Süleyman

Prof. Dr.

Murat

Assist. Prof. Dr.

The Urartian Army on the Battlefield: Strategy and Tactics

Emre

Assoc. Prof. Dr.

Münteha

The subject of this paper is a glass coin weight recovered from Akmonia, which was minted by the governor of Constantinople and officials in other major cities of the Empire from the 6th to the mid-7th century AD to control gold coins. The attempt by humans to quantify the object of exchange and to call it a weight dates back to the Bronze Age. The scaled rods found in Troy in the 3rd millennium BC are seen as one of the greatest symbols of a commercial understanding based on measurement. In the Ancient Greek world, weight measurements were determined by Solon’s laws, and even in Anatolia, production was made in accordance with these laws. The Romans, on the other hand, used their own weight unit, the libra, from the moment they arrived in Anatolia. The main unit in the Roman weight system was the libra, and the traditional value for 1 libra was 327.5 g. However, the weight of the libra changed periodically. The practical use of this innovation, which began to appear in Late Antiquity, was to weigh the solidus (4.54 g) and its divisions, the semissis (2.27 g) and tremissis (1.55 g). The solidus represented the standard gold coin, very important for the entire Byzantine monetary system, and was also the reference coin with which all payments, taxes, or prices were recorded.&nbsp;However, it has been rightly observed that they did not always correspond exactly to known coin values. The idea is that the glass weights were simply designed “to control the tolerance within which most coins would or would not be accepted in everyday commercial transactions.” The Akmonia glass weight is discoidal in shape, with a diameter of 2.7 cm and an outer frame thickness of 0.4 cm, green in color, stamped with the bust of the emperor with a halo over the box monogram, and with the back left flat. The surface of the glass shows very small intermittent air bubbles, and on the reverse, there is soil filling the pits formed by the breakage of the glass near the surface. The Akmonia glass coin weight can be categorized by Entwistle as Type A “emperor” weights. This category consists of imperial busts with one or more halos, sometimes combined with other imperial busts (Roman and Constantinopolitan governors or Christ) and inscriptions or monograms. As many of these glass weights are quite worn, portrait and dress details have rarely survived. However, examples of jewelry such as diadems and pendilia can be distinguished on some of them. The imperial busts and monograms seen on Type A weights closely resemble those seen as stamps on the reverse of 6th and 7th-century AD silver vessels and serve a similar function, suggesting governmental approval through the use of imperial imagery on the weights, giving them an official character. The Akmonia find bears a bust of the emperor with a halo and diadem and a box monogram underneath, which is analyzed as ‘of Martinos’ in the light of similar examples. The weight of this coin is dated to the reign of Mauricius Tiberius (582-602 AD) due to the monogram and bust depiction. According to Ostrogorsky, Mauricius is the most important of the Byzantine rulers. His reign marked the transition from the aging Late Roman Empire to the new and&nbsp;vibrant life of the medieval Byzantine Empire. It was Mauricius who established the system of exarchs in Ravenna and Carthage. Thus, together with these two exarchs, he pioneered the later thema system. The coin weight found in Akmonia is very important evidence for the presence of an important emperor in the city in Late Antiquity, albeit indirectly. As a result of the surveys carried out in 2014-2017, it is known that Akmonia has a strong glass artifact collection. Although it is far from archaeological and archaeometric data such as kiln, production residue, production tools, raw glass, crucible, and ingot fragments, the recovery of glass slags proves production. The glass weight both contributes to the glass repertoire of the city as a material and emphasizes the socio-economic power of the city in Late Antiquity in terms of its usage.

The Weight of a Glass Coin in Akmonia

Ömer

Songül

Öğretim Görevlisi Dr.

This article examines the role and development of the concept of “duâgûy” in Ottoman history which seen in sources from the 16th century onwards. Initially, the conceptual explanation of the term “duâgûy” is provided, followed by an investigation into the roles and societal positions of “hâssa duâgûy” and “waqf duâgûy” under their respective headings. This article covers the period from the establishment to the late 17th century when the institution of duâgûy became clearly visible. It aims to provide detailed information on the subject by examining tahrir, ruus and mühimme register, waqf accounting books within the Ottoman archives, and studies on the state treasury and endowments. Various privileges, including tax exemption, have been granted to those whose prayers are valued and those who hold official berat (askerî). These mentioned individuals have been gradually tracked with more systematic records over time, among whom are those known as duâgûy. Consequently, registration and inspection procedures have developed. The aim of this article is to understand the processes of appointment and dismissal of those referred to as duâgûy.&nbsp;The term “hâssa duâgûyânı or duâgûyân-ı hâssa” refers to the historical, cultural, and social phenomenon that denotes the sultan’s prayers. This class, existing since the establishment of the state, began to be clearly observed only towards the end of the 16th century with the formation of regular records. When appointing a hâssa duâgûy, the matter was presented to a higher authority, and details such as who, where, when, and for what purpose this duty would be given were recorded. Request for position of duâgûy were made through petitions, letters and official correspondences (arz, arz-ı hal, tezkire, ilam). Judges (kadi), governors (beylerbeyi), treasurers (defterdar), inspectors (müfettiş), viziers, sheikhulislam, the Khan of Crimea, the chief of the imperial household (darüssaade ağası), the treasurer (hazinedarbaşı), companion (müsahip) were officials who acted as intermediaries for obtaining these positions. However, it was also customary for individuals to directly make request without any intermediaries. The salaries of the hâssa duâgûyân were financed by various units of the state treasury and were mainly between 6 to 10 akçes. Although there were some who earned much more, this was exceptional. The primary factors determining the salary of a hâssa duâgûyân were the individual’s social status and the conditions of that day. If interruptions were made in duties like that the role of prayer callers (duâgûyluk), this caused discontent among the people. The reason for this dissatisfaction was mainly because those receiving salaries as duâgûy were mostly individuals from socially disadvantaged backgrounds.The waqf duâgûy (endowed prayer callers), whose income came from the revenues of foundations, shared similar characteristics with the hâssa duâgûy (imperial prayer callers). Waqf duâgûy, existing since the establishment of the state, was a product of a philosophy aimed at helping foundations. These individuals prayed for the worldly and spiritual happiness&nbsp;of the foundation’s benefactor(s) (wâqif) and received salaries from the surplus income of the foundation. Similar to the hâssa duâgûy, waqf duâgûy was subject to comparable methods of appointment, dismissal, and inspection. Their incomes were concentrated between 1 to 10 akçes. Since they received their salaries from the surplus income of the foundation, during times of financial difficulty, the salaries of waqf duâgûy were the first to be cut. Through a practice known as “rakabe”, if the revenues of a foundation were insufficient to cover its expenses, the salaries of the waqf duâgûy were redirected to meet the foundation’s needs.&nbsp;In Ottoman society, in the religious realm, sheikhs (spiritual leaders), sayyids and sharifs (descendants of the Prophet Muhammad), in the realm of knowledge, ulama (scholars), in social life, sulehâ (virtuous individuals), zâde-gân (nobles), mevâli-gân (descendants of highranking kadi), zevâid-horân (emoluments or perquisites), havâtin (hatuns, honourable lady), artist, as well as fukara (the poor), gureba (the needy), talebe (students), eytâm (orphans), the sick, and the needy, were the initial members of the duâgûyân’s. Officials employed in state positions, such as kâtib (scribe), şâkird (student or intern), and khalifa (officer), soldiers, pensioners, recipients of mutekaid pension (retirees), constituted the other members of the duâgûyân’s. It wasn’t emphasized in society the differences in occupation, gender, race, education, age, or financial status among those granted the duâgûyân status. What was expected of them were qualities such as being members of the Islamic faith and fulfilling their ethical responsibilities.&nbsp;According to the findings, institution of duâgûy in the Ottoman Empire emerged with the establishment of the state. It differed from the duâgûy who employed in the palace, army, guilds, and Sufi orders. Its main elements were institution of duâgûy who sustained themselves through aids such as student scholarships, retirement pensions, allowances for widows and orphans, disability benefits, and financial aid.

Ottoman Duâgûys in the 17th Century: The Institutionalized Practice of Appointed Prayers Officers in Its Historical, Financial and Social Dimensions

