Fatma

Res. Assist.

The Epic of Nibelungen, which is the subject of our study, gives some unique information about European Huns and Kagan Attila. Since Attila has a very old and glorious past and built a great khanate, he had a great impact on all communities with whom he had a relationship in terms of cultural values. Thus, it is natural for researchers to have researched this great ruler and his legacy for centuries, which included this great khagan in the epics of nations. Besides the superiority attributed to Attila by the Nibelungen Epic, there are much cultural information related to the Huns, such as their weapons which have great historical value, the location of Attila’s headquarters, the vast geography of the Huns etc. The Nibelungen Epic is thought to have been written in the 1200s by an unknown author in the regions of Austria near the Danube River. Another explanation about the period when the epic was written is that although its subject belongs to the 5th century, the writing of the epic was started in 1160, together with the enlightenment period that began in German literature in the second half of the 12th century to the first half of the 13th century. No authors have been found in any of the copies of the epic. Therefore, the work has been accepted as anonymous. The manuscripts of the epic, which consist of thirty-nine chapters, are classified as A, B, C and D. The B copy is the Donaueschingen copy, which is thought to have been written between 1225 and 1250 and it thought to be the oldest manuscript. The A copy is the copy thought to date between 1275-1300 and was unearthed in the Hohenems region and found in the Bavarian State Library (Munich) in 1779. The D copy was written by the customs officer Hans Ried between 1504-1516 by order of Emperor Maximillian I. It is included in the work named as “Ambras Heroes Book”. The C copy was found in 1755 by Hermann Obereit in Hohenems, and in 1757 it was published by his teacher J. J. Bodmer after comparing it with Homer. Much work has been done on the Nibelungen Epic, which includes immortal and invincible heroes, warrior women and typical epic features. However, the fact that the epic belongs to a very old time and has discontinuities between its elements, make it necessary to constantly research it.&nbsp;Attila in the Nibelungen Epic confronts us as someone who wants to marry with the princess of Burgundy Kriemhild. King Etzel, who had a very influential authority and majesty, was a pagan.The Huns, with their own culture in the Nibelungen Epic, have existed for centuries. Even in an epic like Nibelungen in which many nations find their share, they have been able to live without losing their identity. One of the best examples of this is that of the Bulgarians, who are considered to be the successors of the Huns, who also found a place in the new arrangements of this epic.&nbsp;The Nibelungen Epic is an important work that introduces the high military and diplomatic rank of the European Hun Khanate and its great ruler Attila to the world. Although it seems to have an inconsistency due to the fact that it is fed from different copies at the point of plot, it is remarkable in terms of reflecting the Hun culture. In addition, since it is the national epic of the Germans and contains many elements from different cultures, most research that has been done on it has shed light on history. The importance of this epic in terms of Turkish history is that the Huns and Attila had a great share in creating an indelible perception in the world for centuries. What is described in the epic is not just epic information; it has played a major role in the announcement of the European Hun culture to the world by being processed in many fields such as theater, opera and cinema.&nbsp;

Nibelungen Destanı ve Kağan Attila

Murat

Assoc. Prof.

Undoubtedly, one of the most basic needs of human beings since the day they existed is belief. Therefore, a history of humanity without belief is absolutely unthinkable. Beliefs have constantly changed and varied throughout history. Each new belief that emerges has brought new powers and new interpretations and new formations with them. It is possible to verify this with various examples: sects in the heavenly religions are the most obvious example of this. However, these interpretations and occurrences sometimes reached extreme points and were sometimes described as heretic. This diversity of beliefs has reached different dimensions that can be called heretic, sometimes due to geography, sometimes to culture, and sometimes to the thoughts of a respectable person.One of these heretic currents are Bogomils. By bringing new interpretations, different approaches to Christianity, they developed a perverted view. Although it is thought to have originated in the Bulgarian geography, it was developed by Priest Bogomil and spread over a wide geography in a short time. It is clear that the Bogomils had seriously different religious interpretations and that they developed a belief with contrary views of that period. The Bogomil believed that the Prophet Jesus was born from the Virgin Mary, was crucified and ascended to the sky, but that the Prophet Adam and Eve were not created by God, but by Satan, and that the Old Testament was written by Satan. The different ways of praying, attitudes towards icons, and attitudes towards clergy did not match up with the basic views of Christianity. For this reason, Bogomils were cursed, excommunicated and punished in 1167 Kathar Council. This was normal and common in the medieval period.However, when we look at the geography where it has spread and when we look at the people who follow this belief, we can easily see that these are in fact socially low, living standards are not developed, and continue their lives in rural areas. People in this stratum were generally traditionalists, closed to innovations and especially those who could not adapt to Christianity. Such people are already present in many regions, different religions and cultures. It is not an easy situation to break away from the ancestors cult and to adopt a new belief and to try to adapt to its rules. Those who adopt new beliefs will surely bring something new from their old beliefs and want to add to these new beliefs. Therefore, it is not quite possible to say that anyone has given up their old belief completely, because reading one’s inner world, reading intentions, is one of the most difficult jobs in the world. We can only comment on what the person has done. It is a very natural situation that people who change their beliefs cause problems in their region or are seen as a threat by those in the region. For this reason, they may be under constant pressure and even be forced to leave their homeland.Despite all these negativities, we can easily say that new formations are pregnant with new pains and this birth often fails. Apart from this, it is sometimes stated that the Bogomils are not worth investigating by some historians, but it is a fact that such movements have nestled and reappeared in different periods even in the periods when they were suppressed throughout history. As the most frequent example of this, where the Knights Templar was said to be over in the XIV. century, after the execution of Louis XVI. after the French Revolution, a citizen went up to the execution platform and shouted, “The revenge of Jacques de Molay was taken”. It is understood from here that although centuries have passed, such currents have not completely disappeared and have somehow continued their existence.&nbsp;

Ortaçağ Bulgaristanı’nda Sapkın Bir Hareket:  Bogomilizm

Onur

The Rus’ people, and the Norse people dealing with the fishing and fur trade in the north of the Baltic Sea in the 8th century, descended to the lands between the Volga and the Dnieper River as of the 10th century and interacted with the Slavic, Finnish and other Turkic communities in the region. Their raids and activities in the region since the 11th century caused them to descend to the south by overthrowing the Khazars, one of the most powerful political authorities of the period. As a matter of fact, Kyiv was captured during the period of Rurik and the city became the center of the Russians in the period of Prince Oleg. Thus, the Kievan Rus’ state, the first Rus’ state in history, was established. They were becoming a dominant power in the north of the Black Sea which inevitably caused them to contact the Byzantines and the Rus’ periodically showed their intention by landing on the Black Sea shores of the empire.Slavic migrations flowing over the Balkans in the 7th century and the Byzantine Empire, which was subjected to attacks by Muslim Arabs in the East, could not do much against these unknown people from the north. Desperate in the face of the given commercial concessions and their direct attacks on the lands of the empire, the empire had to make use of the religious and cultural assimilation card of the Roman heritage. Indeed, one of the most important figures of Kievan Rus’, Olga was baptized in Istanbul and adopted the Orthodox belief and the seeds of Byzantine cultural hegemony over the Russians were sown. However, this effort of Byzantium could not prevent the Rus’ from threatening the empire in the future.In the 10th century, the influence of Byzantium in the Balkans gradually decreased since the 7th century, due to the Bulgarians moving from the north of the Black Sea to the region. Especially during the reign of Tsar Simeon I, the influence of Byzantium in the region decreased greatly and the empire did not succeed against the Bulgarians. This situation disappeared only in 927 with the sudden death of the Bulgarian Tsar. Petro, son and successor of Simeon I, was recognized as the Bulgarian Tsar and was married to Maria Lekapanos, the grandson of Romanos I, establishing Byzantine influence over Bulgaria.There was a period of nearly 40 years of calm after an agreement was reached between Bulgaria and Byzantium in 927 that ended many years of war. Meanwhile, both states prospered, but the balance of power gradually changed in favor of the Byzantines, who made large territorial gains against the Abbāsids in the East and formed a network of alliances against Bulgaria. In 966, Byzantine Emperor Nikephoros II Phokas refused to renew the annual tribute, which was part of the peace treaty, and declared war on Bulgaria. The emperor decided to conduct the war by proxy, both because he was busy with his expeditions in the East and because the Balkan geography was difficult. As a result, he invited Svyatoslav I Igorevich to invade Bulgaria.Svyatoslav’s campaign against the Bulgarians far exceeded the expectations of the Byzantines, who saw it merely as a means to exert diplomatic pressure on the Bulgarians. The Grand Prince of Kyiv conquered the core regions of the Bulgarian state in the Northeast&nbsp;Balkans in 967-969, captured the Bulgarian Tsar Boris II and effectively ruled the country through him. Svyatoslav sought to advance southward against Byzantium, and Byzantium was worried that this would lead to the establishment of a new and powerful Rus’ state in the Balkans. Byzantine emperor John I won a decisive victory over the Rus’ and their Bulgarian allies at the Battle of Arcadiopolis in 970, and on 5 April 971, he captured the Bulgarian capital Preslav, where Boris II was captured with his whole family. After the three-month siege of the Dorostolon fortress, Svyatoslav accepted the agreement with the Byzantines and withdrew from Bulgaria. John I formally annexed Eastern Bulgaria to the Byzantine Empire.As a result, Svyatoslav’s occupation of Bulgaria is one of the important threats from the West in terms of Byzantine history. Throughout the history of the empire, the Rus’ were different, although they were threatened by various nomadic tribes. Because the Rus’, who had the concept of the state and had regular armies, were a direct threat to the empire. However, Emperor John I, eliminating the Rus’ under the leadership of Svyatoslav, maintained the stability of the empire, which started to rise militarily with his predecessor, and after a long time, by putting an end to the First Bulgarian Empire, he managed to make Byzantium the sole ruling power in the Balkans again.&nbsp;

Balkanlar’da Rus Tehdidi: Kiev Knezi I. Svyatoslav’ın  Bulgaristan’ı İşgâli (968-971)

Aydın

Prof.

