Alper

In the last thirty years, conservatives, increasingly defined by their religious identities, have undergone both ideological and sociological transformations. They have emerged as a group frequently discussed in academic and intellectual circles. Islamism, which encompasses all aspects of life in a way distinct from Islam, advocates for the existence of an organized system with its own principles and structure, and uses politics to achieve this. Islamism defines Islam not only as a religion but also as a socio-political movement in the struggle against irreligion, oppression, and exploitation. As Şerif Mardin puts it, Islamism should not be defined solely by religious variables, as it is influenced by non-religious aspects of society. Islamism has been shaped by this complex process, positioning itself against Kemalism in Turkish politics. Conservatism, on the other hand, developed first as a defensive response and later as a political movement in reaction to the destruction caused by modernity. It is an ideology that finds the true meaning of human existence within societal institutions like tradition, family, and religion. Conservatism rejects the idea of societal intervention and emphasizes social balance and hierarchies. Due to the elitist nature of Kemalism, conservatives—especially the religious segments—have been criticized and labeled as reactionary, backward, underdeveloped, or “Eastern.” Although there are significant theoretical differences between Islamism and conservatism, there is a general consensus in Türkiye today that Islamist thought has become more conservative. This shift is attributed to the AK Party, which, rather than adhering to the general principles of Islamism, adopted attitudes specific to conservatism. The AK Party has defined itself as a “conservative democratic” party, establishing a link with conservatism through the religious references it uses. However, the approaches of conservatives and Islamists toward religion are fundamentally incompatible. While Islamists emphasize universalism, conservatives prioritize tradition and national sensitivities.In this study, which engages in the theoretical discussion of Islamism and conservatism, the transformation of Islamism as a modern ideology is examined through the role of the AK Party, which defined itself with a conservative democratic identity, moving from the Milli Selamet Party to the Refah Party, and then from Refah to the Fazilet Party, thereby distancing itself from Islamist ideology. This study is based on a fieldwork approach that compares the ideological foundation of the conservative segment with Islamism from a theoretical standpoint. A methodological interpretive approach is employed, utilizing qualitative research methods, one of which is the “in-depth interview” technique. Interviews were conducted with eight individuals and analyzed. Two visits were made to Istanbul and one to Ankara. Six of the interviews were conducted in Istanbul, and two in Ankara. On average, each interview lasted at least two hours, with some lasting up to three or three and a half hours. The responses were not recorded but were noted down. The participants were individuals who had higher education, were middle-aged, had direct or indirect connections to the AK Party, were open to critical thinking, and were able to question their (self-described) community. They were contacted through intermediaries. The questions posed were about conservatives’ experiences of modernization, relationships between men and women, the effects and significance of the February 28 process, individualization and secularization processes, and the meaning of the changes they experienced in their world. The study attempts to critically discuss the changes they have undergone over the past 30 years, based on the fieldwork data, analyzing both the positive and negative aspects of the changes from their perspectives. Islamism, which emerged with the migration of large groups of people from rural areas to cities in the Turkish modernization process, highlighted the presence of these people in cities and stood against the Kemalist ideology. However, it did not manage to differentiate its perspective from Kemalism. Conservatism, on the other hand, became the ideology of the right-wing groups flowing into the cities. Yet, faced with the emergence of individualism in urban areas, it experienced a loss of meaning, and conservative masses quickly shifted into a secularization process. Conservatives who defended religion and tradition were most exposed to this process during the AK Party era.&nbsp;The study found that the struggles of the February 28 process are not sufficiently recognized in the memories and among the younger conservative generation, and this process has lost meaning in the community as well. Regarding the relationships between men and women, conservative men viewed conservative women as guardians of feudalism, and no change in this perspective was observed. The fact that conservative men recognize no woman other than their mothers has led to significant problems. A new type of “feminine man” has emerged, and divorces have been increasing within the conservative community. There has been more interaction and understanding between secular and conservative men and women, and it has become normalized not to share the same ideology and worldview. Neoliberalism has played an important role in integrating economic and cultural fields into the world, and conservatives have contributed to this. However, it has been observed that many of the values and institutions that conservatives thought they were preserving have become hollow. In other words, conservatives have experienced a process where the negative aspects of secularization have become more pronounced.&nbsp;

Yeni Orta Sınıf Muhafazakârlar ve Sekülerleşme Pratikleri

Oğuzhan

Assoc. Prof. Dr.

Meryem

Türkiye’s modernization experience has been predominantly shaped by the assumption that cultural Westernization is the primary path to progress. Elements within the cultural domain - including daily life practices, literature, music, and visual arts - illustrate that modernization has been closely associated with adopting Western norms. However, this alignment is not unidirectional; rather, it operates through a dynamic, reciprocal structure. On one side, the West asserts its cultural hegemony as an aspirational ideal, while on the other, local Westernist cultural elites internalize and propagate this ideal, thereby producing consent. This dual mechanism sustains a global hierarchy wherein the West occupies a superior position, relegating non-Western societies - including Türkiye - to subordinate roles, often reinforced through anti-Türkiye rhetoric.The emergence of digital media, initially intended for information dissemination, has evolved into a potent instrument that shapes societal thought patterns, normalizes specific ideologies, and perpetuates Western cultural dominance. Through these platforms, anti-Türkiye discourse becomes institutionalized, serving to legitimize and sustain Western hegemony. These narratives, emanating both from within Türkiye and from international sources, contribute to the entrenchment of this ideological structure.Notably, since 2015, Western media outlets have increasingly produced content targeting Turkish audiences. Among the most active platforms are Germany-based Deutsche Welle (DW) Türkçe, which launched on YouTube in 2011; +90, initiated under DW’s leadership in 2019; and BBC News Türkçe, operating from London since 2009. Selected through purposive sampling for this study, all three channels exhibit a consistent reliance on anti-Türkiye discourses. These narratives have transcended journalistic critique and function as instruments of propaganda. As such, representations of Türkiye are often distorted and detached from factual accuracy, reinforcing Western cultural hegemony through digital means.The research employed content analysis, a qualitative research method. The most viewed and most liked videos from the selected channels were transcribed and coded using the MAQDA 2024 software. Based on the coding results, the themes of migration incentives, economic and cultural exclusion, and social stigma were identified. The analysis was subsequently conducted using a descriptive analysis approach aligned with these themes.&nbsp;One of the key findings that emerged from this analysis is the emphasis on Türkiye’s economic conditions. The profiles featured in videos comparing the purchasing power of Turkish individuals living in Istanbul and those residing in Europe are particularly noteworthy. While participants based in Europe are typically white- or blue-collar workers, the Istanbul-based individuals are predominantly students or people not actively engaged in their professional fields. The portrayal appears to be strategically constructed to align with the intended target audience. For instance, conspicuous consumption practices are depicted to appeal to white-collar professionals considering migration, whereas such portrayals are absent in content directed at blue-collar workers.The motivations for white-collar migration are framed around themes such as admiration for the West, economic hardship, uncertainty about the future, security concerns, feelings of loneliness, identity issues, and professional dissatisfaction. Western cities are depicted as offering high purchasing power, vibrant social life, and career fulfillment for white-collar professionals. In contrast, it is implied that these individuals cannot access such opportunities in Türkiye. While white-collar migrants are portrayed as becoming integrated with local populations in Western urban centers, blue-collar migrants are encouraged to move to the peripheries and maintain social ties primarily with other Turks. Property ownership is presented as a feasible goal for white-collar workers, whereas blue-collar workers are depicted as merely striving to sustain their basic livelihood.Despite the distinct narratives tailored to each socio-economic group, both are shown to share a contradictory and emotionally charged sense of identity. Notably, members of both groups frequently report that being Turkish in the West is equated with foreignness and that exclusionary attitudes - rarely directed at other identities - are particularly directed toward Turkish identity. Simply being Turkish, regardless of one’s profession or circumstances, results in marginalization and alienation. Nevertheless, both groups express a preference for living in Europe over remaining in Türkiye, underscoring the pervasive influence of Western cultural hegemony.In conclusion, this content analysis of the YouTube channels DW Türkçe, +90, and BBC News Türkçe reveals a consistent pattern of framing Türkiye in a negative light. These negative portrayals are often exaggerated or presented as uniquely Turkish issues. As such, these channels contribute to the construction of a dichotomy that positions Türkiye in contrast to the perceived superiority of the West.

Batı Medyasının Türkiye Karşıtı Söylemi ve “Türkiye’de Yaşanmaz, Gidin Kendinizi Kurtarın!” Propagandası

Ahmet

İsa

Leman

Yakın Dönem Türk Siyasetinde Göç Tartışmaları ve Göçmen Karşıtı Niş Parti Örneği Olarak Zafer Partisi

Necmettin

Prof. Dr.

As discussed in the sections of this study, there are numerous claims and interpretations in German sources regarding the role of Ismail Enver Pasha in various key events, such as the signing of the Turkish-German Military Alliance, the Ottoman Empire’s entry into World War I alongside Germany, the opening of the fronts, and the relations between the Ottoman Empire and Germany. In these sources, a common view emerges: Enver Pasha is often described as a highly influential figure in shaping the developments of the First World War (1914-1918). He is frequently depicted as Germany’s most “reliable,” “friendly,” and “loyal” ally in Türkiye. Furthermore, he is often portrayed as the central figure on the Turkish side in both the execution and maintenance of the military alliance throughout the warDespite these claims, it becomes evident that Enver Pasha’s “German sympathies” were not the primary driving force behind his approach to Germany or his relations with German commanders and officers serving in the Ottoman Army. Enver Pasha’s preference for Germany as an ally and the subsequent decisions he made are often explained by his focus on the political and military interests of the Ottoman Empire. He viewed aligning with Germany as beneficial to Türkiye’s strategic objectives within the framework of realpolitik. The military and strategic benefits that Türkiye hoped to gain from an alliance with Germany are central to this rationale. Personal German sympathies are not cited in the sources as a determining factor in this context. In fact, even after the signing of the military alliance with Germany, Enver Pasha’s secret negotiations with Russia and his pursuit of a potential alliance with them serve as an evidence of his strategic mindset. This diplomatic maneuver underscores his pragmatic approach to international relations, rather than being driven by personal affinity. Furthermore, tensions with German officers such as Liman von Sanders, as well as the armed conflict between Turkish and German forces in Azerbaijan towards the end of the war, provide concrete examples of these strategic disagreements, demonstrating Enver Pasha’s complex and pragmatic foreign policy approach.It is more appropriate to assess Enver Pasha’s role in the German alliance, the nation’s entry into the First World War on Germany’s side, and his relations with the Germans during the subsequent four years, by considering the broader context of the Ottoman Empire’s situation. The prolonged weakness of the Ottoman Empire, the rising power of Germany, the anti-Ottoman diplomacy pursued by Russia and Britain prior to the war, and, crucially, the consistent rejection of the Ottoman Empire’s alliance proposals by the Entente Powers all shaped the framework for TurkishGerman cooperation during the First World War. This context resulted in Germany becoming a much more dominant and decisive force in its relations with the Ottoman Empire. The determination of the fronts on which the Ottoman Army fought should also be understood within this broader context. Enver Pasha, fully aware of both Türkiye’s vulnerable position and Germany’s power, sought to preserve and strengthen relations with Germany throughout the challenging years of 1914 to 1918.Given this context, it is inconsistent to explain Enver Pasha’s preference for Germany purely as a result of personal admiration. This prevailing interpretation is closely tied to the political and conjunctural shifts that emerged after the loss of the First World War. Therefore, this perspective must be revised in light of a more nuanced understanding of the geopolitical realities of the time.&nbsp;

“Enverland” Tartışmaları Gölgesinde Almanların Gözüyle Enver Paşa’nın Almanya’ya Yaklaşımı ve Almanlarla İlişkileri

Cemile

Nejla

Assist. Prof. Dr.

