in Konya, had passed away and that he should come to Konya to accompany and teach his teacher’s son, Rumi. Tirmidhi left for Konya a year later and taught Rumi for nine years beforesending him to Aleppo and Damascus for education. Tirmidhilater sensed that Shams Tabrizi (d. 1247?) would come to Konya to see and meet with Rumi and so returned to Kayserito settle down in 1240, dying there within the year. Tirmidhi stomb in Kayseri still attracts attention as a mausoleum and a place to visit.Rumi had great respect for Tirmidhi as his teacher whilethey were together and always remembers him. Upon his teacher’s death, Rumi said, “Listen to the magic of Muhaqqiqin my language!” As a result of the importance and respect that Rumi showed his teacher, Burhan ud-Din MuhaqqiqTirmidhi is always mentioned with respect in the Mawlawi sources written both in his time and after. Tirmidhi conveyedhis life and mystical ideas in his work Maârif.The oldest nüsha [copy] of Tirmidhi’s only book Maârif, which consists of his conversations, is registered in the Mawlana Museum Ihtisas Library no. 2118 and dated February 9, 1288 (Hijri: 5 Muharram 687). However, despite being frequently and respectfully mentioned in the Mawlawi sources, no other copy exists of this work. This Persian work Tirmidhi titled Maârif includes from time to time someArabic parts and consists of three main parts involving the interpretation of Sura Muhammad (Qur’an, 47) and Sura al-Fath (Qur’an, 48). The first part explains religious worship and virtues such as prayer, fasting, repentance, and servitude, as well as Sufi idioms and phrases such as love, friendship, envy, humility (tavazu), knowledge, reason, struggle (mücâhada), and nafs. The second and third sections explain Surah Muhammad and Surah Fath within the framework of some mystical idioms. In the Maârif section, which forms the main part of his work and to which he gave it its name, he brings couplets from important poets in Persian literature such as Sanai Ghaznavi (d. 1131?), Attar of Nishapur (d. 1221?), and Nizami Ganjavi (d. 1214?) and also cites the Maârif’ of Sheikh Baha’ ud-Din Walad, who had been his teacher and sheikh. The text of Tirmidhi’s Maârif was first issued within the publications of Tehran University, with an explanation and appendix from the Iranian scientist, Prof. Dr. Bediuzzaman Furûzânfer in 1960 (1339 AH). Abdülbaki Gölpınarlıtranslated this work with explanations into Turkish in 1973 for the first time based on Tehran University’s published work, the oldest manuscript number 2118 in the Mawlana Museum, the manuscript in Anthology No. 79 in the same Museum, and the manuscript copy no. 567 in the Üsküdar Selimağa Library. The second Turkish translation of the work to have been madewas published in Ankara in 1995 by Ali Rıza Karabulut.Burhan ud-Din Muhaqqiq Tirmidhi received his first education both in Balkh as a child and in Konya for 9 years in his youth. Not counting Rumi’s father, Baha’ ud-Din Walad, as his first teacher, Tirmidhi had an important place in Rumi’s intellectual and educational life.Apart from the information given in books regardinglegends about Tirmidhi’s work titled Maârif, no information is found beyond limited pieces of information about him and his mystical lifestyle, with these sources conveying the same information. When carefully examining the religious and mystical information he conveyed in his work as well as the different mystical lifestyle he conveyed in his anecdotalbooks, Burhan ud-Din Muhaqqiq Tirmidhi will be understood to have the characteristic of not only being Rumi’s teacher, but also of being one who needs in-depth examination and investigation due to being a man with great ideas (mücâhede) as well as an important Sufi identity, as can be seen in the bibliographic essay given at the end of this study.&nbsp;

Mawlana’s Teacher Burhaneddin Muhakkik Tirmidhi, Work and  Bibliography Experiment

Nurullah

Why were linguists unable to agree on a common definition of synonymy before defining the term taraduf (synonymy) as an Arabic linguistic term? It was because the meaning that was attributed to the concept of synonym in Turkish was different.Those who’ve studied this issue show the source of the problem to involve not knowing what is meant by synonymy. Another problem is that classical linguists do not explain the concept of synonyms. The definition of synonym in the modern sense as agreed by a group of linguists led by Western linguists today was never defined by classical linguists until al-Razi (d. 606/1209). The definition of synonymy that was made in the following periods resembles a repetition of previous definitions. From this point of view, the definition has remained rather vague.Classical Arabic sources have directly engaged the subject without defining synonymy. Generally, synonymy is understood as another word that has the same meaning as the primary word, with plenty of examples being given on the subject.As mentioned above, the method was handled as either transferring the definition from previous grammatical knowledge or making certain simple additions to the definition, this in refence to the lexical meaning of the word taraduf. Definitions have generally been in the form of “words that replace or follow the first word”.Linguists have dealt with synonyms in classical Arabic books by directly giving examples instead of actually defining them. As a result, taraduf [synonymy] was used without being defined up until al-Razi (d. 606/1209). Al-Razi defined the concept of taraduf as “different names that evoke the same verification in a single respect.” One can say an implicit consensus existed regarding its definition among linguists in later periods. For example, al-Suyuti (d. 911/1505), who lived long after al-Razi, quoted Fakhr al-Din Al-Razi in his work titled AlMuzhir fi Ulum Al-Lughah Wa Anwa’iha, by defining taraduf as, “different words that evoke the same verification in a single respect.” This definition shows the words being described have the same meaning as words that are considered synonyms today. As a matter of fact, this definition was accepted by later Arabic linguists.Before moving on to modern linguists’ approaches to synonymy, the following four kinds of relations emerge that summarize the view of classical Arabic linguists toward the relationship between words and their literal meaning:1. Sometimes only one word is used to express one single meaning, as in the word Allah. No other word can express this meaning. There is no other Allah (C.C.). These kinds of words are called single-meaning words. 2. Words that denote different meanings from one another that require such a relationship. Namely, these words cannot be combined in any form. Synonyms and antonyms are not homophones, and these cannot overlap in any way. These words are called mutabayin [dissimilar]. The relationship between man and horse can be given as an example. 3. Mutradif [synonymy] is when the same meaning can be expressed by more than one word. consecutive words. قَ َ َ َه َب ْ , ان َطل ذ verbs meaning “went, left” can be given as an example of this type. 4. Mushtarak [homonymy] in Arabic is when the same word has more than one meaning.For example, عام ٌّor aam means “year” as well as “covering, encompassing.”In today’s world, Muhammad al-Tahir ibn Ashur defined synonymy as “a single word spoken by Arab tribes, which may have some changes in the letters when written, independent of usage and signification, each of which signifies the same meaning as another word.” By keeping the definition of taraduf broad, ibn Ashur emphasizes how words such as al-mu’arrab that entered the Arabic language from foreign languages in the era of istishhad (pre-150 AH) should also be considered synonyms.Muhammad Nuruddin al-Munajjid studies the field taraduf [synonymy] and defined taraduf in the Arabic language as the ability to use “two or more words, the signification of which is genuine and independent, in the same linguistic environment with a single meaning.” According to him, this definition is comprehensive.Using this definition, al-Munajjid brought the following conditions to the word taraduf:1. Synonymous words should be single words. Compound nouns are excluded from the definition of taraduf. 2. The figurative use of the word is excluded from synonymy, because the word that is used must have a real definition. 3. Synonymous words that gain the same meaning from having undergone a lexical/linguistic transformation from the original meaning in the definition are excluded. 4. Single-meaning words are excluded from being taraduf. 5. Through the condition of “same reputation,” words that are used to express the difference in an adjective such as السيف] sword] and الصارم] disciplinarian] were forgotten and used as nouns. These words are excluded from being taraduf. 6. Lastly, the condition of “same lexical environment” applies to the different words that different Arab tribes have unknowingly used to express the same meaning, and these are also excluded from being taraduf.Words that are thought to be synonymous must have differences between them. This is because no linguist can put forth two or more different words for the exact same meaning at&nbsp;the exact same time in any language, nor assign these two different words to express the same exact thing. Therefore, if taraduf is meant to imply full synonymy, it does not exist within the same language.Synonymous words are to be examined for the following aspects in order to be able to be called taraduf: a. Significance differences: Undoubtedly, the first and most important condition to be sought in synonyms is whether the words refer to the same thing. If there is the slightest difference in the meaning of the words that are thought to be synonymous, the words are only partial synonyms. b. A general-to-special relationship must exist between the words: Having a general-to-particular relationship between the words also prevents them from qualifying as taraduf. If the meaning of the word is broad enough to include the other word, a general-issue relationship exists between them. These words are also not taraduf but may possibly be closely related. c. Derivational differences: One should not forget that words derive from a root, and that root’s meaning becomes the main meaning of the word. This difference regarding the origin of the word becomes apparent when exploring it in detail. This difference distinguishes one word from another as the origin of the other and not taraduf. d. Rhetorical reasons: Among the factors that directly contribute to the proliferation of synonyms, rhetorical reasons perhaps rank first. Similes, metaphors, and allegories may be counted among rhetorical reasons qualifying a word as taraduf. One can say forgotten metaphors are the main reason for taraduf. e. Different words / tribal languages: Different tribal languages have also paved the way for the proliferation of synonyms. Accordingly, synonymous words that are spoken within one tribe that have come from other tribes appears as an obstacle to defining them as taraduf. f. Morphological oneness: The approach in the science of morphology where words have been derived by transforming the noun and verb forms to reflect the general semantic structure of the form may be synonymous although their origins are different, and these words are also excluded from being taraduf.&nbsp;