The wave of excitement and concern that surrounded Europe after the conquest of Jerusalem by Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn b. Ayyūb on 2 October 1187, also heralded a new Crusade to the East. People made their preparations to take back Jerusalem, which they regard as the holiest place of Christianity, and took action from land and sea. The Holy-Roman Emperor Frederich Barbarossa also set out by land with his strong and crowded army, unlike the English and French kings who preferred to go by sea. Emperor Frederich thought that his army would be able to advance along the way without any difficulties, thanks to a number of diplomatic activities he carried out before her movement.That is why, long before, he wrote a letter to Sultan Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn and invited him to fight in the Zoan Plain if he did not give Jerusalem back to Christianity. However in spite of the guarantees given by the Byzantine both the Saldjuḳs in Turkey to Germans they showed from the very beginning that they did not intend to leave the Germans alone freely.In our study will be explained that events which the German Crusaders of the Third Crusade which encountered in the Byzantine land in the Balkans constitute the second stage of the journeys.So much so that the German army has faced many difficulties since entering here. In addition to the risk of epidemic disease caused by swamp lands and mosquitoes, the attacks of bandits of different ethnic identities, which they have thought the Byzantines were guided by, caused losses to them. Even after the tension in the relations, the Byzantine Imperial Army started to intervene in the situation itself. Meanwhile, Serbs and Bulgarians, who were waiting for the opportunity to leave the empire’s nationality and want to gain land in the Balkans, They wanted to provoke Frederich Barbarossa, against II. Isaakios and direct the expedition to Istanbul. On the other hand, this hostile attitude of Byzantium was enough to anger the Germans who were already prejudiced against them. For this reason, they thought that they were acting together with Muslims against them. As a matter of fact, in the sources we have dealt with in relation to this, there is information that they acted in this way because they had an alliance with Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn b. Ayyūb.However, Emperor II. Isaakios Angelos realizing that did not have much of a chance against the dominant power of the German Crusaders ultimately chose to make an agreement with his interlocutor. Thus, the German Army, with Byzantine hostages, passed through the Dardanelles after a five-day effort, and they started the third phase of their journey.

III. Haçlı Seferi Öncesinde Diplomasi Ve Alman  Ordusunun Balkan Topraklarındaki Yolculuğu Üzerine

Oytun

The final decades of the XIVth century can be regarded as highly important for the history of Southern Europe due to the fact that some very significant events took place in a very short period of time. With the decline of the Byzantine Empire, the Bulgarian and Serbian states were gradually losing their power, while the young Ottoman state began its conquest of the Balkan lands. Clashes between Ottomans and Serbs, beginning from the 1350’s, led to the gory Battle of Maritsa on 26 September 1371. Despite the fact that, after the Battle of Maritsa, some of the powerful Serbian Principalities became vassals of the Ottoman State, this battle, together with the battle of Kosovo, gained an important and emotional place in both Turkish and Serbian history.The battle of Kosovo in 1389 was one of the greatest events in this century. Even though the forces of Prince Lazar represented the last hope for Orthodox Southern Slavs, the war eventually ended with victory for the Ottomans. Moreover, the events that took place in the aftermath of this war strongly contributed to the general perception and the importance of the war.Serbian sources which pertain to the XIVth and XVth century, provide blurry but very important information on the Ottomans and the Anatolian Beyliks. For example Serbian authors David and Pećki Letopis (Annals of Peć) mention that groups such as Tatars, Christian vassals of the Ottomans and also the Anatolian Turkish Emirates of Sarukhanids and Germiyanids along with other Muslims were on the Ottoman side in the battle of Kosovo. In addition to this, Marko Pećki who was a contemporary writer at the time of the battle, mentions “Seven Turkish emirates”, information which can also be found in Ottoman sources like Cihannüma of Neşri.Other Serbian sources are focused on the martyrdom of Prince Lazar (1373-1389) and the death of Ottoman Sultan Murad I (Djumādā I 763-791/March 1362-1389), and they are mainly followed by emotional comments. They also provide precious information in those comments, such as the following: “At the beginning of the battle the Serbs were near the victory but then the Turks changed this situation”. This information is also mentioned in the Ottoman sources.Early Serbian sources of the Battle of Kosovo give brief information about the war, but they mostly focus on the date of the battle, the martyrdom of the Serbian prince Lazar Hrebeljanović and religious Christian Orthodox motifs such as “sins of the Christians”. They provide another view on the Battle of Kosovo.However, Dubrovnik sources which were written at the same time after the war, provide a detailed description of the events during the battle of Kosovo. In fact, the Ragusan chronicles were written significantly later after the war, and they provide more details than the Serbian sources. One of the late sources, written by Ragusan historian Mavro Orbini, who was born in late XVth century, records the name of a Serbian soldier and hero Miloš Obilić, the assasination of the Ottoman Sultan, and the death of the Serbian Prince Lazar who was betrayed by some of his forces. Moreover, according to this source and its author, Orbini, the Battle of Kosovo in 1389 was a Turkish victory. Ragusan historian Orbini, in a very thorough description of the events before the war, offers another information, previously neglected, which states that Vuk Branković’s conduct in the battle of Kosovo was traitorous as he betrayed Lazar Hrebeljanović.The Serbian and Dubrovnik chronicles include significant and distinctive records on both the Ottoman and Anatolian Emirates as well as the Serbian forces and army in the battle of Kosovo. Some of these records, especially the Serbian sources, written by Serbian clerics just a couple of years upon the war, provide relevant and vivid, yet formal and substantial, information about Turks and Serbs on the battlefield.&nbsp;

