Leyla

Women in Rome generally lacked political, legal, or commercial rights because they were believed to be naturally weaker than men. However, in the period of the seemingly unending Punic Wars, women were obliged to work in and take almost all the responsibilities for many sectors of Roman life, including those previously open only to men. Simultaneously, women gained some advantages for themselves. Following the Punic Wars and the eventual control of the western Mediterranean, the Romans turned their attention to the Eastern Mediterranean; their successes there made them the masters of the entire Mediterranean. This conquest and expansion, in turn, brought Rome into contact with many new sociocultural concepts. The greatest impact on women was that they were able to loosen the guardianship of the men surrounding them. The speed with which men died in Roman wars considerably shortened the length of typical Roman marriages, allowing widowed women to act more autonomously. During these wars for Roman supremacy in the Mediterranean and in their aftermath, women took advantage of the scarcity of men to increase their opportunities in the wider Roman world. These same opportunities presented themselves throughout the 1st Century BCE, during the era of the last Republican civil wars. In this period, women managed to be active in the legal sector, which had previously been open only to men.&nbsp;As was true of all activities in which women tried to engage outside the household, their roles as “lawyers” in the courts were faced with criticism and condemnation. A typical sanctifier of masculine tradition, Valerius Maximus, argued that Roman society should not stay silent any longer against women who are drifting away from modesty, acting contrary to their nature in the Forum and judicial courts, while he expresses his discontentment for their rise to prominence, on the other hand, he gives examples of three women acting as their own attorneys. According to Valerius Maximus, Amaesia Sentia, who was defending her own case before the praetor and was later praised with the word “androgynous” meaning “having a man’s soul in a woman’s body”; was released because she effectively performed all parts of a legal defense in the court gracefully but with a masculine determination. As Amaesia Sentia was acquitted thanks to her legal knowledge and skills, receiving the respect of society even though alienated from her feminine identity and equipped with masculine qualities, the fact remains that she gained her freedom by acting as her own lawyer.Defending herself at every opportunity and heavily criticized by Valerius Maximus as a “monster” and a “bad example of feminine bickering,” C. Afrania, unlike Amaesia Sentia, was not deemed a woman deserving the respect of society; in accordance with social norms. Brought before the praetor many times, C. Afrania was, according to Valerius Maximus, defending herself in court because she was shameless and arrogant. Ulpian claims that Afrania’s extreme assumptions caused a change in the law, and women lost their right to&nbsp;represent others in court because of her. In reality, though, it is obvious that Afrania did not need a lawyer; she was a very skillful rhetorician and had great legal knowledge, despite her reputation as an impudent woman with a negative attitude; who did not need the services of an attorney.The third woman Valerius Maximus discussed is Hortensia. She was spoken of very highly like Amaesia Sentia, but unlike her, Hortensia is distinguished not just for defending herself but also for representing a collective women’s protest. The basis for this protest was the decree of forced evaluation of the properties of the 1,400 richest women in the country to tax them. This valuation was undertaken by Octavian, Mark Anthony, and Lepidus, who were then the political and military leaders of Rome. Hortensia was probably one of the leading protesters. From details of her defense and the legal steps the women took before proceedings, it is understood that Hortensia probably received legal education from her rhetorician father, Quintus Hortensius. Before taking legal action, she followed socially acceptable moral procedures by trying to reach the triumvirs’ spouses, an effort that failed. Only then did the women approach the Forum, which was an important strategy to show their loyalty to the virtuous Roman woman profile, prove their righteousness, and demonstrate that they were deserving of social respect. In her defense, Hortensia cited historical anecdotes, which showed the strong patriotism of her female ancestors, and said that women could even be more devoted and selfless than men when necessary. Hortensia argued that women should be exempted from any punishment for their protest because they had no right to make political decisions, unlike their male ancestors. Her defense was successfully acknowledged, and changes were made in the taxing decree.&nbsp;Despite the discomfort felt in Rome toward women entering public spaces, there was one other woman who acted as her own lawyer—Turia, known from only her funerary inscription. Turia was a Roman woman whose parents were murdered during the civil war that erupted in 49 BCE between Iulius Caesar and Pompeius. According to her funerary inscription, dating to 8-2 BCE, this young woman, who led a very busy life, managed to have the murderer of her parents receive the appropriate punishment and protect her father’s will, even though her relatives had designs on her properties. As her husband, who dedicated the funerary inscription, stated, Turia, when defending her father’s will, took the case herself. She acted with the qualities of an ideal lawyer, displaying intelligence, perseverance, determination, and a sense of duty. Like Hortensia, Turia was victorious in her legal struggles.Manilia, a prostitute, is the earliest recorded woman acting as her own defender in Rome. According to Aulus Gellius, in 151 BCE, Manilia was sued for attacking aedilis curulis Mancinus, who tried to break into her house while he was drunk. Manilia allegedly attacked him by throwing stones and injured him. She was probably found guilty in plebian court. However; since Manilia apparently had knowledge of Roman legal procedure, she took the&nbsp;case to tribunus plebis (tribune of the people) and defended herself by stating that Mancinus tried to force himself into her home without his official uniform. She simply tried to thwart him by throwing stones at him. The tribunus accordingly decided that the wrongdoing was that of the adedilis curulis.&nbsp;Women in Roman courts were usually represented by someone they trusted, mostly men. Based on the cases studied here, there seems to have been no regulation whatsoever preventing them from representing themselves in court or representing others, at least at the end of the Roman Republic. However, since Roman public spaces were reserved for men only, in ancient historical sources, Turia, Amaesia Sentia, and Hortensia were ascribed virtues reflecting masculinity. In other words, the successes of these women were essentially ignored in terms of gender. This attitude shows that women in Rome could only enter public spaces without being condemned under very narrow and specific conditions and then had to assume male roles.&nbsp;

Female Attorneys in Ancient Roman Courts

İlyas

Prof.