Synonyms in the Arabic Language and Their Reasons That Emerge

Omar Adeeb

A pitch-black darkness prevents the study of the history of Arabic because the general history of the Arabian Peninsula before Islam is ambiguous, the information about Arabic in that period is very brief, and the knowledge of the Arabic dialects is not in the best condition. When did Arabic arise? What are the dialects that existed in the language before Islam? Is today’s Arabic a unison of dialects or a language that branched into dialects? Providing an accurate judgment about that is difficult, as no texts exist dating back to those eras, and no inscriptions have been found that shed light on Arabic’s initial condition.The Arab linguists of old had their own perceptions about the origin of Arabic. Ibn Faris believed that the language of the Arabs had been sent from God. Meanwhile, Abu Mansur al-Azhari on the other hand identified the Arab prophets as Ishmael, Muhammad, Shuaib, Salih, and Hod. As for al-Suyuti, he divided Arabs into three categories: Arabah, al-Muta’riba, and al-Musta’ribah. These linguists also disagreed about which person was the first to speak Arabic. For example, al-Jahiz believed Ismail bin Ibrahim was the first, while others attributed Yarub bin-Qahtan as being the first. Most of the ancients consider Arabic as having two forms: the Arabic of Yemen (i.e., old Arabic) and the Arabic of Ishmael (i.e., new Arabic). Many of them also believed the Arabic language to be old, with Abu Amr bin Al-Ala believing part of this ancient language to have reached the present and part to have not.Arab linguists also had assumptions about how Arabic had developed. Al-Akhfash pointed out that the different languages of the Arabs had resulted from their beginnings being different, although this was all based on correctness and analogy. Afterward, people added many things to these different languages as needed. In addition, Arabic linguists realized that languages transform and change with the passage of time and that the frequent use of a language is a major reason for its transformation and change. Therefore, they relied on the factor of abundance for explaining the many omissions.Semitic languages ​​was used as a term to refer to the group of languages ​​that have been common since ancient times in the countries of Asia and Africa, and the first to use this term was the scholar Schulze in 1781 AD. The Orientalists then began to research the Semitic languages extensively until they came to believe that all these languages are branches of one language. Israel Levinson divided the Semitic languages geographically into three regions: Eastern, Western, and Southern. Studies also attributed these languages to one linguistic group due to the similarity between them regarding their essence and some of their joint origins. Modernists have also concluded Arabic to be a branch of the Semitic languages and its closest relative.Scholars have divided Arabic dialects into two parts: Northern and Southern. As for the Old Southern Arabic dialect, archaeologists found that Southern Arabs possess ancient languages whose dialects differ greatly from Standard Arabic and that Northern Arabic is divided into defunct Arabic dialects and remaining Arabic dialects, which are found in Standard Arabic and its various dialects. The ancient linguists emphasized the great difference between Northern and Southern Arabic, and what confirms this great difference is how Ibn al-Haik described the dialects of Yemen in his time. The Southern Arabian Peninsula had been subjected to successive crises that led to its weakness, and large migrations emerged from it. As a result, the northern Arabic language dominated the Arabian Peninsula after the decline of the civilization and languages in the south.As part of the attempts to solve the mystery of the Arabic language in its infancy and reveal its early stages, Modern Arab linguists and Orientalists have made great efforts in this field. Al-Rafei concluded that Arabic is either a branch of the original language from which all Semitic languages had been separated or had been derived from some of these branches until later becoming independent. As for Dr. Ali Wafi, he believes that the Arabic language was divided into dialects, then these dialects intertwined, clashed, and united into one language. On the other hand, Mahmoud Taymour concluded that the Arabic dialects had been a previous stage of literary Arabic and that the dialects in the Age of Ignorance had gathered together until they took a form that would be called Standard. Meanwhile, one group of researchers believes that Standard Arabic was formed from a broad coalition of Arabic dialects that does not represent the dialect of any particular tribe. In contrast, the Orientalist Israel Wolfensohn went on to say that the remaining Arabic language is a mixture of different dialects, some from the Northern Arabia and some from Southern Arabia that mixed together until it became one language. As for Saeed al-Ghamdi (????), he concluded in his study that the Arabs had lived in southern Iraq since before the 7th century BC, that they had established al-Manadhirah (Lakhmids) as a state in al-Hirah at the beginning of the 5th century AD, that al-Hira was the place from where Standard Arabic had spread, and that the Quraysh were not prepared enough to spread their dialect among the tribes before Islam. Accordingly, the Arabic language had formed in Iraq in ancient times and has since retained its ancient characteristics. In addition, the dialect that spread as a literary language in the era of al-Hira was the dialect that carried elements of the other most widespread dialects.&nbsp;

The Arabic Language from Its Earliest Times to the Age of  Ignorance

Seher

Arabic is a Semitic language used in the Middle East and North Africa and has special characteristics that are able to distinguish it from other languages such as English or Turkish. For example, the Arabic alphabet has 28 consonant letters and three vowels that are used to express both short and long vowels. These letters are written from right to left and phonetically divided into two major classes (i.e., sun letters and moon letters). Additionally, nouns and adjectives in Arabic are divided into three: singular, dual, and plural. Moreover, Arabic has a morphology based on root-pattern schemes that categorize the phonetic rules of the Arabic language in the name of the Arabic language’s self-preservation. Arabic linguists are well known for having worked in the field of Arabic roots, grammar, and comprehensive analysis, such as the oldest Arabic linguist the Caliph Ali, who divided speech into three parts (i.e., names, verbs, and letters), as well as Ibn Khaldun, Ibn Cinni, al-Khalil, Sîbawayh, and others who focused on sound imitation, vowel diacritics, and morphological model to categorize the roots of Arabic.Although morphemes are the smallest meaningful unit of language, they play an important role in recognizing the formation process of morphology studies because morphemes are affected by the position of the letters within the word, such as the differences between maktab (مكتب( [schooled] and kitâb (كتاب] (book], or kutub (بُ كت] ( ُrevealed books] and naktubu (بُ [write) [نَ ْكت in the Arabic language as different morphological categories. This can be explained by Arabic root extraction, which prefers to add letters or combinations of letters at the beginning and end. Furthermore, general rules exist for Arabic roots such as having a central lexical meaning based on the stable linearity of consonants that helps protect the etymological roots of words and having prosodic morphological categorization using three consonant Arabic words, such as fa’ala (فعل] (act], kataba (كتب] (compose], hamala (حمل] (carry], and derese (درس] (lesson].All Semitic languages use non-concatenative morphology in order to create words that represent a modified version of roots. The basic verb form for the Arabic language involves trilateral verbs that have no prefixes or infixes and have the pattern of CVCVCV as in س َرَ َ د (drs) [to study]. Arabic also has biliteral, quadrilateral, and pentaliteral verbs. Furthermore, Arabic verbs use roots and radicals, which play an important role for Arabic verbal forms (awzaan) because as a general rule, roots are unpronounceable morphemes that consist of three consonants called radicals, such as لَ َ َع ف fa ̒ala. What is more, Arabic has 14 verb forms (stems) that derive from fa ̒ala and that transform into other stems using prefixes and infixes, such as faa ̒ala (ل َاعَ َ ف (and istaf ̒ala (لَ َ ِ ْستَْفع ا .(In other words, these stems can be transformed into roots with regard to the morph semantic template, which carries meaning, tense, voice, mode, number, gender, and person based on morphological transformations such as replacement, fusion, inversion, and deletion.This paper analyzes verb stems within the frame of root radicals, morphological patterns, and transformations using a descriptive analytical method for fa ̒aal, fu ̒all, fi ̒aal, and fa ̒aali alongside examples from Quranic verses and poems. A root-based stemming algorithm is indicated to exist in Arabic for these stems that cause a shift of meaning. Moreover, the opinions of former Arabic linguists such as Sibawayh, al-Suyûtî, Ibn al-Sarrāj, and Ibn ̒Aqîl are determined regarding fa ̒aal verbal patterns in Arabic, such as how these verbal patterns are formed, why they have no morphological derivation, and how they are used in Arabic.&nbsp;

The Four verbal Patterns of Fi'aal, Fu'al, Fa'al, Fa'aali and Their  Morphological Indications in Arabic

Sema

China is a civilization that stands out with its 4,000 years of written history as the pioneer of four great inventions with various ethnic groups and its historical and cultural richness in different fields and multicultural diversity. Chinese society has a long and deep-rooted history as well as traditional values and norms that have remained valid from past to present. The types of family structure that have been seen in societies from past to present as well as the relations that family members have with one another and the relations the family has with the state are formed over the values that exist in a society. The traditional values and norms that exist in Chinese society have been formed in line with the principles advocated by Confucius and his teachings, which have deeply affected Chinese society in different areas. The traditional values that exist in a society primarily begin in the family as the smallest structural unit of the society where a person is born. Confucian traditional values are based on family ethics. As in most societies, family comes first in traditional Chinese society. For this reason, the individual’s role and status in the family is very important in the formation of normative societal values. The traditional values that family elders adhere to under the roof of the family are transferred to family members through the education given in the family. One is expected to behave according to the traditional values that exist in the society and the family in one’s relationships within the family as well as in the duties and responsibilities that family members must fulfill toward one another. Considering individuals’ relationships with family elders and other family members, traditional values are also valid for their relationships with society outside of the family. Therefore, while the relationships and responsibilities between the individual and the family are shaped within the framework of traditional values, the relations of Chinese society and even the Chinese nation with other nations develop based on these traditional values. As a matter of fact, Confucius emphasized that society should consider the collective community interest over individual interests, and every person in society is responsible for the rise or fall of the country (天下兴亡，匹夫有责). This shows family ethics to also be fundamental with regard to relationships at the community and country level. Unlike Western societies, family in Chinese society is a concept dominated by traditional values. Traditional values determine the relationships among family members, the duties and responsibilities each one has, and the relationships that the family has with society and the state. For this reason, the relationships between the individual and the family and between the family and the state come to the fore in Chinese society, with individual, family, and state being considered inseparable concepts. In the line with the traditional values and norms in Chinese society, the individual’s duty that begins in the family then forms a basis in the relationship the family has with the state and society. Although many developments have occurred in various areas of Chinese society through globalization and modernization and the family structure does vary in today’s Chinese society, the concept of family and family ethics are still based on traditional values and norms.This study aims to analyze the concept of family and family ethics in China through the lens of traditional values and norms within the framework of the theory of structural functionalism. The study also aims to understand how traditional values and norms have shaped family ethics, the relationships among family members, the family structure, family members’ roles, and families’ relationships with the state and society. The study will discuss the effects Confucianist values have on family ethics by comparing certain aspects of Western family ethics with Chinese family ethics. This article will contribute to the understanding of family as a concept, ethics in China from its ancient past to modern times, and the Confucianist ethics and values that have shaped family relations, individual responsibilities, individual-family relations, and family- state relations.&nbsp;