Mezopotamya’da Bir İngiliz Kadın Ajanı: Gertrude Bell ve Tarihsel Rolü

Celil

Erdal

The Turkish Army dealt a heavy blow to the Greek forces in the Battle of Sakarya, which took place between August 23 and September 13, 1921. Following this decisive defeat, it became evident that the Greeks would no longer be able to maintain their presence in Anatolia. During this period, while the Greek occupation continued, local Greeks in Western Anatolia began mobilizing to establish an independent state with its own army. This political and military initiative came to be known as the “Smallassianism Movement.”Initially, the royalist government of Greece opposed the activities of Anatolian Greeks seeking to establish such a state. The Greek authorities hoped that the British would pressure the Turkish side into accepting the Treaty of Sèvres, thereby securing Greek sovereignty over the territories outlined in the agreement. However, as France and Italy - two other members of the Entente - gradually shifted their policies in favor of the Turkish national movement, the Greek government reversed its stance and began supporting the Smallassianism Movement.The Greek government entrusted the task of establishing what it called the “Ionian State” in Western Anatolia to Aristeidis Stergiadis, Greece’s Extraordinary Commissioner in İzmir. The decision was formally announced to the Turkish public through a declaration issued by Stergiadis on July 30, 1922. In this declaration, the Greek government proclaimed that the cities of İzmir and Bursa, along with the districts of Biga, Ezine, Bayramiç, and Ayvalık- regions with significant Greek populations - were to be part of the proposed Ionian State. However, this state-building initiative was short-lived: it collapsed with the entry of the Turkish army into İzmir under the command of Mustafa Kemal Pasha on September 9, 1922, marking the definitive end of the Greek occupation.In parallel with the Ionian State project in İzmir, the Greek administration also sought to establish an autonomous administration centered in Bursa, the former capital of the Ottoman Empire. After the Turkish victory at the Battle of Sakarya, a group based in Istanbul formed the “Anatolian Association”. The association aimed to establish a provisional government in the Greek-occupied territories of Anatolia, with Bursa as its administrative center, and to conclude a peace and alliance treaty with the Greek government. The Anatolian Association later focused its efforts specifically on creating an autonomous regime in Bursa. The project was strongly supported by members of the Freedom and Entente (Accord) Party (Hürriyet ve İtilâf Fırkası) and other individuals opposed to the Turkish national struggle.&nbsp;To advance the autonomy initiative, it was decided to open a branch of the Anatolian Association in Bursa. All religious representatives of the city were invited to a meeting at the Bursa Municipality to draft the internal regulations of the branch and determine the proposed form of autonomy. The meeting was attended by 30 to 35 individuals, including Greeks, Armenians, Jews, and Muslims. At the conclusion of the meeting, a provisional committee of 14 members - representing various religious and ethnic communities - was elected. Although this committee prepared a draft charter, it was never formally adopted. The preparations for the autonomous administration were largely carried out by Armenian participants and Turkish collaborators.As a symbolic gesture, the committee decided to send a letter of gratitude to British Prime Minister David Lloyd George for his support of the autonomy initiative. People were gathered in front of the municipality and compelled by the authorities to sign the thank-you letter. Aziz Nuri Bey, Director of Immigration for Bursa Province, was appointed as the governor of the so-called Mukhtar Administration established in Bursa.&nbsp;To spread the idea of autonomy throughout Bursa, the supporters organized a public rally in front of the municipality. Greek Gendarmerie Commander Papaargiri, who aimed for a significant turnout, sent out a town crier to summon attendees. However, many of the city’s residents and shopkeepers were forcibly brought to the event by security forces. Only members of the Armenian and Greek communities actively participated. During the rally, İsmail Hakkı Bey, Director of Religious Endowments (Evkaf), gave a speech condemning the Turkish Grand National Assembly while praising the British and Greeks. At the end of the event, telegrams demanding autonomy were signed and sent to Izvolo, the Greek Deputy High Commissioner, and the Greek Occupation Command in Bursa.&nbsp;Following these events in Bursa, similar rallies were held in other Greek-populated districts such as Mustafa Kemal Paşa, Gemlik, and Karacabey. Telegrams produced at these rallies were likewise delivered to the Greek Occupation Command.Bursa was ultimately liberated from nearly two years and two months of Greek occupation on September 11, 1922, by Şükrü Naili (Gökberk) Pasha, Commander of the 3rd Corps. After liberation, individuals involved in the mukhtarate initiative were brought before a military tribunal on February 22, 1923. They were charged with treason for their collaboration with the occupiers. Those who had fled with the retreating Greek army were sentenced to death in absentia. Others received prison sentences of varying lengths, while some were acquitted.&nbsp;

Yunanlıların Millî Mücadele Döneminde Bursa’da İdare-i Muhtariye Kurma Girişimi

Nilüfer

Scouting was introduced to Istanbul during the Second Constitutional Era; however, it did not gain significant momentum among the Turks at that time. Following the Ottoman Empire’s defeat in the Balkan Wars, the Committee of Union and Progress (İttihat ve Terakki Cemiyeti) began to actively support scouting activities, particularly through Turkish sports clubs. Scouting was increasingly viewed not only as a means of fostering good citizenship but also as a preparatory activity for the defense of the nation. During this period, youth organizations affiliated with the Committee of Union and Progress were established as auxiliary bodies to promote such goals. Although five to six Turkish scout troops were active in the capital after the Armistice of Mudros, little further development occurred. It was only after the establishment of the Republic of Türkiye that Turkish scouting experienced significant growth.In contrast, during the Armistice period, non4Muslim communities 4 including Greeks, Armenians, and Jews 4 established and maintained active scout organizations in Istanbul. For these communities, scouting became a demonstration of communal strength and visibility. Among them, the Greek scouts 4 namely, Greek4speaking Orthodox subjects of the Ottoman Empire 4 were the most prominent. To fully understand the activities of these Greek scout groups in Istanbul, one must consider the structure and ideological foundations of the Greek Scout Organization in Greece itself. Scouting was introduced in Greece in 1910 and soon gained the strong support of then4Prime Minister Eleftherios K. Venizelos. The founders and key supporters of the Greek Scout Organization were closely affiliated with both Venizelos and the irredentist ideology of the Megali Idea.The first charter of the Greek Scout Organization in Greece, issued in 1912, stated that the organization’s goal was to raise “Hellenic children” 4 both within and beyond the borders of the Greek Kingdom 4 as good citizens and soldiers. This mission statement, which clearly aligned with the ideology of the Megali Idea, also encompassed Greek4speaking Orthodox subjects of the Ottoman Empire. The charter allowed the central organization in Athens to establish local administrative boards to realize this objective, thereby enabling the formation of Greek scout troops in Ottoman territories. The Greek Scout Organization designated March 25 4 the anniversary of the outbreak of “the Greek War of Independence in 1821” and a date of immense symbolic importance 4 as its official holiday. In some Anatolian scout groups, oath4taking ceremonies were intentionally scheduled for this date.The earliest Greek scouts and their leaders in Istanbul and Izmir emerged from Greek gymnastics clubs. During the Turkish War of Independence, the number of Greek scout troops in Istanbul grew to 45, with units established in nearly every neighborhood inhabited by Greeks. Among the most prominent areas were Kurtuluş and Beyoğlu. Greek scouts in Istanbul were reported to have committed serious offenses, including acts of violence and murder. Outside of Istanbul, Greek scouting units were also active in Çanakkale, Dedeağaç, and Karaağaç (three troops each), and in Edirne, Uzunköprü, Kırklareli, Erdek, Mudanya, Mürefte, İznik, Gemlik, Bandırma, Bursa, and Tekirdağ (one troop each). In Western Anatolia, Greek scouting first developed in İzmir, and during the Turkish War of Independence, the number of troops in the region increased to 63. From the moment the Greek army landed in İzmir on May 15, 1919, Greek scouts provided direct support to military operations by guiding army units, fighting alongside them, and working in military offices as interpreters, couriers, and postal workers.The official publication of the Greek Scout Organization in Greece, İ Zoi Ton Proskopon (The Life of the Scouts), regularly featured news about Greek scout activities in the Marmara and Western Anatolian regions 4 particularly in Istanbul and Izmir 4 throughout the tenure of Eleftherios Venizelos. The fact that reports concerning Greek scouts in Istanbul and Izmir were consistently positioned directly below those concerning Athens4based scouts underscores the close connection between the Greek Scout Organization in Greece and its affiliates in Ottoman territories. This alignment further reveals the ideological and organizational ties between the Greek scouting movement in Marmara and Western Anatolia and the broader nationalist aspirations encapsulated in the Megali Idea. Numerous pieces of evidence attest to this connection. Greek scouts in these regions received their uniforms from Greek embassies and consulates, began their ceremonies and public events with the Greek National Anthem, and carried the Greek flag in official parades. Their oath included a commitment to serve “God and the homeland” 4 where “homeland” was understood not merely as the existing Greek state, but as the envisioned “Greater Greece.”&nbsp;Following the Turkish victory at the Battle of Sakarya, expectations placed on Greek scouts intensified. As rumors of the Greek army’s impending retreat from Anatolia began to spread, the Greek population in Western Anatolia established a resistance4oriented organization called the Hellenic Anatolian Defense Organization (Elliniki Mikrasi4 atiki Amina, EMA), with which the Greek scouts actively cooperated. In the final days of the Greek military presence in Anatolia, Greek scouts also took part in political mobilization efforts, notably playing a visible role in the autonomy rally for Western Anatolia led by the Greek High Commissioner Aristeidis Stergiadis in Izmir.In light of these developments, it is not plausible to interpret Greek scouting in Marmara and Western Anatolia as a series of innocent activities involving children singing songs, engaging in physical exercise, and exploring nature. Rather, the movement functioned as a vehicle for nationalist mobilization, closely tied to political and military objectives aligned with the Megali Idea.

Marmara ve Batı Anadolu Bölgesindeki Rum İzci Örgütleri ve Megali İdea

Hazal

This study analyzes the evolution of the United States’ stance toward Türkiye between 1918 and 1923. It argues that President Woodrow Wilson’s selective internationalism -characterized by his pro-Armenian orientation - gradually gave way to an approach primarily driven by the economic and commercial interests of the United States in the region.&nbsp;President Wilson, widely regarded as the architect of the League of Nations and post-war internationalism, initially garnered support among Turkish intellectuals following the Mudros Armistice, particularly due to his formulation of the principle of self-determination in his renowned Fourteen Points. However, this article emphasizes that Wilson viewed the Turkish case not through the lens of his stated principles but through an ideological framework grounded in Christian values. In this regard, it is demonstrated that Wilson approached the Turkish issue predominantly through the question of an Armenian mandate and ultimately contradicted his own principle of self-determination when delimiting the Turkish-Armenian border - thereby revealing the selective nature of his liberal internationalist vision.Following Wilson’s presidency, the United States continued to monitor the situation of Christian minorities in Anatolia. American philanthropic and educational missions in Türkiye, along with Greek and Armenian diaspora groups in the U.S., submitted numerous reports and petitions to Washington throughout 1921 and 1922, appealing for government intervention in response to “ethnic tensions” within Anatolia. While the U.S. government expressed concern, it refrained from direct involvement. This position is closely tied to the broader shift in American foreign policy following Wilson’s departure, as the country moved toward military isolationism. Nevertheless, this isolationist stance did not hinder the pursuit of commercial interests - in fact, it placed them at the forefront of U.S. foreign engagement during the period.This shift in American policy was also closely linked to the growing strength of the Turkish National Movement. As Turkish forces achieved successive victories against the Greeks, U.S. policymakers began to recognize the need for a revised approach to Turkish-American relations - an approach shaped increasingly by American commercial interests in the region. The foremost advocate of this perspective was Admiral Mark Lambert Bristol, the U.S. High Commissioner in Istanbul, who consistently sought to maintain favorable relations with the Turks, even at times confronting American missionary groups active in Anatolia. Yet, Bristol was not alone in this regard. Just as Armenian and Greek communities petitioned the U.S. government to safeguard the rights of Christian minorities in Anatolia, American business groups lobbied for improved relations with the emerging Turkish authority in Ankara. This article argues that it was these economic considerations that ultimately catalyzed the transformation of U.S. policy toward Türkiye.The article also highlights that the Ankara government viewed the United States as a potential counterbalance to British and French influence in the region. Even during Wilson’s presidency, the leadership of the Turkish National Movement sought to cultivate amicable ties with the United States, as illustrated by the example of the Harbord Commission. In the latter stages of the national struggle, Turkish leaders attempted to leverage this relationship further by offering economic concessions, such as those included in the proposed Chester Project. This strategic orientation was reflected in the conduct of Turkish diplomacy at the Lausanne Conference, where the delegation continued to promote economic cooperation with the U.S. as part of a broader balancing policy. In conclusion, Türkiye’s approach to the United States during this formative period serves as a telling example of the broader contours of early Turkish foreign policy - marked by pragmatic engagement, strategic balancing, and an emphasis on economic diplomacy.