Çağdaş Sırp ve Dubrovnik Kayıtlarına Göre  I. Kosova Savaşı

Muallâ

During the two centuries of the Russian Empire lasting roughly between 1721and 1917, Russian historiography progressed to a great degree and produced many important studies. Scientists, especially those who study ancient Russian history, have found Turks, with whom they have lived neighbor relations for centuries, as the first nation while writing their works. Yet, they had a big trouble on writing this history as they didn’t have enough knowledge and methodology about how they would manage this historiography. In order to overcome this challenge, during the era of Peter I, they invited foreign historians, particularly from Germany to the Petersburg Academy of Sciences beginning from 1725, with the aim of revising and rewriting Russian History. So, these scientists paved the way for redefining Russian history. We can mention G. Z. Bayer (1694-1738), G. F. Miller (1705-1783) ve A. L. Schletzer (1735- 1809) as the most prominent German scholars in the course of first half of the 18th century of Russian historiography.The writing of Russian history by foreign scientists instead of Russian historians was harshly criticized by V. N. Tatišev (1685-1750), one of the rare Russian historians for these dates and this criticism was also mentioned by other Russian historians later. In the end, this struggle of him came to an end with the transition to the understanding of local historians in the period of Catherine II (1762-1796) after his death. M. V. Lomonosov (1711-1765) was the first person who wrote about the history of the Russian people.The most commonly used sources of Russian historians in writing the history of the Russians, are the general and local chronicles written in churches and monasteries during the reign of the Kiev Princedom and the Tsardom of Moscow. These chronicles were academically published with the name of “Polneye Sobraniye Russkih Letopis” with the most contribution made by Tatisev. In writing Russian history, the Russian historians called the struggle that they had with other nations on this geography as “the Struggle of Forest with Steppe”. Russians were living in forests, on the other hand Turks were living in steppes. This viewpoint lasted during 200 years of Russian Empire and affected all the works written based on Russian chronicles, including information on Russian people and history. Furthermore, these historians accepted all Turkish tribes such as the Khazars, Pechenegs, Uzs, Cumans, Berendis and Qaraqalpaqs as one nation and so they presented the knowledge about them in this perspective. N.M. Karamzin, N.H. Ustriyalov, S.M. Solovyev, H.I. Kostomarov and D.I. Ilovayskiy can be counted among those who have written on the history of Russia in this period. Albert, one of the priests of the Trium Fontium Monastery, was the first to give information about these Turkish tribes in the works they wrote. Later, Kunik, Burackov, Aristov, Kostormarov et al followed him.The basis of our study consists of two studies specifically written about the Pechenegs in the second half of the 19th century. First one is “Vizantiya i Pečenegi (Byzantium and the Pechenegs)” written by V. G. Vasilevsky and the latter is the study of P. G. Golubovsky published with the title “Uzs, Pechenegs and Cumans until Mongol Invasion”.Vasilyevskiy used all the sources written up to his time, especially Byzantine sources in his article.. He mentioned only about the political history of Pechenegs. While writing this history in detail, he tried to give message that Pechenegs were perceived quite incorrigible by the Byzantines.He says that the Pechenegs filled the gap that emerged as a result of the collapse of the Bulgarian Tsarism. He said that they were no less terrible enemies for Byzantium in the 11th and 13th centuries than their brothers in Asia, the Seljuk Turks. Therefore, he said that although the Byzantine sources that gave information about them were essentially true, they contained quite a lot of Byzantine rhetoric in them. For this reason, he emphasizes that more careful comments should be made about the lives of these nations and they should be evaluated better.&nbsp;Vasilyevsky was the first to link the reason of the First Crusade to the help request of Byzantium which was squeezed by the Seljuk in Anatolia and Pechenegs in Balkans. Later, he described in detail the struggle between the two Pecheneg leaders, Turak and Kegen, in the Danube region. Vasilevsky then mentioned extensively about how the Pechenegs and Uzs were used by the Byzantines as military power. Additionally, he stated that the Pechenegs were going along with the Bogomils (Paulicians) and that the Bogomils were quite much affected by Manichaeism. The work of Vasilevsky gives us historical information till 1094 but it is not possible to find any data about Lebunium Battle on which Pechenegs lost historically their existence.The next work that we can focus on, belongs to Golubovsky. It was the first academic work that was prepared according to the scientific principles, based on the sources and all the researches on this subject. Golubovskiy explained the Pecheneg, Uz and Cuman-Kipchaks, who ruled in the steppes of South Russia until the Mongol invasion period, and their relations with the Russian princedom in the region and their decisive influence on Russian history. For this reason, Golubovskiy’s work has the characteristics of a source work that includes important evaluations, written as a result of an extensive research on these Turkish tribes, whose details about their history can only be learned from sources written by the historians of the states they have relation.According to Golubovskiy; Pechenegs, Uzs and Cumans were the last nations that moved from Asia to Europe in the Middle Ages. In fact, this process ended with the Mongols who were blowing like a hurricane in the 13th century. The mentioned Turkish tribes started to play an important political role with their emergence in the steppes of South Russia. They occupied the area from the Ural River to the Danube River and entered into a struggle with many states. They were able to draw attention to themselves, sometimes with their military campaigns, sometimes by mediating trade with eastern countries, sometimes with their military forces that were always ready to enter into the service of the country which paid them most, and their names were included in Russian, Polish, Hungarian, Byzantine and Arab chronicles. Their reputation has spread to Western Europe.He begins his work by saying “In order to understand how and to what extent the neighbor of the nomads influenced the political life of ancient Russia, it is necessary to study how the relationship between Turks and Slavs was.” First of all, he emphasized the characteristics of the South Russian geography and explained living conditions in these lands.Golubovsky, then, focused on the origin of the Pecheneg word, the meaning of it and where it came from. He argued that Uzs, Cumans and Pechenegs came from the same ethnical race, but he tried to reveal that they were different tribes. And, he pointed out that;&nbsp;1. Pechenegs, Uzs, Cumans, Seljuk Turks, Ottoman Turks represented a single Turkish race. 2. All of these tribes were the branches of a nation that once lived the steppe life in Turkestan region.As we mentioned above, Golubovsky explained the relations between the Pechenegs and the Russians, the Hungarians, the Byzantines in the geography extending from the Volga River to the Balkans by trying to use all the sources of his time. According to Golubovsky, the Turkish tribes were dangerous enemies of the Russians, but they also represented a force that was always ready to support the desired work for a certain fee.Golubovsky agreed with Vasilyvsky’s view that both the Pecheneg Turks and the Seljuk Turks were effective in the destruction of the Byzantine Empire. Contrary to Vasilyvsky, Golubovkiy gave information about the cultural lives of Turkish tribes. However, he complained about the lack of information on the culture of these Turkish tribes and gave the following information briefly: The Pechenegs, Uzs and Cumans were all Turk, all of them lived in the steppe, so their traditions and customs would have to be in common. They brought them from their homeland, Turkestan, and kept them without changing. He added that the culture of their new neighbors had an impact on them as well, but this effect was not deeply penetrated; only Turks settled in the cities, which were not too crowded, could have lost their fundamental traditions. And then, in particularly with an evaluation of knowledge presented by Byzantine Emperor, he continued, after the death of the chieftain, the uncle’s children obtained political power; there was a council, named as “komenton” and composed of public; both in peacetime and in wartime, they adjudicated here all the important events; the power of the chieftain and their effects in these councils were quite insignificant.As a result, in this study, we tried to make a comparison of two works written on Pechenegs, in the period when Panslavism was highly effective. The common aspect of both studies was that the Pechenegs, who prevent the Russians reaching the Black Sea, were not shown in a state organization.&nbsp;

Rusya İmparatorluğu Dönemi Tarih Yazımında  Peçenekler

Ömer

Although Egypt was conquered by Selīm I (Yavuz) at the beginning of 1517, it continued to be the favorite of France and England in the race for global supremacy. As a matter of fact, France invaded Egypt in 1798 in order to establish its dominance on the road to India.This occupancy paved the way for the appointment of Mehmet (Muḥammad) ʻAlī Pasha of Qawāla as the governor of Egypt in 1805 by the Ottoman State. Mehmet ʻAlī Pasha, as a leader who understood his era correctly in many aspects, exhibited a successful administration after becoming a governor. He ensured public order and adopted a centralized practice by reviving the agricultural production, trade and craft fields. Mehmet ʻAlī Pasha, whose aim was to establish a great empire independent from the Ottoman Empire as the first representative of the dynasty of Turkish origin, which would continue until 1953 under the rule of Egypt, later made efforts to modernize the country with all his might. For this reason, he has been accepted as the “Founder of Modern Egypt” due to the innovations he brought to Egypt in the first half of the 19th century and many important modern institutions he established.Dynasty of Qawāla, which maintained its existence until 1953, held the rule of three separate consecutive states which were the Khedive (Khidīw) of Egypt from 1805 to 1914, the Sultanate of Egypt from 1914 to 1922, and the Kingdom of Egypt from 1922 to 1953. Three names stand out among the members of this dynasty within the scope of our subject. These are Egyptian Khedive Tawfīq Pasha, his eldest son ʻAbbās Ḥilmī Pasha II and his brother Amīr Mehmet (Muḥammad) ʻAli Pasha.Although Amīr Mehmet ʻAli Pasha was the crown prince for many years, he lived a life away from politics, remained on the agenda mostly with his travels and he ensured that the notes he kept during these travels were published later. Due to his education in Europe, he visited many countries here many times, but not content with that, he traveled to different parts of the world such as North and South America, Java Island in Indonesia, Japan, Damascus and Bosnia-Herzegovina.The travel book of Amīr Mehmet ʻAli Pasha to Bosnia-Herzegovina is interesting in that it reflects the characteristics of the geography in which the writer belongs and travels. As an Eastern native who grew up with European culture, Amīr’s knowledge and comments on Bosnia and Herzegovina, of course, reflect his own perspective. Besides, the political events he observed during his travel and heard from the notables of the region and the troubles the people experienced provide valuable information about the period. Amīr, who was treated&nbsp;as an Ottoman representative with his outfit and manner, emphasized Ottomanism in many places and expressed his wishes/desire for this geography to be under Ottoman rule again. In addition, he explicitly stated that he also collected some information for his brother ʻAbbās Ḥilmī Pasha. As a matter of fact, he compared many issues he witnessed during his travel to similar ones in Egypt and used expressions of praise for his own country.It is observed that Amīr, who plans his trip as a civil citizen despite having an official identity, generally prefers to be out of sight and wants to get to know them more closely by mingling with the public. As a matter of fact, he has expressed this intention many times. In addition, the detailed human descriptions and comments in his travel book can be cited as evidence for this.In this work written in a waxed language, verses, poems and proverbs related to the subject are included when necessary. An open, sincere and natural style has been used so that there is no room for any doubt that it came out of a master pencil. The author, who speaks French, German, English and Turkish, used these languages during his travel, and applied to translators in Slavic languages. It is possible to come across Turkish words in various parts of the travel book. We can list these words together with their page numbers as follows: stew (18), quilt (22), winter quarters (27), restaurant (31), paint (32), wood (33), and commander (46). These features, which reflect the author’s broad culture, add both fluidity and charm to his work. With the full text of this travel book we have discussed, I believe that another travel book of Amīr, al-Riḥla al-Shāmiyye (Travel Book of Damascus) should be translated into Turkish. Because both travel books contain useful information about regions that were close to us and remained under the Ottoman rule for many years.&nbsp;

Emîr Mehmet Ali Paşa’nın Bosna-Hersek  Seyahatnâmesi

Esra

Erken Ortaçağ Balkan Hâkimiyetinde Bulgar-Bizans  Savaşları: Gümüş Kaplama Kuru Kafalar ve Kör Ordular