Coşkun

The Ottoman Empire initially formed a regular army by employing war captives through the pençik system, later by recruiting Christian youths via the devşirme system. While these soldiers primarily resided in or near the centre, some began settling in provincial administrative units from the latter half of the 16th century. These kapıkulu soldiers, keen to retain privileges tied to their military status, led challenges for local administrators whom they argued lacked the authority to oversee their actions. At the same time, local reaya exploited the presence of kapıkulu by impersonating them, moving from village to village and oppressing the populace. These complications prompted the introduction of provincial officers within the central army in the 1570s, and the appointment of such officers had become systematic by the early 17th century.This study examines the kethüdâyeri, officers stationed in provincial administrative units tasked with overseeing the Kapıkulu cavalry, a key component of the Ottoman standing army. The introduction explores the consequences of Kapıkulu soldiers beginning to reside in provincial areas, referencing existing literature and where relevant contemporary sources. Subsequently, the study delves into the concept of kethüdâyeri, highlighting that various official carried this title.&nbsp;In the section on “appointment procedure” this study examines the process of kethüdâyeri appointments for overseeing the Kapıkulu cavalry in the provinces. This analysis includes how appointments were made, the criteria for selection, and the length of service. While kethüdâyeri appointments were relatively rare in the 1570s, they became increasingly common from the early 17th century onward. This shift suggests a gradual spread of Kapıkulu cavalrymen&nbsp;across the empire and a notable increase in their presence in certain administrative units. Appointments were primarily based on letters from the six different ağa groups within the Kapıkulu cavalry, specifying the candidate selected for the position. These letters were sent to the kadı (judge) of the relevant administrative unit, where the appointment would be enacted, and copies were recorded in the official registers. Although the Dîvân-ı Hümâyûn (Imperial Council) occasionally issued decrees for these appointments, they invariably referenced the ağas’ letters as the primary basis for the decision. The position of kethüdâyeri was mainly occupied by members of the sipahis, the most esteemed class within the Kapıkulu cavalry. Also, individuals from the silahdars were also appointed occasionally. While experience was generally prioritized in selecting candidates, other qualifications were also valued such as proven service in military campaigns, a reputation for not causing harm to the local reaya, good relations with fellow Kapıkulu cavalrymen, and the administrative skills necessary to manage them effectively. Kethüdâyeri, who held considerable influence within provincial administration, were often either chosen from influential individuals or gained influence after their appointment. Examination of this rank reveals that the same individuals frequently held this position, and occasionally, individuals from the same family were also appointed as kethüdâyeri.The “The Appointment of the Kethudâyeris as a Necessity and the Judicial Duties of the Kethudâyeris” section of the study illustrates that the appointment of kethüdâyeri emerged from specific legal necessities. When members of the Kapıkulu cavalry committed offenses, provincial administrators were not authorized to intervene directly; rather, such cases had to be reported to the central authority. This applied equally to individuals who disguised themselves as Kapıkulu cavalry, wielded swords, rode horses, and oppressed the population. The resulting rise in crime rates not only affected the local population (reaya) but also increased the workload of the central bureaucracy. To solve these issues, the role of kethüdâyeri was created as a legal intermediary to enable local prosecution of Kapıkulu cavalrymen without referring the case to the central administration. Another legal necessity led kethüdâyeri appointments was related to the confiscation of property left by Kapıkulu cavalrymen in the provinces. In cases where a Kapıkulu cavalryman died without heirs, his property fell outside the typical state revenue structure. The confiscation of such assets was managed through their officers. With the Kapıkulu presence in provinces, the question of who would confiscate the assets of those who died without heirs arose. Thus, kethüdâyeri were assigned responsibilities in the property confiscation process.In the “Mobilization of Kapıkulu Cavalry and Kethüdâyeris” section, the study outlines the critical role of kethüdâyeris in mobilizing Kapıkulu cavalrymen, who had begun to live in various parts of the empire. Prior to the widespread settlement of Kapıkulu cavalry in provincial administrative units, these soldiers participated in campaigns under the banner of their ağas. Since they typically resided in Istanbul and a few major locations, preparing them for campaigns and dispatching them to the frontlines did not pose significant challenges. However, from the&nbsp;late 16th century, the settlement of Kapıkulu cavalrymen in various provincial administrative units, where they acquired property and family ties, significantly slowed their mobilization process. To address this issue, a class of officers known as kethüdâyeri was created to facilitate the efficient mobilization of these soldiers. Upon receiving a campaign order, the kethüdâyeri had to firstly inform the Kapıkulu cavalrymen under his jurisdiction. Subsequently, he handled their equipment and readiness, and coordinated their arrival to the front, often accompanying them on the campaign. Additionally, the kethüdâyeri managed several other duties, such as employing soldiers under his command in specific roles, selecting candidates for future service as Kapıkulu cavalry after a period as serdengeçti (bouncer) and identifying retired soldiers who were still capable of combat.&nbsp;&nbsp;In the “Public Security Services and Kethüdâyeris” section, the study reveals the collaborative role of kethüdâyeri with provincial kadı in maintaining order. Until the latter half of the 16th century, provincial public order was typically overseen by subaşı and other traditional officials. However, as Kapıkulu soldiers began settling in the provinces, they assumed a greater role in maintaining urban security. When public order was threatened by Kapıkulu cavalrymen, orders from the central authority were directed to the kethüdâyeri and the kadı for resolution. From the mid-17th century onward, kethüdâyeri were increasingly listed alongside the kadı, voivode, mütesellim, ayan, and other local officials in maintaining public order. Therefore, in times of peace, kethüdâyeri mainly tasked to ensure public order together with the Kapıkulu cavalry under their command.The kethüdâyeri also assumed significant roles in areas where crimes were likely to occur. One of their primary tasks was the assurance of travel security within their administrative unit. This duty often involved ensuring the safe passage of individuals traveling to or from Istanbul, providing protection for officials en route to new assignments or escorting criminals to the capital. Particularly in administrative units along the pilgrimage route, kethüdâyeri, along with their soldiers, annually ensured the travel security of the pilgrimage caravans and officials and guarded the surre treasury. Their duty of protection continued until they reached the boundary of the next administrative unit, where responsibility would then be transferred to that region’s kethüdâyeri. Sometimes, it was emphasized that documents should be issued to record the transfer of this duty.Kethüdâyeri also played a crucial role in ensuring the security of treasury funds and goods. When funds or goods were sent either to the center or from the center to another location, directives were issued to the kadı, kethüdâyeri, janissary commander, provincial ayan, and other local officials. In accordance with these orders, the treasury or goods would be dispatched under protection, with the kethüdâyeri and their soldiers in each administrative unit along the route responsible for safeguarding them. This duty of protection would end at the boundary of the next administrative unit, where the responsibility was then transferred to the officials of that region.

The Provincial Officer of the Central Army: Kethüdâyeri and Its Role in the Ottoman Military Organization

Sema

Res. Assist. Dr.

A Quantitative Approach to the Wealth of Ottoman Women

Sadık

The subject of this article is the Governor of Van, Mr. Âli Bey, who was assassinated by Armenian gangsters in Batumi on September 23, 1907 and buried in Sinop. In 1907, in order not to cause an outrage in the conditions the Ottoman Empire was in, efforts were made to conceal Mr. Âli’s death from the public, but he was a governor who was so memorable that his name was lamented. However, after 1907, the rapidly changing agenda and the succession of events in the Van region, as in the Ottoman Empire in general, caused the name of Mr. Âli to be confused with other names, even though the lament and the main story remained the same. After a while, the unwritten biography of Mr. Âli Bey underwent changes in the oral culture transmission in the region, dates shifted and unknown issues were completed differently in the folk imagination. Compiled in 1973 and recorded under the name “Ali Pasha Lament/Arpa Ektim Biçemedim”, the same erroneous information was repeated in local history studies, which began to increase in the 1980s.One of the most common misconceptions and confusion in the oral and written literature about Mr. Âli is the contradiction between his name and title, and it is essential to clarify these first. Although the Governor of Van is known as “Ali Pasha” in the folk song sung in his name and in many publications, it is seen in Ottoman documents and in his signature that his name is not “Ali” (علي (but “Âlî” (عالي(. Again, even though he was popularly referred to as “Pasha” due to his position as governor, in fact, Mr. Ali had the title of “Bey”, not “Pasha”, either civilly or militarily. Moreover, it is understood that in some academic publications, Mr. Âli Bey is confused with Ali Rıza Bey, the Mutasarrıf of Hakkâri, who was appointed as the Governor of Van after him. These confusions seen in the first academic publications, along&nbsp;with errors in date translation, continued in the publications of the following years, and even more erroneous information and interpretations began to spread as the issue was carried to national and local newspapers.In this study, in addition to correcting misconceptions about Âli Bey based mostly on Ottoman archival documents, the developments that led to his dismissal from the governorship will also be emphasized. When Âli Bey was dismissed after a short period of nine months, Muslim residents took to the streets and sent telegrams to the Yıldız Palace, demanding his reinstatement, claiming that the years of misrule in Van had come to an end with Âli Bey. Although the telegrams sent by the prominent people of the city and the headmen of twenty neighborhoods did not change the outcome, revealing why a governor who was so loved and trusted by the people was dismissed will allow us to better understand the conditions and bureaucracy of the period. Of course, for this purpose, the general situation in and around Van in the early twentieth century should also be briefly mentioned. Because when Mr. Âli Bey took office in Van, he was confronted with many complicated issues, some of which had become chronic. Moreover, he was targeted from the very first day due to his decisions and practices that upheld the state order and the interests of the people.&nbsp;As of 1907, when we look at the general landscape of the Van province, at first glance, we can see the Muslim, Armenian and Nestorian communities, as well as the American, British, German and French missionaries and their hospitals, orphanages, churches, monasteries, schools and the large number of students in these schools. In addition, the American, British, French, Russian and Iranian consulates and their crowded entourages, together with a fragmented structure composed of many different cultures and beliefs, are observed in the city. Foreign missions became more influential than ever before and extended their activities to villages and hamlets. Especially since the Treaty of Berlin in 1878, the terrorist activities of the Armenian committees, which were almost openly supported by foreign interventions, found a wide field of application in and around Van. Since it was a border province, the Armenian gangs, which had the opportunity to organize and strengthen themselves faster than in other regions, threatened the order in the city and rural areas and increased their massacres since the 1896 rebellion in Van. Conflicts between Kurdish tribes, conflicts within crowded tribes, their cross-border extortion and looting activities, and the direct and indirect involvement of Hamidiye Regiments in such incidents were important issues that needed to be prevented.The fact that the Hamidiye Regiments were directly subordinated to the 4th Army Command in Erzincan, namely Müşir Mehmed Zeki Pasha, created many administrative weaknesses for the regional governors. Difficulties regarding the quality of gendarmerie units and civil servants, tax collection and military recruitment had become almost chronic. On the other hand, border problems with Iran caused the problems of Iranian tribes to be transferred&nbsp; to Van. The shifting balances of power and interests, and the network of relations established by all these actors were a further conundrum. At the center of these balances was the founder of the Hamidiye Regiments, Müşir Mehmed Zeki Pasha, who served in the region with full authority for twenty years between 1888 and 1908. Müşir Zeki Pasha was influential at all levels of the state, and according to British consular reports, he was the government itself in the region. When governors or local administrators had disagreements with military unit commanders for any reason and complained to Zeki Pasha, it played an important role in the dismissal of these administrators.The biography of Âli Bey, which allows us to better understand the multi-layered intertwined problems of the administrative, political, military, civil service and social structure in the eastern provinces of the Ottoman Empire in the early 20th century, reveals how effective the corruption in the established provincial bureaucracy can be in centralized decision-making processes. The developments and correspondence during the process of the dismissal of Âli Bey, who tried to do his job properly despite the support of the people and the grand vizier, clearly revealed this situation. In addition, the necessity of more academic studies on Müşir Zeki Pasha, who served in Eastern Anatolia between 1888-1908, and his activities has also been understood.In the Ottoman lands, it was not uncommon for the people to take to the streets and lament the reinstatement of a governor. For this reason, it is important to understand how Mr. Âli Bey was able to win the hearts of the people during his very short governorship. At this point, the fact that even pro-Armenian terrorist newspapers of the period admitted that Mr. Âli “wanted to apply the laws with great care” and that he treated “everyone equally regardless of their nationality” reveals a certain profile. At a time when the Ottoman Empire and its administrators were, so to speak, in a ring of fire, Mr. Âli Bey, who undertook eighty different complicated tasks in a short period of eight months for the sake of state order and the well-being of the people, apparently constituted a profile of an administrator that was desired but not often encountered.In the end, Âli Bey, who was dismissed from his post after being accused of unfounded allegations, fell victim to Armenian terrorism, even his death had to be hidden from the public, and even his body could not be brought to Istanbul. However, the loyal Turkish nation, especially the people of Van, did not forget Mr. Âli or what he had done for them, and the great suffering he had endured was passed down through the lamentation of the people for decades to come.