Mecnun

In the thirteenth century, lands of the Ishım, Tobol, Irtysh, and Tura Rivers, were handed over to the Kyrgyz nobleman Taibuga, son of Mamık by Genghis Khan. Taibuga established an autonomous country centered on Chimgi-Tura (the current Tyumen) and his successors Hodja Khan and Mar Khan carried on his legacy. However, in time, Taibugids domination was threatened by the Shaybanids, who wanted to take over this country. Thus began the conflict for domination between the Taibugids and the Shaybanids. Although the Shaybanids sovereign Ibak Khan did take the country on 1468, he could not hold it for long and lost it back to the Taibugas in a short time.Following this struggle with the Shaybanids, the Taibugids decided to foster close relations with Moscow to keep their domination strong. Therefore, Moscow was gaining control, first by occupying the Kazan Kaganate in 1552 and the Astrakhan Kaganate in 1556 but also by sending the Russian immigrants and miners to Perm, even spreading through Siberia. Nevertheless, in 1557–1558, Kuchum Khan, who wanted to obtain Sibir Kaganate, put an end to the Taibugids and Moscow’s hopes of possessing this country and in 1563 put an end to the rule of the Taibugids in the Siberian Khanate.Conversely, different opinions have been expressed about the genealogy of Kuchum Khan, and historians are divided over this. The first of these views was formed on the basis of some events relating to Kuchum Khan and that Kuchum Khan was connected to the Kazakh Horde lineage. As it happens, some of the historians who expressed this thought acted independently of the information given in the main sources, while others simply misinterpreted the main sources. The second opinion about the ancestry of Kuchum Khan is that he belonged to the Shaybanids. This view was first put forward by Kadir Ali Bek Celayiri in 1602, and then Abu’l Gazi Bahadır Han made some alterations regarding the family members of Kuchum Khan in line with the same opinion. Despite this, the information given by these two people about the ancestry of Kuchum Khan caused some mistakes when considered within the framework of main sources and logic. Aware of these mistakes, Sh. Marcani made new inferences about the family members of Kuchum Khan by synthesizing the information given by Kadir Ali Bek Celayiri and Abu’l Gazi Bahadır Han within the framework of his research over time. As a result, although Kadir Ali Bek Celayiri and Abu’l Gazi Bahadır Han and Sh. Marcani have expressed various opinions about the family members of Kuchum Khan, it is still valid today, although it is certain that Kuchum Khan is descended from the Shaybanid dynasty.Thus, Kuchum Khan, whom sources confirm as a descendant of the Shaybanids, put an end to the rule of Taibugids in the Siberian Khanate in 1563. Kuchum Khan, who had focused more on the internal affairs of the state because he shared the first years of his rule with his brother, started to deal with the foreign affairs of the state on the death of his brother.&nbsp;&nbsp;Therefore, with the invasion of the Kazan Khanate by Moscow in 1552, he aimed to stop the Russian advance toward Siberia. Achieving this goal required the help of the indigenous tribes of Siberia, especially clergy from Bukhara and Kazan.Kuchum Khan, who received the support of the clergy and local tribes from 1573, conducted extremely successful struggles in Siberia until 1582. However, the fact that the Stroganovs, whose businesses were damaged by the attacks of Kuchum Khan, and the Cossacks, who were supported financially by the Stroganovs, participated in these struggles reversed the situation. Although Kuchum Khan fought with the Cossacks who left the Stroganovs’ households in Chusovo on September 1, 1582, he was forced to leave the city on October 26, 1582, as a result of the occupation of Isker by the Cossacks. Despite this, Kuchum Khan, who was determined to ensure the independence of the Sibir Khanate, attacked the Cossacks with various tactics applied in the steppe and managed to both wear out the Cossack troops and kill various Cossack Atamans at different times. As can be seen, from 1584, the gradual loss of important leaders of the Cossack troops and the emerging food problem confirm the success of Kuchum Khan and his subordinates.After these events, Kuchum Khan made an agreement with the people of Bukhara to deal the final blow to the Cossacks in June 1584 and succeeded in killing the Cossack Ataman Yermak Timofeyevich in an ambush set up on the Vagay River. However, due to the struggle for power in the Siberian Khanate, Kuchum Khan could not take back the Isker. Despite this, after the death of Yermak Timofeyevich, Moscow, taking advantage of the power struggles in Siberia, continued the process leading to the Russian domination of the region with the military governors it sent to Siberia. Thus, while Moscow was building various Russian cities in the region, it struggled with Kuchum Khan and his followers. Despite this, Kuchum Khan, who was determined to expel the Russian central troops as well as expelling the Cossacks from Siberia, fought the central Russian troops until 1598. As of that year, there were not enough soldiers around Kuchum Khan and sources indicate that the lands of the Mangits, namely, the Nogay Orda, were lost.In our study, first of all, under the title “Kuchum Khan’s Genealogy,” the opinions expressed on whether Kuchum Khan is a Kazakh or a Shaybanid will be assessed, then, under the title “Life of Kuchum Khan,” information will be presented about the wars that involved Kuchum Khan and his sense of independence.&nbsp;