An Overview of Chinese Concepts of Family Through Traditional  Values

Serpil

Rubai poems involve a variety of subjects from love and mysticism to philosophy and wisdom and are a difficult form of poetry to express, due to both its compact format and strong impact on readers. The rubai format has become popular among poets, with this distinctive feature separating it from other forms of poetry. The Mukhtār-Nāma, or Rubâînâme as it is also known, was written by the famous Iranian poet and sufi Ferîdüddîn Attâr and stands out in this regard. Although Attâr’s rubai in this book are covered under the three main topics of aşıkâne [pertaining to lovers], sufîâne [pertaining to mysticism], and Hayyâmnâme [pertaining to love], its main influence on his followers were the rubai poems in the sufîâne section. Mawlānā Jalāl al-Dīn Rūmī (d. 672/1273), Saadi Shīrāzī (d. 690/1292), Mahmūd Shabestarī (d.720/1320), Hafiz Shīrāzī (d.792/1390), and Abdurrahman Jāmī (d.898/1492) are some of the important Iranian poets and Sufis who were inspired by his poems. Through his Tadhkirat-ul-Awliyā [hagiographic collection of Muslim saints and mystics], his divan, and the rubai poetry book Mukhtār-Nāma, Attâr became known as a great masnavi poet in the Iranian literature, with five of the seven poetic works in masnavi-verse form (independent internally rhyming lines) confirmed as belonging to him. Apart from his love-related masnavi poetry book Khusraw-Nāma, his other five masnavi poetry books are about Sufism. When considering the influence two of Attâr’s masnavi works (i.e., Mantiq-ut-Tayr and Ilāhī-Nāma) had on Rumi’s masnavi, the claim that Attâr’s mystical thoughts continued in later Sufis is a fair one. Attâr is an important name and has had a large impact on the world of Sufi thought with his works. Süleyman Uludağ drew attention to the presence of a pantheistic tendency in Attâr’s mystical understanding in the preface of Tadhkirat-ul-Awliyā, but this tendency did not take on a philosophical or theoretical form.Not enough information is found about Attâr’s life, family, or education. Süleyman Uludağ (cite) assessed Attâr’s works, and according to Uludağ, Attâr had been educated in the fields of hikmat [mystery], philosophy, nûcûm [astronomy], medicine and pharmacy in addition to the education he received in religious sciences such as tafsir, hadith, kalam, and fiqh. Attâr may also have studied these mental and experiential sciences in Nishapur, which was the science and wisdom center of the period. The fact that Attâr extensively mentioned Abu Said Ebu’l-Hayr in his masnavi works such as Asrār-Nāma, Ilāhī-Nāma, and Mantiq-ut-Tayr has led researchers to think that Attâr might have accepted this person as a spiritual leader or sheikh. This idea is associated with Attâr being Uwaisi and that he’d been accepted as a student and disciple of great figures such as Mansur al-Hallaj (d. 309/922), Abu Sa’id Abu’l-Khayr, and Sanā-ī Gaznavi (d.525/1131).This study uses the samples taken from Attâr’s rubai poetry book Mukhtār-Nāma, which contains 2,088 rubai in 50 chapters and is one of eight of Attâr’s works confirmed to belong to him. The study attempts to evaluate the concept of the partial mind in Attâr’s poems by focusing on the concept of mind in the context of Sufi thought.&nbsp;In conclusion, when considering the general and partial classifications of the mind that have been made in Sufi thought, Attâr saw the partial mind as an obstacle on the way to achieving real sense and ingenuity, which is in line with the early Sufis. Although he criticizes the concept of mind in some of his rubai, one must know that the partial mind is what he means in his works.&nbsp;

The Mind in Sufi Thought and Its Conceptualization in  Ferîdüddîn Attâr’s Rubai Poems

Program of College Students’ Language Attitudes  Research

Zekai

When the Ottoman Empire took hold of the Caliphate, a spiritual bond formed between the Muslim Indian people and the Ottoman Empire, and the relations between the two communities gradually increased. Particularly after the British began to rule the Indian subcontinent, the Muslims of the region perceived the Caliph as a spiritual power backing them.By the end of the 1800s, the Turks’ back-to-back defeats in the wars caused great anger among the Indian Muslims. Meetings were held all over India to support the Ottomans, and donations were collected to help their Turkish brothers.When Britain did not keep its promises regarding not changing the conditions of the Ottoman Empire, the Caliph, and the Holy Lands in order to soften the Muslim response after World War I, the Muslims started the Indian Khilafat [Caliphate] Movement in December 1918 to put pressure on the British government and to protect the Ottoman Caliph. When the fact became clear that the British would not protect the Caliphate or the Holy Lands, Indian Muslim intellectuals announced their establishment of the Indian Khilafat Committee on November 14 in 1918.The Khilafat Movement became a major popular movement in India, with massive demonstrations held throughout the country. The delegation went to London and participated in the peace agreements that had already begun there. However, the picture that emerged was that Istanbul was to be taken from the hands of the Turks. Realizing this, the Indian Muslims faced the fact that England would not help them in this matter.The abolition of the Caliphate in Turkey in 1924 led to collapse of the Indian Khilafat Movement, and thus a new era was entered where tendencies toward independence intensified. Leaders such as Muhammed Ali Jinnah and Maulana Muhammed Ali started preparing a constitutional framework as the people expressing the quest for an independent homeland among Muslims.Another issue that should be mentioned when talking about the Khilafat Movement is the Indian Hijrat [Migration] Movement. This occurred when thousands of people immigrated to Afghanistan with the thought that they could no longer live as Muslims in India.The Hijrat Movement had emerged as a result of the Indian Khilafat Movement. The leading religious and political leaders of India, Maulana Abdul Bari and Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, put forward the idea that they should migrate to other places that can be considered Dar alIslam [within the dominion of Islam]. In this regard, Abdul Bari and Kalam Azad also issued a fatwa. While these developments were taking place in India, the leader of Afghanistan, Emir Amanullah Khan, stated in public speech that he saw the plight of Indian Muslims and would accept them into Afghanistan if they were to migrate.In a very short time, even just a few months, large groups of immigrants set out for Afghanistan without any preparation. They began to migrate, selling whatever they had for half price or even less. According to some sources, between 500,000 to 2 million immigrants are said to have migrated to Afghanistan.For the Indian Muslims who’d come from their homeland, which they called Dar alHarb [house of war], to Afghanistan for the religion of Islam and their Turkish brothers, this journey was truly a disaster. Many of the elderly, women, and children who’d set out by selling whatever they had in their hometown and lacked the necessities of travel, perished on the way. After spending days under extremely bad conditions in Afghanistan, they had to return to their homeland greatly disappointment. But when they returned, their homes were no longer their homes, nor were the fields their own any more.Therefore, the Hijrat Movement that had occurred in the pages of history as a movement begun with religious motives and the basic desire to help their Turkish brothers had brought trouble to many families due to not being well planned.&nbsp;

The Role of the Khilafat Movement in the Relationship Between  the Ottoman Empire and the Muslims of India

Zelal

Place in a novel gains great importance as an essential technical element as well as the space in which events take place and the characters move. Beyond that, place also gets transformed in some outstanding works to a space that includes all the narrative elements, one that reveals the relationships between them and provides them with a climate in which they can interact and express a point of view. Descriptions are the first means of portraying place; they are an attempt to embody a scene of the external world in its various fields and types within a painting made of interwoven words.This study deals with the space of the city in Tayeb Salih’s novel Mawsim al-Hijrah ilâ al-Shamâl [Season of Migration to the North] and discusses the term place in general and space in particular with regard to the novel. Place appears in Mawsim al-Hijrah ilâ al-Shamâl as the main component of the novel, with places interacting through the interaction of its characters who represent these places, thus reflecting the author’s narrative point of view so that semantic compatibility arises from three locations: the place, the framed space, and the&nbsp;open/expanded space. This study aims to understand these terms and their boundaries, to reveal the inner-city space (inside the Arab world) and the external space (outside the Arab world) as presented in this novel, and to analyze the relationship between the city’s space and other narrative elements (time and characters). The research also aims to shed light on the multiple connotations (i.e., intellectual philosophical, social, and human) the characters of the literary work highlight regarding place that imprint each place with its own characteristic and also goes through the dialectic relationship between place and the character to show the author’s vision in this narrative work and the conflict that is represented between the characters and places.The research adheres to the descriptive analytical approach in presenting the places (i.e., the space of the city) in Mawsim al-Hijrah ilâ al-Shamâl while benefitting from the semiotic method view for explaining the signs and signals that occur to express a place or the connection a place has with its surroundings of time and characters, as well as its mechanisms starting from the lexical level and reaching to the semantic level.The research includes three main headings. The first topic involves the places in the novel, the importance of places have, and the role of place in forming the idea or vision presented in the narrative or fictional text. The second topic is the space of the city in Mawsim al-Hijrah ilâ al-Shamâl, tracing the cities that are mentioned in detail as well as the most prominent places associated and related with the concept of the city, followed by accessing the revelations carried by these cities and their connotations. This then leads to the third topic, which is the relationship place (i.e., the city space) has with the two elements of the novel (i.e., time and personalities), wherein the relationship that combines the parts of the narrative work becomes clear in a comprehensive vision that gathers the fragments of this work within a single narrative fabric in a harmonious and compatible framework between all the elements of the narrative work. This is because time and place represent the inexhaustible organic unity in the novel, in addition to making memory the main reference when retrieving and narrating the past.Among the most important results of this research is how the novel pays equal attention to the internal place (i.e., home) as well as the external place (alienation). The author was able to prove the idea that the place belongs to its inhabitants, and thus the dialectical relationship between the place and the characters in this novel is apparent and evident. This research also shows that having place be the hero of the story is possible in addition to being the cornerstone in the elements of the novel in line with the idea of conflict dominating the events of the novel. As for time, it was presented in the novel as a retrieval that always returns to the past, bringing one back to the origin of the story and the beginning of the conflict. The author also did not fail to establish a close relationship between the place and the woman with its complex connotations, some with the meaning of laying down roots, belonging, and homeland; others suggesting identification and symmetry; and others still reflecting negation and hostility. All this in addition to the author employing place (the space of the city) with regard to spreading his philosophy and making the place just like an arena of conflict between the East and West.&nbsp;