A Governor Lamented After: Governor of Van Âli Bey

Enes

By September 1918, Bulgaria, an ally of the Ottoman Empire in the First World War, had withdrawn from the war after suffering a defeat on the Macedonian Front. Consequently, the Thracian border and the capital Istanbul faced a new danger for the Ottoman Empire. Thereupon, the Commander-in-Chief’s Office took precautions and organised the 25th Corps in addition to the 1st Corps. However, due to the lack of sufficient troops, divisions from the Caucasian Front were assigned to the organisation of the Corps. Therefore, it would not be possible for the troops of the 25th Corps to reach Istanbul immediately. The Ottoman Empire, on the other hand, aimed to withdraw from the war by reaching an armistice as soon as possible. As a result, the First World War ended for the Ottoman Empire with the Armistice of Mondros signed on 30 October 1918.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;The heavy terms of the armistice paved the way for the Allied powers to occupy the Ottoman territories, including the capital Istanbul, in a short time. Of course, the reduction of the Ottoman army strength, arms and ammunition to a low number was also among the conditions of the armistice. In general, the governments established after the Armistice adopted a passive attitude in the face of the occupations and demands of the Entente states. However, the Ministry of War aimed to retain and protect the army as much as possible. Therefore, even though it demobilised and ostensibly disbanded the armies, it preserved the divisions, regiments and battalions under the main organisation of corps. Undoubtedly, the number of soldiers in the corps and the capabilities of the units were limited. However, the main backbone of the organisational structure for a mobilisation was preserved.Within this framework, the Ottoman army was restructured into 9 corps and 20 divisions in April 1919. One of the corps was the 25th Corps, headquartered in the capital Istanbul. The 25th Corps, which was responsible for Istanbul, Çatalca, İzmit, Adapazarı, Düzce, Bolu and Zonguldak lines with the 1st Division and 10th Caucasian Division under its command, carried out its activities under the Istanbul-based 1st Army Inspectorate between May and August (1919), and directly under the Ministry of War after the inspectorates were abolished.&nbsp;Undoubtedly, due to the presence of the occupation forces, the 25th Corps could not fulfil its duties and responsibilities comfortably. So much so that the places where the Corps’ troops were stationed in Istanbul, the amount of troops or even the dispatch of troops to a region for security and public order purposes posed a problem for the occupation forces.&nbsp;The Ministry of War, on the other hand, tried to take the necessary measures through the 25th Corps as much as possible. As a matter of fact, the duties of the Corps Command and the Istanbul Guard were merged within the scope of the centralised execution of the public order of Istanbul and the military measures to be taken. As a matter of fact, during Cemal Pasha’s&nbsp;term as Minister of War, the 25th Corps acted relatively more effectively in establishing public order and security, and dispatched its troops to the regions where they were needed. However, with the official occupation of Istanbul on 16 March 1920, the occupation of the Corps headquarters and the arrest of its commander Ali Sait Pasha, the influence of the Corps was completely eliminated and its command and organisation structure became dysfunctional.As a result, it is observed that the 25th Corps and the 10th Caucasian Division were ineffective due to their presence in occupied Istanbul, while the 1st Division stationed in Izmit acted more easily due to its location. In this context, the Division Commanders were in direct contact with Mustafa Kemal Pasha and contributed to the National Struggle by fulfilling his directives. The 1st Division Command assumed responsibilities especially in establishing and expanding the national organisation in its area of responsibility, taking measures against the attempts and rebellions against it, as well as preventing bandits operating in the region and establishing security.It should be noted that the troops under the command of the Corps headquarters and the 10th Caucasian Division were generally assigned to ensure the public order and security of the capital city, and could not directly support the National Struggle due to the fact that they were operating under close surveillance.&nbsp;As a conclusion, the 25th Corps was the only corps that could not directly participate in the National Struggle due to the occupation of the capital. The 1st Division of the Corps, with the advantage of its location, was placed under the command of Ankara after the occupation of Istanbul and reorganised on the Western Front and performed important duties. Some of the officers assigned to the Corps headquarters and the 10th Caucasian Division in Istanbul travelled to Anatolia in various ways and joined the National Struggle.

The Status and Actions of the 25th Istanbul-based 25th Corps during the Armistice Period

Resul

Located in northeastern Turkey, Artvin serves as a strategic passage between Anatolia and the Caucasus. After the 1877–1878 Russo-Turkish War, Artvin remained under Russian rule for nearly forty years. However, following the Armistice of Mudros, the region witnessed successive occupations by the British and Georgians before eventually returning to Turkish administration. In 1921, Artvin was reintegrated into Turkish administration. During this period, diplomatic relations between Turkey and Soviet Russia flourished, leading to the establishment of embassies and consulates in both countries. The first official diplomatic engagement between the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM) and Soviet Russia began with Foreign Minister Bekir Sami [Kunduk] Bey’s visit to Moscow, followed by the opening of Soviet Russia’s first embassy abroad in Ankara on November 7, 1920. Turkey’s relations with Soviet Russia and the Caucasian republics were solidified through key treaties that ensured the security of its eastern borders: the Treaty of Gyumri (December 2, 1920), the Treaty of Moscow (March 16, 1921), and the Treaty of Kars (October 13, 1921). These agreements established a foundation for diplomatic and economic cooperation, with the Treaty of Kars, in particular, including provisions to facilitate border trade with the Soviets. As a result, toward the end of 1921, Soviet consulates were established in Artvin, Kars, Erzurum, and Rize.&nbsp;&nbsp;The Artvin Consulate of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (RSFSR) operated between 1921 and 1933. Aleksandr Mitrofanovich Detisov, appointed as the first Soviet consul, arrived in Artvin in late 1921. Some of the consular staff were local Armenians due to their proficiency in Russian. In his early tenure, Detisov faced financial difficulties, and limited communication between the consulate, Moscow, and Ankara posed a significant challenge. The consulate also engaged in intelligence-gathering activities, and Detisov maintained close relations with Artvin’s Armenian population - a factor that occasionally strained Turkish-Soviet relations. A segment of the Armenian community, which had lived in Artvin during the Ottoman period, had migrated to Batumi, Armenia, and Europe during World War I. However, the new Turkish-Soviet border prevented many Armenians from returning to sell their properties, leading to their estates being rented out by relatives or acquaintances in Artvin. Detisov actively sought to protect the property rights of Russian citizens and engaged with local authorities on this issue. Artvin’s integration into Turkey also&nbsp;raised questions regarding the citizenship status of its Armenian and Russian residents. The Moscow Treaty provided an option to choose Russian citizenship, but Detisov intervened to prevent the deportation of Armenians to Soviet territory.Border crossings and trade activities became contentious issues between Turkey and the Soviet Union. The Turkish-Soviet border split the village of Sarp in half, prompting efforts to establish customs points and regulate trade in the early years. The consulate began issuing short-term travel permits to select individuals for visits to Batumi. However, the border zone soon became a hub for political dissent, with opposition groups using it as a recruitment and organization center. Artvin emerged as a refuge for Soviet opponents and political dissidents. On the other hand, Detisov cultivated relationships with Artvin’s educated elite, portraying Soviet Russia as a sincere ally of Turkey. He used official holidays and national celebrations as opportunities for propaganda. Although the period of serious tensions arose between the consul and Kazım Karabekir Pasha about Armenians. During Pasha’s visit to Artvin, Detisov highlighted the Pasha’s favorable stance toward Soviet Russia and the fraternal ties between the two nations.&nbsp;Findings from this study indicate that the Artvin Soviet Consulate played a crucial role in shaping early Turkish-Soviet relations, serving both as a diplomatic outpost and a center for political and economic interactions. The consulate reports provide an opportunity to analyze the contrasts between the old and new administrations. Artvin’s border location and the incomplete establishment of central authority created an environment conducive to banditry and illegal activities. At the same time, Artvin served as a key escape route for anti-Soviet figures, including members of the White Army, Georgian officials, and Ajarian nobles. The consulate operated under severe transportation and communication limitations, hampering its coordination with Soviet authorities. Consul Detisov’s inexperience led to independent decisions that sometimes created tensions with local administrators. His close ties with the Armenian population and his shifting stance on Armenian migration to Soviet territory were among the primary sources of friction. Christian communities in and around Artvin, from 1878 to 1921, experienced significant mobility within Russian territories, leading to specialization in various professions and increased cultural interaction. These migrations resulted in labor shortages in artisanal sectors such as leatherworking and shoemaking in Artvin. The city’s commercial dependency on Batumi was disrupted by the new Turkish-Soviet border, leading to economic disintegration. Initially, the Soviet administration used border crossing permits as a political instrument, later sealing the border entirely. This policy severed economic and cultural ties between interdependent cities such as Artvin-Batumi and Kars-Gyumri. Over time, Turkish-Soviet border took on additional symbolic meanings, particularly during the Cold War, when it became a multifaceted boundary separating capitalism from socialism, Islam from atheism, and also Turks from Georgians. Despite his criticisms of Tsarist rule, Detisov paradoxically praised certain aspects of the imperial administration when highlighting the shortcomings of Turkish governance. This reflects how Turkish-Soviet relations in the early 1920s were still influenced by the legacy of pre-1917 Russo-Turkish conflicts, with mutual distrust lingering between Turkey and the Soviet Union.