A Life Dedicated to Independence: Kuchum Khan

Mehmet

Although the rich document collections in the Ottoman Archives have been used extensively by historians, it could be argued that the diplomatic examination of documents and registers still has not received the attention that it deserves. Western and especially Balkan historians have realized the importance of the subject and have conducted studies and publications at various levels. In Turkey, Prof. Uzunçarşılı and Prof. Gökbilgin made important studies on Ottoman diplomatics; however, Prof. M. S. Kütükoğlu’s monumental work, Osmanlı Belgelerinin Dili, Diplomatik (The Language of Ottoman Documents, Diplomatics), which she produced with years of systematic and methodical research, became a turning point in this field.Among the valuable document types of Ottoman palaeography, mahzars are remarkable documents both in terms of their physical appearance and content. Mahzars are noteworthy in terms of their size, their languages, their treatment in offices, and their numerous signatures, seals, fingerprints, and so on. It also has a remarkable feature in terms of reflecting social life and having particularly colorful content. This study examines the diplomatic features of mahzar, and tries to show its elements, expressions, and shapes with examples.A petition with multiple signatures submitted to official authorities for a complaint, request, or thank is called mahzar. The first known examples of multi-signature applications to official authorities in the Ottoman bureaucracy appear in the middle of the sixteenth century. The multi-signature petition submitted to Suleiman the Magnificent, asking the former Şeyhülharem Piri Ağa to return to his post, probably constitutes the first prototype example of the mahzar. Another mahzar, who complained about the abuses of Kadi Mehmed Efendi and is thought to belong to the time of Sultan Murad III, is considered one of the first examples. Since the second half of the seventeenth century, the number of mahzar-type documents gradually increased, and in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, submitting mahzars to official authorities was a well-established practice. There are thousands of mahzars belonging to these periods in the various classifications of the Ottoman State Archive.The mahzars given by the people living in the Anatolia, Rumelia, and Arab provinces in the Ottoman Empire were similar to each other in terms of shape and style. In this similarity, the widely used handbooks and the Ottoman officialdom (mülâzemet) system play an important role.Mahzars were generally arranged in large sizes and in one piece. While the early mahzars were relatively small in size, large mahzars were arranged in the nineteenth century, and the increase in the number of signatures played a role in their enlargement. The size of the documents enlarged with the addition of i’lam, arz, fatwa, mazbata, expense list. In mahzars,&nbsp;Mahzars were generally arranged in large sizes and in one piece. While the early mahzars were relatively small in size, large mahzars were arranged in the nineteenth century, and the increase in the number of signatures played a role in their enlargement. The size of the documents enlarged with the addition of i’lam, arz, fatwa, mazbata, expense list. In mahzars,&nbsp;&nbsp;Mahzars from different regions of the Ottoman Empire written in Arabic, Greek, Bulgarian, Serbian, and Georgian were presented to the Divan-ı Humâyun or to provincial divans. However, mahzars written in languages other than Turkish are limited. Sometimes, short Turkish translations of mahzars written in different languages were added for faster evaluation in the Divan-ı Hümâyun. For matters concerning Muslims and non-Muslims, a mahzar was sometimes held in two different languages.Mahzars were mostly presented to the Divan-ı Hümâyun. There were also mahzars addressed to the sultan (Rikâb-ı Hümâyun), the vizier, the Dârüssaâde aghas and the provincial council. In the mahzars addressed to the sultan, the expression that of “My Sultan (Padişahım)” was written at the top of the document as an expression of respect. Like other documents, the mahzars consisted of some parts in diplomatic terms. After the elkāb part, the city and town where the mahzar owners lived were usually indicated in the mahzars. The subject of complaint or request was briefly summarized in the mahzars and if the subject was complicated it was explained in detail. Then, the mahzar owners express their wishes or thanks.Mahzars did not usually have dates, although some did. The period of undated mahzars can only be understood from the bureaucratic procedures regulating them. Signatures and seals are the most important elements of mahzars; since mahzar was arranged on a single page, the signatures were placed on the same page and consisted of three main elements, namely, the statement of approval, the name or nickname of the person, his duty and position. The seals were placed under the signatures, and due to the lack of space in some mahzars, seals and fingerprints were placed on the back of the paper. Seals belonging to Muslims and non-Muslims had their own characteristics. Seals belonging to non-Muslims contained expressions in Turkish or partly in Turkish and partly in their own language. Seals -especially those belonging to priests- were quite large and had pictures on them. In mahzars, Muslims and non-Muslims would sometimes print fingerprints instead of seals.When the mahzar was prepared and presented to the relevant authorities, it went through various transactions. Mahzar owners wanted their mahzars to be reinforced with documents such as fatwa, i’lam and telhis. The owners of mahzars usually applied to a judge and asked them to inform Istanbul of the matter about which they complained or demanded. Mahzars were sometimes written and signed in the presence of a judge and recorded in the court registers.&nbsp;

Mahzar From a Diplomatic Point of View

Hacer

Assist. Prof.