Seçici Enternasyonalizmden Askeri İzolasyona ABD Dış Politikasında Türkiye (1918-1923)

Fatma

After the signing of the Lausanne Peace Treaty, the resolution of bilateral disputes regarding unenforceable contracts, immovable properties and debts between the party countries was left to the mixed arbitration courts. The establishment and working conditions of the courts are specified in articles 92-98 of the Lausanne Peace Treaty. The matters to be dealt with by the courts are also clearly defined by the treaty. Thus, mixed arbitral tribunals were established between Türkiye-England, Türkiye-Italy, Türkiye-Belgium, Türkiye-Greece, Türkiye-Romania and Türkiye-France.Representative elections for the Türkiye-France Mixed Arbitral Tribunal started in 1924. While Asser was chosen as the president of the court, the Turkish arbitrator was first Osman Bey, then Mehmet Ali and Hacı Adil Bey. The French referees were Daniel Serruys, Maurice Gandolphe, Pierre Chaudun.&nbsp;With the completion of the final regulations regarding the procedure of the Türkiye-France Mixed Arbitral Tribunal, it entered into force by being published in the Official Gazette of France on 1 December 1925, and in the Official Gazette of Türkiye in two parts between 26 November and 1 December 1925. Thus, December 1, 1925 was the beginning of the filing of defenses in the cases and the submission period of the courts started on this date. While the deadline for filing cases was 31 May 1926 for cases such as contracts, debts, ownership and industry, the deadline for filing cases based on articles 65, 66 and 69 was 31 August 1926. With the completion of the court preparations, the first official arbitration court was held between Türkiye and France on 19 May 1926.&nbsp;The cases between Türkiye and France regarding Çukurova, Pera Palas, Augustin Normand, Abdulhamid II’s legacy, Périer and Bauer Banks were included in our study.&nbsp;One of the most important cases of the Turkish-French Mixed Arbitral Tribunals was the case concerning the Resulayn Farm in Syria, which was the personal inheritance of Abdulhamid II after the First World War. The plaintiffs have applied to the court several times under articles 60 and 65 of the Lausanne Peace Treaty. However, the court rejected the applications on the grounds that it was not within its jurisdiction.&nbsp;Pera Palace was sold to Bodosakis Athanassiadés in 1915. During the War of Independence, Bodosakis escaped from the country and went to Paris. In order not to lose Pera Palas, he established a company here and bought the hotel again. However, since he did not pay the war profits tax due in Türkiye, the hotel and its contents were seized. Bodasakis applied to the mixed arbitration court, claiming that the hotel and its belongings belonged to the French company, and therefore either to return them or to pay compensation. The court found Türkiye’s defense justified and the case ended in Türkiye’s favor in 1931.&nbsp;In 1914, the Ottoman Empire ordered 6 destroyers from the French Augustin Normand Construction Marine Company. The destroyers ordered during the First World War were not received and were not paid for. After the Lausanne Peace Treaty, the company brought the issue to the mixed arbitral tribunal. Mahmut Esat Bozkurt defended Türkiye in court. Despite a good defense, the case was concluded in favor of France in 1934.In order to close the budget deficit and meet some of its necessary needs, Istanbul Municipality borrowed 1.100.000 Ottoman liras from the Périer Bank in 1913. During the wars, the municipality could not pay its debt to the bank. For this reason, the bank brought the issue to the mixed arbitral tribunal. Both sides tried to resolve the case peacefully. In 1934, Minister of Justice Adnan Saraçoğlu negotiated with the bank and, after finding a common path, a new contract was signed for the payment of the debt. Thus, the bank gave up the case in 1935 and the case was dropped.&nbsp;Bauer Marchal Bank claimed to be the successor of Périer Bank and applied to the mixed arbitration court to collect its debt from the Istanbul Municipality. However, since the court process was prolonged, all the courts were closed in 1939 and Türkiye decided to resolve the case through negotiation.The lands subject to the Çukurova Case were leased to two French partners named Comte Paul de Lesseps and Baron Evain de Vendeuvre in 1912. The contract was canceled in 1916. For this reason, the company took the matter to the mixed arbitration court. Former Minister of Justice Mahmut Esat Bozkurt defended Türkiye in court. Türkiye closed mixed arbitration courts in 1939. Since the Çukurova Case could not reach a conclusion, it was decided to resolve it through negotiations with France.In 1952, Türkiye took action to pay France the amount it had to pay for the cases it won in the mixed arbitration court. Except for the Çukurova Case, all payments were made in 1953 and the issue of the mixed arbitration court was closed.

Lozan Barış Antlaşması Sonrasında Kurulan Türk-Fransız Karma Hakem Mahkemesi ve Örnek Davalar

Selma

Yassıada is one of the two islands known as the “Inauspicious Islands,” along with Sivriada, located in the Sea of Marmara. The earliest known records concerning the island date back to the Byzantine period. During the reign of Emperor Theophilos (829-842), the Platea Monastery was constructed on the island. In 860, Patriarch Ignatios commissioned the Church of the Forty Saints, beneath which underground corridors were later used as dungeons. Over time, Yassıada became a site of exile. Following the conquest of Istanbul, Yassıada came under Ottoman rule. In the late 19th century, British Ambassador Henry Bulwer purchased the island, building a castle and two harbors. He later sold the island to the Egyptian Khedive, Ismail Pasha. In the final years of the Ottoman Empire, Yassıada served as a quarantine station, and during the early Republican period, it was visited primarily by fishermen. After the Second World War, the island was transferred to the Naval Forces Command. Despite this shift, Yassıada remains widely associated with the post-May 27, 1960 coup trials. As a result, the island retained its reputation as a place of exile. However, during the 1950s - when the Democrat Party was in power - the island underwent significant changes. For Democrat Party leaders, Yassıada became closely linked with the Naval Forces Command and its educational facilities, marking a very different phase in the island’s history prior to its later use as a site of political trials.Following the Second World War, Türkiye adopted policies aimed at strengthening its relations with the Western world and embarked on a military modernization process, particularly in terms of technological advancement. Within this framework, efforts were directed toward improving the Turkish Navy, and developments on Yassıada must be understood in this context. The establishment of the Naval Operations and Artillery Schools on the island was a direct reflection of this modernization objective. Yassıada, which was allocated to the Naval Forces Command in 1947, was initially used for the training of enlisted personnel. After key decisions made in 1949, the island became the training site for the Marine Corps in 1952. That same year, Türkiye’s accession to NATO prompted a significant expansion of military infrastructure on the island. Numerous facilities were built to accommodate the housing, feeding, recreation, and training needs of both officers and enlisted soldiers. In addition, the Artillery and Operations Schools were relocated to Yassıada in 1952, followed by the transfer of the Deck Class School from Heybeliada. As a result, the island functioned as a naval training center until 1966, and its training role continued in various forms until 1978.During the Democrat Party period, additional facilities were constructed on the island, including Naval Operations Facilities, Torpedo and Mine Units, and a Closed Artillery Training Track. In the 1950s, Yassıada also became a frequent destination for foreign military and political delegations visiting Türkiye. Military representatives and political figures from countries such as the United States, Italy, Yugoslavia, Iraq, Lebanon, Siam (Thailand), and Sudan visited the island, which served as a showcase of Turkish naval modernization. However, following the May 27, 1960 coup, Yassıada was transformed from a symbol of modernization into a site of imprisonment for Democrat Party leaders. This period lasted approximately one and a half years. After the conclusion of the trials - held in the gymnasium of the Naval School - marine training activities resumed on the island. This study also explores the critical question of why Democrat Party members were brought to Yassıada after the coup. The article examines when and by whom this decision was made and argues that such a move could not have occurred without the knowledge of the Navy, given the island’s status as a major naval training center. For this reason, the article emphasizes the importance of considering the role of the Navy in scholarly studies of the May 27 coup.Although naval training continued on Yassıada until 1978, the island remained closely associated with the coup throughout these years. Even during its use by Istanbul University’s Faculty of Fisheries between 1993 and 1995, Yassıada continued to evoke memories of the Democrat Party trials and the 1960 coup. In an effort to counter this negative association, the island was renamed “The Island of Democracy and Freedoms.” Nevertheless, the symbolic link to the coup persisted. Perhaps for this reason, in 2020, museums were established on the island to preserve and commemorate the events of that period.This study examines developments on Yassıada during the Democrat Party era, particularly in the context of maritime history. It also discusses the relationship between the Democrat Party and Yassıada during the coup process. The article is based on official archival documents, memoirs, scholarly works, and periodical publications.&nbsp;

Deniz Kuvvetleri Komutanlığı’ndan Milli Birlik Komitesi’ne Demokrat Parti Ekseninde Yassıada Analizi

Fatih

The Tanzimat Edict represents a significant turning point in the history of the Ottoman Empire. The Westernization efforts initiated under Sultan Mahmud II evolved into a broader process of institutional reform with the proclamation of the Tanzimat Edict, leading to profound transformations across the empire’s political and bureaucratic structures. Educational institutions were naturally influenced by this wave of reform, and new schools and institutes were established in line with the spirit of Tanzimat. This reform process, which began with the founding of secondary schools 8 Rüşdiyes 8 in honour of Mustafa Reşid Pasha, often referred to as the “father of Tanzimat,” gradually expanded to encompass institutions at other educational levels. In 1868, the Galatasaray Mekteb8i Sultanîsi (Lycée Impérial Ottoman de Galata8Serai) was founded with the status of a college, and in 1869, during the tenure of Safvet Pasha as Minister of Education, the Regulation on Public Education (Maarif8i Umumiye Nizamnamesi) was issued, laying the legal foundation for the Tanzimat8era educational system.When we examine the educational institutions established during the Tanzimat period of the Ottoman Empire, we observe a structured system comprising Sıbyan (Ibtidaî) Schools equivalent to primary schools, Rüşdiye Schools (both civil and military) corresponding to secondary schools, İdadî Schools equivalent to high schools, Sultanîes functioning at the level of colleges, and Mekteb8i Âli institutions comparable to academies or higher education institutions. These schools were developed and operated in accordance with the regulations introduced during the Tanzimat era. Students were educated within a framework aligned with the new systemic and bureaucratic vision of the state. However, the success of the Ottoman Empire in implementing this educational model can be assessed from two distinct perspectives. On the one hand, in terms of the quality of education and the calibre of students, these institutions were remarkably successful in cultivating an elite class. Indeed, many individuals educated in these schools played influential roles in the late Ottoman political sphere and were instrumental in both the dissolution of the empire and the founding of the Republic of Türkiye. On the other hand, when evaluated in terms of the proliferation and accessibility of these schools to the broader population, it appears that the intended level of success in widespread educational dissemination was not fully realized.&nbsp;In terms of the gradual structuring and diversification of the Ottoman educational system, the Tanzimat period marks a significant phase of development. One of the notable outcomes of this diversification was the increasing emphasis on girls’ education. The first step in this process was the establishment of Girls’ (İnas) Rüşdiye Schools, which provided education at the equivalent of a lower secondary level. This was followed by the foundation of the Dârülmuallimât (Teacher Training School for Women), designed to train female teachers. However, the absence of secondary schools at the high school level between these two institutions created a noticeable gap in the education of girls.&nbsp;As the number of Girls’ Rüşdiyes expanded and student enrollment rose, the Ottoman Empire began to accelerate its efforts to establish high school8level educational institutions for girls. In this regard, France once again served as a model. Influenced by the educational reforms implemented under the French Minister of National Education Jules Ferry in 1881 and 1882, the Ottoman Empire issued a regulation on girls’ education during the tenure of Münif Pasha as Minister of Education, thereby initiating a new phase in the institutionalisation of female education.&nbsp;The Ottoman Empire adopted a pragmatic and functional approach to girls’ education, integrating both vocational and academic elements within the curriculum. These schools were designed not only to enhance the vocational skills of female students but also to educate them as individuals who were compatible with the socio8cultural fabric of Ottoman society at the time. For this reason, a careful balance between vocational/technical training and academic instruction was established in the curriculum.The Yedikule Girls’ Industrial School emerged as the pioneer of this new educational model. The hybrid structure of its curriculum prompted debates regarding the school’s institutional classification and the ministry to which it should be affiliated. Initially established in 1869 under the authority of the Ministry of Trade, the school was later transferred to the Ministry of Education in 1877. Surpassing expectations, the school quickly gained a reputation for success and became an educational hub attracting many female students. However, its geographical location 8 on the southern periphery of Istanbul 8 eventually undermined its sustainability. Over time, this remoteness reduced its accessibility and led to a gradual decline in its appeal.This school was succeeded by the Aksaray İnas Nehari Sanayi Mektebi (Aksaray Industrial Day School for Girls), which was established in a far more central and accessible location within the city. Its primary advantage lay in its convenient urban setting and the boarding education it provided. The presence of a nearby secondary8level model school further enhanced its attractiveness, effectively transforming it into an educational hub for female students. Opened during the reign of Sultan Abdülhamid II, the institution steadily expanded and improved its educational quality over time. Following the declaration of the Second Constitutional Monarchy in 1908, and similar to other idadî8 level institutions, the Aksaray İnas Sanayi Mektebi was elevated to the status of a “Sultanî”, effectively becoming an imperial college for girls. This new status led to the establishment of an iptidaî (elementary) section within the school to ease the transition from Rüşdiye8level education. Moreover, the institution gained access to privileges reserved for Sultanî schools, including expanded resources and institutional prestige. At this point, the school was renamed in honor of Selçuk Hatun, a prominent member of the Ottoman dynasty during the reign of Mehmed II (the Conqueror). The choice of name reflected both the historical legacy of Selçuk Hatun 8 who had charitable foundations (vakıfs) in the region 8 and the connotation of the term Sultanî, thus reinforcing the school’s imperial character.&nbsp;In 1922, the school was relocated from its original site in Horhor, Aksaray, to the Derviş Pasha Mansion in Fındıkzade. This new building, constructed after a fire, entailed considerable costs but was better suited to meet the institution’s growing needs. Despite the challenges of the late imperial period, the school not only maintained its operations but also successfully transitioned into the Republican era. Following the establishment of the Republic, the institution was renamed Selçuk Hatun Sanayi Mektebi (Selçuk Hatun Industrial School). Specializing in art and vocational education during the early Republican period, the school notably engaged in international teacher exchanges, sending and hosting educators from abroad. This sustained adaptability and commitment to modernization enabled the school to survive into the present day.&nbsp;