Mustafa

Thessaloniki is one of the most important cities of the Roman period. The city has a very important place in the history of Christianity both because it is an important trading port of the Balkan Peninsula and because the Apostle Paulus visited the city. The city walls built during the time of Theodosius (347-395) are another factor that increases the importance of this city. Thessaloniki is the second important city after Constantinople in terms of the Byzantine State. Slavic-Avar troops organized many expeditions in various periods, especially on Thessaloniki, which they considered a key to the Mediterranean coast, but did not achieve any success in this regard.The Avars will begin to play an active role in Eastern Europe and the Balkans, moving along the path opened by the Migration of Tribes in 558. During the mentioned period, the Byzantine State, on the one hand, was struggling with the socities remaining from the Huns and Slavs in the West, and Sâsânî in the East. Along with the entry of the Avars into Eastern Europe and the Balkans, the Byzantine State had to take measures against the Avars this time. After all, the Byzantine Emperor Iustinianus I (527-565), who realized that he could not fight the Huns, Slavs, Avars and Persia at the same time agreed to pay taxes by making a deal with the Avars, and in response to this situation, the Avars would also side with the Byzantine State in possible struggles against the Bulgarians and SlavsOn the occasion of this agreement with the Avars, the Byzantine State kept the Bulgarians, Slavs and other enemy elements under control and also got rid of the economic burden and loss of people that could arise if the expedition was organized against different external threats. However, since the time of Iustinos II (565-578), the alliance between the two sides ended because Byzantium did not want to continue paying taxes to the Avars. In the later period, the Avars did not hesitate to be in unity with the Slavs, the enemy of Byzantium. As a result of the struggles, the Slav-Avar armies achieved their goal of holding in the Balkans to a large extent and seized many cities in the region. One city would remain independent from this situation: Thessaloniki. The attacks on the region by the Slav-Avar troops in 617/618 have a special place in Saint Demetrios’ narratives.According to the narration in The Miracles of Saint Demetrios, the Avars first sent scouts who were waiting for everyone outside the walls. The kagan came later, with the majority of his forces, including heavy siege vehicles, rams, catapults, and siege towers. Emperor Heraclius (610-641) was stunned by the Slav-Avar attack as he fought intensely against the Persians and could not send any aid to the city, and as a matter of fact, Thessaloniki had to rely on his own forces. However, the stories of the people of Nis and Sardica, who had previously experienced Slav-Avar attacks and fled to Thessaloniki, created great fear and anxiety on the people. However, despite this, especially with the encouragement of Archbishop Ioannes, the people of Thessaloniki will start to protect the city. It should be noted that the siege was much better organized than in previous attempts. As a result of a number of events that are considered to be a miracle by the people of Thessaloniki but seen as unlucky by the Slav-Avar armies, the siege will result in negativity for the Slav-Avar troops. Eventually, the Avar Khan reached a negotiated agreement with the Thessalonians and left the city. The Slavs sold their captives to the Thessaloniki people. The 33-day siege of Thessaloniki was an siege that ended in failure in 617 or 618 by Slavic tribes and Avars who settled near the city of Thessaloniki, the largest Byzantine fortress in the region. The alliance established, the weapons used, the state of the people, the developments during the siege of the city and the departure of the Slavic-Arab troops from Thessaloniki will be evaluated on the basis of a contemporary source, The Miracles of Saint Demetrios.&nbsp;

Müşterek Bir Hücum: Slav ve Avarların Selânik Kentine Saldırıları (617/618)

Thessaloniki, the second most important city of the Byzantine Empire after Constantinople, was besieged many times by the Avars and Slavs in the historical process and was besieged and captured by the Muslim Arabs in 904.Although Arabic and Latin sources were used in this article, it would be appropriate to give information about Ioannes Kaminiates, who was captured as a prisoner in consequence of the siege in 904, and his work that explained the operations of the Muslim Arabs in detail and constituted the main source and the backbone of the article. As a matter of fact, this research has especially based on a long letter written by Ioannes Kaminiates, the author of the book named η σύλληψη της Θεσσαλονίκης / The Capture of Thessaloniki, to his friend Gregory of Cappadocia who wanted to take part in the siege of Thessaloniki and the treatment of the prisoners.The Byzantine Empire experienced a great shock when a fleet of 54 ships headed first to Constantinople and then to Thessaloniki by Leo of Tripoli, who later converted to Islam. The situation of the city of Thessaloniki from the moment of the news that the Muslim operation started, the preparations for the defense before the siege, the information is provided about Leo of Tripoli, the strategies applied by the Byzantines during the defense of the city, the siege tactics of the Muslim Arabs, the weapons and equipment they used, the route they followed on returning to their countries with the spoils that obtained from Thessaloniki constitutes the general framework of this study.However, even if there are scholars who are skeptical of what Ioannes Kaminiates wrote, especially in terms of the dates he used, most researchers agree that the relevant siege actually occurred and took place recently, according to the dates given by the author.It is evident that the work of Ioannes Kaminiates describing the conquest of Thessaloniki offers various details about the Arab-Byzantine naval technology. The study gives essential information from the equipment of combat ships to the use of firearms. It should be noted that at the time when Thessaloniki was besieged and captured, the Arabs were able to act quickly and expertly in the Aegean Sea, especially on the occasion of the island of Crete. In the end, the element of bewilderment experienced by the Byzantine Empire should also be taken into account. As a matter of fact, although the Arab fleets were engaged in intensive activities in the seas, it was not expected by anyone that the Islamic navy would dare attack the second capital of Byzantium.

Ioannes Kaminiates'e Göre Müslüman Arapların  Selânik’i Kuşatması ve Zaptı (904)

Ebru

During the Byzantine Norman wars that started in the middle of the eleventh century, the Byzantine Empire lost its lands in Southern Italy and had to wage a difficult struggle in the Balkans (1081-1085). Following this, a new period of struggle started in Byzantine-Norman relations during the reign of Roger II (1130-1154). Having united Sicily and Apulia under his rule, he was crowned as a king in Palermo and became one of the most powerful rulers of Europe by eliminating all his rivals and consolidating his position. This situation, which changed the balance of power in the Mediterranean, brought Byzantium and Germany closer to each other. Emperor Manuel Komnenos maintained and made the alliance with Germany against the Sicilian king even stronger during the reign of his father Ioannes. However, the start of the Second Crusade caused the corruption of all plans of Byzantium. King Conrad III of Germany’s participation in this Crusade left Manuel alone against Roger in the West. Moreover, as Byzantium was busy with the Crusaders, Roger would not miss the opportunity to act against the emperor.Indeed, while Manuel Komnenos was trying to pass the French Crusader army in front of Istanbul to Anatolia as quickly as possible, the Sicilian king attacked Byzantium in the autumn of 1147. Having sailed from Brindisi and Otranto the Norman fleet easily conquered Corfu (Kerkyra), a fortified and strategic location, and began a long-lasting raid of plunder. Thebes and Corinth, the center of the Byzantine silk-weaving industry and one of the richest cities in the Balkans, were plundered. The captured Byzantine silk weavers were taken to Palermo. After the Crusader armies passed through Anatolia, Emperor Manuel took action to avenge Roger’s attack on Byzantium. While the Byzantine navy and forces were preparing for the battle, Venice, whose commercial concessions were increased, also agreed to help the emperor. Byzantine and Venetian navies besieged Corfu in the autumn of 1148. Enduring a year of difficult siege, the Corfu garrison finally had to surrender when famine broke out in the fortress. An agreement was reached on the condition that those in the castle were allowed to leave freely with their weapons and movable property (1149). Following this, the joint invasion of the Byzantine-German alliance against the Kingdom of Sicily was broken off by Roger’s political maneuvers. After the death of Konrad (1152) the Byzantine-German alliance gave way to competition.&nbsp;

Sicilya Kralı II. Roger’nin Bizans’a Taarruzu ve  Bizans-Norman Savaşları (1147-1149)

Zeki

In this article we focus on the causes, the scene, and the impact of the siege of Thessaloniki in 1185 by the Italo-Norman forces against the Byzantine Empire. ‘Adventurous’ king William II, the third king of Sicily called the Good, inherited an old animosity from his ancestors and considered that the time was ripe for the Kingdom of Sicily to launch forth an invasion of the Byzantine Empire, given its condition during the period. The Byzantines were ruled with terror by the tyrannical Andronikos I, so much so that the prominent class in the Empire dispersed towards the periphery of the Empire in fear of their lives and in some cases even supported the Normans. If one were to select three different periods of internal disorder in the entire history of the Byzantine Empire, Andronicus’ term would definitely be included. In other words, Eastern Empire writhed in pain in the hands of a descendent of its savior dynasty. Nevertheless, it was still the Roman Empire.&nbsp;Looking at the aggressors, settled in Sicily, the aptly-titled Kingdom of Sicily was a powerhouse in the center of Mediterranean. A Norman power had somehow flourished in South Italy against puissance of the popes and the Holy Roman Empire, along with the Byzantine Empire. It became a kingdom in 1130 and later the pivot in the central Mediterranean by dominating Ifriqiya around the mid-twelfth century. Although its domination was short-dated in Ifriqiya, the Norman Kingdom continued to control the trade routes between European Mediterranean ports and Eastern coastal areas as a wealthy and powerful kingdom. It retained most of its power until the coronation of William II in 1166. From 1171 onwards, after his infancy, William II adapted an adventurous and ambitious foreign policy. Oversea expeditions of William II on three occasions to Egypt in 1170s had the aim to defend the Crusader States, but these ventures did not have any tangible outcome; and on one occasion to the Balearic Islands in 1181 resulted in a similar conclusion. These oversea campaigns were carried at a substantial financial expense by the Kingdom. Nevertheless, the Kingdom was wealthy, and William was eager to undertake a much bigger enterprise. The habitual conflict between the Italo-Normans and the Byzantine Empire, supported by the King’s personal grudge against the Empire was now focused on Thessaloniki, the second largest city of the Eastern Empire. The siege was successful, and it was concluded in a short time of nine days, but the aftermath was going to be inauspicious for the aggressors. The Hauteville Family that first gained visibility thanks to their fight with the Byzantines, was going to exhaust all its energy and resources due to the same reason.&nbsp;Along with its brand-new ruling dynasty, the Angelos, the refreshed Empire could face their fearful enemy. Withdrawing in front of the eager Imperial forces in the western Thrace, the Normans would have felt that this retreat was just a beginning. Indeed, the Norman Kingdom of Sicily was going to disappear from history in less than 10 years after that conflict.&nbsp;On the other hand, the chain of events triggered by the Norman attack, which coincided with a critical period in the Byzantine history, was going to result in dethroning of the powerful Komnenos dynasty on behalf of the Angelos, mostly deemed weak by the modern historians. However, the siege against the Eastern Empire is the one of most prominent signs of the Latin aggression that was going to reach up to the Fourth Crusade.&nbsp;