Dimetoka (Didymoteicho) is an ancient Byzantine garrison city established on the banks of the River Erythropotamos, a branch of the Maritsa River. Close to its present-day location, emperor Trajan (98–117) founded the city of Plotinopolis. As the town was sacked by the Barbarians, emperor Iustinianos (527–565) abandoned the ancient city and created a new one close to the nearby River of Erythropotamos. The new city received its name “Didymoteicho” from the double wall that surrounded it, meaning twin fortification (“Didymóteichon”) in Greek. During the Ottoman period, the city was known as Dimetoka.This strongly fortified Byzantine city had strategic importance and served as a defense line in Thrace to protect Constantinople, the imperial capital, from any attacks from Europe. Apart from its strategic importance, it became an imperial base during the Byzantine civil war. Backed by the Thracian nobles, Ioannes Kantakuzenos, the commander-in-chief and the chief lieutenant of the Byzantine emperor, was crowned emperor in the same city on October 26, 1341. Thus, for a certain period, Dimetoka became the de facto rival of the Byzantine capital. In the struggle against his rivals, Ioannes Kantakuzenos (Kantakuzenos VI) allied with Orhan, the Ottoman Sultan. The Ottoman forces had initially crossed to the Rumelian side to provide military aid to their Byzantine ally; later, however, they began to settle down permanently in the region. In 1354, Süleyman Paşa captured the strategically important town of Gelibolu. Following his death, the Ottoman advances in the region continued and the important cities of Edirne and Dimetoka were captured by Sultan Murad I. The conqueror of Dimetoka was an Ottoman commander called Hacı İlbey (1361).Upon his accession to the throne, Murad I preferred to establish his main base and residence in this double-fortified city and then constructed a royal palace in the inner city. Until the rise of Edirne as the imperial capital, the sultan ruled his domains and coordinated his military operations in the Rumelia from his palace in Dimetoka. During this period, the entire city witnessed rapid urbanization, and new residential areas appeared outside the original intramural settlement. A completely new and typical Ottoman city developed in the vast plains around the old Byzantine town.During the reign of Murad I, some neighborhoods were established in the new settlement areas, especially around Köprü Kapısı, the city gate at the south-west part of the city. The urbanization of the south-east zone, marked by the city gate called Çarşı Kapı, was relatively slow and just one neighborhood was established during the fourteenth century. In the subsequent century, this part of the city also became more urbanized with the emergence of new neighborhoods. Some, such as the Mahalle of Cüneyd Abdal, served as the residential quarters for the local Ottoman administrators and colonizing dervishes.&nbsp;Through to the end of the fourteenth century, the facade of the city changed with new buildings. The Mosque of Bayezid I and the marketplace became the center of the city, and shops and a bazaar clustered around them. Bayezid I himself financed the erection of a dervish lodge in the neighborhood of Ahi Denk (Denek) and endowed the revenues of several shops in the marketplace to cover its expenses. The same sultan also funded a water conduit to meet the city’s water demands.The mosque and religious school (madrasa) constructed by Oruç Bey in the fifteenth century became another center of the Dimetoka. The madrasa of Oruç Bey has historical importance as the first madrasa of the city and one of the oldest of the Rumelia. Following a setback during the period of Interregnum, the Ottomans made further investments in education, cultural activities and public works. Similar to the contribution of Oruç Bey, the new buildings constructed by Karagöz Bey contributed to the rise of new residential quarters in different parts of the city. He erected a new mosque and the second madrasa of Dimetoka. All these edifices contributed to the cultural life and the education of the city.A considerable population lived in the 17 neighborhoods of Dimetoka. While around 1500–2000 non-Muslims resided in the inner city during the first half of the fifteenth century, this number shrank to 565 by the end of the same century. This one-third decrease in the nonMuslim population may be somehow related to increased migrations to newly conquered Istanbul. As may be recalled, Dimetoka had served as the main base for one of the rival emperors during the Byzantine civil war. As for the Muslim population of the city, 1750– 1755 Muslims lived in the city in the late fifteenth century, while the total population was around 2400–2500.To sum up, the small Byzantine garrison city in Thrace did not lose its importance under Ottoman rule. On the contrary, it became one of the most important headquarters of the Ottoman advances into Rumelia. Until the rise of Edirne, it served as a capital for Murad I and was rapidly urbanized with the establishment of new residential quarters outside the inner city and later further urbanized by the edifices of Yıldırım Bayezid and Oruç Bey erected in different parts of the city. Almost a century later, Dimetoka turned into a traditional Ottoman city with its mosques, madrasa, marketplace, shops and bathhouses.&nbsp;

From a Byzantine Fortress to an Ottoman City: The History of  Dimetoka from its Conquest to the Late XVth Century

Mustafa

Rahime

Res. Assist.