Sanayi’den İnas Sultanî’ye: Aksaray İnas Sanayi Mektebi ve Selçuk Sultanîsi

Diren

Şeyda

The historic Idadi building, which holds a significant place in the educational history and socio&gt;cultural fabric of the Isparta region, has served as a witness to both the late Ottoman and Republican periods. The study of historical educational structures and the spatial cultures that emerge around them &gt; as well as documenting and interpreting the transformations they have undergone &gt; contributes not only to the urban memory of the cities in which they are located but also to a broader understanding of the socio&gt;cultural evolution of the country.This study aims to analyze the transformations experienced by the historic Isparta Idadi, which has continuously served as an educational institution from the Ottoman Empire to the Republic of Türkiye. It further seeks to explore how these transformations correspond to broader educational reforms and reflect the cultural history of the city. In addition to the limited secondary literature available on the subject, the study draws upon personal memoirs and original data obtained from archival documents pertaining to both historical periods.Constructed in 1912 as the Isparta (Hamidabad) Idadi during the Second Constitutional Era, the building also carries the legacy of the former Isparta Rüştiye School, originally built in 1861 during the Tanzimat period. As such, the building represents a critical node in the educational and socio&gt;cultural development of the city, bridging two major eras in Turkish history.Following its construction in 1912, the building underwent its first major transformation as a result of damage sustained during the 1914 earthquake. The original third floor was removed and replaced by a cihannüma &gt; an architectural feature that constitutes the only substantial alteration to the building’s original structure. Designed in accordance with the standardized Idadi school plans implemented in provincial centers during the reign of Sultan Abdülhamid II, the building closely resembles the typological characteristics of similar structures in cities such as Kastamonu and Balıkesir. Initially constructed as a three&gt;storey building, the Isparta Idadi featured a prominent third floor with a columned portico that projected outward. After the earthquake, this upper storey was replaced in 1914&gt;1915 with a hipped roof and an attic, accompanied by a balcony built above the original portico. While this addition was meant to emulate the function of a cihannüma, it lacked its formal architectural qualities and instead created a new focal point in the building’s external appearance.By 1925, the building was functioning as the Isparta Secondary School. Following a nationwide survey conducted by the Ministry of Education in 1926, several modifications were made in the 1926&gt;1927 academic year. These included the division of classrooms to accommodate increased enrollment, concreting of the floors, replacement of hall ceilings, and the expropriation of adjacent land &gt; currently the site of the Isparta Teachers’ Lodge &gt; to expand the schoolyard. Additionally, a four&gt;classroom pavilion was erected in the courtyard, though it no longer survives today. In 1952, the institution was reconstituted as Isparta High School, and in 1960, it was renamed Şehit Ali İhsan Kalmaz High School. The following year, the school was relocated to a newly constructed building situated in the rear courtyard. From 1961 onwards, the historic Idadi building was repurposed to serve various public institutions. Between 1986 and 1990, the building underwent a major restoration. While the external facade was largely preserved to maintain historical authenticity, the interior was significantly altered. The internal walls were reconstructed using reinforced concrete, new supporting columns were added, and the roof slab was replaced to ensure structural integrity. Following this restoration, the building housed the Provincial Directorate of National Education until approximately 5&gt;6 years ago. In 2019, a government decision repurposed the building as a Millet Kıraathanesi (Public Reading Hall), a function it continues to fulfill today.

İki Dönemin Tanığı Bir Bina: Isparta İdadisi/Orta Mektebi Binasının Tarihi

Setenay

Studies on gender and nationalism underline the profoundly gendered character of nationalism and reveal that national projects aiming to build nations, nation-states and ethnic groups are simultaneously gender projects, operating on various levels and constructing multiple images of women. In those projects, women are portrayed simultaneously as mothers, victims, symbols, subjects and preservers of the nation. Emerging in tandem with an Ottoman feminist movement in the early twentieth century, Turkish nationalism utilized this repertoire and encoded the nationalist project as a gendered project necessitating the formation of a new woman as a modern companion to the modernizing men of the empire. Hence, modernization, nationalism and feminism became the key pillars that characterized the ideological debates, cultural production and politics of the final decades of the empire.Given such a background, this study aims to explore the constructions of femininity, their transformations and limitations in the Turkish nationalist women’s novels during the transition from the Empire to the Republic. Despite their differences in literary styles and political orientations, Halide Edib Adıvar and Müfide Ferit Tek were two female authors who were considered nationalist literary pioneers by the founding fathers of Turkish nationalism. Analyzing Halide Edib’s New Turan (Yeni Turan, 1912), The Shirt of Flame (Ateşten Gömlek, 1918) and Strike the Whore (Vurun Kahpeye, 1923), along with Müfide Ferit’s Aydemir (1922) and Propellers (Pervaneler, 1924), this study points at a multiplicity of roles designed for women in nationalism though none of these female characters attained leadership positions.Themes of desexualization, sacrifice, subordination of individualism for the survival of the nation and the depiction of ideal women characterize these early nationalist novels written during the transformation from the empire to a new nation-state. While these novels depicted “new woman” with a certain degree of familiarity with Western culture and modernity, these characters were meticulously crafted on a balance between tradition and modernity, East and West, as well as liberation and chastity. The authors maintained this delicate equilibrium by depicting these women without a nuclear and parental family structure. With the exception of Propellers (Pervaneler), all female protagonists in these novels lacked any significant relationships with other women, lost their mothers early in life and lacked sisters or female companions. In the absence of any meaningful interactions with women, ‘other women’ served the function of being educated, emancipated by the protagonists or becoming jealous of them. Nationalism, it appears, embraced some women while disregarding women’s potentials for building bonds of sisterhood. The more elevated their position in the nationalist projects, the more isolated they became from other women and familial ties, often accompanied solely by a man with a similar ideological framework. Their ‘elevation’ to the nationalist roles and missions required disconnecting from the world of women.&nbsp;The female figures in Adıvar’s and Tek’s nationalist novels were engaged in a multiplicity of roles, including serving as nurses during times of war, being political orators in the political meetings, and even contributing theoretical perspectives to a fictional nationalist movement in its early stages. These diverse roles allowed female protagonists a space of activism, mobility and agency amidst the great transformations of history—such as the dissolution of an empire, a nationalist struggle for independence, and the formation of a nation-state. Nevertheless, the grand finale —lynching of the female protagonist by the townspeople—in Strike the Whore (Vurun Kahpeye), a Republican novel, insinuates that the unexpected and chaotic activism of these heroic women in the nationalist cause was over and the second war, which would be against the tradition and bigotry, would be fought by men and the masculine state. In Propellers (Pervaneler), another Early Republican novel, female characters were portrayed as social problems to be solved, and subjects requiring discipline and control by nationalist men. These two novels of the Republican period signify the beginning of a new period for women in nationalism in which the nascent nation-state began recruiting women to predesignated nationalist roles by the directives of the founding fathers; rather than women recruiting themselves. Consequently, they underscore the employment of a different discourse on women within state-based/ post-independence/post-colonial nationalisms.

İmparatorluk’tan Cumhuriyet’e Geçiş Döneminde Milliyetçi Kadın Yazınında Kadın Kurguları: Halide Edib Adıvar ve Müfide Ferit Tek Romanları (1912-1924)

Berna

Res. Assist. Dr.

Following the French and Industrial Revolutions, during what came to be known as the Age of Nationalism, folkloric studies gained significant prominence within multiethnic empires. A discernible link exists between the process of nation-building and the increased emphasis on folklore during the modernization of Ottoman-Turkish society, as was the case across much of Europe. The rise of Turkish nationalism, particularly after the Balkan Wars of 1912-1913, led to the systematization and institutionalization of folklore studies. This period also marked a turning point in Ottoman-Turkish cultural history, wherein studies focused on language and folk knowledge signaled the discovery and legitimization of folklore as a field of inquiry.During the early Republican era, folklore emerged as a central concern of the state’s cultural policies, and various institutions and organizations were mobilized to collect, classify, and analyze folkloric data. On one side stood the enduring legacy of imperial Ottoman culture, with its long-standing classical traditions, and on the other, the vernacular expressions of the people, embodying local and regional variations. Following the proclamation of the Republic, folklore was elevated as the primary - and in many respects, exclusive - source for interpreting the past. This elevation was rooted in a political vision that disassociated classical Ottoman culture, art, and literature from the new national identity, casting them as remnants of the imperial past incompatible with the modern nation-state.This approach was reflected in literature, which served as a tool for mass transformation, where various elements of folklore were incorporated into literary production. Ahmet Hamdi Tanpınar stands out as a unique figure in this cultural landscape, engaging with these issues not only in his fictional works but also in his academic writings and essays. Yet, unlike many of his contemporaries, Tanpınar did not regard folklore as the sole reservoir for constructing national identity, nor did he entirely reject the classical cultural heritage. A strong proponent of historical consciousness and cultural continuity, Tanpınar approached both classical and folk traditions not as ideological instruments of nationalism, but as dynamic cultural resources that could be adapted to the realities of his time. In his novels, Tanpınar thus advances a pragmatic vision - advocating for cultural synthesis and underscoring the necessity of drawing from both traditions.This article examines how Ahmet Hamdi Tanpınar engages with the cultural and political climate of the early Republican era through his novel Huzur and, in particular, through the characterization of the female protagonist, Nuran. The study explores the tension between classical and folkloric elements within the novel and how these elements, rather than challenging the dominant patriarchal canon, are mobilized to reconstruct the female protagonist’s identity in alignment with male-centered ideological frameworks. Nuran is subjected to two overlapping processes of character formation - one shaped by the author, and the other by the male protagonist, Mümtaz. Both formations are informed by a shared ideological vision that seeks to synthesize classical and folkloric traditions as an alternative to the prevailing political narratives of the period. However, this synthesis remains confined within the epistemological limits of patriarchal discourse. While the author constructs Nuran as a symbolic bearer of cultural continuity - tasked with preserving and transmitting both folkloric and classical legacies - Mümtaz, as a fictional character, seeks to reimagine and reconfigure her identity according to the same ideological schema. This dual positioning produces a complex interplay between the Nuran envisioned by the author and the Nuran idealized by Mümtaz, raising questions about authorship, agency, and representation. The article interrogates how Nuran’s identity is shaped by these male figures, how her voice is framed within or resists these constructions, and what forms of subjective agency emerge in moments of tension with the male-imagined synthesis of culture and identity. In doing so, the analysis foregrounds the role of folkloric and classical knowledge in the production of Nuran’s subjectivity, examining how both abstract and material remnants of the past are inscribed onto her character. Furthermore, the article considers Nuran’s moments of resistance as a critical site of agency, marking her refusal to be fully subsumed into the symbolic order devised by male authorship. Finally, the study includes a comparative reading between Nuran in Huzur and Emine in Yakup Kadri Karaosmanoğlu’s Yaban. This comparison is situated within a broader ideological framework, revealing how both characters are shaped by distinct yet intersecting forms of nationalist discourse that ascribe symbolic meaning to female figures within the matrix of official ideology

Cumhuriyet’in Yeni Kadınını Yazmak: Huzur’da Erkek Muhayyilenin Politik Sentezciliğine Karşı Kadın Kahramanın Öznellik Direnci