Sicilya Normanlarının Son Feri: 1185 Selânik Saldırısı

İsmail

Upon the success of the Fourth Crusade, armies composed of French and Venetian soldiers, Constantinople, the capital of the Byzantine Empire, was captured on 13 April 1204. As a result, this important city came under Latin dominance. Following the seizure of the city, a great plunder was carried out. Then, an election was held to determine the ruler of this new state established in Constantinople. There were two strong candidates in the election. One of them was Boniface, the Marquis of Montferrat, who was the titular leader of the armies of the Fourth Crusade. The other candidate was Baldwin, the Count of Flanders and Hainaut.Boniface was confident that he would gain the imperial throne as the leader of the army. However, before the election, a bitter rivalry between the supporters of both candidates caused tension in the army. This situation led the barons and counts to worry about the fact that the losing candidate would leave the army along with his own forces. Boniface appeared to be a strong figure with a good reputation. Indeed, he was a member of the house of Montferrat, which had important ties not only with European houses but also both the Byzantine Empire and the Kingdom of Jerusalem. It was considered that in the case of his loss in the election, a deep division would break out in the army and Boniface would leave. As this case would reduce the strength of the Latins in Constantinople, it was not desired by the barons and counts. However, the Venetians did not want the marquis to be chosen as emperor on the grounds that he was not aligned with Venice’s interests. Boniface’s close relationship with Genoa, a rival of Venice, caused the Venetian Doj, Enrico Dandolo, to worry about the privileges Venice had gained yet with the capture of the city. Therefore, he considered the candidacy of the marquis unfavorable. Then, according to terms which set to prevent the disintegration of the crusader army, the winner of the election would give the loser both the Peloponnesos and the Anatolian lands beyond the Bosphorus.Thus, the intervention of Dandolo changed the fate of the election. As Baudoin was a more suitable candidate for Enrico Dandolo, namely for the Venetians, he was elected emperor with a majority of votes, thanks to the Venetian voters.However, after Baldwin’s coronation ceremony, held in Hagia Sophia Church on May 16 1204, the marquis changed his opinion about these territories. He asked Baldwin for Thessalonica from emperor Baldwin in return for lands given to him as the consolation prize for his loss in the election. This was probably due to a family claim on Thessalonica and the fact that the marquis did not see a future for the lands of Asia Minor and the Peloponnesos. In fact, some sources state that Emperor Manuel I Komnenos had given Thessalonica as the fief to Renier, the youngest brother of Boniface. According to another account, Boniface, who had married Empress Margaret (Maria), widow of Isaakios II Angelos just before the election, was claiming Thessalonica because of its close proximity to the kingdom of Andrew II, the Hungarian King, Margaret’s brother.On the other hand, his new decision triggered a short civil war in the newly founded Latin Empire. Soon after Emperor Baldwin’s left from Constantinople, in order to establish his authority over the cities of Thrace and to avoid the threat of Alexios V. Doukas Mourtzouphlos, a conflict broke out between Boniface and Baldwin. Boniface then took Didymoteichon and besieged other cities in the vicinity. Meanwhile, he tried to win the support of the Byzantines in the region by declaring his stepson Manuel, born from Margaret’s previous marriage with Isaakios II, as emperor. However, the people did not trust his movement and did not give him support.The news about the situation between Boniface and Baldwin eventually reached Constantinople. Dandolo and the other barons, in order to prevent the situation worsening, had a meeting and decided giving Thessalonica to Boniface or not would be determined by a future council. They then sent a legation to both convey this decision and persuade Boniface to lift the siege of Adrianople. However, at about this time Dandolo heard that Boniface was negotiating with the Genoese in order to sell the island of Crete given to him by Aleksios IV. Angelos. Dandolo thereupon sent his own men along with the legation to purchase Crete from the marquis. Thus, while the marquis agreed to sell Crete to the Venetians, he most likely gained the support of Dandolo for Thessalonica.As a result, in a meeting held in Constantinople, it was decided that Thessalonica was to be handed over to Boniface. In return, the marquis would leave all places he had previously occupied.&nbsp;

Selânik Haçlı Krallığı’nın Kuruluşu (1204)

Pınar

Assist. Prof.

The reign of Turkey Saldjūḳ State Sulṭan ʿIzz al-Dīn Kaykāwus II (1246-1249 detached, 1249-1262 joint reign) has been a period of important events for Turkish history and the history of the Turkey Saldjūḳ State. During that difficult period, the invasion of Mongols had increased in Anatolia, three Saldjūḳ rulers for the first time in Turkey’s history ascended the throne at the same time and even the country was divided into two by the Mongols. The Sulṭan ʿIzz al-Dīn sent a message from Antalya to the Mamlūk Sulṭan Baibars (1260-1277) when he heard that the Mongol commanders came to Aksaray with a crowded soldiers and Rukn al-Dīn Kilicarslan IV and his vizier Parwāna Muʿīn al-Dīn were with them, asking Baibars for help. Yet, when he heard that was not possible, ʿIzz al-Dīn Kaykāwus II decided to take refuge in Byzantium. The Sulṭan boarded a ship with his family, mother, uncles, some amīrs and close statesmen and went to Istanbul (1262). Emperor Mikhail VIII Palaiologos welcomed Kaykāwus friendly. Before long, at the request of the Sulṭan ʿIzz al-Dīn Kaykāwus II with the permission of the Emperor Mikhail Palaiologos under the spiritual leadership of Sari Saltuḳ, thousands of Turkmen groups were placed in Rūmeli in Dobrudja. The warriors of those nomadic groups participated in some victorious wars on the side of the emperor, in particular, one may think, during the re-conquest of Dobrudja on behalf of Mikhail Palaiologos VIII. On the other hand, Sulṭan ʿIzz al-Dīn was imprisoned due to a conspiracy against the Byzantine emperor. Before long the Khan of the Golden Horde State and the Sulṭan of the Mamluks rescued him and Sulṭan ʿIzz al-Dīn Kaykāwus II immigrated to Crimea.&nbsp;On the other hand, Sari Saltuḳ, a historical person, played an important role in Turkification and Islamization of a wide geography in the 13th century. We have limited information about Sari Saltuḳ’s historical life as his life is mixed with legends because very few sources refer to the historical Sari Saltuḳ. In addition, various research about Sari Saltuḳ’s life and activities have been presented in primary and secondary sources, and at national and international symposiums. In this work, especially the relations between Sari Saltuḳ and Saldjūḳ Sulṭan ʿIzz al-Dīn Kaykāwus II as well as the migration of Turkmens in Dobrudja first historical sources and then secondary literature were brought together, and current opinions on this issue were examined. The narrations of primary sources, Ottoman historians, orientalists,&nbsp;Romanian, Bulgarian and Turk historians were given in the chronological order. In contrast with the scarcity of historical sources and reliable data concerning Sari Saltuḳ, there is a vast body of oral and written narratives on his spiritual life, his endless wars, his fantastic adventures and miracles. Saldjūḳid sources in Persian do not even mention that a group of Turkmen together with Sulṭan ʿIzz al-Dīn Kaykāwus II who had taken refuge with the Byzantines in 1262 migrated to the Dobrudja, and certainly not that migration was headed by a person known as Sari Saltuḳ. However, contemporary Byzantine sources confirm the migration of Turkmen. Kamāl al-Dīn Muḥammad al-Sarrāj, Ibn Baṭṭuṭa, Evliya Chelebi also give information about the presence of Sari Saltuḳ and accompanying Turkmen in Rūmeli and Dobrudja. Orientalists such as J. von Hammer, J. Deny, P. Wittek and A. Decei about the Turkmen settlement in Dobrudja, mostly benefited Ottoman historians like Yazicioghlu’s and Loqmān’s account. From the important and comprehensive of these sources, Salṭuknāme is a large compilation that is the epic romance on the Islamic conquests of Sari Saltuḳ. Abu al-Khair Rūmī travelled around Anatolia and Balkans for many years compiling the legends of Sari Saltuḳ and creating the Salṭuknāme. In this work, the information in these sources has been tried to be compared with historical facts. The archaeological findings, tombs, old settlements and especially the legends and oral histories that have been studied in today’s research show how the Turkmen led by Sari Saltuḳ left permanent marks in the Balkans.&nbsp;

Sultan II. İzzeddin Keykâvus Döneminde Sarı Saltuk’un  Balkanlara Geçişine Dâir Mütâlaalar