Place and Space Regarding the City in Tayeb Salih’s Novel  Mawsim al-Hijrah ilâ al-Shamâl

Ayşe

Dante and Religious Symbolism in the Middle Ages

@JOURNAL_BOX_CURRENT

@JOURNAL_BOX_EARLYVIEW

Ayman

THE IMAGE OF CAIRO AND ISTANBUL IN "A JOURNEY TO ISLAMIC COUNTRIES

Asuman

Mahmûd the sultan of the kingdom of Ghazna who is the son of Sebüktigin received a religious and political education traditionally from a young age and raised as a good statesman. Mahmûd of Ghazni, who was one of the exceptional statesmen of the Turkish-Islamic world with his administrative talent, politics and great victories, spent most of his life on the battlefields. He tried to throw all the great figures together in his palace and paid court to the poets and scholars. He also invited poets from neighboring countries to their countries. Although the fact that there were 400 poets in his palace in which official language is Persian is accepted exaggeration, it is significant to see that he highlights the importance of poetry and literature. Ebü’l-Hasen Alî b. Cûlûg Ferruhî-yi Sîstânî who is one of the first eulogists in Iranian literature in Islamic period was one of the poet laureates of Mahmûd of Ghazni after Mahmûd came to the throne and he lived in the period of Sultan Mahmûd and his two sons Muhammed and Mesud. The poet wrote ode to the king in the meeting heldy by Mahmûd Ghazni in religious days. Additionally, he joined Mahmûd of Ghazni’s all Indian expeditions and gave information about them in his odes. He wrote an ode with sixty-nine couplets in the form of an elegy and he wrote both his love for Sultan Mahmûd and his sorrow over his death by praising to him in this poem. The poet expresses his pain after the death of Sultan with his sincere feelings through his poetry. Although love, drunkenness, joy, and happiness are general themes in his poems, he also mentions his pains and sorrows in this poem. In fact, this ode is a story of both the concern for future after the death of Mahmûd Ghazni and all palace and city people who are in shock and lament. He mentions a grieving city with a clear, simple and fluent poetic language in a realistic way.&nbsp;

AN ELEGY TO SULTAN MAHMÛD’S FINAL JOURNEY

Abdelkader

Writing, also called lettering, calligraphy or script, is the symbolization of speech by signs and forms. In other words, it is the lettering of words alphabetically. Calligraphy or script generally belongs to the language it represents, and holds its name. Hence, there is for example, Arabic, Ottoman, or Latin writing. Human beings in general, particularly Arabs and Muslims, have created types of writing or calligraphy in different fields throughout ages; such as various kinds of scripts produced by nations, the Ottoman writing used by Muslims for the writing of Quranic verses, and others. The Orthographic writing is more common and widely used, nearly in all that is written in the Arabic language, whereas the Ottoman writing is narrowly used and limited only to the writing of Quran and the science of Tajweed. It can be said that the activity of adjustment, also called form, is the use of some symbols that accompany the letters to determine their sounds. It is both a system for the formation of consonants to perform the intended meaning, and the “basis for correct reading”. In some cases, the lack of adjustment may change the meaning. The term ‘adjustment’ in the Ottoman writing and in Tajweed corresponds similarly to ‘form’ in Orthographic writing. However, adjustment is more signifying than form, because it contains other marks.There are numerous writings in the world, differing up to the fields and situations. Writings can be classified into six (6) types as follows: Ottoman writing, orthographic spelling, poetic writing, phonetic writing, Braille writing and Morse writing. All these kinds of writing have been used and still exist nowadays as means of human interaction and communication in different life fields. The Ottoman writing is the way used during the reign of the third Caliph Othman Bin Affan, may Allah be pleased with him, to write Quran. It is also called Ottoman calligraphy or script. This writing is concerned as a method which should be followed and approved, but not disregarded or violated. The word “Ottoman” here is used in reference to the Caliph Othman Bin Affan, specifically used in Arabic, and only in the&nbsp;writing of verses of the Holy Quran. It is meant by Quranic Mushafs the holy book Quran in various narrations, specifically Hafs reading from Assem and Warsh reading from Nafie. These two recitations are more published and spread in the world. Each of the two forms, orthographic spelling and Ottoman writing, are common in many situations, but different in some others, like adjustment. There are ten symbols in orthographic writing: the short vowels (fatha, damma, kasra), Tanwin (fathatan, dammatan, kesratan), Sukun, Shadda, alif of Medd and the small hamza that are placed above alif, waw, ya and also under the alif with Kasra. However, the adjustment in the Ottoman writing is so worthy that it contains thirty-two symbols. In addition to the ten symbols which exist in the orthographic writing, adjustment in the Ottoman writing contains twenty-two other signs. In our view, these thirtytwo marks of the Ottoman adjustment can be classified into the following eleven (11) categories: short vowels, long vowels, Tanwin, two Sukuns, small Hamza, junction adjustment, literal adjustment, word adjustment, point adjustment, lozenge adjustment, adjustment in form of zero, adjustment using color. In the three Arabic writings, orthographic, poetic or phonetic, only the first five categories (short vowels, Tanwin, two Sukuns, small Hamza, and Alif of Medd) are used. However, all the categories are used in the Ottoman writing, which is even characterized by using the last seven categories: junction adjustment, literal adjustment, word adjustment, point adjustment, lozenge adjustment, adjustment in form of zero, adjustment using color. This is done for an accurate reading and a perfect recitation of the Holy Quran, without mistakes.&nbsp;

THE ADJUSTMENT OF THE OTTOMAN WRITING OF QURANIC MUS’HAFS

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Fadila

The objective of this article is to highlight the phenomenon of school violence in Algerian society, through the results and statistics obtained by various research and academic field studies, and statistics of the Ministry of Education and National Gendarmerie, and then try to propose some mechanisms to reduce or even reduce Of the phenomenon of school violence, highlighting the role of the family and school as the most important institutions of socialization in building the character of the individual (student) beginning, then the good citizen later. School violence poses several problems related to how to create and even mitigate mitigation mechanisms and strategies. The seriousness of school violence in all its forms and manifestations is reflected in our educational institutions through the astonishing rise of the statistics reached by the Algerian Ministry of National Education in2016, which was estimated at 1661 cases across the nation's states, including 1427 cases of violence among students and 156 cases of assaults against students and teachers 87 cases of assaults of students towards the teachers (for: Dalumi, 2016).To learn about the reality of the violence practiced in our educational institution, the scientific literature and field studies carried out in the various states of the country and at different educational levels show the dangers of violent behavior practiced in our schools and clearly reflect an important aspect of the violence in our educational institutions. Studies: Study of Khaled Abdel Salam (2002-2003) this study was conducted in the state of Setif, and was based on the method of content analysis of the records of the disciplinary boards. (70.43%) compared to 43 cases (29.65%) in the remaining semi-urban and rural areas. The results also confirmed that violence is practiced by males (126.9%) compared to 19 students (13.11%) and violence (92.5%). The researcher concluded that the violence was directed against faculty and administrative staff, but that the biggest victim of the phenomenon of school violence Are teachers and teachers in general and professors in particular, and The main reason behind the problem of school violence in its various forms lies in the lack of discipline within the department (Abdul Salam, 2014, S331-332).Violation of violence in the school environment prevents the school from achieving its educational and educational goals, which negatively affects the personality of the student in all its aspects (psychological, social, relational, cognitive) in particular, and leads to delinquency and deviation to the anomaly, and also affects the structure of the school and Their educational power on the educational system and the social system in general.Violence in schools is a mirror of societal violence, so we must clarify - in short - the concept of violence in general and then scrutinize the understanding of the meaning and causes of school violence and the philosophy of mitigation.1- The family is the first social unit in which a child is born. The emotional deprivation that he or she may suffer through poor parenting (verbal or physical abuse or destruction of the furniture of the house), poor economic conditions and physical and moral disintegration of the family all inevitably affect his or her personality The future, beginning with violence in the house, and then on the street, and then in school, both with peers or with the teacher and even with the self 2- The school is the second institution of social upbringing after the family, and the first link between the individual and society; it is responsible for transferring the culture, traditions and customs of the society to the student, and is obliged to provide knowledge and education to him in the best conditions.On the basis of this, we can make the school an educational institution in which pupils and teachers coexist away from extreme and violent behaviors. If both the family and the school as institutions of socialization can re-examine their real role and function towards the individual and the society, A social environment of security and tranquility. We conclude from the above that the family, school and society must be made aware of the seriousness of the phenomenon of school violence and the need to address it and alleviate it or reduce it by all available educational, psychological and educational means. It is also necessary to emphasize that the institutions of social upbringing - especially the family and the school - And the adoption of the rising generation, but if it abandons its function will destroy and destroy and develop all forms of extremism and violence in the individual and society.