Turkish-Soviet Relations Between Courtesy and Rivalry: Establishment and Activities of the Soviet Consulate in Artvin (1921-1924)

Gültekin

Special Issue on Crimea - Call for Papers

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Vural

It is well known that many Iranian scholars and intellectuals traveled between Ajam and Rum towards the end of the 15th century, in order to secure wealthy and benevolent patrons. The reason for the mobility of scholars, which can be traced back to the reign of Murad the Second (1421-1451), was undoubtedly related to the changes occurred across the Islamic world. Of these changes, the conquest of Istanbul was the most important. Adding “the protector of Islam” to his extant titulatures with this conquest, Sultan Mehmed the Conqueror, proclaimed that he was the only representative of the Islamic world. The second reason was the decline of Timurid Empire after the demise of Shahrukh (d. 1447) who were the reputed patron of science and art like&nbsp;his father towards the second half of the 15th century. By exiling scholars and crafters from newly conquered lands to his capital Samarqand, Timur created a Renaissance era and bequeathed this cultural heritage to his successors. Timurid princes’ fights for the throne perpetuated in Iraq, Fars, Mazandaran, Mawara al-Nahr and Khurasan, and several handovers and plunders of Samarqand and Herat precipitated the exodus of Timurid scholars and craftsmen in order to secure wealthy patrons and safe places, after the demise of Shahrukh. This chaotic atmosphere pervaded in Iran and on the other hand Ottoman sultans’ patronage of science and art made the Ottoman lands a safe and inviting shelter for Iranian scholars and literary men. Based on the claims that they were the only representative of Islam, the Ottomans’ superiority over the Aqquyunlus who presented themselves as Timur’s licit heirs, led this competition to another phase. Reputed with his wealth, benevolence and power, Sultan Mehmed the Conqueror made his capital Istanbul a center of attraction for Iranian scholars and poets.&nbsp;His patronage of science and art had spread across Iran so much so that his palace was replete with Iranian scholars and encomiasts at the very beginning of his reign. Along with scholars and bureaucrats such as Şemseddin Fenârî, Molla Gürânî, Mevlana Şeyh Ebu İshak Tebrizî and Ali Kuşçu, encomiasts and man of letters such as Ma’âlî, Kâşifî, Hamidî, and Kabûlî presented their works to Sultan Mehmed and, made contributions to sultan’s imperial image from the viewpoint of Ajamness. It is also well known that Sultan Mehmed endeavored to take famous Iranian scholars under his patronage and, for this purpose he sends them enticing gifts.&nbsp;Benevolent and wealthy image of Sultan Mehmed the Conqueror and, his capital’s hallmark as a center for a multi-cultural junction, attracted another Ajam known as Riyâzî. He was less known among the Ajams in Sultan’s palace. Neither contemporary chroniclers nor collection of the biographies of poets mention him. Beside his Persian epistle, which he penned on the occasion of Sultan Mehmed’s conquest of Akçahisar and constitutes the subject of the present study, there are at least three copies of his Divan survived to this date. None of these primary sources provide any information concerning his migration from Ajam to Rum and his residence in Istanbul. According to his Divan, his full name was Mawlana Riyâzî-i Samarqandî. This specifies the fact that he was native of Timurids’ cultural center Samarqand. Most probably in order to escape the political chaos and seeking a new patron, he headed towards Istanbul, after the decline of the Timurid Empire in Iran and Mawara al-Nahr. In the patrimonial states of the 16th-century Islamic world, scholars and craftier were more depended on court patronage. Because of that sultans were the only resorts. When the scholars fell from the grace of their patron(s), they set on a journey seeking for welfare and patronage in another sultan’s court.&nbsp;Riyâzî’s venture was not different from the scholars and bureaucrats who lost their patronage and set out to secure a new one in 15th and 16th centuries Islamic world. Although it is not known how and when he managed, he might have come to Istanbul and secured Sultan Mehmed’s patronage prior to 1479. Beyond the Sultan Mehmed’s personal interest to attract many Iranians, this phenomenon should be supported with the role which sultan played himself. Eventually, patronizing Muslim scholars and craftsmen was an indispensable source of legitimacy for the sultan who had claims for superiority in the Islamic world.&nbsp;&nbsp;Although his contemporaries Ma’âlî and Kabûlî gave huge details on their journeys, observations on the palace and how they managed to secure Sultan’s patronage, neither in his Persian epistle presented to Sultan Mehmed nor in his Divan replete with poems of love and separation Riyâzî-i Samarqandî does not provide any information about himself and his personal experiences. In contrast to Ma’âlî, Kabûlî, and Hamidî, he has never presented a panegyric to his patron. The only information about his life in Istanbul was his disease, which he could not recuperate and finally died in 884/1479-80. Though he did not relate his observations on the palace and the Sultan, and how he behaved, accounts of other Ajam’s provide details about the perception of Ajamness in the Ottoman palace, which we can further elaborate on. Furthermore, it is well known that there was a competition of superiority between highly-educated Ajams and their rival Rumîs in Sultan Mehmed’s palace.Riyâzî-i Samarqandî penned his Persian epistle entitled with Risâle-i Tehniyet-i ‘Iyd ve Nevrûz Berây-ı Ebu’l-feth Sultan Mehmed or Tehniyet-i ‘Iyd ve Fethnâme-i Akçahisar in 1479 on the occasion of the conquest of Akçahisar in Albania and presented to the Sultan. The seal of Sultan Mehmed on the folios verifies that the epistle was accepted to the personal library of Sultan. The coincidence of Sultan Mehmed’s conquest of Akçahisar with Nawruz feast was a double occasion for Riyâzî to present himself to the Sultan. Unlike his fellows in this genre, he merely confined his epistle to create an imperial image for the Sultan with titles and titulatures, which he formulated for him. He furthermore explained the reason for giving these titles to the Sultan under each titulatures. It should also be specified that this Persian epistle penned and presented to the Sultan to proclaim Ottoman dynasty’s superiority over the other dynasties such as Aqquyunlu and Mamluk, and to show them how Ottomans were the only protectors of Islam.As a wealthy, powerful, benevolent and just sultan, Mehmed the Conqueror took many Iranian scholars, encomiasts, and craftsmen under his patronage. Thus, he commenced “Eastern Renaissance” which would last in his successor’s reign Bayezid the Second (1481-1512). Thanks to this cultural mobility, those who came from Ajam, penned and presented many epistles and panegyric to the Sultan. It should not be forgotten that Iranian shahnama-writers had major contributions for the creation of the imperial image of Sultan Mehmed, which would be imitated in Bayezid the Second’s reign as well. It can be concluded that like his Iranian contemporaries’ pieces, Riyâzî-i Samarqandî’s Persian epistle was also a contribution to create an imperial image for the Sultan from the viewpoint of an Ajam.

THE CONTRUBUTION OF AN IRANIAN LITERARY MAN TO THE IMPERIAL IMAGE OF THE MEHMED THE CONQUEROR: MAWLĀNĀ RIYĀZĪ-I SAMARQANDĪ

Arda

Assist. Prof.

The efforts for founding an Israeli state in Palestine, which gained momentum with the Balfour Declaration issued in the end of World War I, constituted one of the most important problems causing instability in the Middle East during the interwar period. In this process, when Jewish immigration to Palestine increased and Arabs and Jews began to have serious conflicts in the region, Turkey did not get involved in the developments in Palestine. The conflicts became bitterer following World War II when the victorious USA began to back up the efforts for the establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine. The ambitions of Western countries and the Jews for Palestine became the prominent issue for Arab countries after World War II. Arab nationalists gathered around anti-Westernism and the Palestine issue.&nbsp;&nbsp;Unlike its passive position in the interwar period, Turkey began to take more active involvement in the Palestine issue after the war. Turkey’s increasing interest in the issue following 1945 was due to its convergence with Arab nations, rather than religious or nationalist considerations. Turkey was left alone against the Soviet Union by Western nations. With no alternative but to create stronger bonds with the states in the region against the Soviet threat, Turkey approached its Arab neighbours and realized that the Palestine issue was the first item on their agenda. When the Palestine issue was brought to UN, Turkey supported Arab nations due to its sense of solidarity with Arab nations and its concern that a Jewish state to be founded in the area might cause instability. Turkey’s support to Arab nations for the Palestine issue would come to an end with the improvements in Turkey’s relations with Western nations and the outbreak of the First Arab-Israeli War.As a result of its strategic alliance with Western nations against the Soviet Union threat, Turkey felt the need for acting in concert with its allies in the international area. Meanwhile, it became clear to Turkey during the First Arab-Israeli War that military alliance with Israel would be more beneficial than with Arabs. At this stage, the UN decided to set up a Conciliation Commission for resolution of the Palestine issue. Acting uniformly with Western nations in the Conciliation Commission and carrying out missions together with the USA and France, Turkey made it clear that it would no longer take an approach supporting Arab theses in the Palestine issue.The UN Conciliation Commission for Palestine was important in that it was the first multilateral attempt for resolution and Turkey’s first critical alliance with Western nations following World War II. Turkey was included in the conciliation commission with the USA and France due to its support for Arab countries in the conflict, but it did not maintain its support in the works of the commission. Commission membership increased Turkey’s diplomatic contact with Israel, and as a result&nbsp;of these interactions Turkey’s concerns over Israel disappeared and led Turkey to become the first Muslim country to recognize Israel.&nbsp;The Conciliation Commission was set up with great expectations and strong international support. At the time the Commission made serious efforts for resolution of the problem, the disagreement between the two parties was new and so there were suitable grounds for resolution. However, the biggest disadvantage of the Commission was its Western identity which caused lack of trust with Arab nations. France, a member of the Commission that aimed to provide suitable conditions for lasting peace following the First Arab-Israeli War, was known for its colonial past among Arab nations. Turkey’s membership was also met with mistrust due to memories from the Ottoman Empire period and the Hatay issue, which was seen as a conspiracy set against Arab countries by Turkey and Western nations. The USA was the only nation with no colonial past from the point of view of Arab nations. However, the USA’s strong support for the founding of a Jewish state in Palestine following World War II was known by the Arab public. For these reasons, the Commission’s neutrality was questioned by Arab nations.&nbsp;Between the Commission’s most active years of 1949 and 1952, Arab nations were devoid of strong governments that could sign a peace treaty with Israel, as they were struggling with political and military depression caused by the First Arab-Israeli War. Israel, on the other hand, had seen the weaknesses of Arab troops during the War, and aimed to extend and strengthen its boundaries through further conflicts rather than make peace with Arab nations. The works of the Conciliation Commission failed as they were trying to reconcile those with no power for making peace and those with no intention of doing so. After the Paris Conference of 1951, the Commission acknowledged that it would be unable to reach its aim of ensuring a peace accord, and decided to focus on the resolution of the problems of Arab refugees. However, it failed to gain effective results in its smaller targets because the parties of the Arab-Israeli conflict adopted more uncompromising attitudes as the Cold War began to influence the Palestine issue. During the course of the work of the Commission after 1952, the relations between some of the Arab nations that were expected to be made better through the joint efforts of the members, namely Turkey, the USA, and France, became even worse. With Arab nations being supported by the Soviet Union, and Israel by the USA in the international area, the parties of the conflict began to manifest their uncompromising attitudes more comfortably, which put the Conciliation Commission in a situation where it could no longer function.&nbsp;The Conciliation Commission was an unsuccessful experience on the part of Turkey. Turkish foreign policy pursued until the 1960s did more harm than good on&nbsp;the works of the Conciliation Commission. During the 1950s, Turkey formed closer economic and political relationships with Israel, while its relations with important Arab nations such as Egypt and Syria deteriorated. Such direct conflicts between Western and Arab nations as the Suez Crisis did not only worsen the relations between Western and Arab nations in the Conciliation Commission, but also caused Turkey to lose its role of mediator. With Cold War and the Soviet Union becoming more influential over Middle East, Turkey’s policies on Arab nations, especially Egypt and Syria, became stricter. When Turkey and Syria were on the brink of war in 1957, the two nations had no chance of cooperation and resolution under the Conciliation Commission. Egypt and Syria also sharpened their irreconcilable attitudes against Turkey both in terms of regional policies and of international relations with the support they received from the Soviet Union. Because Egypt perceived a Muslim state’s contribution to the resolution of the Palestine issue as interference in the internal affairs of Arab nations at a time when it saw itself as the protector of Arab nations, it did not support Turkey’s efforts for conciliation. The Conciliation Commission for Palestine was imbedded in history as another UN initiative that failed to provide solutions to international relations under the existing structure of the UN.