Hacer

Ottoman Turks named Thrace as Rumelia. This name was also used in the Balkans. Thrace region was the intersection of the roads connecting Asia, Europe and Anatolia. It is a very strategic region for this. For this reason, it was frequently invaded by those who wanted to take it over. XIII. At the beginning of the century, the crusaders invaded the region and captured Constantinople, the capital of the Byzantine Empire. The emperor, who was expelled from the capital, re-established a state in Nikaia. However, years later, he saved Konstantinolios and settled in the capital again. Byzantine Empire IV. It lost its former power after the crusade. XIV. Since the beginning of the century, it has been attacked from all sides. Turks captured in Anatolia. Serbs and Bulgarians continued to threaten the Byzantines on European soil. Emerging as a small state in the territory of Byzantium, the Ottomans captured the Bithynia region in a short time. After that, they wanted to cross to the European side and capture other Byzantine lands. The bad conditions of the Byzantine Empire made it easier for the Ottomans. XIV. The isyna and civil wars that started towards the second half of the century put the country even more difficult. Thrace region was affected the most in this process. The safety of Konstantinolopis was endangered. The search for allies in the struggle between the rival powers against each other has led to events that will cause Thrace to be lost. Ottomans with Thrace XIV. met in the middle of the century. The Thrace region is very important for the security of Constantinople, the capital of the empire. There were cities with strong walls such as Gallipoli, Dimetoka and Edirne. Most of the Byzantine cities were characteristic Medieval cities that stood out with their military features, known as the castrum surrounded by walls. They had strong ramparts protecting these cities. For this reason, it was difficult to get them. The Ottomans applied the classical policy of siege to get them. They began to suppress the mighty walls. The Ottomans passed to Thrace for the first time as an ally of the joint Emperor Kontakouzenous. Relations started during the time of Ottoman Sultan Orhan. Ottoman soldiers went to Thrace shortly after. This situation gave them the opportunity to get to know the region. Later they started to act independently. The weak Byzantine administration was not in a position to resist this. The situation of the Byzantine people worsened day by day. The people of the cities could not get out of the castles out of fear. The farms of the peasants were plundered. Farmland was damaged in wars. The Beret Thracian lands are now barren like a desert. The peasants left their places. they settled in safer cities. Farms thus remained empty. Sending wheat to Constantinople ended. Food prices increased in the capital. Byzantine administration tried to overcome this crisis with foodstuffs brought by Genoese sailors. However, this was a very&nbsp;expensive solution. Byzantium could not cope with these difficulties very much. The people in Thrace waiting for help from the emperor were disappointed. These bad conditions they had created an opportunity for the Ottomans. This situation enabled them to progress in a short time. Ottoman conquests accelerated. Thracian cities surrendered to the Ottomans one by one. In a period of ten years, the Thracian lands were now under the control of the Ottomans. This situation caused a crisis in the Byzantine rule. The co-emperor abdicated. Constantinople was threatened enough. This place became the new target of the Ottomans. The Ottomans settled the Turks they brought from Anatolia to the Thrace region they conquered. Thus, new Turkish villages, cities and neighborhoods were established. They created new residential areas. Most of the Byzantine farmers had abandoned their lands. Turks started farming in places left empty of them. When Thrace came under Ottoman rule, the chaos in the region ended. Wars ended, the region became safe. This atmosphere of trust has relaxed the public and their fears have ended. Some of the farmers who left their places returned to their villages and started farming. With the new farms established by the Turks, agricultural lands became fertile again. The Ottomans made arrangements not only in villages but also in cities. In some cities, they repaired the destroyed castle walls. They built new ports. Cities that were destroyed during the Byzantine period were revived. Cities have started to get crowded now that they are safe. Many immigrants continued to come from Anatolia. Thracian cities have become safe, rich and crowded cities. It moved from its Ottoman capital Bursa to Edirne. Edirne also became a military base. The Ottomans, who settled in Tarkya, started to organize their expeditions first to the Balkans and then to the interior of Europe.&nbsp;

Osmanlı İlerleyişi Esnasında Trakya Şehirlerinin  Durumu Hakkında Bir Değerlendirme

Aybüke

MS 6.-9. Yüzyıllarda Bizans ve Avarlar: Siyasi,  Diplomatik ve Kültürel İlişkiler

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Oleg

BIRINCI ALEKSANDR VE 1821 RUM AYAKLANMASI’NIN BIRINCI AŞAMASI

PETERBURG: ZAMANIN SINIRLARI ÖTESINDE MITSEL VE METINSEL BIR VAROLUŞ

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Maja

Valentina

THE URBAN CONCEPT OF MACEDONIAN CITIES WITHIN  THE OTTOMAN CULTURE

Olga

Atinalı Politikacıların Bizans Rüyası (XIX-XX. Yüzyıllar)

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Güney-Doğu Avrupa Araştırmaları Dergisi , İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi’nin 1972’den beri yayımlanan hakemli, açık erişimli, bilimsel yayın organıdır. Araştırma ve derleme makalelerinin yanı sıra derginin yayın kapsamına uygun kitapların tanıtım ve değerlendirme yazıları yayımlar. Dergi yılda iki sayı olarak Nisan ve Eylül aylarında yayınlanmaktadır. Yayın dili Türkçe, İngilizce, Almanca, Fransızca ve yayın kurulunun belirlediği hallerde Güneydoğu Avrupa ülkelerinin yerel dilleridir.

SOBIAD Sosyal Bilimler Atıf Dizini

EBSCO

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Güneydoğu Avrupa Araştırmaları Dergisi

The Journal of South-Eastern European Studies (GAAD) is a scholarly, open access, peer-reviewed official publication of the Istanbul University, the Faculty of Letters published since 1972.

Publication: Biannual (April and October)

Languages: Turkish, English, German, French and the local languages of South-Eastern European countries (for issues approved by the editorial board)

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The Journal of South-Eastern European Studies aims to contribute to the scholarly knowledge in the field of South-Eastern European history by publishing original papers.The GAAD is an open forum for studies in the field of history and archeology. The journal, however, also publishes research and review articles on art history, literature, economics, religious studies, and linguistics provided that they are related with the history of the South-Eastern Europe. The editorial board particularly promotes papers and reviews on the ancient history and archeology of the South-Eastern Europe as well as the Ottoman historical experience in the region.

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Editor should consider publishing correction if minor errors that do not effect the results, interpretations and conclusions of the published paper are detected. Editor should consider retraction if major errors and/or misconduction that invalidate results and conclusions are detected.Editor should consider issuing an expression of concern if there is evidence of research or publication misconduct by the authors; there is evidence that the findings are not reliable and institutions of the authors do not investigate the case or the possible investigation seems to be unfair or nonconclusive. The guidelines of COPE and ICJME are taken into consideration regarding correction, retractions or expression of concern.

To guarantee that all papers published in the journal are maintained and permanently accessible, articles are stored in Dergipark which serves as a  national archival web site and at the same time permits LOCKSS to  collect, preserve, and serve the content.Additionally, authors are encouraged to self-archive the final PDF version of their articles in open electronic archives with  that conform to standards of Open Archives Initiative (<a href="https://www.openarchives.org/" target="_blank">https://www.openarchives.org/</a>). Authors should provide a link from the deposited version to the URL of IUPress journal website.

The Journal of Southeastern European Studies is committed to upholding the highest standards of publication ethics and pays regard to Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing published by the Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE), the Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ), to access the Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA), and the World Association of Medical Editors (WAME) on <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a>All parties involved in the publishing process (Editors, Reviewers, Authors and Publisher) are expected to agree on the following ethical principles.All submissions must be original, unpublished (including as full text in conference proceedings), and not under the review of any other publication synchronously. Each manuscript is reviewed by one of the editors and at least two referees under double-blind peer review process. Plagiarism, duplication, fraud authorship/denied authorship, research/data fabrication, salami slicing/salami publication, breaching of copyrights, prevailing conflict of interest are unnethical behaviors.All manuscripts not in accordance with the accepted ethical standards will be removed from the publication. This also contains any possible malpractice discovered after the publication. In accordance with the code of conduct we will report any cases of suspected plagiarism or duplicate publishing.

Ethics

The Journal of Southeastern European Studies adheres to the highest standards in research ethics and follows the principles of international research ethics as defined below. The authors are responsible for the compliance of the manuscripts with the ethical rules.<ul><li>Principles of integrity, quality and transparency should be sustained in designing the research, reviewing the design and conducting the research.</li><li>The research team and participants should be fully informed about the aim, methods, possible uses and requirements of the research and risks of participation in research.</li><li>The confidentiality of the information provided by the research participants and the confidentiality of the respondents should be ensured. The research should be designed to protect the autonomy and dignity of the participants.</li><li>Research participants should participate in the research voluntarily, not under any coercion.</li><li>Any possible harm to participants must be avoided. The research should be planned in such a way that the participants are not at risk.</li><li>The independence of research must be clear; and any conflict of interest must be disclosed.</li><li>In experimental studies with human subjects, written informed consent of the participants who decide to participate in the research must be obtained. In the case of children and those under wardship or with confirmed insanity, legal custodian’s assent must be obtained.</li><li>If the study is to be carried out in any institution or organization, approval must be obtained from this institution or organization.</li><li>In studies with human subject, it must be noted in the method’s section of the manuscript that the informed consent of the participants and ethics committee approval from the institution where the study has been conducted have been obtained.</li></ul>

It is authors’ responsibility to ensure that the article is in accordance with scientific and ethical standards and rules. And authors must ensure that submitted work is original. They must certify that the manuscript has not previously been published elsewhere or is not currently being considered for publication elsewhere, in any language. Applicable copyright laws and conventions must be followed. Copyright material (e.g. tables, figures or extensive quotations) must be reproduced only with appropriate permission and acknowledgement. Any work or words of other authors, contributors, or sources must be appropriately credited and referenced.All the authors of a submitted manuscript must have direct scientific and academic contribution to the manuscript. The author(s) of the original research articles is defined as a person who is significantly involved in “conceptualization and design of the study”, “collecting the data”, “analyzing the data”, “writing the manuscript”, “reviewing the manuscript with a critical perspective” and “planning/conducting the study of the manuscript and/or revising it”. Fund raising, data collection or supervision of the research group are not sufficient roles to be accepted as an author. The author(s) must meet all these criteria described above. The order of names in the author list of an article must be a co-decision and it must be indicated in the <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/938BB34F25B44DE889256E9CD3AE11B7" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form.</a> The individuals who do not meet the authorship criteria but contributed to the study must take place in the acknowledgement section. Individuals providing technical support, assisting writing, providing a general support, providing material or financial support are examples to be indicated in acknowledgement section.All authors must disclose all issues concerning financial relationship, conflict of interest, and competing interest that may potentially influence the results of the research or scientific judgment.When an author discovers a significant error or inaccuracy in his/her own published paper, it is the author’s obligation to promptly cooperate with the Editor to provide retractions or corrections of mistakes.

Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors. He/She provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles for publication and ensures that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential before publishing. Editor-in-Chief is responsible for the contents and overall quality of the publication. He/She must publish errata pages or make corrections when needed.Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers. Only he has the full authority to assign a reviewer and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the journal.Reviewers must have no conflict of interest with respect to the research, the authors and/or the research funders. Their judgments must be objective.Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees must be ensured. In particular situations, the editor may share the review of one reviewer with other reviewers to clarify a particular point.

Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by editor-in-chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope.The editor hands over the papers matching the formal rules to at least two national/international referees for double-blind peer review evaluation and gives green light for publication upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.

Peer Review

Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors. Editor-in-Chief provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles for publication and ensures that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential before publishing.Editor-in-Chief is responsible for the contents and overall quality of the publication. He/She must publish errata pages or make corrections when needed.Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers. Only he has the full authority to assign a reviewer and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal.Reviewers must have no conflict of interest with respect to the research, the authors and/or the research funders. Their judgments must be objective.Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees must be ensured. In particular situations, the editor may share the review of one reviewer with other reviewers to clarify a particular point.

Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by Editor-in-Chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope. Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors and ensures a fair double-blind peer review of the selected manuscripts.​ The selected manuscripts are sent to at least two national/international referees for evaluation and publication decision is given by Editor-in-Chief upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims. Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal. Reviewers’ judgments must be objective. Reviewers’ comments on the following aspects are expected while conducting the review. <div style="text-align: left;font-size: 10pt;">- Does the manuscript contain new and significant information?</div><div style="text-align: left;">- Does the abstract clearly and accurately describe the content of the manuscript?</div> <div style="text-align: left;">- Is the problem significant and concisely stated?</div> <div style="text-align: left;">- Are the methods described comprehensively?</div> <div style="text-align: left;">- Are the interpretations and consclusions justified by the results?</div> <div style="text-align: left;">- Is adequate references made to other Works in the field?</div> <div style="text-align: left;">- Is the language acceptable?</div> Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side. A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process. The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees is important.

LanguageArticles in Turkish and English are published. Submitted manuscript must include an abstract both in the article language and in English, and an extended abstract in English as well. However extended abstract in English is not required for articles in English.Manuscript SubmissionAll correspondence will be sent to the first-named author unless otherwise specified. Manuscpript is to be submitted online via <a href="http://dergipark.gov.tr/login" target="_blank">http://dergipark.gov.tr/login</a> that can be accessed at <a href="https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/iugaad" target="_blank">https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/iugaad</a> and it must be accompanied by a <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/05E04C0DD1F14D8CAEA1B5D00B638831" target="_blank">Title Page</a> specifying the article category (i.e. research article, review etc.) and including information about the manuscript (see the Submission Checklist). Manuscripts should be prepared in Microsoft Word 2003 and upper versions. In addition, <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/938BB34F25B44DE889256E9CD3AE11B7" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a> that has to be signed by all authors must be submitted.Manuscript Preparation1. The manuscripts should be in A4 paper standards: having 2.5 cm margins from right, left, bottom and top, Times New Roman font style in 10 font size and line spacing of 1.5.2. The manuscripts should contain between 3500 and 10.000 words and the page numbers must be at the bottom and in the middle.3. The name(s) of author(s) should be given just beneath the title of the study aligned to the right. Also the affiliation, title, e-mail and phone of the author(s) must be indicated on the bottom of the page as a footnote marked with an asterisk (*).4. Before the introduction part, there should be an abstract between 180 and 200 words in Turkish and English and an extended abstract in English between 600-800 words, summarizing the scope, the purpose, the results of the study and the methodology used. Underneath the abstracts, five keywords that inform the reader about the content of the study should be specified in Turkish and in English. Extended abstract in English is mandatory only for manuscripts in Turkish.5. The manuscripts should contain mainly these components: title, abstract and keywords; extended abstract in English, sections, end notes and references.6. Research article sections are ordered as follows: “INTRODUCTION”, “AIM AND METHODOLOGY”, “FINDINGS”, “DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION”, “ENDNOTES” and “REFERENCES” and “TABLES AND FIGURES”. For review and commentary articles, the article should start with the “INTRODUCTION” section where the purpose and the method is mentioned, go on with the other sections; and it should be finished with “DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION” section followed by “ENDNOTES”, “REFERENCES” and “TABLES AND FIGURES”.7. Tables, graphs and figures can be given with a number and a defining title if and only if it is necessary to follow the idea of the article. Otherwise features like demographic characteristics can be given within the text.8. A <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/05E04C0DD1F14D8CAEA1B5D00B638831" target="_blank">title page</a> including author information must be submitted together with the manuscript. The title page is to include fully descriptive title of the manuscript and, affiliation, title, e-mail address, postal address, phone and fax number of the author(s) (see The Submission Checklist).9. Authors are responsible for all statements made in their work submitted to the Journal for publication.10. References should be in accordance with <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/5199145D628D46D3A95BFCB71AA7695D" target="_blank">Modern Humanities Research Association (MHRA) style 3th Edition.</a>