School Violence and Mechanisms For Reducing It in The Algerian Society

In this study, a poem work named Tarikh-e Al-e Osmani, of which only one copy exists, by the poet Saeli-ye Shirazi, who was one of the poets of XVI century, is analyzed. This work, along with being an epic poem about Osman Ghazi-era wars and heroism, is also important in philosophical, moral and educational aspects that stand out in some parts of the work.This work of Saeli is similar to Ferdowsi’s Shahnameh in terms of verse form and meter and the material used in the two works is almost the same. Legendary heroes, mythological elements, and some of the compositions that make up the framework of Shahnameh are also seen in Saeili’s work with similar narratives. However, these two works are different from each other; one is a national epic that tells the history of Iran from prehistoric times to the Arabian invasion, and the other is a verse history of the life of only one ruler and the wars he has made. When we compare Saeli’s Tarikh-e Al-e Osmani with other works of this kind, we can easily say that the work is an important masnavi in terms of both the language and the content, not shadowed by another work but has its own style.Saeli is a poet who came to Anatolia during the reign of Bayezid II and observed the periods of Selim the Resolute and Suleiman the Magnificent upon his death. There is not much information about his life before coming to Anatolia, except for his detailed statements in the preamble of his Diwan (collected poems) and in the Tarikh-e Al-e Osmani. The limited number of works that give information about his life are also written in Anatolia. Only Logat-name, Ferhang-i Sokhanvaran and Az-Zaree’a mentioned Saeli’ among the tezkires (collection of biographies) written in Iran in and after the XVIth century. This leads us to think that the poet was not very famous when he was in Iran. With this study, we hope that we will contribute a little bit to what is known about Ottoman history and genealogy of Ottoman period and will shed light to the field studies.

SAELI-YE SHIRAZI WHO WAS ONE OF THE IRANIAN POETS OF XVI CENTURY AND HIS WORK NAMED TARIKH-E AL-E OSMANI

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Journal of Oriental Studies – Şarkiyat Mecmuası, which is the official publication of Istanbul University, Faculty of Letters, the Oriental Research Center is an open access, peer-reviewed, multilingual, scholarly and international journal published two times a year (April and October) . It was founded in 1956.

Journal of Oriental Studies aims to contribute to the scientific knowledge in the field of Eastern languages and literatures by publishing original articles, reviews, scientific criticism, book review and translation articles.

The journal considers manuscripts on all aspects of Eastern languages and literatures. Subject areas of interest include language and literature, history, history of literature, art and culture concerning Eastern languages and literatures. The target audience of the journal is academics, researchers, professionals, students and related professional, academic institutions and organizations. The publication languages of the journal are Turkish, English, German, French, Chinese, Hindi, Persian, Arabic, Korean and Urdu.

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Journal of Oriental Studies

İstanbul Üniversitesi, Edebiyat Fakültesi Şarkiyat Araştırma Merkezi’nin yayını olan Şarkiyat Mecmuası – Journal of Oriental Studies, açık erişimli, hakemli, yılda iki kere (Nisan ve Ekim) yayınlanan, çok dilli, uluslararası bilimsel bir dergidir. 1956 yılında kurulmuştur.
Şarkiyat Mecmuası’nın amacı Doğu dilleri ve edebiyatları alanında özgün makale, yazma eser tahkik ve tanıtımı, bilimsel eleştiri, kitap eleştirisi ve çeviri makale makaleler yayınlayarak, alana ilişkin bilimsel bilgiye katkıda bulunmaktır. 
Şarkiyat Mecmuası’nın kapsamı Doğu dilleri ve edebiyatlarına odaklı olarak dil ve edebiyat, tarih, edebiyat tarihi, sanat ve kültür alanlarıdır. Derginin hedef kitlesini akademisyenler, araştırmacılar, profesyoneller, öğrenciler ve ilgili mesleki, akademik kurum ve kuruluşlar oluşturur. Derginin yayın dilleri Türkçe, İngilizce, Fransızca, Almanca, Çince, Hintçe, Farsça, Arapça, Korece ve Urduca’dır.

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Şarkiyat Mecmuası’nın amacı; Doğu dilleri ve edebiyatları alanında özgün araştırma makalesi, yazma eser tahkik ve tanıtımı, bilimsel eleştiri, çeviri ve kitap eleştirileri yayınlayarak, alana ilişkin bilimsel bilgiye katkı sağlamaktır. Şarkiyat Mecmuası’nın kapsamı; Doğu dilleri ve edebiyatlarına odaklı olarak dil ve edebiyat, tarih, edebiyat tarihi, dil eğitimi ve öğretimi, sanat ve kültür alanlarıdır. Derginin hedef kitlesini akademisyenler, araştırmacılar, profesyoneller, öğrenciler ve ilgili mesleki, akademik kurum ve kuruluşlar oluşturur. Derginin yayın dilleri Türkçe, İngilizce, Çince, Hintçe, Farsça, Arapça, Korece ve Urduca’dır.

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<ul><li>TÜBİTAK-ULAKBİM TR Dizin </li><li>DOAJ</li><li>ERIH PLUS</li><li>EBSCO Academic Search Ultimate</li><li>ProQuest Central     </li><li>ProQuest Turkey Database   </li><li>ProQuest Social Sciences Database   </li><li>ProQuest Social Sciences Premium Collection​</li><li>SOBIAD</li></ul>

Dizinler

Dergi yayın etiğinde en yüksek standartlara bağlıdır ve Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE), Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ), Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA) ve World Association of Medical Editors (WAME) tarafından yayınlanan etik yayıncılık ilkelerini benimser; Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing başlığı altında ifade edilen ilkeler için: <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a> Gönderilen makaleler derginin amaç ve kapsamına uygun olmalıdır. Orijinal, yayınlanmamış ve başka bir dergide değerlendirme sürecinde olmayan, her bir yazar tarafından içeriği ve gönderimi onaylanmış yazılar değerlendirmeye kabul edilir. Makale yayınlanmak üzere Dergiye gönderildikten sonra yazarlardan hiçbirinin ismi, tüm yazarların yazılı izni olmadan yazar listesinden silinemez ve yeni bir isim yazar olarak eklenemez ve yazar sırası değiştirilemez.İntihal, duplikasyon, sahte yazarlık/inkar edilen yazarlık, araştrma/veri fabrikasyonu, makale dilimleme, dilimleyerek yayın, telif hakları ihlali ve çıkar çatışmasının gizlenmesi, etik dışı davranışlar olarak kabul edilir. Kabul edilen etik standartlara uygun olmayan tüm makaleler yayından çıkarılır. Buna yayından sonra tespit edilen olası kuraldışı, uygunsuzluklar içeren makaleler de dahildir.İntihal Ön kontrolden geçirilen makaleler, iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal/kendi kendine intihal tespit edilirse yazarlar bilgilendirilir. Editörler, gerekli olması halinde makaleyi değerlendirme ya da üretim sürecinin çeşitli aşamalarında intihal kontrolüne tabi tutabilirler. Yüksek benzerlik oranları, bir makalenin kabul edilmeden önce ve hatta kabul edildikten sonra reddedilmesine neden olabilir. Makalenin türüne bağlı olarak, bunun oranın %15 veya %20'den az olması beklenir.Çift Kör Hakemlikİntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir. Editör, makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakemlikten geçmesini sağlar ve makale biçimsel esaslara uygun ise, gelen yazıyı yurtiçinden ve /veya yurtdışından en az iki hakemin değerlendirmesine sunar, hakemler gerek gördüğü takdirde yazıda istenen değişiklikler yazarlar tarafından yapıldıktan sonra yayınlanmasına onay verir.

Politikalar

Dergi açık erişimlidir ve derginin tüm içeriği okura ya da okurun dahil olduğu kuruma ücretsiz olarak sunulur. Okurlar, ticari amaç haricinde, yayıncı ya da yazardan izin almadan dergi makalelerinin tam metnini okuyabilir, indirebilir, kopyalayabilir, arayabilir ve link sağlayabilir. Bu <a href="https://www.budapestopenaccessinitiative.org/translations/turkish-translation" target="_blank">BOAI</a> açık erişim tanımıyla uyumludur. Derginin açık erişimli makaleleri Creative Commons Atıf-GayrıTicari 4.0 Uluslararası (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.tr" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) olarak lisanslıdır.

Derginin tüm giderleri İstanbul Üniversitesi tarafından karşılanmaktadır. Dergide makale yayını ve makale süreçlerinin yürütülmesi ücrete tabi değildir. Dergiye gönderilen ya da yayın için kabul edilen makaleler için işlemleme ücreti ya da gönderim ücreti alınmaz.

Yazarlar dergide yayınlanan çalışmalarının telif hakkına sahiptirler ve çalışmaları  Creative Commons Atıf-GayrıTicari 4.0 Uluslararası (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.tr" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) olarak lisanslıdır. CC BY-NC 4.0 lisansı, eserin ticari kullanım dışında her boyut ve formatta paylaşılmasına, kopyalanmasına, çoğaltılmasına ve orijinal esere uygun şekilde atıfta bulunmak kaydıyla yeniden düzenleme, dönüştürme ve eserin üzerine inşa etme dâhil adapte edilmesine izin verir.

Editörler, yayınlanan makalede, bulguları, yorumları ve sonuçları etkilemeyen küçük hatalar tespit edilirse düzeltme yayınlamayı düşünebilirler. Editörler, bulguları ve sonuçları geçersiz kılan büyük hatalar / ihlaller söz konusu olduğunda, makaleyi geri çekmeyi düşünmelidir. Yazarlar tarafından araştırma veya yayını kötüye kullanmaya yönelik olasılık söz konusu ise; bulguların güvenilir olmadığına ve yazarların kurumlarının olayı soruşturmadığına dair kanıtlar var veya olası soruşturma haksız veya sonuçsuz görünüyor ise, editörler endişe ifadesi yayınlamayı düşünmelidir. Düzeltme, geri çekme veya endişe ifadesi ile ilgili olarak COPE ve ICJME yönergeleri dikkate alınır.

Dergide yayınlanan tüm yazıların korunmasını ve kalıcı olarak erişilebilir olmasını sağlamak için makaleler, ulusal bir arşiv sitesi olarak hizmet veren ve aynı zamanda LOCKSS'in içeriği toplamasına, korumasına ve sunmasına izin veren Dergipark'ta saklanmaktadır.Ek olarak, yazarların kendilerinin makalelerinin son PDF sürümünü Open Archives Initiative (<a href="https://www.openarchives.org/" target="_blank">https://www.openarchives.org/</a>) standartlarına uygun açık elektronik arşivlerde arşivlemeleri önerilir. Yazarlar, yayınladıkları arşiv versiyonundan, İ.Ü. Yayınevinin dergi web sitesinin URL'sine bağlantı sağlamalıdır.