In this study, the life story of Saliha Sultan, daughter of Sultan Ahmed III, and the history of the foundations that she established between 1738–1778 are discussed based on the information found in the chronicles and archive sources of the period. For this purpose, the information in the chronicles and archive documents related to the subject have been translated and interpreted. Moreover, instead of evaluating the text of the foundation; a system based on the management of the foundation, following its sources of income and charitable benefits was followed.In the Ottoman Empire, the daughters of the Sultans had a considerable amount of property thanks to the land income given to them as property, the mahr and inheritance they obtained from their marriage, and their commercial activities.Their fathers, brothers, and sisters, who were also sultans when they were married or widowed, were rarely honored by later sultans who were close relatives. The mahr inherited from their spouses, pashas was the basis of their wealth as widows, and it was supplemented through inheritance or donation.Saliha Sultan was first married at the age of 13 with 10000 gold mahr to Sari Mustafa Pasha in 1728. She was widowed for nine years after the death of her first husband, until she married a second time to Belgrade Guard Abdipashazade Ali Pasha in 1740. Later, she married a third time in 1747, after being a widow for the second time. She wed the Rumeli Governor Yahya Pasha, son of Eyüp Mosque’s Imam Mustafa Efendi; however, this marriage is not mentioned in the published sources, and is only indirectly described in the chronicles of the period.Saliha Sultan lived as a widow for three years after the death of Yahya Pasha and then of her brother Ahmed III. Upon Mustafa’s accession to the throne, she married the Grand Vizier Ragıp Pasha on March 31, 1758 at his request. She was widowed again after Ragıp Pasha’s death in 1763, Saliha Sultan made her last marriage to Kaptan-ı Derya Mehmed Pasha in 1764.As you can see, Saliha Sultan’s marriage journey, which began at the age of 13, ended when she was 56 years old with the death of her last husband, Mehmed Pasha. It is seen that almost all of these marriages were made by the sultans of the period in line with the marriage policies of the sultan’s daughters.An important point to be mentioned in considering the marriages of Saliha Sultan is that the gifts or cash money, customarily given to the Sultan, personally or institutionally, on the marriage decision of the sultans or grand viziers has been announced, could be used in palace expenditures. In this way, the marriage of Saliha Sultan to Kaptanıderya Mehmed Pasha was made with the encouragement of Sultan Mustafa III.&nbsp;After the death of Saliha Sultan in 1778, 25.386,5 kuruş 44 money was obtained from her opposition and a deficit of 59 kuruş was found when the expenses were calculated as 25.446 kuruş.The mukataa found on the Saliha Sultan were determined as follows: Aclun and Leccun 16.300 kurush, Biga 1.897.980 akçe, Cretan olive oil and soap 20.130 kuruş, Karahisar-i Şarki 3.800.700 akçe, a garden in Fatih Emir Buhari 50 kuruş, from Tobacco Customs 960 kuruş, and 11 kuruş per month from 40 coins per day at the inn where a picnic fair was set up on the Peloponnese. After the determination was made, these businesses, the accounts of which were detailed, were taken into custody to be sold to her suitor or one of the members of the dynasty as they were not the property of Saliha Sultan.Saliha Sultan registered seven foundation certificates between 1738–1776. The first of these foundations is dated 1738 and remains in effect. In the following dates, she had additional foundation charters arranged by adding akar to the first charter thereby, changing the charitable condition or adding new charitable conditions. The last endowment registered in her name in the General Directorate of Foundations was dated February 25, 1778, and two of the akars in the earlier charter dated March 12, 1776 are not present. In addition, control of the spending of the revenue obtained in this foundation was left entirely to Saliha Sultan and her children.Although there are no foundations devoted to books in Saliha Sultan’s endowments, the foundation seals on the books she donated to the Hekimoğlu Ali Pasha Library reveal that she donated books to this library.In this study, the transcription and analysis of the foundation will not be done, but the subject is discussed with an approach that reveals the management of the foundation, its akars and charitable conditions, and the changes that have occurred in these fields from time of the Ottoman Empire to the present day. In terms of the management of a particular foundation, managers have been identified from the time of Saliha Sultan until 2021. However, it has not been determined whether the current trustee of the foundation is a descendant of Saliha Sultan.The funds of the foundation changed both during Saliha Sultan’s life and after her death. In this respect, cadastral or ownership studies were carried out on the real estate in Beykoz Göksu. It was noted that the nature of the lands had changed to a large extent, especially in the second half of the 19th century. Likewise, although Küçükçekmece and its surrounding streams, as they are called in the charter, were preserved until the end of the Ottoman Empire,&nbsp;&nbsp;all of these mites were abandoned by the foundation due to the intense construction in the region during the Republic of Turkey period. Further studies could be focused on restoring the mites in Küçükçekmece and its surroundings.The charity conditions applicable to the foundation were continued in the first years of the Republic. However, because the revenues of the foundation have changed hands to a large extent and the mosque services counted in the charter are fulfilled by the Presidency of Religious Affairs, the original charity conditions cannot be fulfilled.&nbsp;

Ahmed III’s Daughter Saliha Sultan and Her Foundations (1127-1192/1715-1778)

Ömer

Eyüb Sabri Pasha (d. 1890), a Tanzimat intellectual and admiral, was also a prominent educator, Sufi, and historian. Despite his enlightened nature and substantial works of highquality and all-inclusive content, he has been understudied in the literature. This paper presents Eyüb Sabri’s biography, using newly available documentation and data to contextualize his contribution to the Ottoman intellectual world. It also investigates the existing cultural climate, while studying this forgotten intellectual and statesman with a more comprehensive approach.Little is known of Eyüb Sabri’s family and childhood, except that he was enrolled in Mekteb-i Fünûn-ı Bahriye-i Şahane at the age of fifteen. His editorial dexterity was likely made clear at that point, as he was assigned clerking and teaching tasks. In 1872, the fortyyear-old Eyüb Sabri traveled to the Hejaz, and is believed to have served in the region for an extended period. However, considering other documentation and his responsibilities in Istanbul, it can be concluded that he spent roughly a year and a half on the Arabian Peninsula.While serving as the head clerk, he taught literary composition (münşeat) at the Mekteb-i Bahriye and later, undertook the directorship of Kasımpaşa’s Mekteb-i Rüşdiye-i Bahriye secondary school. During the initial years of his directorate, the school was not able to accomplish its mission, as the graduate turnout was lesser than expected.He was a member of several commissions, starting with The Navy’s Orphan Funds Investigation Commission (Bahriye Eytam Sandıkları Tedkikat Komisyonu) and going on to The Naval Reform Commission (Islahat-ı Bahriye Komisyonu), that coordinated and carried out reforms and other naval initiatives.During his career, he mainly worked on education, and spent considerable time on Haramain history and literature. At the age of fifty-eight, he had authored eight books totaling to thousands of pages as well as articles on a wide range of topics. His intellectual ability was drawn in part from his remarkable cultural entourage and partly due to his own investigative personality. The cultural climate was inhabited by prominent figures of the time, and thus, shaped his intellectual output and choices in the educational missions that he was devoted to. His responsibilities at the school and his works illustrate that he was passionate about nurturing that youth to be moral and well educated.His literary works revolved around the life of Prophet Muhammad and the history and literature of the Hijaz. His magnum opus, Mir’âtü’l-Haremeyn, was mastered over the course of sixteen years that reflected in its quality, bringing the author recognition as one of the foremost historians of his period. He also contributed to newspapers with articles. The series of articles entitled Ayn-ı Zübeyde explores the history and significance of Mecca’s pivotal&nbsp;water supply. The Küçük Tercüman-ı Hakîkat for junior secondary school students released a series of his moral essays titled Nasîhatü’l-etfâl. In his essays, though the topics were largely embellished, they were written fluently and with tasteful style, peppered with numerous anecdotes and parables from Islamic history.An essay published in Tercümân-ı Hakîkat on the questions of reading the Friday sermon in Turkish, argued that part of the sermon should be translated into Turkish to foster adequate understanding. His suggestion encompassed reading the verses and hadiths alongside their Turkish interpretations and translating the advice expressed in the sermon into Turkish. This point, according to him, is the most crucial task for the goal of pan-Islamism.Besides books and articles, he also modeled the Masjid al-Haram and Masjid al-Nabawi. In many ways, the models that he managed surpass their predecessors. First, the engineers’ restoration plans were used during their construction to make them compatible with the authentic proportions of the mosques. The interior parts were given particular attention. The fate of these models is uncertain, but their traces have been followed based on three models located in Istanbul. Considering their size and the several sketches preserved in the Ottoman archives, the Masjid al-Nabawi model at Topkapi Palace might be his work.To conclude, this study reveals Eyüb Sabri Pasha’s prominent and diverse environment, including the influence of statesmen, poets, authors, sheikhs, and journalists from many segments of society. It shows that he shares the Tanzimat generation’s concerns regarding education and writing. It also uncovers his essay on the question of the language of the Friday sermon, which is noteworthy for pioneering discussions regarding worshiping in Turkish. For the first time, this article surveys a series of papers on child education in the context of his life story. Finally, it analyzes the destiny of his Masjid al-Nabawi and Masjid al-Haram models, indicating that the former could be the model that is currently on exhibit at the Topkapi Palace.&nbsp;