Author Guidelines

Reference Style and Format The Journal of South-Eastern European Studies complies with the MHRA (Modern Humanities Research Association) style 3th Edition for referencing and quoting. For more information:- Modern Humanities Research Association. (2013). MHRA Style Guide. A Handbook for Authors and Editors (3th ed.). London.- <a href="http://www.mhra.org.uk" target="_blank">http://www.mhra.org.uk</a>Accuracy of citation is the author’s responsibility. All references should be cited in text. Reference list should be in alphabetical order.Citations in the TextThe bibliographic documentation of the cited sources should be provided in footnotes including the full name of the author (first name and surname), the title of the work, city, publisher, publication date. In case of multiple citations in a footnote, sources should be separated with a (;) mark and should be arranged according to date of publication. Examples:BOOKOne author Footnote: Ömer Gezer, Kale ve Nefer. Habsburg Serhaddinde Osmanlı Askeri Gücü (1699‒1715), İstanbul: Kitap Yayınevi, 2020, pp. 109-136. Short note: Ö. Gezer, Kale ve Nefer, s. 109-136. Bibliography: Gezer, Ömer, Kale ve Nefer. Habsburg Serhaddinde Osmanlı Askeri Gücü (1699‒1715), İstanbul: Kitap Yayınevi, 2020.Two or three authors Footnote: Mehmet İnbaşı and Eyüp Kul, Balkanlarda Bir Türk Şehri Üsküp. Fetihten XVIII. Yüzyıla Kadar, Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayınları, 2018, p. 40. Short note: M. İnbaşı and E. Kul, Balkanlarda Bir Türk Şehri, p. 40. Bibliography: İnbaşı, Mehmet and Eyüp Kul, Balkanlarda Bir Türk Şehri Üsküp. Fetihten XVIII. Yüzyıla Kadar, Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayınları, 2018.Four or more authors List all of the authors in the bibliography; in the footnote, only the name of the first author should be mentioned followed by et al. Edited or compiled volume(s) Footnote: Novili Ömer Efendi, Tarih-i Bosna. Osmanlı-Habsburg Savaşları 1736‒39, ed. Fatma Sel Turhan, İstanbul: Küre Yayınları, 2016, p. 46. Short note: Novili Ömer Efendi, p. 46. Bibliography: Novili Ömer Efendi, Tarih-i Bosna. Osmanlı-Habsburg Savaşları 1736‒39, ed. Fatma Sel Turhan, İstanbul: Küre Yayınları, 2016. Translated book(s) Footnote: Barbara Jelavich, Balkan Tarihi. 18. ve 19. Yüzyıllar, trans. İhsan Durdu, Gülçin Tunalı, Haşim Koç, 3. ed., İstanbul: Küre Yayınları, 2013, pp. 110-125. Short note: B. Jelavich, Balkan Tarihi, pp. 110-125. Bibliography: Jelavich, Barbara, Balkan Tarihi. 18. ve 19. Yüzyıllar, trans. İhsan Durdu, Gülçin Tunalı, Haşim Koç, 3. ed., İstanbul: Küre Yayınları, 2013. ARTICLE Footnote: Vjeran Kursar, “Being an Ottoman Vlach: On Vlach Identity(ies), Role and Status in Western Parts of the Ottoman Balkans (15th-18th Centuries)”, Ankara Üniversitesi Osmanlı Tarihi Araştırma ve Uygulama Merkezi Dergisi, 34 (2013), pp. 120-122. Short note: V. Kursar, “Being an Ottoman Vlach”, pp. 120-122. Bibliography: Kursar, Vjeran, “Being an Ottoman Vlach: On Vlach Identity(ies), Role and Status in Western Parts of the Ottoman Balkans (15th-18th Centuries)”, Ankara Üniversitesi Osmanlı Tarihi Araştırma ve Uygulama Merkezi Dergisi, 34 (2013), pp. 115-161.Online Article without DOI Footnote: Umut Al and Güleda Doğan, “Hacettepe Üniversitesi Bilgi ve Belge Yönetimi Bölümü Tezlerinin Atıf Analizi”, Türk Kütüphaneciliği, 26 (2012), pp. 355-358. Access address: http://www.tk.org.tr/ Short note: U. Al and G. Doğan, “Hacettepe Üniversitesi”, pp. 355-358. Bibliography: Al, Umut and Güleda Doğan, “Hacettepe Üniversitesi Bilgi ve Belge Yönetimi Bölümü Tezlerinin Atıf Analizi”, Türk Kütüphaneciliği, 26 (2012), pp. 349-369. Access address: <a href="http://www.tk.org.tr/">http://www.tk.org.tr/</a>Journal Article with DOI Footnote: Steven J. Turner, “Website Statistics 2.0: Using Google Analytics to Measure Library Website Effectiveness”, Technical Services Quarterly, 27 (2010), p. 266. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07317131003765910 Short note: S. J. Turner, “Website Statistics”, p. 266. Bibliography: Steven J. Turner, “Website Statistics 2.0: Using Google Analytics to Measure Library Website Effectiveness”, Technical Services Quarterly, 27 (2010), pp. 261-278. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07317131003765910 CHAPTER or OTHER PART of a BOOKShort note: Emir O. Filipović, “‘Creato Regni’ in the Great Seal of Bosnian King Tvrtko Kotromanić”, A Companion to Seals in the Middle Ages, ed. Laura J. Whatley, Leiden-Boston: Brill, 2019, p. 265. Short note: E. O. Filipović, “Creato Regni”, p. 265. Bibliography: Filipović, Emir O., “‘Creato Regni’ in the Great Seal of Bosnian King Tvrtko Kotromanić”, A Companion to Seals in the Middle Ages, ed. Laura J. Whatley, Leiden-Boston: Brill, 2019, pp. 263-276. BOOK REVIEWFootnote: Sercan Pektaş, “Dóra Bobory, The Sword and the Crucible: Count Boldizsár Batthyány and Natural Philosophy in Sixteenth-Century Hungary, Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2009” (Book Review), Güneydoğu Avrupa Dergisi, 24 (2013), p. 123. Short note: S. Pektaş, “The Sword and the Crucible” (Book review), p. 123. Bibliography: Pektaş, Sercan, “Dóra Bobory, The Sword and the Crucible: Count Boldizsár Batthyány and Natural Philosophy in Sixteenth-Century Hungary, Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2009” (Book review), Güneydoğu Avrupa Dergisi, 24 (2013), pp. 123-125. THESIS or DISSERTATIONFootnote: Baki Tezcan, Searching for Osman: A Reassessment of the Deposition of the Ottoman Sultan Osman II (1618–1622), unpublished PhD diss., Princeton University, 2001, pp. 207-209. Short note: B. Tezcan, Searching for Osman, pp. 207-209. Bibliography: Tezcan, Baki, Searching for Osman: A Reassessment of the Deposition of the Ottoman Sultan Osman II (1618–1622), unpublished PhD diss., Princeton University, 2001. CONFERENCE/SYMPOSIUM PAPER(S)Footnote: Zsuzsanna Csiráki, “Hungarian Elements in the Habsburg-Ottoman Diplomacy during the Seventeenth Century”, The Performance of Diplomacy in the Early Modern World, Don Juan Archiv, Stvdivm Fæsvlanvm, Universidad de Granada, 17-18 March 2017, Vienna, Austria. Short note: Z. Csiráki, “Hungarian Elements”. Bibliography: Csiráki, Zsuzsanna, “Hungarian Elements in the Habsburg-Ottoman Diplomacy during the Seventeenth Century”, The Performance of Diplomacy in the Early Modern World, Don Juan Archiv, Stvdivm Fæsvlanvm, Universidad de Granada, 17-18 March 2017, Vienna, Austria. Conference/Symposium Paper Abstract Retrieved Online Murat Çınar, Dilek Doğan and S. Sadi Seferoğlu, “Eğitimde Dijital Araçlar: Google Sınıf Uygulaması Üzerine Bir Değerlendirme” [Abstract], Paper presented at the Conference of Academic Informatics, Anadolu University, Eskişehir. Access address: http://ab2015.anadolu.edu.tr /index.php?menu=5&amp;submenu=27 Other Sources<div style="text-align: left;">a) Newspaper Article</div><div style="text-align: left;">Çiğdem Toker, ‘Unutma’ notları, Cumhuriyet, 26 June 2015, p. 13.</div><div style="text-align: left;">b) Newspaper Article with no Author</div><div style="text-align: left;">New drug appears to sharply cut risk of death from heart failure. (1993, July 15). The Washington Post, p. A12.</div><div style="text-align: left;">c) Web Page/Blog Post</div><div style="text-align: left;">David Bordwell, David Koepp: Making the world movie-sized [Web log post], 18 June 2013. Retrieved from <a href="http://www.davidbordwell.net/blog/page/27/" target="_blank" style="font-size: 9pt;">http://www.davidbordwell.net/blog/page/27/</a></div><div style="text-align: left;">d) Online Encyclopedia/Dictionary</div><div style="text-align: left;">“Bilgi mimarisi”, in Vikipedi, (20 December 2014). Access address: http://tr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bilgi_mimarisi</div><div style="text-align: left;">Alexei Marcoux, “Business ethics”. In E. N. Zalta (Ed.), The Stanford encyclopedia of philosophy (2008). Retrieved from <a href="http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/ethics-business/" target="_blank" style="font-size: 9pt;">http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/ethics-business/</a></div><div style="text-align: left;">e) Podcast</div><div style="text-align: left;">Dunning, B. (Producer). (2011, January 12). inFact: Conspiracy theories [Video podcast]. Retrieved from <a href="http://itunes.apple.com/" target="_blank" style="font-size: 9pt;">http://itunes.apple.com/</a></div><div style="text-align: left;">f) Single Episode in a Television Series</div><div style="text-align: left;">D. Shore (Screenwriter), M. Jackson (Screenwriter) and S. Bookstaver (Director), “Runaways [TV Series episode]”, D. Shore (Executive producer),in House M.D. , 2012. New York, NY: Fox Broadcasting.</div><div style="text-align: left;">g) Music</div><div style="text-align: left;">Fazıl Say, Galata Kulesi, in İstanbul senfonisi [CD], (2012). İstanbul: Ak Müzik.</div>

Ensure that the following items are present:<ul><li>Confirm that the category of the manuscript is specifed.</li><li>Confirm that “the paper is not under consideration for publication in another journal”.</li><li>Confirm that disclosure of any commercial or financial involvement is provided.</li><li>Confirm that last control for academic English was done.</li><li>Confirm that journal policies detailed in Information for Authors have been reviewed.</li><li>Confirm that the references cited in the text and listed in the references section are in with MHRA 3th.</li></ul>● <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/938BB34F25B44DE889256E9CD3AE11B7" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a>● Permission of previous published material if used in the present manuscript● <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/E7DBD54686664E4CABD32B35DEDC21DE" target="_blank">Title page</a><ul><li>The category of the manuscript</li><li>The title of the manuscript both in the language of the article and in English</li><li>All authors’ names and affiliations (institution, faculty/department, city, country), e-mail addresses</li><li>Corresponding author’s email address, full postal address, telephone and fax number</li><li>ORCIDs of all authors.</li><li>Grant support (if exists)</li><li>Conflict of interest (if exists)</li><li>Acknowledgement (if exists)</li></ul>● Main Manuscript Document<ul><li>Important: Please avoid mentioning the the author (s) names in the manuscript</li><li>The title of the manuscript both in the language of the article and in English</li><li>Abstract (180-200 words)</li><li>Key words: 5 words</li><li>Extended abstract in English: 600-800 words (for Turkish articles)</li><li>Body text sections</li><li>References</li><li>All tables, illustrations (figures) (including title, explanation, captions)</li></ul>

<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/938BB34F25B44DE889256E9CD3AE11B7" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/C866C80F0B094D04A18F4767382B156C" target="_blank">Title Page</a>

Issue Type	Regular
Issue Date	09.06.2021
Editor(s)	Mustafa Hamdi Sayar
Cover (PDF)
Front Pages (PDF)

The Journal of Southeastern European Studies

ISSUE 36, 2021

Nibelungen Destanı ve Kağan Attila

Ortaçağ Bulgaristanı’nda Sapkın Bir Hareket: Bogomilizm

Balkanlar’da Rus Tehdidi: Kiev Knezi I. Svyatoslav’ın Bulgaristan’ı İşgâli (968-971)

III. Haçlı Seferi Öncesinde Diplomasi Ve Alman Ordusunun Balkan Topraklarındaki Yolculuğu Üzerine

Çağdaş Sırp ve Dubrovnik Kayıtlarına Göre I. Kosova Savaşı

Rusya İmparatorluğu Dönemi Tarih Yazımında Peçenekler

Emîr Mehmet Ali Paşa’nın Bosna-Hersek Seyahatnâmesi

Erken Ortaçağ Balkan Hâkimiyetinde Bulgar-Bizans Savaşları: Gümüş Kaplama Kuru Kafalar ve Kör Ordular

INFORMATION

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