Şarkiyat Mecmuası, yayın etiğinde en yüksek standartlara bağlıdır ve Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE), Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ), Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA) ve World Association of Medical Editors (WAME) tarafından yayınlanan etik yayıncılık ilkelerini benimser; Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing başlığı altında ifade edilen ilkeler için: <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparencyand-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparencyand-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a>Gönderilen tüm makaleler orijinal, yayınlanmamış ve başka bir dergide değerlendirme sürecinde olmamalıdır. Her bir makale editörlerden biri ve en az iki hakem tarafından çift kör değerlendirmeden geçirilir. İntihal, duplikasyon, sahte yazarlık/inkar edilen yazarlık, araştrma/veri fabrikasyonu, makale dilimleme, dilimleyerek yayın, telif hakları ihlali ve çıkar çatışmasının gizlenmesi, etik dışı davranışlar olarak kabul edilir. Kabul edilen etik standartlara uygun olmayan tüm makaleler yayından çıkarılır. Buna yayından sonra tespit edilen olası kuraldışı, uygunsuzluklar içeren makaleler de dahildir.

Etik

Şarkiyat Mecmuası araştırma etiğinde en yüksek standartları gözetir ve aşağıda tanımlanan uluslararası araştırma etiği ilkelerini benimser. Makalelerin etik kurallara uygunluğu yazarların sorumluluğundadır.<ul><li>Araştırmanın tasarlanması, tasarımın gözden geçirilmesi ve araştırmanın yürütülmesinde, bütünlük, kalite ve şeffaflık ilkeleri sağlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma ekibi ve katılımcılar, araştırmanın amacı, yöntemleri ve öngörülen olası kullanımları; araştırmaya katılımın gerektirdikleri ve varsa riskleri hakkında tam olarak bilgilendirilmelidir.</li><li>Araştırma katılımcılarının sağladığı bilgilerin gizliliği ve yanıt verenlerin gizliliği sağlanmalıdır. Araştırma katılımcıların özerkliğini ve saygınlığını koruyacak şekilde tasarlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma katılımcıları gönüllü olarak araştırmada yer almalı, herhangi bir zorlama altında olmamalıdırlar. - Katılımcıların zarar görmesinden kaçınılmalıdır. Araştırma, katılımcıları riske sokmayacak şekilde planlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma bağımsızlığıyla ilgili açık ve net olunmalı; çıkar çatışması varsa belirtilmelidir.</li><li>Deneysel çalışmalarda, araştırmaya katılmaya karar veren katılımcıların yazılı bilgilendirilmiş onayı alınmalıdır. Çocukların ve vesayet altındakilerin veya tasdiklenmiş akıl hastalığı bulunanların yasal vasisinin onayı alınmalıdır.</li><li>Çalışma herhangi bir kurum ya da kuruluşta gerçekleştirilecekse bu kurum ya da kuruluştan çalışma yapılacağına dair onay alınmalıdır.</li><li>İnsan öğesi bulunan çalışmalarda, “yöntem” bölümünde katılımcılardan “bilgilendirilmiş onam” alındığının ve çalışmanın yapıldığı kurumdan etik kurul onayı alındığı belirtilmesi gerekir.</li></ul>

Makalelerin bilimsel ve etik kurallara uygunluğu yazarların sorumluluğundadır. Yazar makalenin orijinal olduğu, daha önce başka bir yerde yayınlanmadığı ve başka bir yerde, başka bir dilde yayınlanmak üzere değerlendirmede olmadığı konusunda teminat sağlamalıdır. Uygulamadaki telif kanunları ve anlaşmaları gözetilmelidir. Telife bağlı materyaller (örneğin tablolar, şekiller veya büyük alıntılar) gerekli izin ve teşekkürle kullanılmalıdır. Başka yazarların, katkıda bulunanların çalışmaları ya da yararlanılan kaynaklar uygun biçimde kullanılmalı ve referanslarda belirtilmelidir.Gönderilen makalede tüm yazarların akademik ve bilimsel olarak doğrudan katkısı olmalıdır, bu bağlamda “yazar” yayınlanan bir araştırmanın kavramsallaştırılmasına ve dizaynına, verilerin elde edilmesine, analizine ya da yorumlanmasına belirgin katkı yapan, yazının yazılması ya da bunun içerik açısından eleştirel biçimde gözden geçirilmesinde görev yapan birisi olarak görülür. Yazar olabilmenin diğer koşulları ise, makaledeki çalışmayı planlamak veya icra etmek ve / veya revize etmektir. Fon sağlanması, veri toplanması ya da araştırma grubunun genel süpervizyonu tek başına yazarlık hakkı kazandırmaz. Yazar olarak gösterilen tüm bireyler sayılan tüm ölçütleri karşılamalıdır ve yukarıdaki ölçütleri karşılayan her birey yazar olarak gösterilebilir. Yazarların isim sıralaması ortak verilen bir karar olmalıdır. Tüm yazarlar yazar sıralamasını <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/44D5871083054DA1AF78F2E2A09E2E5A" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formunda</a> imzalı olarak belirtmek zorundadırlar. Yazarlık için yeterli ölçütleri karşılamayan ancak çalışmaya katkısı olan tüm bireyler “teşekkür / bilgiler” kısmında sıralanmalıdır. Bunlara örnek olarak ise sadece teknik destek sağlayan, yazıma yardımcı olan ya da sadece genel bir destek sağlayan, finansal ve materyal desteği sunan kişiler verilebilir. Bütün yazarlar, araştırmanın sonuçlarını ya da bilimsel değerlendirmeyi etkileyebilme potansiyeli olan finansal ilişkiler, çıkar çatışması ve çıkar rekabetini beyan etmelidirler. Bir yazar kendi yayınlanmış yazısında belirgin bir hata ya da yanlışlık tespit ederse, bu yanlışlıklara ilişkin düzeltme ya da geri çekme için editör ile hemen temasa geçme ve işbirliği yapma sorumluluğunu taşır.

Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirir. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar. Gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalacağını garanti eder. Baş editör içerik ve yayının toplam kalitesinden sorumludur. Gereğinde hata sayfası yayınlamalı ya da düzeltme yapmalıdır. Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür. Hakemlerin araştırmayla ilgili, yazarlarla ve/veya araştırmanın finansal destekçileriyle çıkar çatışmaları olmamalıdır. Değerlendirmelerinin sonucunda tarafsız bir yargıya varmalıdırlar. Gönderilmiş yazılara ilişkin tüm bilginin gizli tutulmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar. Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir. Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin gizli bilgi olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir. Bazı durumlarda editörün kararıyla, ilgili hakemlerin makaleye ait yorumları aynı makaleyi yorumlayan diğer hakemlere gönderilerek hakemlerin bu süreçte aydınlatılması sağlanabilir.

Daha önce yayınlanmamış ya da yayınlanmak üzere başka bir dergide halen değerlendirmede olmayan ve her bir yazar tarafından onaylanan makaleler değerlendirilmek üzere kabul edilir. Gönderilen ve ön kontrolü geçen makaleler iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir.Seçilen makaleler en az iki ulusal/uluslararası hakeme çift taraflı kör hakemlik ile değerlendirmeye gönderilir; yayın kararı, hakemlerin talepleri doğrultusunda yazarların gerçekleştirdiği düzenlemelerin ve hakem sürecinin sonrasında baş editör tarafından verilir.

Hakemlik Hakkında

Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, cinsel yöneliminden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirir. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar. Gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalacağını garanti eder. Baş editör içerik ve yayının toplam kalitesinden sorumludur. Gereğinde hata sayfası yayınlamalı ya da düzeltme yapmalıdır.Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve Dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemlerin araştırmayla ilgili, yazarlarla ve/veya araştırmanın finansal destekçileriyle çıkar çatışmaları olmamalıdır. Değerlendirmelerinin sonucunda tarafsız bir yargıya varmalıdırlar. Gönderilmiş yazılara ilişkin tüm bilginin gizli tutulmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar. Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir. Bazı durumlarda editörün kararıyla, ilgili hakemlerin makaleye ait yorumları aynı makaleyi yorumlayan diğer hakemlere gönderilerek hakemlerin bu süreçte aydınlatılması sağlanabilir.

Daha önce yayınlanmamış ya da yayınlanmak üzere başka bir dergide halen değerlendirmede olmayan ve her bir yazar tarafından onaylanan makaleler değerlendirilmek üzere kabul edilir. Gönderilen ve ön kontrolü geçen makaleler iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir.Baş Editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirir. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar.Seçilen makaleler en az iki ulusal/uluslararası hakeme değerlendirmeye gönderilir; yayın kararı, hakemlerin talepleri doğrultusunda yazarların gerçekleştirdiği düzenlemelerin ve hakem sürecinin sonrasında baş editör tarafından verilir.Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemlerin değerlendirmeleri objektif olmalıdır. Hakem süreci sırasında hakemlerin aşağıdaki hususları dikkate alarak değerlendirmelerini yapmaları beklenir.-Makale yeni ve önemli bir bilgi içeriyor mu?-Öz, makalenin içeriğini net ve düzgün bir şekilde tanımlıyor mu?-Yöntem bütünlüklü ve anlaşılır şekilde tanımlanmış mı?-Yapılan yorum ve varılan sonuçlar bulgularla kanıtlanıyor mu?-Alandaki diğer çalışmalara yeterli referans verilmiş mi?-Dil kalitesi yeterli mi?Hakemler, gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar.Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir.