Up to the last quarter of 19th century, steam power was the only available source of power for commercial enterprises. Steam power provided reliable and abundant amount of energy. But it required great investments. This requirement limited the spread of mechanization. But the invention electrical motors changed the situation. With its practical usage opportunities, electricity took attention of several commercial enterprises in the Ottoman Empire. According to former steam power, electricity provides both usage easiness and lesser cost opportunity to commercial enterprises. Thanks to electrical engines, relatively small businesses were able to take decision of mechanization. In this article, there were shown examples from six sectors, who wanted to benefit from electricity in their activities. Entrepreneurs made investments in mining, logistics, jewelry, transportation, ginning and milling, for this new technology. In general with electricity investments, entrepreneurs wanted to reach seven advantages that there were communication possibility, safer working environment, energy efficiency, better lighting, easy utilization, reduced cost and increased productivity.In this article, there were three examples from mining sector. Balya-Karaaydın Mining Company from Balıkesir established power station in Mancılık. This company wanted to bring microphones, for better communication in the any case of probable accident. Kesendire Mining Company from Thessaloniki planned to change its power source from steam to electricity. Thus, the company claimed that forest wealth of the region would be protected. In third example, Thasos Mines demanded permission for electricity using in lighting, because of different lighting equipment could cause various problems for this enterprise.Apart from mining, there were some other sectors demanded electricity or electrical equipment. Firstly, Haydarpaşa Port Company was building a silo within the port. The company wanted to produce electrical power, for using in crane like machines of silo. Secondly, a jewelry artisan Pilus oğlu Bedros from Trabzon wanted to bring a galvanoplasty machine from Paris. This machine would be used for plating metals. Thirdly, Oriental Railways Operator Company would build a bridge in Kuleliburgaz. The company had declared that it would construct the bridge using the pneumatic method. For lighting during construction, the company wanted to use electric light, instead of oil or olive oil. All equipment would be brought from Austria. Fourthly, German Levant Cotton Company supported cotton production in the region. Later, this company prepared ginned cotton and sent them to German textile factories, for their raw material needs. The company demanded permission to import electric dynamo, in order to use in its factory. At the beginning, demand of German Levant Cotton Company was rejected. Ottoman custom administration ordered that mentioned machine must be sent back to arrival address. Later, with the intervention of German Embassy, the company was granted permission to import electric dynamo to the Ottoman Empire.Lastly, some entrepreneurs in the field of milling requested permission for electricity using. There had been shown three examples about this sector. In the first example, a German person applied to the government regarding the lighting of the steam mill he operated in the city of Jerusalem. He wished to renew lamps of his mill. In the second example given about the mills, Mehmet from Yakova ran a mill in the İlhame district of Damascus. In his request in 1902, this person brought a water-powered electric machine from Europe. In the third example given about the mills, there is a prohibition. Ago Pasha had a flour factory built in Skopje. He also ordered an electrical machine from Europe to illuminate this factory. However, since the import of this machine was not allowed, the device in question was left to rot in the customs warehouse.As to the Ottoman government’s approach to these entrepreneurs, the officials did not always eagerly meet their demands. Most of the custom officials were unwilling to take initiative. Unless Sultan’s very clear order, they rejected entrepreneurs. However in the end, demands of entrepreneurs were mostly accepted by the government. But, the Ottoman Empire did not ignore the evaluation of the necessity of demands. The government considered that it was important to clearly determine the purpose of the demands. Every machine must only be used in specifically permitted business. In addition, the responsible person of each machine or equipment must also be determined, in the case of probable accident or an inconvenient situation.

Yeni Bir Güç Kaynağı Olarak Osmanlı Ticari İşletmelerinde Elektrik

Banu

Türkiye’de Alman Propagandası Hakkında Bir Kitap: Türkishe Post

Amerikan Kaynaklarında İnanılmaz Türk Mustafa Kemal Atatürk

Mustafa

Prof.

New Middle-Class Conservatives and Secularization Practices

The Anti-Türkiye Discourse in Western Media and the Propaganda of “Life in Türkiye is Unlivable - Save Yourselves and Leave!”

Immigration Debates in Recent Turkish Politics and the Victory Party as an Example of an Anti-Immigrant Niche Party

Enver Pasha’s Approach to Germany and His Relations with the Germans from a German Perspective under the Shadow of “Enverland” Debates

A British Woman Agent in Mesopotamia: Gertrude Bell and her Historical Role

The Greek Attempt to Establish an Autonomous Administration in Bursa during the Turkish War of Independence

Greek Scout Organizations in the Marmara and Western Anatolian Regions and the Megali Idea

From Selective Internationalism to Military Isolation: Türkiye in U.S. Foreign Policy (1918-1923)

Turkish-French Mixed Arbitral Tribunal Created After the Lausanne Peace Treaty and Example Cases

From the Naval Forces Command to the National Unity Committee: An Analysis of Yassıada in the Context of the Democrat Party

From Girls’ Industrial (Sanayi) to Imperial (Sultanî) School: Aksaray Girls’ Industrial School and Selçuk Sultanî

A Building Witness to Two Eras: The History of the Isparta İdadi / Middle School Building

Constructions of Femininity in Nationalist Women’s Literature during the Transition from the Empire to the Republic: Novels by Halide Edib Adıvar and Müfide Ferit Tek (1912–1924)

Writing the New Woman of the Republic: The Female Protagonist’s Resistance of Subjectivity against the Male Imagination’s Political Synthesism in Huzur

Electricity in Ottoman Commercial Enterprises as a New Power Source

A Book About German Propaganda in Türkiye : Türkishe Post

The Incredible Turk in American Sources Mustafa Kemal Atatürk

@JOURNAL_BOX_CURRENT

@JOURNAL_BOX_EARLYVIEW

Yasin

Assoc. Prof.

Cyprus has for many years attracted international attention due to its strategic location. The island came under Ottoman rule in 1571. In 1878, British forces took over the island from the Ottoman administration, in exchange for protection against Russian attacks. In response to the entry of the Ottoman Empire into the First World War on the side of Germany, Britain added the island unilaterally to its own territory on 5 November 1914. During the negotiations in Lausanne, the Turkish side accepted that Cyprus belonged to Britain. The declaration of the establishment of the Turkish Republic of Cyprus took place on 16 August 1960, with both Turkish and Greek Cypriots taking part in the administration of the country. However, the Republic of Cyprus was not able to continue for long. Clashes resumed on the island after Makarios attempted to restrict the rights acquired by the Cypriot Turks in the 1960 constitution.Following the collapse of the Republic of Cyprus in December 1963, Turkish Cypriots established their own administration on the island. First, a separate Turkish administration called “General Committee” was established in 1964. Then, in November 1967, the Provisional Turkish Cypriot Administration was established. Thus, Turkish Cypriots tried to ensure their security in a more organized way. Britain did not support the steps taken by the Turkish Cypriots on the island. After Turkey’s 1974 military intervention, the Autonomous Turkish Cypriot Administration was established in October 1974 in the north of the island. On February 13, 1975, the founding of the Turkish Federated State of Cyprus (TFSC) was announced.Against this background, this study deals with the response of the British parliament to the declaration of the establishment of the TFSC by Turkish Cypriots in 1975. One of the countries that reacted strongly to the Turkish military intervention on the island in 1974 was Britain. The announcement of the establishment of the TFSC also provoked a strong reaction from Britain. In the statements made by the British government, the establishment of the TFSC was declared to be an “undesired development”. This study examines the approach of British MPs to the TFSC through discussions in the House of Commons.The first result of the study shows that British MPs did not support the announcement of the establishment of the TFSC. British MPs reacted to this and they questioned whether the British government knew about this announcement beforehand. British MPs also sought an answer to the question of why the government had not taken any steps to prevent the establishment of the TFSC. British government officials emphasized in their statements that they did not know that the founding of the TFSC would be announced. In addition, they expressed with certainty that the newly established Turkish administration would not be recognized by Britain. Another point that the study draws attention to was that because Ankara supported the TFSC, some MPs wanted the British government to “punish” Turkey. Moreover, one member of parliament wanted the British government to work for the suspension of Turkeys’ UN membership. However, British government officials stated that they did not support such a proposal.Some MPs expressed in the British parliament that Britain, which is one of the guarantor states in Cyprus, should take more initiative in seeking a resolution to the Cyprus problem. In response to this proposal, government officials pointed out the necessity to continue negotiations between the Turkish and Greek Cypriots for peace in Cyprus. British deputies expressed that there would be no results from long-standing inter-communal talks. They argued that the British government should follow a more active policy for peace in Cyprus. Government officials disagreed with these suggestions and stated that Britain could not act alone. Other guarantor states in Cyprus would have to agree together on a solution. Thus, the government did not take into consideration the active policy proposal for a solution to the Cyprus problem. Finally, another issue that came up after the announcement of the establishment of the TFSC was the situation of British citizens on the island. Some MPs proposed to open an official representative office within the boundaries of the TFSC for British citizens. However, British government officials opposed this proposal.&nbsp;As a result, MPs in the British parliament did not accept the announcement of the TFSC. Furthermore, there were deputies who said that the Turks should not be declared solely responsible for the Cyprus problem. However, this view did not cause any change in the policy of the British government and the TFSC was not recognized by the British government.

The Reaction of the British Parliament to the Establishment of the Turkish Federated State of Cyprus (1975)

Yusuf

THE PERCEPTION OF BISMARCK IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE: THE CASE SPECIFIC TO ABDULHAMID II

İsmail

At the end of the Second World War, a fast decolonization process started in the British Empire. This situation re-triggered the sovereignty debate in Cyprus. Repre-sentatives of the Greek Cypriots had been trying to make Cyprus a territory of Gree-ce for many years. Enosis, which meant the annexation of the island to Greece, was a strong feeling among Greek Cypriots. They also wanted to take advantage of the decolonization process. However, Great Britain did not favor the annexation of the island to Greece due to its interests in the Middle East. Great Britain favored making a more libertarian constitution on the island instead of enosis. The Greek Cypriots responded to this approach of the British government by declaring that they would never step back from the enosis.Enosis was not only prevented by Britain’s interests in the Middle East. Tur-kish Cypriots were also strongly opposed to enosis. Because Turks living on other islands, especially in Crete, had to leave their homeland due to Greek pressure, they were concerned the same outcome would happen on their own. That is why the Tur-kish Cypriots defended the continuation of the British rule on the island, or it should have been given to Turkey, which was the former owner of the island. On the other hand, Turkey was also against enosis because Turkey saw the enosis as an instrument of the expansionist politics of Greece. Despite the Turkish Cypriots’ and Turkey’s objections, Greek Cypriots insisted on demanding Enosis.The date of 18 October 1950 was a turning point for enosis because of Maka-rios III, whose original name was Mikhail Christodoulos Mouskos, was elected as archbishop. Makarios was ready to use all the facilities of the church for enosis. Eno-sis was a historical task, a national and religious issue for him. For that reason, he regarded leading the struggle for enosis as a great honor. According to Makarios, there were two ways to achieve enosis: diplomacy or armed struggle. He applied all the diplomatic methods he knew between 1950 and 1955. In this context, he organi-zed demonstrations in Athens and Nicosia; directed the public opinion, sought sup-port from the Greek lobby in the USA; and pressured the British administration.&nbsp;&nbsp;All the diplomatic initiatives of Makarios and Greece failed to persuade Bri-tain for enosis. Therefore, Greece applied to the United Nations to obtain the right of self-determination for Cyprus on August 16, 1954. However, the United Nations rejected Greece’s application. In the same period, besides diplomatic initiatives, an armed terrorist organization was established to carry out terrorist acts on the island, but this organization declined to take any action until the United Nations made its decision on Cyprus. The name of this&nbsp;organization was EOKA. It was founded under the leadership of retired Colonel Grivas and Makarios, and its aim was to carry out enosis through terrorist attacks.&nbsp;&nbsp;The establishment activities of EOKA began secretly in 1951, and had comp-leted all preparations by 1 April 1955. EOKA carried out all its activities on the is-land mostly through youth organizations such as PEON and OHEN. The Cyprus Church provided financial support to EOKA. Thanks to this financial support, the necessary weapons could be purchased. In order to become a member of EOKA, it was necessary to be Greek, a supporter of enosis and not be a communist. Therefore, EOKA was a pan-helenic fascist organization whose purpose was limited to enosis. Consequently, EOKA cannot be described as an organization that is fighting against colonialism to gain independency for its own folk because it wanted only enosis, not national independence. It was clear that EOKA’s motivation to resort to armed struggle against the British colonial administration was never independence.