PALESTINE CONCILIATION COMMISSION AND TURKEY

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Gökhan

Known as the Neo-Babylonian Chronicles, the cuneiform texts were compiled (copied) by Babylonian scribes and mostly concern the historical events of both the recent and distant past. Recorded concisely and chronologically, they detail events starting from the Babylonian king Nabunassar era in 747-734 BC and continue to the period just after the capture of Babylonia by the Persians in 539 BC. In this study, the records concerning the illnesses and disabilities of the Mesopotamian and Elamite kings in these chronicles will be discussed. We will attempt to determine the historical importance of these medical problems of the kings with regards to the medical history of Mesopotamia. Some assessments will be made concerning the relations between these records and the political, religious, and traditional aspects of Babylonian historiography. Additionally, other pieces of information in other chronicles such as Esarhaddon, Weidner, and Chronicle of Early Kings will be referred to when needed. Although numerous Babylonian and Assyrian kings are mentioned concerning political events in the Neo-Babylonian Chronicles, the only king whose illness is mentioned is the Neo-Assyrian king Esarhaddon (681- 669 BC). The king fell ill during one of his campaigns and subsequently died. There is not much detailed information about the king’s illness in the relevant chronicles. Similarly, the chronicles do not mention the illnesses of the Babylonian kings in much detail. While the Neo-Babylonian king Nabunassar (747-734 BC) died after becoming sick in his palace, another Babylonian king Nabonidus (555-539 BC) was also ill but recovered. In brief, it is observed that the medical backgrounds of some of the numerous Babylonian and Assyrian kings are mentioned in the Neo-Babylonian Chronicles and that these references are only superficial. However, it is very clear that the illnesses and disabilities of the Neo-Elamite kings, who reigned during the 1st millennium BC, are mentioned in more detail by the chronicle scribes. What is the reason behind the fact that no detailed information is given about the illnesses of the Assyrian and Babylonian kings, while the health situations and deaths of their contemporary Neo-Elamite kings include more details? There might be more than one answer to this question. One answer might be that the scribes could not find sufficient information in the ancient sources about these issues while compiling the chronicles. In addition, statements indicating that the demise of the kings did not result from an illness and particularly that some of them “died in the palaces” are either proof of&nbsp;the fact that there is not sufficient information about the cause of death of these kings or it is possible that these individuals were accepted as “well-remembered figures” in Babylonian history. However, another answer (and one which is the main focus of the study) should be sought in the relation between the medical knowledge and tradition of Babylonian historiography, in which political and religious ideologies are dominant. It is possible to find pieces of information about the health problems of kings such as Esarhaddon and Nabonidus in other cuneiform sources such as the royal inscriptions and correspondence. However, only in the chronicles is it possible to encounter details about the illnesses of the Elamite kings. The records of the death of two Neo-Elamite kings following a stroke and/or paralysis can be considered as an example of the reflection of a pro-Babylonian attitude towards historiography. It is certain that the scribe or scribes, who mentioned these pieces of information, are eager to leave no stone unturned about information and the details concerning the disabilities or deaths of the Elamite kings. It should be considered that a conscious preference in deciding which pieces of information to be recorded might be related to the world views of the scribes, the relevance of the kings, the form of the illnesses to be mentioned, divine background, and the political/ideological aspects of historiographical tradition. Similarly, this relation is conspicuous in the health problems of the Sargon of Akkad and Isin king Erra-imitti written in the records of the Chronicles of the Early Kings and Weidner as well.It is possible that some of the details concerning the illnesses of the kings might contain fabrications, exaggerations, or personal comments. However, even if these details are supported by information from other cuneiform sources or even if it is medically possible, it doesn’t change the possible views asserted in the study about the intentions behind adding them to the chronicles. Sometimes concise and sometimes relatively longer, the information provided by the chronicle writers about the illnesses of the Assyrian, Babylonian, and Elamite kings, and even about the Isin king Erra-imitti contribute to our knowledge about the medical history of ancient Mesopotamia. Independent from the individuals, since these medical cases (such as stroke, paralysis, fever, insomnia, and respiratory problems) are common in royal correspondence and literary texts and particularly in medical texts, they have no particular privilege. However, these medical details in the chronicles are important with regards to Babylonian historiography. It is observed in the chronicles that only the health problems of the kings are detailed with interest. However, some kings like the Neo-Babylonian King Nabonidus (who recovered after the illness), or kings who died without getting sick, are also discussed. Particularly in the latter case, it was also relevant that some of the scribes did not have knowledge about the causes of deaths of the kings. Additionally, it was recorded that some of the kings (like the Babylonian king Nabunassar) died in the palaces, even without getting sick. The Babylonian scribes were probably informed about the details of the illness of the Neo-Assyrian king Esarhaddon; however, they did not mention it. In fact, Esarhaddon was a Neo-Assyrian king, who was trying to revive the city of Babylonia and return it to its old magnificent days after his father, Sennacherib, wrathfully devastated the city. It can be considered that these kings were not remembered with ill feelings by later generations. However, this interpretation can involve problems, since it is a result of an overall general view about the whole life of the individual. It is also possible that they were punished with illnesses resulting in death by the gods due to their misconduct in any period of their kingdom or in any issue that might annoy (!) the gods.Therefore, all of these examples have great importance since they reflect the dominant understanding concerning the ancient Mesopotamian historiography: a religious belief that the illness is a divine punishment arising from the faults of an individual. The common trait of almost all of the kings, about whom the chronicles give detailed information concerning their illnesses, is that they were all remembered negatively with regards to the history of Babylonia. It is possible that there was an attempt to create a perception that the patron deity of the city of Babylon Marduk (Bel) punished these kings who were in the wrong. Illnesses and deaths related with these situations were remarkable events since they demonstrated the proof of the relation between the crime and the punishment. Thus, the motives behind the intention to abstain from recording the known or fabricated medical causes of deaths of some kings should not be examined, to a large extent, in the epistemological concerns. These motives should be investigated in the relations between historiography and its political, religious, and traditional aspects. For example, mentioning the insomnia problems of Sargon of Akkad doesn’t have a medical or historical importance in itself. This record reaches significance when there is an attempt to establish relations between the current ideologies and compilation of literary narratives, whose “reality is suspicious”, that are dated to the 1st millennium BC. It might also be mentioned that, sometimes while narrating, the role and influence of these relations are behind the inclusion of the themes and contents, which are thought to arouse curiosity and interest, with a high potential of speculation.

IDEOLOGICAL READINGS THROUGH THE MEDICAL RECORDS: ILLNESSES IN THE NEO-BABYLONIAN CHRONICLES AND BABYLONIAN HISTORIOGRAPHY

Ebru

Prof.