Şarkiyat Dergisi Makale Yazım Kuralları1. Makale imla ve noktalama açısından (Türkçe makaleler için) Türk Dil Kurumunun imlâ kılavuzu esas alınarak hazırlanmalıdır.2. Makale başlığı Türkçe 11 punto / İngilizce 10 punto olarak bold ve Times New Roman (Tüm metin için bu yazı karakteri kullanılacak) yazı karakteri ile yazılmalı, diğer dillerde olan makalelerin başlıkları ise 11 punto yazılmalıdır (Arapça font olarak Traditional Arabic kullanılmalıdır.)3. Makale başlığının iki satır altında ve sağ tarafa yaslı olarak Yazar adı bulunmalı ve asteriks (*) işareti ile dipnot eklenerek yazarın unvanı, kurumu ve e-mail adresi ve ORCID no’su 9 punto ve iki yana yaslı olacak şekilde yazılmalıdır.4. Öz, tek paragraf olacak şekilde 10 punto, sağ ile soldan 10 mm boşluklu ve iki yana yaslı yazılmalıdır. Aynı zamanda “abstract” olarak ingilizcesi de yer almalıdır. Buna ek olarak makale başka dilde yazıldı ise makalenin yazıldığı dilde de öz verilmelidir.5. Anahtar kelimeler/keywords 5 adedi geçmeyecek şekilde kesinlikle eklenmelidir.6. Makale Metni Times New Roman yazı karakteri ile (Arapça, Urduca, Farsça ise Traditional Arabic-11 punto) 11 punto ve 1 satır aralığı ile yazılmalıdır. Sayfa boyutu 16,5cmX24cm, alt boşluk 3 cm, üst boşluk 3,5cm, sağ-sol boşluklar 2 cm ve paragraflar 0.5cm olmalıdır.7. Makale içi başlıklar sadece ilk harf büyük olacak şekilde 11 punto ile yazılmalıdır ve konunun işlenişine göre harf/rakam sistemi esas alınmalıdır.8. Extended Abstract /Genişletilmiş Özet kısmı toplam yayın sayfa sayısının %10’u-%15’i olacak şekilde yazılmalı ve öz/abstract ile farklılık göstererek daha ayrıntılı bilgi verilmelidir. Extended Abstract /Genişletilmiş Özet makalede öz/abstract’ın ardından gelecek şekilde (giriş bölümünden önce) makalebaşlığıyla beraber İngilizce olarak yazılmalıdır. Öz/ Abstract ise 200-250 kelime aralığında olmalıdır.9. Makalelerde ilk sayfa üst bilgisi İ.Ü. ŞARKİYAT MECMUASI SAYI...(2020-1) 1-15 (sayfa aralığı) şeklinde yazılmalıdır.10. Makalelerde sol sayfanın üst bilgisi “makalenin adı” olmalıdır.11. Makalelerde sağ sayfanın üst bilgisi “Yazarın Adı / ŞARKİYAT MECMUASI SAYI...(2016-1) 1-15 (sayfa aralığı)” olacak şekilde yazılmalıdır.12. Dipnotlar sayfa altında verilmeli ve 9 punto (iki yana yaslı) olacak şekilde ayarlanmalıdır. Dipnot kurallarına uyulmalıdır. Dipnot eğer web sitesi ise erişim tarihi de parantez içinde verilmelidir. Dipnot ve kaynakça yazımında Chicago Manual of Style kullanılmaktadır.Makale içeriği aşağıdaki sırada olacak şekilde hazırlanmalıdır.- Öz/Abstract- Genişletilmiş Özet/Extended Abstract- Giriş- Makale Metni- Sonuç- Kaynakça