EOKA: From Thought to Action

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TURKISH PRISONERS SENT TO INDIA BY THE BRITISH IN THE FIRST WORLD WAR

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This study’s purpose is to provide information about Ali Saib Bey, who was in service in various provincial offices in the Ottoman State for many years and was the author of the annex which constitutes the main subject of the article. On the other hand, another purpose of the study was to determine the issues and recommendations stated in the annex and reveal whether these recommendations were realized through archive documents.The civil service life of a public servant who served in the Ottoman provinces for many years will be examined in this study. Many issues such as his duties, assignments, and rewards taken by this officer in the provinces will be revealed in this section. In addition, the presentation of the annex that Ali Saib Bey wrote was also important in terms of showing what problems he had in Shkoder, which would come out shortly after the Ottoman Empire, and what recommendations were put forward to overcome these problems. The question of whether these recommendations were taken into consideration were examined through documents in the Presidential Ottoman Archives. It is thought that the findings obtained within the framework of this annex, which reveal the central-provincial relations and have not been studied before, will contribute to the history of this territory.The first step in the method followed during the study was to collect data about the civil service life of Ali Saib Efendi, the owner of the annex. Later, it was evaluated in accordance with the original partition by making content analysis of the annex. And then, the documents obtained as a result of the review carried out in the Presidential Ottoman Archive on the subjects mentioned in the annex were compared. The studies conducted on the related territory were utilized for the data related to Shkoder. In this respect, the main source of the study was the annex of Ali Saib Bey and the documents obtained in the Presidential Ottoman Archive.Ali Saib Bey, the son of a soldier father, started his career as a correspondence clerk in Malatya sanjak at a very young age and served in many parts of the country. Ali Saib Efendi, who came to Shkoder with his position as a provincial letter officer on February 1, 1909, also served as deputy governor of Shkoder during this duty. Ali Saib Bey, who briefly summarized his civil service life in this way, wrote an annex dated October 29, 1911 that formed the subject of this study. Initially, he transferred the geographical borders and population information of the province. In the section titled political and social situation and urgent needs of Shkoder, he emphasized the issue of Malesori, for which he was also assigned. One of the important determinations he made was that it was the most important problem of the people in this place to be in ignorance and misery. Also, the efforts of Austria and Italy to influence here are another issue that was mentioned in the annex. It was understood from the statements of Ali Saib Bey that they took the hearts of the people through the great investments they made in the region and that even some of the Muslims in the Malesori region left their religions for this reason. It was a remarkable determination that the people in Malesori and Shkoder took refuge in the patronage of Montenegro, which was their enemy. An important determination in this section was that the Ottoman ambassador in Çetine was acting as if he were supporting Montenegro. After this section, Ali Saib Bey gave information about the law that he defined as “not fit for civilization and humanity” under the title of Dukakin Law. The next title was education. In the annex stating that Shkoder was not at the desired level in education, it was worth noting that many of the teachers with insufficient salaries did not know Ottoman Turkish. The most important recommendation in this section was that an industrial school should be opened there. Under the title of Public Works, it mentioned that the situation of the roads was very bad and that it was necessary to do something as soon as possible. Another point mentioned in this section was that foreign engineers and conductors did not want to go to their places owing to various excuses. Under the public order title, it determined that the coast of Shkoder Lake, up to Boyana and Drac, was open to smuggling and that it was a necessity to set up observation towers in suitable places on the coast, and he emphasized the necessity of installing a telephone line between them. In the title on agriculture, he stated that agriculture was done in the old way due to the financial deficiencies of the people. Therefore, he emphasized that it was necessary to increase the capital of the agricultural bank there and to open the branch of the bank in some towns. Opening a sample field on which Ali Saib Bey was standing was one of the recommendations put into practice. Another important determination in this section is that Shkoder was very rich in terms of forest but it was not utilized properly. Under the heading of civil service, some significant opinions were given about administrative arrangements that needed to be made by giving the current administrative division of Shkoder. The most noteworthy of these was the proposal to assign the Muslims or Christians in Shkoder, who could speak the local language, as the head of the district. Under the heading of officers to be assigned to Shkoder, it was requested that the unqualified ones be taken from there and replaced by experienced officers, and that the salaries and liabilities of the officers who would work there should be made regularly. The most striking point in the headline of politics to be implemented in Shkoder was that almost all of the people across the province had an attitude towards the government and that the people of the territory should not behave violently as a result of their nature, but it would not also result in being too soft. The only thing to do was to meet in the middle. It was another recommendation that mobile doctors should be assigned there and that these doctors should constantly treat people who were sick in the villages and mountains and make the state propaganda. Finally, it was recommended that the loyalty of the people to the state should be provided through the Muslim and Christian opinion leaders and that the financial support should be provided to poor people as much as possible.The annex written by an officer who worked in different parts of the Ottoman Empire as the correspondence clerk of Shkoder was an important document in order to understand center-provincial relations. There were some recommendations by Ali Saib Bey that were realized as well as those that could not be realized due to financial difficulties. As a result, thinking about how to manage Shkoder better and how to handle the current problems, Ali Saib Bey explained these issues in detail. However, neither this annex nor the efforts of the Ottoman State yielded any results, and Shkoder came out of the hands of the Ottomans as a result of the Balkan Wars.

A Public Official in the Ottoman Province, Ali Saib Bey and His Annex on Shkoder Province

Davud

The Ottoman Empire, which joined the First World War on the side of the Central Powers, had to fight actively on many fronts due to its strategic and geopolitical position. These fronts stretched from the Caucasus to Iraq, from the Suez Canal to the Dardanelles. In addition, Ottoman forces also operated in areas that were not actively involved in conflict, taking active or passive defensive measures. The Ottoman Empire’s Deputy Commander-In-Chief in Thrace carried out military operations in case of a military landing by the Allied forces and as such took various measures in the Black Sea, Marmara, western Anatolia and around Iskenderun.&nbsp;The Ottoman Empire’s Western Anatolian coasts being under the threat of the British and French Navy , and having the assistance of the Allied Forces to carry out air operations with aircraft carriers wherever they wanted, led to the deployment of aviation units by the Ottoman Commander-in-Chief in the relevant regions.The Ottoman Empire entered the First World War with six aircraft at the beginning of the war. After some time, the Ottoman Empire was in active at the front with 1500 personnel and 450 aircraft which were received from its ally Germany. At the beginning of the war, the Ottoman Deputy Commander-in-chief sent two aircraft to the Dardanelles and one plane to Izmir, taking into account the strategic and geopolitical situation of the Dardanelles and Izmir region. Over time, air troops were deployed in the region with aircraft from Germany and the amount of aircraft was increased.At the beginning of the First World War, measures were taken by sending planes around Çanakkale and Izmir, and in 1915, also to the Dardanelles Front battles began with the offensive of the Allied Forces. On March 18, 1915, the Allies did not succeed in their naval operation, followed by a landing on the Gallipoli peninsula on April 25, 1915. However, the Entente forces withdrew from the region at the beginning of 1916, failing to achieve any success as a result of the joint defence of the Turkish land, air and naval forces.After the victory of the Turkish forces in the Dardanelles, the Allied forces carried out operations until the end of the war in the western Anatolia region with the air and&nbsp;naval forces they had gathered in the islands . The Allied tactical operation was aimed at maintaining the control of the Straits and preventing entry and exit from there. Consequently, the region was constantly supervised by both sea and air elements due to its strategic importance. In addition, from time to time western Anatolian coasts, cities and ports were harassed and bombed by Allied naval and air elements.The activity of the Allied forces was marked by the formation of 1st and 6th divisions in and around Çanakkale, which included the Western Anatolia region, and 5th and 12th divisions around Izmir, in order to follow, explore, monitor and report the situation to the command levels as quickly as possible. The possibility and expectation that the Entente forces would make a landing over Gallipoli or Izmir after the battles of the Dardanelles made the formation of the air defense forces mandatory in addition to the precautionary measures of the Ottoman State. The aim was to secure the capital Istanbul with air troops from the relevant regions in the Dardanelles and to advance against the Allied Air Forces. It was also intended to preempt possible landings into the region with the air forces in Izmir.The Aegean Sea and the islands were monitored by the units and platoons established, and from time to time the allied bases there were bombed. Air battles took place with the aircraft of the Allied forces. From the point of view of the opposing forces, the strategic importance of the Ottoman territory led to Allied aircraft carrying out aerial attacks on Istanbul and Izmir from time to time. Although these aerial attacks did not affect the outcome of the war, they played their part in terms of psychological effects. The Allied elements demonstrated effectiveness, particularly by bombing strategic public institutions, air bases and warships.The headquarters of the British Air Force in the Mediterranean was assembled and directed at a command post in Malta. The air operations against Istanbul and Izmir were carried out by the air units based at Mondros, under the command of Colonel Gordon. After the battles of the Dardanelles, 34 French and British aircraft based on the islands in the Aegean Sea operated on Western Anatolia. French aircraft served in Bozcaada, and a Greek aircraft station that was under the supervision of the Greek Ministry of War, was located in Mondros. Meanwhile, a base between Thasoz and Lesbos served the Entente aircraft. All these squadrons were managed under the command of the commander at Mondros.Turkish coasts were blockaded from 1915. French naval forces were completely under the control of Beirut, Iskenderun, and the Antalya coasts. The French, assisting their naval forces, began to conduct aerial reconnaissance from the Egyptian ports and the small islands of Ruad and Meis between Cyprus and Syria. Upon the increase of enemy activities in the Aegean Sea and Izmir region, the 5th Airborne Division was assigned the task of reconnaissance and control against the Entente activities in the region. In this context, flights were made from the islands of Chios, Sisam, Rhodes, Lesbos and Kösten (Uzunada), and mobility in the region was monitored.&nbsp;From all academic studies carried out on behalf of the history of aviation thus far, it can be seen based on archival documents that no studies have been conducted on the topic of the air operations carried out in the western Anatolia region after the Gallipoli victory. Having remedied this with this study, aviation activities realized in the said region have now been examined in the light of archival documents.

Aviation Activities in Western Anatolia Following the Victory at Gallipoli (1915-1918)

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Recent Period Turkish Studies - Yakın Dönem Türkiye Araştırmaları is the official publication of Istanbul University Institute of Ataturk’s Principles and Reforms. It is an open access, peer-reviewed,and regionally concentrated international journal  that targets audiences primarily in historically related regions in the neighbourhood of Turkiye; such as Balkans, Eastern Europe, Eastern Mediterrenean, Central Asia, and Middle East,   The journal has been published biannually  in June and December. It was founded in 2002.  As of 2024, the print version has been stopped. The journal has become an online-only publication.

The journal publishes original articles and studies from the disciplines of history, History of the Republic of Turkey, Atatürk’s Principles and History of Turkish Reforms, Ottoman History, sociology, literature, art history, law, political science and economics within the framework of Modern Turkish and World History. The objective of the journal is to contribute to science by publishing research articles and reviews in Turkish, English, German and French.

The journal publishes, research articles and reviews evaluating and criticizing the studied subjects and presenting new and remarkable opinions on the basis of a rich bibliography. Translations related to the field and texts of unpublished papers that were previously presented at a scientific congress; introductory letters about treatises, personalities and scientific activities about the Turkish National Struggle and Republic of Turkey are included in the journal as well.

All expenses of the journal are covered by the Istanbul University. Processing and publication are free of charge with the journal. There is no article processing charges or submission fees for any submitted or accepted articles.

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Recent Period Turkish Studies – Yakın Dönem Türkiye Araştırmaları is a scientific, open-access and peer-reviewed journal published biannually (June &amp; December). The journal publishes original articles and studies from the disciplines of  history, History of the Republic of Turkey, Atatürk’s Principles and History of Turkish Reforms, Ottoman History, sociology, literature, art history, law, political science and economics within the framework of Modern Turkish and World History. Thus it serves as a bridge between the world of science and academicians at the national and international levels.The objective of the journal is to contribute to science by publishing research articles and reviews in Turkish, English, German and French.Recent Period Turkish Studies – Yakın Dönem Türkiye Araştırmaları has a scope that covers the disciplines of  history, History of the Republic of Turkey, Atatürk’s Principles and History of Turkish Reforms, Ottoman History, sociology, literature, art history, law, political science and economics within the framework of Modern Turkish and World History. The journal publishes, research articles and reviews evaluating and criticizing the studied subjects and presenting new and remarkable opinions on the basis of a rich bibliography. Translations related to the field and texts of unpublished papers that were previously presented at a scientific congress; introductory letters about treatises, personalities and scientific activities about the Turkish National Campaign and Republic of Turkey are included in the journal as well.