The Last Penetration of The Crusader Armies into the Seljuḳ Territory of Anatolia: Emperor Friedrich Barbarossa’s Crusade (1089-1190)In the 12th century, Anatolia witnessed the great struggles between the Crusaders and the Turks, and the Crusaders penetrated into Seljuḳ territory for the last time during the Third Crusade (1189–1192). By conquering Jerusalem in 1187, the Egyptian-Syrian ruler, Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn, put an end to the Crusaders’ domination in Jerusalem, which lasted 88 years. It was at this point that German Emperor Friedrich Barbarossa, who had accompanied his uncle Conrad III, King of Germany during the Second Crusade, once again agreed to participate in the Crusade—this time as a 70-year-old ruler. He formed an immense army with the goal of capturing Jerusalem from Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn. While the English and French kings traveled by sea to the Holy Land with their forces, Friedrich tried to reach the East through Anatolia. This paper discusses the march of the German Crusaders under the command of Friedrich Barbarossa in Anatolia, and the Seljuk-Crusader relations in this period.&nbsp;Emperor Friedrich, who started to prepare for the expedition after accepting the cross, sent ambassadors to Hungarian King Bela III, Byzantine Emperor Isaakios Angelos II, and Seljuk Sultan Ḳilidj Arslan II to ask for permission to pass through their countries. In response, Emperor Isaakios said that the Crusaders would be allowed to enter the territory of the empire if they promised not to take any action against the Byzantine State. When this stipulation was accepted by Friedrich, the Byzantine emperor agreed to provide guidance and suitable markets to the Crusaders during the transition from Anatolia. After that, Emperor Isaakios took the necessary measures in accordance with the agreement reached; however, Barbarossa’s contact with the enemies of Byzantine Serbs and Seljuks increased Isaakios’s concerns. Faced with such danger, Isaakios found it appropriate to contact Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn for the interest of his country. According to Ibn al-Asir, when Isaakios learned of the German emperor’s movement, he sent an envoy to Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn and promised that he would prevent Friedrich from passing through the Byzantine land.After the year-long preparations, Friedrich finally moved from Regensburg to the East in May 1189. His enormously large and well- organized army seemed almost invincible. Barbarossa passed Hungary, where he was welcomed by King Bela, and by crossing the Danube near Belgrade, he entered the Byzantine territory in 1189. The Crusader army was said to have 50,000 horsemen and 100,000 infantrymen. Meanwhile, the Serbs and Bulgarians’ attempt to form an alliance with the German emperor destressed the Byzantines.Because of the events in the Balkans, the relations between the two sides became so bad that Friedrich even contemplated attacking Istanbul. Eventually, Friedrich, who intended to arrive in Palestine after spending the winter months in Adrianople, went to Gallipoli in March 1190, and by crossing through the Dardanelles into Anatolia, he entered the path that Alexander the Great had followed about 15 centuries prior. After crossing the Granikos Stream and the Angelokomites River, the Crusaders followed a Byzantine military road between Miletopolis and today’s Balikesir (Akhyraous), and they moved southward through Balikesir-Ala Shehir before heading toward Seljuḳ territory after the Byzantine border town of Laodiceia (Denizli). The German emperor thought that he would easily pass from Anatolia, in accordance with the old friendship and the agreements between Ḳilidj Arslan II and him. In the last two years, he sent ambassadors to the sultan several times, and he stated that his intention was to go to Jerusalem. When the German army was in Adrianople, Sultan Ḳilidj Arslan and his son Malik Shah’s envoys had gone to Friedrich and promised to help him. Meanwhile, the Anatolian Seljuk State had lost its political unity. Sultan Ḳilidj Arslan did not actually have power. The feuds for the throne had begun among the Maliks soon after he allocated the country between his 11 sons in 1187. Because of these circumstances, the Turks were not in a position to openly fight against this enormous army, but they also did not want to let them pass through Anatolia. As a result, they followed the German Crusader army and harassed them. In the meantime, the Turkmens, who acted on their own at the borders, also pursued the Crusaders along the road from Denizli. The Turkmens initially retreated to the mountains and grazed large herds of animals (around 5,000) along the Germans’ way and therefore condemned the horses of the Crusaders to starvation. Then they suddenly attacked the Crusaders, who were devastated by fatigue and starvation. As&nbsp;a result of these attacks in the mountains and passages in the Uluborlu region, the Germans suffered great losses. While the attacks of the Turkmens continued along the way, the Germans were forced to carry out a series of fierce battles (from April 28 to May 18). The Turks also continued their activities around the Crusader camp at nights, shouting and shooting arrows until the morning, causing the Germans sleepless and troubled nights. In the meantime, under the rain of arrows that pierced the tents, the Crusaders were sometimes killed while they were asleep. For this reason, most of the Crusaders were unable to remove their armor at night for weeks. This situation created an exasperating impact on them. Also, the water resources along the way of the Crusader army were rendered unusable, all kinds of foodstuffs were destroyed, cities were evacuated, and the people hid in the forests and mountains.As a result of the war tactics applied by the Turks, the German army, which was miserable because of both the lack of food and water and the constant Turkish attacks, suffered heavy losses. They set Aḳshehir on fire and marched toward Iconium (Konya). After a fierce battle, Emperor Friedrich finally managed to enter Iconium by force on May 18th. However, after leaving Iconium, Friedrich drowned while crossing the Saleph River (Silifke /Salūḳiya). As a result of this, the German army disbanded (June 10, 1190), and only a small part of the army, led by his son Friedrich VI of Swabia, reached Acre.

THE LAST PENETRATION OF THE CRUSADER ARMIES INTO THE SELJUḲ TERRITORY OF ANATOLIA: EMPEROR FRIEDRICH BARBAROSSA’S CRUSADE (1089-1190)

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Turkish Journal of History (Turk J Hist) is an international, scientific, open access periodical published in accordance with independent, unbiased, and double-blinded peer-review principles. This is a scholarly, international, peer-reviewed and open-access journal published three times a year in February, June and October.
The publication languages of the journal are Turkish and English. Turkish Journal of History (Turk J Hist) aims to contribute to the literature by publishing manuscripts at the highest scientific level on all fields of history. The journal publishes original articles and translations.
Turkish Journal of History (Turk J Hist) aims to contribute to the literature by publishing manuscripts at the highest scientific level on all fields of history.
Turkish Journal of History (Turk J Hist) publishes research articles and translations on national, regional and world history. The journal also includes book reviews and critiques.

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Turkish Journal of History (Turk J Hist) aims to contribute to the literature by publishing manuscripts at the highest scientific level on all fields of history. Turkish Journal of History (Turk J Hist) publishes research articles and translations on national, regional and world history. The journal also includes book reviews and critiques.

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Authors publishing with the journal retain the copyright to their work licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/" target="_blank">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/</a> ) and grant the Publisher non-exclusive commercial right to publish the work. CC BY-NC 4.0 license permits unrestricted, non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

Editor should consider publishing correction if minor errors that do not effect the results, interpretations and conclusions of the published paper are detected. Editor should consider retraction if major errors and/or misconduction that invalidate results and conclusions are detected.Editor should consider issuing an expression of concern if there is evidence of research or publication misconduct by the authors; there is evidence that the findings are not reliable and institutions of the authors do not investigate the case or the possible investigation seems to be unfair or nonconclusive. The guidelines of <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/flowcharts/complete-set-english" target="_blank">COPE</a> and <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/" target="_blank">ICJME</a> are taken into consideration regarding correction, retractions or expression of concern.RetractionJournal follows <a href="https://publicationethics.org/sites/default/files/retraction-guidelines-cope.pdf" target="_blank">COPE’s Retraction Guidelines</a> in case of retraction. The editor has the right to retract an article if: <ul><li>There is clear evidence that the findings are unreliable; either as a result of a major error (e.g. miscalculation or experimental error), or as a result of fabrication (e.g. of data) or falsification (e.g. image manipulation).</li><li>It contains plagiarised content. </li><li>It has been published elsewhere without proper attribution. </li><li>It contains material or data without authorisation for use.</li><li>There is copyright infringement or there is some other serious legal issue.</li><li>It reports unethical research. </li><li>There is evidence that the peer-review process is compromised or manipulated.</li><li>The author(s) failed to disclose a significant competing interest (also known as a conflict of interest) that, in the opinion of the editor, would have unduly influenced the interpretation of the work or the recommendations of the editors and peer reviewers.</li></ul>In case of retraction the following steps are followed:<ul><li>Retraction notice including article title is published in a subsequent issue of the journal. The retraction notice is paginated and listed in the table of contents. </li><li>A link is provided between the retraction notice and the original article in the electronic version. </li><li>The online article is preceded by a page containing the retraction notice; the reader can then proceed to the article itself.</li><li>The original article remains unchanged, except for a watermark on the .pdf on each page stating that it has been &#34;retracted”.</li></ul>Article Removal for Legal ReasonsIn the following circumstances, except the metadata (title and authors), the text of the article is removed and a page informing that the article has been removed for legal reasons replaces the article. <ul><li>The article is found to be defamatory or to infringe the legal rights of others, and retraction is not deemed to be an adequate solution.</li><li>The article has been, or is reasonably likely to be the subject of a court order.</li><li>There is a significant risk to public health. </li></ul>

To guarantee that all papers published in the journal are maintained and permanently accessible, articles are stored in Dergipark which serves as a  national archival web site and at the same time permits LOCKSS to  collect, preserve, and serve the content.Additionally, authors are encouraged to self-archive the final PDF version of their articles in open electronic archives with  that conform to standards of Open Archives Initiative (<a href="https://www.openarchives.org/" target="_blank">https://www.openarchives.org/</a>). Authors should provide a link from the deposited version to the URL of IUPress journal website.

The Artificial Intelligence Policy, prepared in light of developments in artificial intelligence (AI) and practices in scholarly publishing, sets out the editorial and ethical principles that authors, reviewers, and editors should follow when using such technologies. The following sources have been considered in the preparation of the AI policy:Committee on Publication Ethics <a href="https://publicationethics.org/guidance/cope-position/authorship-and-ai-tools" target="_blank">(COPE) - Authorship and AI tools</a>; International Committee of Medical Journal Editors <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/browse/roles-and-responsibilities/defining-the-role-of-authors-and-contributors.html#four" target="_blank">(ICMJE) - Artificial Intelligence (AI)-Assisted Technology; World Association of Medical Editors  (WAME) Chatbots, Generative AI, and Scholarly Manuscripts</a><a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/browse/roles-and-responsibilities/defining-the-role-of-authors-and-contributors.html#four"></a>AI-assisted technologies (such as large language models [LLMs], chatbots, or image generators) can develop and produce a wide variety of content, including text, images, audio, and synthetic data. When used ethically and safely, these capabilities can increase productivity and foster innovation, but when used without human guidance, they pose risks such as inaccurate and biased results, omissions and errors in citations, deficiencies in protecting privacy and intellectual property rights, and potential violations of authors' and publishers' rights. IUPress adopts the following core principles to avoid these risks in the use of AI:  <ul><li>Details of any AI used in the production of content (including but not limited to text, figures, images, and code) must be declared and clearly explained in the appropriate section of the paper (as an acknowledgement and/or in the methods section). </li><li>No AI tool may be listed as an author in any scientific paper. </li><li>Authors are responsible for the accuracy, completeness, and originality of their work, even if AI is used in any way; they are responsible for the proper referencing and attribution of others' ideas, data, words, or other materials. </li><li>Reviewers and editors must not upload submitted work, in whole or in part, to any generative AI application.</li></ul>In the editorial processes of IUPress publications, tools are available to assist editors in identifying AI-generated content. On the other hand, it is common to use AI tools that provide suggestions for improving and enhancing readability, language, and grammar, and such AI tools can be used in IUPress publications under the supervision of editors and authors.