New Remarks on the Life, Intellectual Climate, and Works of  Eyüb Sabri Pasha

Lale

Wedding in the Ottoman palace is a dynastic ceremony in terms of social, cultural, traditional and economic aspects. As much as the conditions of the era shaped this ceremony, the wedding showcaces the power of the palace, and serves as an environment where the state exhibits its power. This study examines, the process of building a dynasty family using the case of Nâile Sultan, one of the daughters of Abdullhamid II (1842-1918), as an example. Her marraige took place during the reign of her father Abdulhamid II. The period, which was an important stage in her life from the choice of a husband and dowry preparations, through her wedding to the shore palace allocated to her has been evaluated. Nâile Sultan was born on January 9 1884. She was only able to see her mother, Dilpesend Kadın, until she was 17. In the summer of 1901, Dilpesend Kadın became sick and died. Nâile Sultan, was a pianist, harpist and violist. She displayed these skills during the visit of the Emperor Wilhem II (1859-1941) and his wife, Empress Augusto Victoria to Istanbul. Upon returning to her country, the Empress relayed that they left Istanbul with good memories and that Nâile Sultan’s musical talent was remarkable for her age. She sent her gifts of toys.The change and transformation that took place in the last century of the Ottoman Empire was experienced in many layers of the social structure. Dynasty weddings and the sultan’s family were also affected by these developments. Palace marriages should be looked at holistically, both because they were formed within the framework of ancient tradition, and because of the special aspects they contain. Several parameters guided the issue of choosing a husband for Nâile Sultan. First, the determination of the groom by the woman and the shaping of the marriage with the consent of the bride can be read as a sign of superiority. The negative marriages of Nâile Sultan sisters, Zekiye and Nâime Sultans also directed her marriage. Nureddin and Kemaleddin, sons of Gazi Osman Pasha, were chosen for Zekiye and Nâime Sultans. Abdulhamid II rejected Gazi Osman Pasha’s younger son Cemaleddin for his daughter, Nâile Sultan, because Nureddin’s and Kemaleddin’s attitudes, which were not suited for marriage, and as result, affected the sultan’s husband choice for Nâile Sultan. After these two negative marriages, the good qualities and paternal discipline of Abdurrahman Pasha’s son Arif Hikmet were valued in the choice of the groom. In this process, the issue of who the groom’s father would be was as much a priority as the choice of the groom. The groom’s father, Abdurrahman Pasha, was a figure that the sultan found to be successful. Lastly, the happiness and felicity of the bride in the marriage was requested for the daughter of the padishah. Nâile Sultan’s wedding took place in Yıldız Palace on, a winter day, on February 27, 1905.&nbsp;Dowry has a significant place the in Ottoman society. If the bride is a member of a dynasty, its magnificence becomes even more prominent. Sultan Abdulhamid II approached the dowry issue sensitively and covered the dowry expenses of some of his daughters himself. Nâile Sultan’s veil, gowns, fur, and shoes were embroidered. Embroidery was present in all sultan’s clothes. The sultan, whose dress and shoes were prepared as a set, were white, blue, pink and amethyst in color. Nâile Sultan’s outfits were completed by a large diamond solitaire gold ring, earrings surrounded by large gold stones, a bracelet surrounded by large-medium gold stones, large-medium gold stones and a crown decorated with small diamonds. Engagement set was prepared for the groom.As the weddings of the sultans were held together, sometimes the wedding dates were also postponed. One of the most striking points about this wedding is that the economic issues and the conditions of the country were taken into consideration. It was underlined that there was no need for banquets held in sultan’s palaces during the period. Although an attitude befitting the sultan’s personality was displayed, during the reign of Abdulhamid II, the number of people who were served meals at weddings decreased in comparison with the previous weddings. Nâile Sultan’s wedding dinner confirms this information. Meanwhile, upon looking at the wedding expenses of Nâile Sultan, this was determined in the wedding expenses of Nâile Sultan, even though the giving of gifts and presents in some wedding ceremonies was abolished.After Arif Hikmet became the groom positive developments in his salary and societal status, along with retirements, plans were noticed. He received a sıhriyyet salary as a groom. Sıhriyyet salary is the salary that the groom receives due to his duty and the money he receives upon the approval of his marriage. This marriage did not only have financial benefits for the groom. The salary of Nâile Sultan was also adjusted. Nâile Sultan’s salary was higher than Arif Hikmet Pasha’s. Among the factors affecting the increase in the salary of the married sultan, was her father’s being alive with whom she has a strong relationship. The shore palace allocated to Nâile Sultan in Kuruçeşme is among the precious districts in Istanbul at the beginning of the 19th century. The shore palace and the mansion behind it, which belonged to the former Naval Minister Hasan Pasha, were given to the sultan for residence. Both structures needed repair. Nâile Sultan and her husband lived in the seaside palace in Kuruçeşme for 19 years between 1905 and 1924.&nbsp;