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<ul type="disc"> <li>Web of Science – Emerging Sources Citation Index (ESCI)</li> <li>TÜBİTAK ULAKBİM TR Index</li> <li>DOAJ</li> <li>ERIH PLUS</li> <li>EBSCO Central &amp; Eastern European Academic Source</li> <li>Research Bible (ResearchBib)</li> <li>İslâm Araştırmaları Merkezi (İSAM)</li> <li>Sosyal Bilimler Atıf Dizini (SOBIAD)</li> <li>Scopus</li> <li>Gale Cengage</li><li><a href="https://about.proquest.com/en/products-services/Ulrichsweb/" target="_blank" style="font-size: 14.6667px;">Ulrichsweb</a>                                                                                                                                                                                                            </li></ul>

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The Artificial Intelligence Policy, prepared in light of developments in artificial intelligence (AI) and practices in scholarly publishing, sets out the editorial and ethical principles that authors, reviewers, and editors should follow when using such technologies. The following sources have been considered in the preparation of the AI policy:Committee on Publication Ethics <a href="https://publicationethics.org/guidance/cope-position/authorship-and-ai-tools" target="_blank">(COPE) - Authorship and AI tools</a>; International Committee of Medical Journal Editors <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/browse/roles-and-responsibilities/defining-the-role-of-authors-and-contributors.html#four" target="_blank">(ICMJE) - Artificial Intelligence (AI)-Assisted Technology; World Association of Medical Editors  (WAME) Chatbots, Generative AI, and Scholarly Manuscripts</a><a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/browse/roles-and-responsibilities/defining-the-role-of-authors-and-contributors.html#four"></a>AI-assisted technologies (such as large language models [LLMs], chatbots, or image generators) can develop and produce a wide variety of content, including text, images, audio, and synthetic data. When used ethically and safely, these capabilities can increase productivity and foster innovation, but when used without human guidance, they pose risks such as inaccurate and biased results, omissions and errors in citations, deficiencies in protecting privacy and intellectual property rights, and potential violations of authors' and publishers' rights. IUPress adopts the following core principles to avoid these risks in the use of AI:  <ul><li>Details of any AI used in the production of content (including but not limited to text, figures, images, and code) must be declared and clearly explained in the appropriate section of the paper (as an acknowledgement and/or in the methods section). </li><li>No AI tool may be listed as an author in any scientific paper. </li><li>Authors are responsible for the accuracy, completeness, and originality of their work, even if AI is used in any way; they are responsible for the proper referencing and attribution of others' ideas, data, words, or other materials. </li><li>Reviewers and editors must not upload submitted work, in whole or in part, to any generative AI application.</li></ul>In the editorial processes of IUPress publications, tools are available to assist editors in identifying AI-generated content. On the other hand, it is common to use AI tools that provide suggestions for improving and enhancing readability, language, and grammar, and such AI tools can be used in IUPress publications under the supervision of editors and authors.

Artificial Intelligence Policy

<ul><li>Authors are required to declare if they have used AI-assisted technologies (such as large language models [LLMs], chatbots, or image generators) in the creation of their submitted work. </li><li>Authors should explain, both in the cover letter and in the appropriate section of the submitted paper (as a footnote and/or in the methods section), which AI tool and which version of it they have used and for what purpose. </li><li>Authors should also indicate how they used the AI tool and how they assessed the validity of the results obtained using this technology, and what aspects of the paper, manuscript content, data or supporting files were influenced by the use of the AI tool or were generated by AI.</li><li>It is the authors' responsibility to ensure the accuracy, validity and appropriateness of content and citations generated by AI-assisted technologies and to eliminate potential errors, inconsistencies and biased results. </li><li>Authors should always check the original sources to eliminate possible plagiarism, recognising that there is a potential for plagiarism in texts produced with AI-assisted technologies. They should confirm that they have checked and that the sources are original.  </li><li>AI-assisted tools (such as ChatGPT) cannot be listed as authors because they cannot be responsible for the accuracy, integrity, and originality of the work, and these responsibilities are essential to authorship. Therefore, authors are responsible for all material involving the use of AI-assisted technologies. Authors should ensure that all statements in the article that state the hypotheses, interpretations, conclusions, limitations, and implications of the study represent their own opinions.  </li><li>Studies created by authors using AI tools in the following ways, which substitute for the basic researcher's and author's responsibilities, violate the principles of scientific publishing and publication ethics, and such studies are not eligible for inclusion in publications: </li></ul><ul><ul><li>&#65279;Generation of text or code without rigorous review, </li><li>Generation of synthetic data to replace missing data without a robust methodology, </li><li>Creation of any inaccurate, synthetic content, including abstracts or supplementary materials, </li><li>Creation and manipulation of images and figures (pictures, graphs, data tables, medical images, image snippets, computer codes and formulae) or original research data (enhancing, hiding, moving, removing or adding a particular feature within an image or figure) using AI.&#65279;</li></ul></ul>

It is essential to maintain confidentiality in the peer review process and not to share or use the reviewed work in this process. <a href="https://publicationethics.org/sites/default/files/ethical-guidelines-peer-reviewers-cope.pdf" target="_blank">(COPE – Ethical Guidelines for Peer Reviewers</a>)<ul><li>Reviewers should not upload a manuscript or part of a manuscript submitted to them for review to generative AI tools or large language models to assist in the review, evaluation or decision-making process, as uploading content to such AI tools by reviewers violates the authors' privacy and property rights.  </li><li>Reviewing a scientific paper is a responsibility that can only be undertaken by human beings. The critical thinking and original evaluation required for peer review is beyond the scope of this technology, and there is a risk that the technology will produce inaccurate, incomplete or biased conclusions about the paper. The peer review report and decision letters should reflect the personal assessment of the reviewers and editors of the submitted content. The reviewer is responsible and accountable for the content of his/her report. </li><li>AI tools may be used in a limited way to improve the quality of the language of the peer review report (for translation or language editing) in the context of peer review. If such use is made, the reviewer must declare the use when submitting the report. </li><li>Reviewers who suspect inappropriate or undisclosed use of generative AI in a submission should report their concerns to the editor.</li></ul>

Editors are obliged to ensure that the confidentiality of the manuscripts submitted to the journal is maintained during the evaluation process, and it is essential that the peer-reviewed work is not shared or used outside the parties involved in that process. (COPE - Code of Conduct and Best Practice Guidelines for Journal Editors) <a href="https://publicationethics.org/files/Code_of_conduct_for_journal_editors_Mar11.pdf" target="_blank">(COPE – Code of Conduct and Best Practice Guidelines for Journal Editors)</a>.<ul><li>Editors should not upload a submitted article, or any part of it, to generative Artificial Intelligence tools or Big Language Models to assist in the review, evaluation or decision-making process, as this may violate authors' privacy and property rights. </li><li>Managing the editorial review of a scientific article implies responsibilities that can only be attributed to humans. Generative AI or AI-assisted technologies should not be used by editors to assist in the evaluation or decision-making process of an article, as the critical thinking and original evaluation required for this task is beyond the scope of this technology and there is a risk that the technology will produce inaccurate, incomplete or biased conclusions about the article. The editor is responsible and accountable for the editorial process, the final decision and its communication to the authors.</li><li>Editors should not use generative AI tools to compose decision letters or abstracts of unpublished research. </li><li>Editors may use generative AI tools to help find appropriate reviewers.</li><li>If editors suspect the use of generative AI in a submitted manuscript or a submitted referee report, they should conduct an editorial review of the matter and consider the policy.</li></ul>

Recent Period Turkish Studies- Yakın Dönem Türkiye Araştırmaları is committed to upholding the highest standards of publication ethics and pays regard to Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing published by the <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, the <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, the <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a>, and the <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> on <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a>All submissions must be original, unpublished (including as full text in conference proceedings), and not under the review of any other publication synchronously. Authors must ensure that submitted work is original. They must certify that the manuscript has not previously been published elsewhere or is not currently being considered for publication elsewhere, in any language. Applicable copyright laws and conventions must be followed. Copyright material (e.g. tables, figures or extensive quotations) must be reproduced only with appropriate permission and acknowledgement. Any work or words of other authors, contributors, or sources must be appropriately credited and referenced.Each manuscript is reviewed by one of the editors and at least two referees under double-blind peer review process. Plagiarism, duplication, fraud authorship/denied authorship, research/data fabrication, salami slicing/salami publication, breaching of copyrights, prevailing conflict of interest are unnethical behaviors.All manuscripts not in accordance with the accepted ethical standards will be removed from the publication. This also contains any possible malpractice discovered after the publication. In accordance with the code of conduct we will report any cases of suspected plagiarism or duplicate publishing.

Ethics

Recent Period Turkish Studies- Yakın Dönem Türkiye Araştırmaları adheres to the highest standards in research ethics and follows the principles of international research ethics as defined below. The authors are responsible for the compliance of the manuscripts with the ethical rules.<ul><li>Principles of integrity, quality and transparency should be sustained in designing the research, reviewing the design and conducting the research.</li><li>The research team and participants should be fully informed about the aim, methods, possible uses and requirements of the research and risks of participation in research.</li><li>The confidentiality of the information provided by the research participants and the confidentiality of the respondents should be ensured. The research should be designed to protect the autonomy and dignity of the participants.</li><li>Research participants should participate in the research voluntarily, not under any coercion.</li><li>Any possible harm to participants must be avoided. The research should be planned in such a way that the participants are not at risk.</li><li>The independence of research must be clear; and any conflict of interest or must be disclosed.</li><li>In experimental studies with human subjects, written informed consent of the participants who decide to participate in the research must be obtained. In the case of children and those under wardship or with confirmed insanity, legal custodian’s assent must be obtained.</li><li>If the study is to be carried out in any institution or organization, approval must be obtained from this institution or organization.</li><li>In studies with human subject, it must be noted in the method’s section of the manuscript that the informed consent of the participants and ethics committee approval from the institution where the study has been conducted have been obtained.</li></ul>

It is authors’ responsibility to ensure that the article is in accordance with scientific and ethical standards and rules. And authors must ensure that submitted work is original. They must certify that the manuscript has not previously been published elsewhere or is not currently being considered for publication elsewhere, in any language. Applicable copyright laws and conventions must be followed. Copyright material (e.g. tables, figures or extensive quotations) must be reproduced only with appropriate permission and acknowledgement. Any work or words of other authors, contributors, or sources must be appropriately credited and referenced.All the authors of a submitted manuscript must have direct scientific and academic contribution to the manuscript. The author(s) of the original research articles is defined as a person who is significantly involved in “conceptualization and design of the study”, “collecting the data”, “analyzing the data”, “writing the manuscript”, “reviewing the manuscript with a critical perspective” and “planning/conducting the study of the manuscript and/or revising it”. Fund raising, data collection or supervision of the research group are not sufficient roles to be accepted as an author. The author(s) must meet all these criteria described above. The order of names in the author list of an article must be a co-decision and it must be indicated in the <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/0DA91259FA4F4088A8E8E118F732E651" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form.</a> The individuals who do not meet the authorship criteria but contributed to the study must take place in the acknowledgement section. Individuals providing technical support, assisting writing, providing a general support, providing material or financial support are examples to be indicated in acknowledgement section.All authors must disclose all issues concerning financial relationship, conflict of interest, and competing interest that may potentially influence the results of the research or scientific judgment.When an author discovers a significant error or inaccuracy in his/her own published paper, it is the author’s obligation to promptly cooperate with the Editor-in-Chief to provide retractions or corrections of mistakes.

Editor evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, sexual orientation, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors. Editor provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles for publication and ensures that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential before publishing.Editor is responsible for the content and overall quality of the publication and must publish errata pages or make corrections when needed.Editor does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers. Only editor has the full authority to assign a reviewer and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal.Reviewers’ judgments must be objective. Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the Editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the Editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. Unless the authors and editor permit, the reviews of referees cannot be published or disclosed. The anonymity of the referees is important. In particular situations, the editor may share the review of one reviewer with other reviewers to clarify a particular point.

Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by editor-in-chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope.The editor hands over the papers matching the formal rules to at least two national/international referees for double-blind peer review evaluation and gives green light for publication upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.

Peer Review

Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors. He/She provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles for publication and ensures that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential before publishing.Editor-in-Chief is responsible for the contents and overall quality of the publication. He/She must publish errata pages or make corrections when needed.Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers. Only he has the full authority to assign a reviewer and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the journal.Reviewers must have no conflict of interest with respect to the research, the authors and/or the research funders. Their judgments must be objective.Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees must be ensured. In particular situations, the editor may share the review of one reviewer with other reviewers to clarify a particular point.

Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by Editor-in-Chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope. Editor-inChief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors and ensures a fair double-blind peer review of the selected manuscripts.The selected manuscripts are sent to at least two national/international external referees for evaluation and publication decision is given by Editor-in-Chief upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the journal.Reviewers’ judgments must be objective. Reviewers’ comments on the following aspects are expected while conducting the review.- Does the manuscript contain new and significant information?- Does the abstract clearly and accurately describe the content of the manuscript?- Is the problem significant and concisely stated? - Are the methods described comprehensively? - Are the interpretations and consclusions justified by the results?- Is adequate references made to other Works in the field?- Is the language acceptable?Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees is important.