Yazım Kuralları

Şarkiyat Mecmuası – Journal of Oriental Studies dergisi, tarih, dil bilim ve güzel sanatların da dahil olduğu insan bilimleri konularında araştırma yapanların çoğu tarafından kullanılan “dipnot ve kaynakça” belgeleme sistemini benimsemiştir. Bu sistem, bibliyografik bilgilerin dipnotlarda ve bir kaynakçada gösterilmesine dayanır. Dergiye katkıda bulunacak yazarların, aşağıdaki örneklere dayanarak dipnotları düzenlemeleri ve kaynakça oluşturmaları rica olunur. Bu örnekler, yazarlara kolaylık sağlamak amacıyla, Chicago Manual of Style kılavuzundan (<a href="http://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide/citation-guide-1.html" target="_blank">http://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide/citation-guide-1.html</a>) ilavelerle derlenmiştir. Dipnot-kaynakça yöntemi hakkında ayrıntılı bilgi ve çok sayıda örnek Chicago Manual of Style’ın 16. baskısının 14. ve 15. bölümlerinde yer almaktadır. Her özgün araştırma makalesinin, derleme makalenin ve çeviri yazının sonuna bir kaynakça eklenir. Kaynakça dipnotlarda ve resim altı yazılarında verilen tüm kaynakları kapsamalıdır. Kaynakça, Arşiv Kaynakları, Yazma Kaynaklar, Basılı Kaynaklar ve/veya Elektronik Kaynaklar olarak dört ana başlık altında oluşturulur. Kaynakçada, basılı kaynaklar yazar soyadına göre alfabetik olarak sıralanır. Arşiv malzemesi ve yazma eserler kaynak gösterilirken, arşiv ve kütüphanenin bulunduğu şehir, resmi adı ve tasnifi açık olarak belirtilmeli belge/yazma numarası, varsa tarihi verilmelidir. Soyadı taşımayan yazarlar (örn. Salih Zeki) bibliyografyada ilk isminin baş harfi altında ve ‘Salih Zeki’ şeklinde yazılır. Soyadı almış yazarlar kaynakçaya soyadlarıyla girilir (örn. Adıvar, A. Adnan). Örnekler: İD ilk dipnot, SD sonraki/kısa dipnotlar, K kaynakça Kitap, tek, iki ve üç yazarlı Dört ve daha fazla yazar için Kaynakça’da bütün yazarlar belirtilir, dipnotlarda yalnızca birinci yazar belirtilip ardına “ve diğerleri” anlamında “vd.” yazılır. İD Nihad M. Çetin, Eski Arap Şiiri, (İstanbul: İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi, 1975), 85. SD Çetin, Eski Arap Şiiri, 102. K Çetin, Nihad M. Eski Arap Şiiri. İstanbul: İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi, 1975. İD Kenan Demirayak ve Ahmet Savran, Arap Edebiyatı Tarihi: Cahiliye Dönemi, (Erzurum: Atatürk Üniversitesi Fen-Edebiyat Fakültesi, 1993), 38. SD Demirayak ve Savran, Arap Edebiyatı Tarihi: Cahiliye Dönemi, 41. K Demirayak, Kenan ve Ahmet Savran. Arap Edebiyatı Tarihi: Cahiliye Dönemi. Erzurum: Atatürk Üniversitesi Fen-Edebiyat Fakültesi, 2017. İD Hüseyin Yazıcı, A. Yaşar Koçak ve Abdullah Kızılcık, Arapça Modern Metinler, (İstanbul: Çantay Kitabevi, 2000), 35. SD Yazıcı, Koçak ve Kızılcık, Arapça Modern Metinler, 43. K Yazıcı, Hüseyin, A. Yaşar Koçak ve Abdullah Kızılcık. Arapça Modern Metinler. İstanbul: Çantay Kitabevi, 2000. KİTAP, yazara ek olarak çevirmen veya hazırlayan varsaHazırlayan varsa, dipnotta “çev.” yerine “haz.”; kaynakçada “Çeviren” yerine “Hazırlayan” kullanılır. İD Muallim Naci, Kültürler Kavşağında Edebiyat ve Hikmet, haz. Mehmet Atalay ve Mehmet Yavuz (İstanbul: Büyüyenay Yayınları, 2014), 120. SD Muallim Naci, Kültürler Kavşağında, 99. K Muallim Naci. Kültürler Kavşağında Edebiyat ve Hikmet. Hazırlayanlar Mehmet Atalay ve Mehmet Yavuz. İstanbul: Büyüyenay Yayınları, 2014. İD Sâtı el-Husrî, Milliyetçilik Aynasında Dil ve Edebiyat, çev. Leyla Yakupoğlu Boran ve Uğur Boran (İstanbul: Büyüyenay Yayınları, 2020), 76. SD el-Husrî, Milliyetçilik Aynasında, 89. K el-Husri, Sâtı. Milliyetçilik Aynasında Dil ve Edebiyat. Çeviren Leyla Yakupoğlu Boran ve Uğur Boran. İstanbul: Büyüyenay Yayınları, 2020. KİTAP, çok ciltliİD Ahmad Saffar Mogaddam, Farsça Temel Dersler, çev. Javad Amini Manesh (Istanbul: Demavend Yayınları, 2014), 1:74. SD Mogaddam, Farsça Temel Dersler, 2:35. K Mogaddam, Ahmad Saffar. Farsça Temel Dersler. Çeviren Javad Amini Manesh. 2 cilt. Istanbul: Demavend Yayınları, 2014. Kitap içinde bölüm veya kitabın bir kısmıİD Lale Aydın Tunç, “Çin Edebiyatında Modernleşme”, Doğu Edebiyatında Edebî Akımlar ve Üsluplar içinde, haz. Leyla Yakupoğlu Boran (İstanbul: Demavend Yayınları, 2019), 29. SD Aydın Tunç, “Çin Edebiyatında”, 30. K Aydın Tunç, Lale. “Çin Edebiyatında Modernleşme”. Doğu Edebiyatında Edebî Akımlar ve Üsluplar, hazırlayan Leyla Yakupoğlu Boran içinde 29-42. İstanbul: Demavend Yayınları, 2002. Kitap içinde önsöz, sunuş, giriş ve benzeri kısımlarİD Gürol Irzık, Kostas Gavroglu’nun Bilimlerin Geçmişinden Tarih Üretmek adlı kitabına önsöz (İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2006), 8. SD Irzık, önsöz, 9. K Irzık, Gürol. Kostas Gavroglu’nun Bilimlerin Geçmişinden Tarih Üretmek adlı kitabına önsöz, 7-11. İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2006. Kitap, elektronik olarak yayımlanmışEğer kitap birden fazla formatta yayımlanmış ise, kullanılan formatı referans verilir. Online başvurulmuş kitaplar için URL verilir. İstenirse erişim tarihi eklenir. Eğer sayfa numarası yoksa, bölüm başlığını veya başka bir sayı eklenebilir.İD Halil Toker, Emre Aktuna ve Shiekh Waleed Rasool, Kashmir: Regional and International Dimensions (İstanbul: Demavend Yayınları, 2020) Erişim 1 Ocak 2021, http://www.demavend.com.tr/e-kitap/kashmir.pdf . SD Toker, Aktuna ve Rasool, Kashmir, 57. K Toker, Halil, Emre Aktuna ve Shiekh Waleed Rasool. Kashmir: Regional and International Dimensions. İstanbul: Demavend Yayınları, 2020. Erişim 1 Ocak 2021. <a href="http://www.demavend.com.tr/e-kitap/kashmir.pdf." target="_blank">http://www.demavend.com.tr/e-kitap/kashmir.pdf.</a>Dergi makalesi, telifİD Jun Liu, “Türk Öğrencilerin Çin Yazısı Öğrenirken Karşılaştıkları Zorluklar ile İlgili Bir Analiz ve Bu Zorluklarla Başa Çıkmanın Yolları Hakkında Bir Araştırma,” Doğu Araştırmaları 2 (2012), 193. SD Liu, “Çin Yazısı” 3-5. K Liu, Jun. “Türk Öğrencilerin Çin Yazısı Öğrenirken Karşılaştıkları Zorluklar ile İlgili Bir Analiz ve Bu Zorluklarla Başa Çıkmanın Yolları Hakkında Bir Araştırma.” Doğu Araştırmaları 2 (2012): 193-200. Dergi makalesi, çeviriİD Yang Jianxin, Ma Manli, “Çin-Hun İlişkileri,” çev. Eyüp Sarıtaş, Doğu Araştırmaları 2 (2012), 201. SD Jianxin, Manli, “Çin-Hun İlişkileri,” 201. K Yang Jianxin, Ma Manli. “Çin-Hun İlişkileri,” çeviren Eyüp Sarıtaş, Doğu Araştırmaları 2 (2012): 201-210. Dergi makalesi, elektronikİD Fırat Açıkgöz, Olcay Sert, “Interlingual Machine Translation: Prospects and Setbacks,” Translation Journal 10 (2006): 3, erişim 3 Nisan 2007. SD Açıkgöz, Sert, “Interlingual,” 5-6. K Açıkgöz, Fırat, Sert, Olcay. “Interlingual Machine Translation: Prospects and Setbacks.” Translation Journal 10 (2006): 1-12. Erişim 3 Nisan 2007.Gazete makalesi, baskıİD Seriye Sezen, “Mo Yan’in Kaleminden Yakın Çin Tarihi,” Cumhuriyet, 8 Ocak 2015, 12. SD Sezen, “Mo Yan,” 12. K Sezen, Seriye. “Mo Yan’in Kaleminden Yakın Çin Tarihi.” Cumhuriyet, 8 Ocak 2015. Gazete haberi, elektronikGazete makale ve haberleri genellikle kaynakçaya alınmaz. Alındığı takdirde yukarıdaki gösterimler kullanılır. Makalenin veya haberin yazarı belli değilse referansa haber veya makalenin başlığı ile başlanır.İD ''On Bin Yıllık İran Medeniyeti, İki Bin Yıllık Ortak Miras'', Cumhuriyet, 01 Aralık 2009, Erişim 24.02.2021. https://www.cumhuriyet.com.tr/haber/on-bin-yillik-iran-medeniyeti-iki-bin-yillik-ortak-miras-102756 SD ''On Bin Yıllık İran Medeniyeti, İki Bin Yıllık Ortak Miras''. K ''On Bin Yıllık İran Medeniyeti, İki Bin Yıllık Ortak Miras'', Cumhuriyet, 01 Aralık 2009, Erişim 24.02.2021. <a href="https://www.cumhuriyet.com.tr/haber/on-bin-yillik-iran-medeniyeti-iki-bin-yillik-ortak-miras-102756." target="_blank">https://www.cumhuriyet.com.tr/haber/on-bin-yillik-iran-medeniyeti-iki-bin-yillik-ortak-miras-102756.</a> Kitap tanıtımıİD Yeşim Amaç, “Şaraba Bulanan Seccade (Hâfız Divan’ından Seçme Gazeller), Ali Güzelyüz’ün Şaraba Bulanan Seccade (Hâfız Divan’ından Seçme Gazeller) adlı kitabının tanıtımı, Doğu Esintileri, 10 (2019), 375-376. SD Amaç, “Şaraba Bulanan”, 375-376. K Yeşim Amaç, “Şaraba Bulanan Seccade (Hâfız Divan’ından Seçme Gazeller), Ali Güzelyüz’ün Şaraba Bulanan Seccade Hâfız Divan’ından (Seçme Gazeller) adlı eserinin tanıtımı, Doğu Esintileri, 10 (2019): 375-376.https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/dogu/issue/43282/526232. TezİD Mehmet Atalay, “Şâir Nef'î Farsça Divanının Edisyon Kritiği ve Üslûbu” (Doktora tezi, Atatürk Üniversitesi, 1998), 32. SD Atalay, ““Şâir Nef'î Farsça”, 32. K Atalay, Mehmet, “Şâir Nef'î Farsça Divanının Edisyon Kritiği ve Üslûbu” Doktora tezi, Atatürk Üniversitesi, 1998. Ansiklopedi maddesiİD Derya Örs, “Abdullah b. Ali Kâşânî”, DİA, c. XXIV, (Ankara: TDV, 2002), 4-5. SD Örs, “Abdullah b. Ali Kâşânî”, 4-5. K Örs, Derya. “Abdullah b. Ali Kâşânî.” DİA. XXIV: 4-5. Ankara: TDV, 2002. Yayımlanmamış bildiri İD Güller Nuhoğlu, “Mirza Yahya Devletabadi'nin Hatıralarında İstanbul” (10. Türkiye-İran Tarihi ve Kültürel İlişkileri Sempozyumu’nda sunulan bildiri, Konya, 12-14 Aralık 2018). SD Nuhoğlu, “Mirza Yahya.” K Nuhoğlu, Güller. “Mirza Yahya Devletabadi'nin Hatıralarında İstanbul.” 10. Türkiye-İran Tarihi ve Kültürel İlişkileri Sempozyumu’nda sunulan bildiri, Konya, 12-14 Aralık 2018 İD Esra Altay, “Takiyye binti el-Gays es-Sûriyye'nin Edebiyata Katkıları” (4.Uluslararası Avrasya Çalışmaları &#34;İslam'ın Altın Çağında İlimlerin Gelişmesine Katkı Yapan Bilim Öncüleri’ Sempozyumu’nda sunulan bildiri, İstanbul, 21 - 23 Ekim 2020). SD Altay, “Takiyye binti el-Gays es-Sûriyye'nin.” K Altay, Esra. “Takiyye binti el-Gays es-Sûriyye'nin Edebiyata Katkıları.” 4.Uluslararası Avrasya Çalışmaları &#34;İslam'ın Altın Çağında İlimlerin Gelişmesine Katkı Yapan Bilim Öncüleri’ Sempozyumu’nda sunulan bildiri, İstanbul, 21 - 23 Ekim 2020 Yazma eserİD Feyzi, Muhadarat-ı Feyzi, İstanbul, İstanbul Üniversitesi Nadir Eserler Kütüphanesi, T6833, 48a. SD Feyzi, Muhadarat-ı Feyzi, T6833, 51b. K Feyzi, Muhadarat-ı Feyzi, İstanbul, İstanbul Üniversitesi Nadir Eserler Kütüphanesi, T6833, 1a-70b. İD Salih b. Nasrullah, Ghayat al-itqan fi tabdir badan al-insan, İstanbul, Süleymaniye Kütüphanesi, Ayasofya 3682, 26a. SD Salih b. Nasrullah, Ghayat al-itqan, Ayasofya 3682, 23b. K Salih b. Nasrullah, Ghayat al-itqan fi tabdir badan al-insan, Istanbul, Süleymaniye Kütüphanesi, Ayasofya 3682, 1a-311a, Kopyalanma tarihi 10 Rebiülevvel 1135 (19 Aralık 1722). Arşiv belgesiİD Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi (BOA), Cevdet Askeriye (C.AS.) 71/3352, 9 Şevval 1211 (7 Nisan 1797). SD BOA, C.AS. 71/3352. K Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi (BOA). Cevdet Askeriye (C. AS) 71/3352, 9 Şevval 1211 (7 Nisan 1920). İD Topkapı Sarayı Müzesi Arşivi (TSMA), E. 3202-2=597-2-7. SD TSMA, E. 3202-2=597-2-7. K Topkapı Sarayı Müzesi Arşivi (TSMA). E. 3202-2=597-2-7.Web sitesiİD “Ülke Profili:Mısır,”, erişim 26 Ocak 2014, http://www.aljazeera.com.tr/ulke-profili/ulke-profili-misir SD “Ülke Profili:Mısır.” K Ülke Profili. “Ülke Profili:Mısır.” Erişim 26 Ocak 2014. <a href="http://www.aljazeera.com.tr/ulke-profili/ulke-profili-misir." target="_blank">http://www.aljazeera.com.tr/ulke-profili/ulke-profili-misir.</a>E-posta veya metin iletisiGenellikle yalnızca dipnotlarda verilir. Kaynakçada yer alma zorunluluğu yoktur. d Ömer İshakoğlu, yazara e-posta iletisi, 17.05.2020.

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ISSN	1307-5020
E-ISSN	2717-6916
Period	Biannually
Editor	Leyla Yakupoğlu Boran
Journal of Oriental Studies – Şarkiyat Mecmuası, which is the official publication of Istanbul University, Faculty of Letters, the Oriental Research Center is an open access, peer-reviewed, multilingual, scholarly and international journal published two times a year (April and October) . It was founded in 1956. Journal of Oriental Studies aims to contribute to the scientific knowledge in the field of Eastern languages and literatures by publishing original articles, reviews, scientific criticism, book review and translation articles. The journal considers manuscripts on all aspects of Eastern languages and literatures. Subject areas of interest include language and literature, history, history of literature, art and culture concerning Eastern languages and literatures. The target audience of the journal is academics, researchers, professionals, students and related professional, academic institutions and organizations. The publication languages of the journal are Turkish, English, Ge read more

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