Building a Sultan Family: Marriage of Naile Sultan, The Daughter  of Padishah Abdulhamid II, and Arif Hikmet Pasha

Şit

This article focuses on the developments that took place during Sharif Husayn Pasha’s Emirate of Mecca between July 1877 and March 1880. The first part of the article briefly explains the unique administrative status of the province of Hijaz in the Ottoman state, the main factors that made the province particularly important for the Ottomans as well as for the Great Powers of the period, namely England, France, and Russia. It also elaborates on the international significance of Hijaz as a center for Muslims around the world, which carried risks as well as benefits for the Ottoman government since several of these Muslim pilgrims visited Mecca and Medina annually from the colonies of the abovementioned states. The Ottoman government was inevitably concerned for fear that this interest in the welfare of the pilgrims would develop into an attempt to exercise political influence in Hijaz. It is from this perspective that the article examines the Emirate of Mecca. After brief background information is given on the emirate, the Ottoman practice of appointment of the emirs as well as the ambiguity of the rules and regulations concerning the institution of the Emirate are explained.The second part of the study deliberates upon the political developments in Hijaz during Husayn Pasha’s Emirate in Mecca. Husayn Pasha was appointed to the Emirate in July 1877 after his brother Abdullah Pasha’s demise. Due to Abdullah Pasha’s positive impression, and because Husayn Pasha had already been familiar with state affairs due to his employment as a member of the Council of State, his appointment to the role of emir took place without hesitation. At the time of appointment, the Ottoman state was facing a serious crisis due to the Russo-Ottoman War of 1877–78. As the new emir of Mecca, Husayn Pasha acted in accordance with the policies of the Ottoman government until the first quarter of 1879. Thus, at this juncture of his career, he cooperated well with both the civil and military authorities of the province.The third part of the article is devoted to Husayn Pasha’s search for a new political future. It appears that from March 1879 onward, he initiated an unusual and secret dialogue with Britain, which has not yet been examined in Turkish. Based mainly on the British archival sources, the article explains how and when Sharif Husayn initiated this dialogue. He first convinced the British authorities in England and India that the true spiritual leader of the Muslims was not the Ottoman caliph but himself since he was a descendant of the Prophet Muhammad. Afterward, the emir conveyed a message to the British that he was ready to use his spiritual power in the service of Britain; through the pretext of the Anglo-Afghan War of 1878, he proposed sending a mission to advise the Afghans to end the war against Britain on the basis that the British people were friends of the Muslims.Zohrab, the British consul in Jidda, immediately conveyed the proposal to London and urged his authorities not to miss this opportunity. After serious discussions between the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the India Office, and the Viceroy in India, the proposal was accepted despite some reservations of the government in India and the British Ambassador in Istanbul. Upon learning of the acceptance of his proposal, Sharif Husayn held several meetings with the ulema of Mecca and some Meccan dignitaries to complete the preparations for the mission; the dragoman of the British consulate in Jidda, Yusuf Kudsi, also attended some of the meetings. When preparations were completed in Mecca, Sharif Husayn decided to meet Zohrab in person in Jidda to finalize the details of the mission and offer a final shape to the letters to be sent to the Afghans.The following section of the article moves on to explain Sharif Husayn’s journey to Jidda, his reception by an official ceremony, and his assassination by an Afghan while he was proceeding toward his residence. The emir’s death on the next day and the interrogation and trial of the assassin in Mecca are expounded upon in this part. Issues related to the fact that the assassin was an Afghan and that he had attempted to approach Sharif Husayn while in Mecca and during his journey to Jidda several times are also examined and discussed. This section ends by posing questions such as how far the Ottoman authorities in Hijaz and Istanbul were aware of Sharif Husayn’s secret dealings with the British and addressed in the light of the Ottoman and British primary sources.The final part of the paper focuses on the consequences of the assassination. As soon as the trial ended, the execution of the assassin took place as he was considered old and in poor health. The assassin’s identity and timing of the assassination led to several speculations by the British diplomats in Istanbul as well as in Hijaz and Egypt. The British diplomats tried to find answers to questions such as whether the Ottoman authorities knew anything about Sharif Husayn’s secret dealings with the British, whether the assassin’s Afghan identity was pure coincidence, and whether the assassination could be related to the proposed Afghan mission. In the absence of any sound evidence to answer any of these and other related questions, the British diplomats proposed some speculative ideas to the Foreign Office in London. This section narrates and discusses all those speculations.In conclusion, it is argued that Sharif Husayn was motivated by the crisis that the Ottoman state underwent in the years following 1875 and decided to develop close but secret ties with&nbsp;Britain. The choice of Britain was obvious since, as one of the strongest Great Powers of the time, Britain had vital interests in Hijaz due to the millions of Muslims living in the British colonies and had a need to develop good relations with a Muslim leader such as Sharif Husayn Pasha. However, due to the assassination, the secret Afghan mission was not realized. If it had, however, Britain would have learned the answer to the question of whether the Ottoman caliph or the emir of Mecca was the more effective Muslim leader in the eyes of the Afghan Muslims.&nbsp;

Background of an Assassination in the Hijaz: Sharif Husayn, the  Afghans, and the British