Artificial Intelligence Policy

<ul><li>Authors are required to declare if they have used AI-assisted technologies (such as large language models [LLMs], chatbots, or image generators) in the creation of their submitted work. </li><li>Authors should explain, both in the cover letter and in the appropriate section of the submitted paper (as a footnote and/or in the methods section), which AI tool and which version of it they have used and for what purpose. </li><li>Authors should also indicate how they used the AI tool and how they assessed the validity of the results obtained using this technology, and what aspects of the paper, manuscript content, data or supporting files were influenced by the use of the AI tool or were generated by AI.</li><li>It is the authors' responsibility to ensure the accuracy, validity and appropriateness of content and citations generated by AI-assisted technologies and to eliminate potential errors, inconsistencies and biased results. </li><li>Authors should always check the original sources to eliminate possible plagiarism, recognising that there is a potential for plagiarism in texts produced with AI-assisted technologies. They should confirm that they have checked and that the sources are original.  </li><li>AI-assisted tools (such as ChatGPT) cannot be listed as authors because they cannot be responsible for the accuracy, integrity, and originality of the work, and these responsibilities are essential to authorship. Therefore, authors are responsible for all material involving the use of AI-assisted technologies. Authors should ensure that all statements in the article that state the hypotheses, interpretations, conclusions, limitations, and implications of the study represent their own opinions.  </li><li>Studies created by authors using AI tools in the following ways, which substitute for the basic researcher's and author's responsibilities, violate the principles of scientific publishing and publication ethics, and such studies are not eligible for inclusion in publications: </li></ul><ul><ul><li>Generation of text or code without rigorous review, </li><li>Generation of synthetic data to replace missing data without a robust methodology, </li><li>Creation of any inaccurate, synthetic content, including abstracts or supplementary materials, </li><li>Creation and manipulation of images and figures (pictures, graphs, data tables, medical images, image snippets, computer codes and formulae) or original research data (enhancing, hiding, moving, removing or adding a particular feature within an image or figure) using AI.</li></ul></ul>

It is essential to maintain confidentiality in the peer review process and not to share or use the reviewed work in this process. <a href="https://publicationethics.org/sites/default/files/ethical-guidelines-peer-reviewers-cope.pdf" target="_blank">(COPE – Ethical Guidelines for Peer Reviewers</a>)<ul><li>Reviewers should not upload a manuscript or part of a manuscript submitted to them for review to generative AI tools or large language models to assist in the review, evaluation or decision-making process, as uploading content to such AI tools by reviewers violates the authors' privacy and property rights.  </li><li>Reviewing a scientific paper is a responsibility that can only be undertaken by human beings. The critical thinking and original evaluation required for peer review is beyond the scope of this technology, and there is a risk that the technology will produce inaccurate, incomplete or biased conclusions about the paper. The peer review report and decision letters should reflect the personal assessment of the reviewers and editors of the submitted content. The reviewer is responsible and accountable for the content of his/her report. </li><li>AI tools may be used in a limited way to improve the quality of the language of the peer review report (for translation or language editing) in the context of peer review. If such use is made, the reviewer must declare the use when submitting the report. </li><li>Reviewers who suspect inappropriate or undisclosed use of generative AI in a submission should report their concerns to the editor.</li></ul>

Editors are obliged to ensure that the confidentiality of the manuscripts submitted to the journal is maintained during the evaluation process, and it is essential that the peer-reviewed work is not shared or used outside the parties involved in that process. (COPE - Code of Conduct and Best Practice Guidelines for Journal Editors) <a href="https://publicationethics.org/files/Code_of_conduct_for_journal_editors_Mar11.pdf" target="_blank">(COPE – Code of Conduct and Best Practice Guidelines for Journal Editors)</a>.<ul><li>Editors should not upload a submitted article, or any part of it, to generative Artificial Intelligence tools or Big Language Models to assist in the review, evaluation or decision-making process, as this may violate authors' privacy and property rights. </li><li>Managing the editorial review of a scientific article implies responsibilities that can only be attributed to humans. Generative AI or AI-assisted technologies should not be used by editors to assist in the evaluation or decision-making process of an article, as the critical thinking and original evaluation required for this task is beyond the scope of this technology and there is a risk that the technology will produce inaccurate, incomplete or biased conclusions about the article. The editor is responsible and accountable for the editorial process, the final decision and its communication to the authors.</li><li>Editors should not use generative AI tools to compose decision letters or abstracts of unpublished research. </li><li>Editors may use generative AI tools to help find appropriate reviewers.</li><li>If editors suspect the use of generative AI in a submitted manuscript or a submitted referee report, they should conduct an editorial review of the matter and consider the policy.</li></ul>

Turkish Journal of History is committed to upholding the highest standards of publication ethics and pays regard to Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing published by the <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, the <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, the <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a>, and the <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> on <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-bestpractice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-bestpractice-scholarly-publishing</a>All submissions must be original, unpublished (including as full text in conference proceedings), and not under the review of any other publication synchronously. Each manuscript is reviewed by one of the editors and at least two referees under double-blind peer review process. Plagiarism, duplication, fraud authorship/denied authorship, research/data fabrication, salami slicing/salami publication, breaching of copyrights, prevailing conflict of interest are unnethical behaviors. All manuscripts not in accordance with the accepted ethical standards will be removed from the publication. This also contains any possible malpractice discovered after the publication. In accordance with the code of conduct we will report any cases of suspected plagiarism or duplicate publishing.

Ethics

Turkish Journal of History adheres to the highest standards in research ethics and follows the principles of international research ethics as defined below. The authors are responsible for the compliance of the manuscripts with the ethical rules.<li>Principles of integrity, quality and ransparency should be sustained in designing the research, reviewing the design and conducting the research.</li><li>The research team and participants should be fully informed about the aim, methods, possible uses and requirements of the research and risks of participation in research.</li><li>The confidentiality of the information provided by the research participants and the confidentiality of the respondents should be ensured. The research should be designed to protect the autonomy and dignity of the participants.</li><li>Research participants should participate in the research voluntarily, not under any coercion.</li><li>Any possible harm to participants must be avoided. The research should be planned in such a way that the participants are not at risk.</li><li>The independence of research must be clear; and any conflict of interest or must be disclosed.</li><li>In experimental studies with human subjects, written informed consent of the participants who decide to participate in the research must be obtained. In the case of children and those under wardship or with confirmed insanity, legal custodian’s assent must be obtained.</li><li>If the study is to be carried out in any institution or organization, approval must be obtained from this institution or organization.</li><li>In studies with human subject, it must be noted in the method’s section of the manuscript that the informed consent of the participants and ethics committee approval from the institution where the study has been conducted have been obtained.</li>

It is authors’ responsibility to ensure that the article is in accordance with scientific and ethical standards and rules. And authors must ensure that submitted work is original. They must certify that the manuscript has not previously been published elsewhere or is not currently being considered for publication elsewhere, in any language. Applicable copyright laws and conventions must be followed. Copyright material (e.g. tables, figures or extensive quotations) must be reproduced only with appropriate permission and acknowledgement. Any work or words of other authors, contributors, or sources must be appropriately credited and referenced. All the authors of a submitted manuscript must have direct scientific and academic contribution to the manuscript. The author(s) of the original research articles is defined as a person who is significantly involved in “conceptualization and design of the study”, “collecting the data”, “analyzing the data”, “writing the manuscript”, “reviewing the manuscript with a critical perspective” and “planning/ conducting the study of the manuscript and/or revising it”. Fund raising, data collection or supervision of the research group are not sufficient roles to be accepted as an author. The author(s) must meet all these criteria described above. The order of names in the author list of an article must be a co-decision and it must be indicated in the <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/23902FFD8AED477FACB35089D3B27DD8" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form.</a> The individuals who do not meet the authorship criteria but contributed to the study must take place in the acknowledgement section. Individuals providing technical support, assisting writing, providing a general support, providing material or financial support are examples to be indicated in acknowledgement section. All authors must disclose all issues concerning financial relationship, conflict of interest, and competing interest that may potentially influence the results of the research or scientific judgment. When an author discovers a significant error or inaccuracy in his/her own published paper, it is the author’s obligation to promptly cooperate with the Editor-in-Chief to provide retractions or corrections of mistakes.

Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, sexual orientation, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors. He/She provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles for publication and ensures that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential before publishing.Editor-in-Chief is responsible for the contents and overall quality of the publication. He/She must publish errata pages or make corrections when needed.Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers. Only he has the full authority to assign a reviewer and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal.Reviewers must have no conflict of interest with respect to the research, the authors and/or the research funders. Their judgments must be objective.Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees must be ensured. In particular situations, the editor may share the review of one reviewer with other reviewers to clarify a particular point.

Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by editor-in-chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope.The editor hands over the papers matching the formal rules to at least two national/international referees for double-blind peer review evaluation and gives green light for publication upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.

Peer Review

Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, sexual orientation, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors. He/She provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles for publication and ensures that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential before publishing. Editor-in-Chief is responsible for the contents and overall quality of the publication. He/She must publish errata pages or make corrections when needed. Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers. Only he has the full authority to assign a reviewer and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal. Reviewers must have no conflict of interest with respect to the research, the authors and/or the research funders. Their judgments must be objective. Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side. A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process. The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees must be ensured. In particular situations, the editor may share the review of one reviewer with other reviewers to clarify a particular point.

Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by Editor-in-Chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope. Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors and ensures a fair double-blind peer review of the selected manuscripts.The selected manuscripts are sent to at least two national/international external referees for evaluation and publication decision is given by Editor-in-Chief upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal.Reviewers’ judgments must be objective. Reviewers’ comments on the following aspects are expected while conducting the review.- Does the manuscript contain new and significant information?- Does the abstract clearly and accurately describe the content of the manuscript?- Is the problem significant and concisely stated?- Are the methods described comprehensively?- Are the interpretations and consclusions justified by the results?- Is adequate references made to other Works in the field?- Is the language acceptable?Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees is important.