All correspondence will be sent to the first-named author unless otherwise specified. Article is to be submitted online via <a href="https://dergipark.org.tr/login" target="_blank">https://dergipark.org.tr/login</a> that can be accessed at <a href="http://rpts.istanbul.edu.tr" target="_blank">http://rpts.istanbul.edu.tr</a>. It must be accompanied by a title page specifying the article category (i.e. research article, review etc.) and including information about the essay (see the Submission Checklist), and a cover letter. Articles should be prepared in Microsoft Word 2003 and upper versions. In addition, Copyright Agreement Form that has to be signed by all authors must be submitted. The <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/8ACB037CCDCF46CEBBE9BEDF4FED2D7A" target="_blank">Cover Page</a> and <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/5027B8C00BB74DE99856B11550661D9D" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a> must be completed in full. 1. Studies should be in A4 paper standards: having 4 cm margin from left and 2.5 cm margins from right, bottom and top, Times New Roman font style in 12 font size, line spacing of 1.5 and “justify align” format. If there are footnotes, they must remain within these limits and be written in 10 font size. Before and after paragraphs, 6 point space should be left. 2. The headings of sections and subsections of the article should be in 14 font size. Before and after headings, 6 point space should be left. 3. Headings and subheadings should not be in the last line of a page; in such a case they should be on the next page. The first line of a paragraph should not be the last line of a page and the last line of a paragraph should not be the first line of page. 4. Abbreviations, table, figure and symbol list, preface, abstract, references list, appendix and explanations of tables and captions of figures should be written in 1 line spacing. 5. The author/authors’ names and information should not be included in the text of the article, and all information about the author/authors should be indicated on the Cover Page that will be uploaded to the system along with the Full Text and Copyright Form. The Cover Page should include the title of the article, the author or authors’ affiliations and titles, the addresses where they can be reached, mobile, business and fax numbers, ORCID and e-mail addresses.6. Before the introduction part, there should be an abstract of 100-200 words both in Turkish and in English. An extended abstract in English between 600-800 words, summarizing the scope, the purpose, the results of the study and the methodology used is to be included following the abstracts. Underneath the abstracts, 5 keywords that inform the reader about the content of the study should be specified in Turkish and in English. 7. The article should contain mainly these components: Title, abstract and keywords in the language of the article; English title, abstract and keywords; extended abstract in English, main sections of article, references and tables and figures. 8. Tables, graphs and figures can be given with a number and a defining title if and only if it is necessary to follow the idea of the article. Otherwise, data that can be given in the text, such as demographic characteristics, should not be expressed in separate tables. 9. All responsibility for the articles/writings published in the journal and the opinions expressed belong to the authors; Istanbul University Institute of Ataturk’s Principles and Revolution History does not assume any responsibility. 10. In line with the editorial board and referee reports, authors may be asked to make some corrections on the text.

Author Guidelines

Citations (Reference, Cross Reference)In the article, quotations from other sources are either quoted exactly or summarized or interpreted by the author’s own words, provided that the essence is not changed. In both cases, the cited source (including text, table, figure etc.) must be referenced. The following principles are applied in this regard:a. Information taken exactly from the source (quotation) is shown in double quotes (“.....”). Quotations made by the author by changing the format, not the essence of the information in the source, are shown without double quotes. In both types of citations, reference is made to the relevant source and each citation is given a consecutive number in the form of footnotes on the bottom of the page.b. In the article, the whole of the information quoted from the source can be given, but for example, only certain parts of the information in the form of sentences, paragraphs or pages can also be given. In this case, the omitted places are indicated with three dots (…) to show that certain words, various sentences, paragraphs and pages are omitted in the sentences.c. If the information in other sources is quoted verbatim, inaccuracies such as letters, sentences, dates, places, etc. in the sources are also repeated, including punctuation marks and translation errors. If the author of the article wants to give correction of inaccuracies in the source text, then the correct information is indicated in a parenthesis immediately after the incorrect information.d. Exact quotations from the sources are given within the text of the article, if they are not longer than one sentence. In longer quotations, at least double-spaced space is left between the first and last lines of the quotation and the text of the article, so that the quotation and the text are distinguished. For such citations, a smaller font size than the font used in the article text is used.Rules about Reference FootnotesIn the reference footnotes, if a reference is made to the relevant source for the first time, the full bibliography of the work (author’s name, surname, name of the work, translator/editor/compiler information, if any, place of publication, publisher and date) should be given. Namely:Salahi Ramazan Sonyel, Türk Kurtuluş Savaşı ve Dış Politika I, Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayınları, Ankara, 1973, s. 10.Erol Güngör, Kültür Değişmesi ve Milliyetçilik, 2. Baskı, Ötüken Yayınları, İstanbul, 1984, s. 24.If a second or more reference is made to the same source in reference footnotes, the above information is abbreviated accordingly:Erol Güngör, Kültür Değişmesi …, s. 35.Reference to the author’s article/book chapter in the edited book:First reference:Hüseyin Bağcı, “Demokrat Parti’nin Ortadoğu Politikası”, Türk Dış Politikasının Analizi, der. Faruk Söylemezoğlu, Der Yayınları, İstanbul, 1994, s. 93-94.Next references:Hüseyin Bağcı, “Demokrat Parti’nin Ortadoğu Politikası”, s. 98.Reference to the article in the periodical:First reference:Fahrettin Kırzıoğlu, “Mustafa Kemal Paşa-Erzurum İlişkileri (1919-1920)”, Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Dergisi, VII/20, 1991, s. 223-266.Mustafa Budak, “Ermeni Meselesi Açısından Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi’nin Önemi”, Yakın Dönem Türkiye Araştırmaları Dergisi, C. 17, S. 34, 2018, s. 209.Next references:Fahrettin Kırzıoğlu, “Mustafa Kemal Paşa-Erzurum İlişkileri (1919-1920)”, s. 225.Articles and news in newspapers should be displayed as follows:“Hükümet-i Osmaniyye’nin Sulh Konferansına Teklifâtını Hâvi Muhtıra”, İkdam, 3 Mart 1335 (1919), s. 1.“DP Kongresi Saat 10’da Açıldı”, Vakit, 15 Ekim 1955, s. 1-2.“İnönü ve Gülek’in Menderes’e Geçmiş Olsun Telgrafları”, Ulus, 19 Şubat 1959, s. 1-2.Reference to archival documents:Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Cumhurbaşkanlığı Devlet Arşivleri Başkanlığı Osmanlı Arşivi (BOA), Bab-ı Âlî Evrak Odası (BEO), 3733/236781 (Sadaret’ten Harbiye Nezareti’ne gönderilen 1 Teşrîn-i Sânî 1326 [14 Kasım 1910] tarihli tezkire).Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Cumhurbaşkanlığı Devlet Arşivleri Başkanlığı Cumhuriyet Arşivi (BCA), 030-01-37/222-1 (6-7 Eylül olaylarında zarar görenlere maddi destekler hakkında).The names of the same archives and fonds should be written with their codes in the second and subsequent citations:BOA, BEO, 3733/236781.Reference to the electronic/internet source:TBMM, Süreli Yayınlar, III. Menderes Hükümeti, (Çevrimiçi), <a href="http://www.tbmm.gov.tr">www.tbmm.gov.tr</a>, 8 Aralık 2013.Ayhan Kamel, “İkinci Dünya Savaşı’nın Bitiminden Günümüze Kadar Türk-Rus İlişkileri”, (Çevrimiçi), <a href="http://www.dispolitika.org.tr">www.dispolitika.org.tr</a>, 7 Aralık 2013.John N. Berry, “Educate Library Leaders”, Library Journal, February 15, 1998 (Çevrimiçi), http//www.epnet.com/ehost, 3 Nisan 2019.BibliographyIn the bibliography, books and articles should be shown as follows:Satan, Ali: Türk ve İngiliz Belgelerinde Halifeliğin Kaldırılması, Yazıgen Yayıncılık, İstanbul, 2017.Türkmen, Zekeriya: “Mustafa Kemal Paşa ve Yıldırım Orduları Grup Komutanlığı”, Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Dergisi, C. XVI, S. 47, Temmuz 2000, s. 395-419.Appendix/AppendicesThe appendix section of the article contains text-related pictures, tables, forms, lists of survey questions, copies of important documents, photographs, maps, etc. For such a single material, only one annex is included, and for more than one material, if deemed necessary, multiple annexes are included. If the appendices are to be distinguished from each other, they shall be numbered consecutively as “Appendix-1”, “Appendix-2”, and so on. It is recommended that each number be followed by a title indicating the content of the each appendix. A title describing the contents of the appendix is recommended to be put next to each number.If the information in the appendix is conveyed from other sources, references to these sources must be indicated in the footnote.

<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/8ACB037CCDCF46CEBBE9BEDF4FED2D7A" target="_blank">Title Page</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/0DA91259FA4F4088A8E8E118F732E651" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/FFA980E737EA432B8AD4235E301677F0" target="_blank">Author Form</a>

Ensure that the following items are present:● Cover letter to the editorü  The category of the manuscriptü  Confirming that “the paper is not under consideration for publication in another journal”.ü  Including disclosure of any commercial or financial involvement.ü  Confirming that last control for fluent English was done.ü  Confirming that journal policies detailed in Information for Authors have been reviewed.ü Confirming that the references cited in the text and listed in the references section are in line with notes and bibliography system.<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/0DA91259FA4F4088A8E8E118F732E651" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/FFA980E737EA432B8AD4235E301677F0" target="_blank">Author Form</a>Permission of previous published material if used in the present manuscript<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/8ACB037CCDCF46CEBBE9BEDF4FED2D7A" target="_blank">Title page</a>ü  The category of the manuscriptü  The title of the manuscript both in Turkish and in Englishü  All authors’ names and affiliations (institution, faculty/department, city, country),ü  e-mail addressesü  Corresponding author’s email address, full postal address, telephone and fax numberü  ORCIDs of all authors.● Main Manuscript Documentü  The title of the manuscript both in Turkish in Englishü  Abstracts (100-200 words) both in the language of article and in Englishü  Key words: 5 words both in the language of article and in Englishü  Extended Abstract (600-800 words) in English for the articles which are not in Englishü  Acknowledgement (if exists)ü  Referencesü  Acknowledgements, grant supports, conflicts of interest should be indicatedü  All tables, illustrations (figures) (including title, description, footnotes)

Editor-in-ChiefName: Prof. Dr. Mustafa BUDAK E-mail: mustafa.budak@istanbul.edu.tr Phone: (0212) 440 00 00 (Dahili: 11950) Address: İstanbul Üniversitesi Atatürk İlkeleri ve İnkılap Tarihi Enstitüsü, Süleymaniye Mah. Besim Ömer Paşa Cad. No: 19 Kat: 4 Fatih - İstanbulEditorName: Asst. Prof. Dr. Hayrünisa ALP E-mail: hyralp@istanbul.edu.tr Phone: (0212) 440 00 00 (Dahili: 11956) Address: İstanbul Üniversitesi Atatürk İlkeleri ve İnkılap Tarihi Enstitüsü, Süleymaniye Mah. Besim Ömer Paşa Cad. No: 19 Kat: 4 Fatih - İstanbulEditorName: Asst. Prof. Dr. Yakup AHBAB E-mail: yakupahbab@hotmail.com Phone: (0212) 440 00 00 (Dahili: 10627) Address: İstanbul Üniversitesi Atatürk İlkeleri ve İnkılap Tarihi Enstitüsü, Süleymaniye Mah. Besim Ömer Paşa Cad. No: 19 Kat: 4 Fatih - İstanbulJournal ContactName: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Önder KOCATÜRK E-mail: onder.kocaturk@istanbul.edu.tr Phone: 1) 05362689505 2) 02163189780 3) 0212440 00 00 (Dahili: 10443) Address: İstanbul Üniversitesi Atatürk İlkeleri ve İnkılap Tarihi Enstitüsü, Süleymaniye Mah. Besim Ömer Paşa Cad. No: 19 Kat: 4 Fatih - İstanbulJournal ContactName: Res. Assist. Duygu SAYGIN E-mail: duygu.saygin@istanbul.edu.tr Phone: (0212) 440 00 00 (Dahili: 10437) Address: İstanbul Üniversitesi Atatürk İlkeleri ve İnkılap Tarihi Enstitüsü, Süleymaniye Mah. Besim Ömer Paşa Cad. No: 19 Kat: 4 Fatih - İstanbulJournal ContactName: Res. Assist. Umut DERE E-mail: umutdere@istanbul.edu.tr Phone: (0212) 440 00 00 (Dahili: 11955) Address: İstanbul Üniversitesi Atatürk İlkeleri ve İnkılap Tarihi Enstitüsü, Süleymaniye Mah. Besim Ömer Paşa Cad. No: 19 Kat: 4 Fatih - İstanbul

Issue Type	Regular
Editor(s)	Mustafa Budak
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