Language Articles in Turkish and English are published. Submitted manuscript must include an abstract both in the article language and in English.The journal publishes articles in Turkish and English. Submitted articles should have an abstract in the language of the article and an abstract in English. Manuscript Preparation and Submission Manuscripts can only be submitted through the journal's online manuscript submission and evaluation system at https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/iutarih. Articles submitted through other platforms will not be evaluated. Authors are required to upload the Copyright Agreement Form to the online article system during the first submission. All manuscripts submitted to the Journal of History should not exceed 12,500 words excluding footnotes and bibliography. All manuscripts submitted to the Journal of History should be written in A4 size in MS Word compatible program in Times New Roman font, 11 pt. For articles written in Turkish, TDK spelling guide is taken as basis. The title should be 14-point, bold and capitalized. The title should be center-aligned. Main and subheadings can be used in the text. Main headings should be 11-point, lowercase and bold, left justified; subheadings should be 11-point, bold, lowercase and left justified. Spacing between headings and paragraphs should be 6 pt. - When quotations exceed 5 lines, they should start 1 cm from the paragraph indent and should be italicized in quotation marks. Quotations of less than 5 lines are italicized in quotation marks within the text. Statements that need to be emphasized are also italicized. Footnotes It should be written in Times New Roman font, 9 point, single spaced. The alignment should be justified and the paragraph indent should be 0.5 cm and the ascending line should be on the first line. One space should be left after all punctuation marks and a full stop should be placed at the end of all footnotes. References in the text should be numbered starting from 1 as footnotes at the bottom of the page. Other than this, no references should be made in the text. When giving references in footnotes, book and journal names should be italicized, article names should be given in plain quotation marks. In footnotes, the author's name and the full citation tag should be given at the first mention, then only the author's surname and the abbreviations determined by the author such as a.g.e., a.g.m., or a.g.t. should be written. If more than one book or article by one author is used, the surname of the author should be given after the first use of the second work, followed by the abbreviated name of the book or article. In the first mention of multi-author references, all authors should be written, and the following references should be abbreviated. In footnotes, if there is a reference to the entire article, chapter in a book or encyclopedia article, the starting and ending pages should be indicated. A&#65279;bstract: Research articles should contain an 80-100 words abstract in Turkish and English. The abstract should be prepared without any subheadings. Keywords: Each submission must be accompanied by a minimum of three to a maximum of six keywords for subject indexing at the end of the abstract. The keywords should be listed in full without abbreviations. Manuscript Types Research Articles: This is the most important type of article since it provides new information based on original research. The main text of original articles should be structured in accordance with the context of the article. Translations: This type of manuscript should be submitted with a file that contains the original text with its full bibliographic information. A formal consent letter from the author of the original text is also required.Tables Tables should be included in the main document, presented after the reference list, and they should be numbered consecutively in the order they are referred to within the main text. A descriptive title must be placed above the tables. Abbreviations used in the tables should be defined below the tables by footnotes (even if they are defined within the main text). Tables should be created using the “insert table” command of the word processing software and they should be arranged clearly to provide easy reading. Data presented in the tables should not be a repetition of the data presented within the main text but should be supporting the main text. Figures and Figure Legends Figures, graphics, and photographs should be submitted as separate files (in TIFF or JPEG format) through the submission system. The files should not be embedded in a Word document or the main document. When there are figure subunits, the subunits should not be merged to form a single image. Each subunit should be submitted separately through the submission system. Images should not be labeled (a, b, c, etc.) to indicate figure subunits. Thick and thin arrows, arrowheads, stars, asterisks, and similar marks can be used on the images to support figure legends. Like the rest of the submission, the figures too should be blind. Any information within the images that may indicate an individual or institution should be blinded. The minimum resolution of each submitted figure should be 300 DPI. To prevent delays in the evaluation process, all submitted figures should be clear in resolution and large in size (minimum dimensions: 100 × 100 mm). Figure legends should be listed at the end of the main document. All acronyms and abbreviations used in the manuscript should be defined at first use, both in the abstract and in the main text. The abbreviation should be provided in parentheses following the definition. All references, tables, and figures should be referred to within the main text, and they should be numbered consecutively in the order they are referred to within the main text. Limitations, drawbacks, and the shortcomings of original articles should be mentioned in the Discussion section before the conclusion paragraph. Revisions When submitting a revised version of a paper, changes made according to the reviewers’ comments should be highlighted in the revised document. Revised manuscripts must be submitted within 30 days from the date of the decision letter. If the revised version of the manuscript is not submitted within the allocated time, the revision option may be canceled. If the submitting author(s) believe that additional time is required, they should request this extension before the initial 30-day period is over. Accepted manuscripts are copy-edited for grammar, punctuation, and format. Once the publication process of a manuscript is completed, it is published online on the journal’s webpage as an ahead-of- print publication before it is included in its scheduled issue. A PDF proof of the accepted manuscript is sent to the corresponding author and their publication approval is requested within 2 days of their receipt of the proof.

Author Guidelines

While citing publications, preference should be given to the latest, most up-to-date publications. Authors are responsible for the accuracy of references. References should be prepared according the detailed information and examples provided below. In-text references should be stated in superscripts and numbered starting from 1 as footnotes. Footnotes should be written in Times New Roman style, type size 9 with one space. All footnotes should be end with a full stop. While stating references in footnotes, the title of books and journals should be in italic whereas the title of articles should be plain text font in quotation marks. In the footnotes, the author name and source must be given exactly in the first place, then only the author’s surname and abbreviation ibid should be written. When citing different publications of the same author, last name of the author and the abbreviated title of the book or the article should be provided after the first citation of the second work. In books with multiple authors, all authors must be written in the first citation and only the surnames of the authors should be given in the following citations of the same book. While citing an article, book section or an encyclopedia item, start and end pages should be provided.Examples: Books with a Single Author: Mübahat S. Kütükoğlu, Menteşe Sancağı 1830 (Nüfus ve Toplum Yapısı), TTK Yay., Ankara 2010, p. 115.For following citations: Kütükoğlu, ibid., p. 123 or Kütükoğlu, p. 123. Different publications of the same author: Arzu Terzi, Hazine-i Hassa Nezareti, TTK Yay., Ankara 2000, p. 98 (Terzi, Hazine-i Hassa). If the same book will be cited again, the abbreviated title of it should be provided in the parenthesis as shown in the example. To indicate the volume of the book, only the volume should be written in Roman numerals. Hoca Sa‘deddin Efendi, Tâcü’t-tevârîh, I, İstanbul 1279, 25. Tayyâr-zâde Atâ, Osmanlı Saray Tarihi Târîh-i Enderûn, haz. Mehmet Arslan, Kitabevi, III, İstanbul 2010, 138. Book Translations: Philippe du Fresne-Canaye, Fresne-Canaye Seyahatnamesi 1573, tran. Teoman Tunçdoğan, İstanbul 2009, p. 51.Encyclopedia items: Feridun M. Emecen, “Başmukataa Kalemi”, DİA, V, 135. Books with multiple authors: Robert Anhegger-Halil İnalcık, Kānūnnāme-i Sultānī Ber Mūceb-i ‛Örf-i ‛Osmānī, II. Mehmed ve II. Bayezid Devirlerine Ait Yasaknāme ve Kānūnnāmeler, TTK Yay., Ankara 2000, p. 25. For following citations of the same book: Anhegger-İnalcık, ibid, p. 36. Editor(s) or compiler(s) as authors: Osmanlı Uygarlığı, eds. Halil İnalcık-Günsel Renda, Kültür Bakanlığı Yay., I-II, Ankara 2009. Book section: Terzi, Arzu, “II. Abdülhamid’in Emlakı ve Irak Petrolleri”, Sultan II. Abdülhamid ve Dönemi, ed. Coşkun Yılmaz, İstanbul 2014, s. 181-188. Journal Article: Mübahat S. Kütükoğlu, “Osmanlıdan Günümüze Yer Adları”, Belleten, LXXVI/275 (2012), p.149. Bekir Kütükoğlu, “Ahmed Cevdet Paşa, Ma‘rûzât”, Güney-Doğu Avrupa Araştırmaları Dergisi, issue 10-11, İstanbul 1983, p. 251. Mücteba İlgürel, “Şer‘iyye Sicillerinin Toplu Kataloğuna Doğru”, Tarih Dergisi, issue 28-29 (1975), p. 164. Journal article with multiple authors: Kayhan Orbay-Hatice Oruç, “Sultan II. Murad’ın Edirne Câmi‘-i Şerîf ve Dârü’l-hadîs Vakfı (1592- 1607)”, Tarih Dergisi, issue 56 (2012/2), İstanbul 2013, p. 10. For the following citations of the same book: Orbay-Oruç, ibid, p. 15. Journal Translations: Géza Dávid, “XVI. Yüzyılda Osmanlı-Habsburg Mücadelesinin Bir Kaynağı Olarak Mühimme Defterleri”, tran. Özgür Kolçak, Tarih Dergisi, issue 53 (2011/1), İstanbul 2012, pp. 295-349. Articles of the authors with the same surname: Mübahat S. Kütükoğlu, “Osmanlıdan Günümüze Yer Adları”, Belleten, LXXVI/275 (2012), 149. Bekir Kütükoğlu, “Ahmed Cevdet Paşa, Ma‘rûzât”, Güney-Doğu Avrupa Araştırmaları Dergisi, issue 10-11, İstanbul 1983, p. 251. For the following citations of the same authors: M. S. Kütükoğlu, ibid, p. 160 or B. Kütükoğlu, ibid, p. 250. Thesis: Sinem Serin, Yıldız Çini/Porselen Fabrikası, İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Tarih Anabilim Dalı Osmanlı Müesseseleri ve Medeniyeti Tarihi Bilim Dalı, Unpublished Master Thesis, İstanbul 2009, p. 146.Archive Documents: In the footnotes; the name of the archive, the title of the classification, file and the document number should be stated respectively. Abbreviated classifications of the archives may be written in the footnote, however the full title of the classification should be given in the bibliography. • BOA, Maliyeden Müdevver Defterler (MAD), nr. 9146, s. 200. • BOA, Mühimme Defteri, nr. 120, s. 103, h. 250.Bibliography All sources that are cited in the footnotes should be stated in alphabetically by the surnames of the authors under Bibliography heading. Mübahat S. Kütükoğlu, Menteşe Sancağı 1830 (Nüfus ve Toplum Yapısı), TTK Yay., Ankara 2010. Hoca Sa‘deddin Efendi, Tâcü’t-tevârîh, I-II, İstanbul 1279-80. Translated texts: Fresne-Canaye, Philippe du, Fresne-Canaye Seyahatnamesi 1573, tran. Teoman Tunçdoğan, İstanbul 2009. *The edition number of the book should be indicated as superscript. Terzi, Arzu, Sultan Abdülhamid’in Mirası, Petrol ve Arazi, Timaş Yayınları, İstanbul 20142. Thesis: Sinem Serin, Yıldız Çini/Porselen Fabrikası, İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Tarih Anabilim Dalı Osmanlı Müesseseleri ve Medeniyeti Tarihi Bilim Dalı, Unpublished Master Thesis, İstanbul 2009, p. 146. Archive Documents: Archive classifications that are stated in footnotes should be written in full in bibliography, abbreviations should be stated in parenthesis. When references are used from different archives, these archives should be classified. Since the document numbers of the archives are stated in the footnotes, only the document classifications should be stated in bibliography section. • Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi (BOA) • Cevdet Bahriye Evrakı (C.BH.) • Şura-yı Devlet (ŞD.) • Deniz Tarihi Arşivi (DTA) • Bahriye Nezareti (BN.)

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