The military–public administration, which the Russian Empire imposed to rule certain parts of the North Caucasus, was a military-based administrative structure shaped by the conditions of the period. This system differed from the civil structure that applied in the other provinces of the Russian Empire and was shaped by a perceived need for extreme precautions. After the capture of Sheik Shamil in the summer of 1859, the rebellion against Russia gradually broke down, leading to the creation of the Dagestan Oblast. In 1860 with the approval of the regulation named “The Organization and Administration of Dagestan Oblast” by Aleksandr Baryatinskiy, Viceroy of the Caucasus, the system officially took effect. After some time, it was extended to the Terek and Kuban Oblasts.Ranked military officers served in the staff of the military–public administration, and the military uniform was intended as a visible demonstration of the authority of the public administration. The administration of the Caucasus believed that the mountain-dwellers, who disdained those without military uniform, could only be affected in this way. It could thus be said that the military uniform itself was a sign of great authority. Thus, in establishing the military–public administration on a permanent basis, the advice of administrators who had served in the Caucasus and knew the region well was highly influential. As a matter of fact, military officers were of the opinion that it was not yet possible for the civil administration used in other provinces to be effective throughout the Caucasus.In the military–public administrative system, military officers had absolute authority to make and implement decisions over the management of Muslims. Thus, it can be understood from both the actions and the reports of the military governors that the administration exerted significant pressure on inhabitants. These reports frequently offer justifications for keeping the population oppressed. According to them, information about the inhabitants and their lifestyles during previous wars led the military governors to apply oppressive policies. The opinion is frequently expressed that Muslims were inclined to obey the administration thanks to the politics of pressure, and that pleasure could be seen on their faces. In fact, it is implied that Muslims could only respect a strong ruler and organize themselves in obedience to that power.Officers of the military–public administration possessed the authority to deploy troops against local civilians and to take all manner of precautions in case of disarray and revolt. It seemed obligatory to ensure that such a system could respond quickly and efficiently. While local administrators usually had to take decisions in consultation with their headquarters, this system did not require it. Instead, everything was left in the hands of military administrators, including legal and administrative responsibilities. In practice, this was problematic, as a lack of administrators to follow the orders of certain institutions and military governors caused&nbsp;inefficiency. This inefficiency manifested itself most clearly issues related to villagers, lands, etc., particularly when these were affected by imperial laws and required the knowledge of ministry officials or specialists. Accordingly, it was difficult for one person to effectively undertake all the administrative functions related to, e.g., the variety of peasant tasks, difficulties in taxation, growth in commerce, widespread works in the mountains, progress in the manufacturing sector, increasing opportunities for public education, etc. In spite of the defects of military–public administration, it was highly convenient from the perspective of security-focused management. Due to their broad powers and privileges, administrative officers assumed great authority over the inhabitants. The merger of legal and administrative authority also strengthened their control, which was further supported by the administration’s right to impose punishment.While the military–public administration aimed to ensure Russian dominion in the Caucasus, it sought to enforce its rule not only militarily but also culturally. Constant efforts were made to increase the importance of Russian schools in the education of Muslims in the region. Starting primary school in their own language was, for local people, practically an execution. After all, Russian education was universal after the first grade. The spread of Russian institutions meant that everyone learned Russian culture and language, which was eventually supposed to lead to a sense of belonging to that culture.Another characteristics of military–public administration was the assignment of local inhabitants as administrators in the management of regencies or khanates in rural areas. Officials called “kadi” (Muslim judges) would be appointed as the head of regencies. Nonetheless, these kadi did not assume any religious duties—this title was used because it was familiar to local inhabitants. These officials were doubtlessly selected from local inhabitants on the basis of their loyalty to the Russian government, a measure that reflected Russia’s efforts to assert its own legitimacy. In effect, the administration tried to create a traditional authority by highlighting patrimonial boundaries. The assignment of officials to take charge of administrative units in the North Caucasus, ether on the basis of undoubted loyalty or to gain benefits, was a common practice in the 19th century.&nbsp;&nbsp;The military–public administration claimed that its first objective was to preserve the customs and traditional lifestyle of the North Caucasus Muslims. In reality, it aimed to weaken and to eventually dispel their specific culture. The opinions of Aleksandr Baryatinskiy, Viceroy of the Caucasus and architect of the military–public administration in the region, confirm this. According to him, the success of the Caucasian War didn’t bring an end to strife in the region—peace would depend entirely on ensuring sociopolitical, economic, and cultural cohesion between the North Caucasus and the Russian Empire.&nbsp;The Russian government sought to change the demographic structure by promoting Christianity in the districts where the military–public administration had been established. To this end, the government took decisions to hinder the return of Muslims who had left the area during and after the Crimean War. Moreover, it gave other groups settled in that area the opportunity to appropriate the property of those who managed to return successfully. This hindered a return on any significant scale. The first step by the military–public administrations to change the demographic structure was to increase the Christian population.Initially, the military–public administration was considered a temporary measure, and it was expected that the region would eventually be governed under a civil administrationoriented order like the other provinces of Russia. However, there was uncertainty about when this it happen. Eventually, in 1882, a radical change occurred in the Caucasus. The Viceroy of the Caucasus was revoked and the Viceroyalty of the Caucasus was constituted. This alteration led to discussions on reforming the military–public administration, which lasted from 1883 to 1909. The reports pertaining to those discussions enable us to understand what kind of politics lay behind preparations to switch to a civil administration without dramatically affecting the lives of local inhabitants—the main goal of the military–public administration. While these discussions resulted in some partial changes, there was no attempt to change the fundamentals of the administration. The relevant statements in the military governors’ reports on the nature of reconstruction are quite interesting, as they express disagreement about the timing of the launch of reconstruction.As a result, after conquering the North Caucasus, Russia ruled through a system of governance characterized by extraordinary terms and military control over local civilians. Since Russia couldn’t completely implement certain aspects of the central administration’s legal arrangements in some challenging regions of the Caucasus, the military–public administration was created specifically for these regions. In light of archival data, this research reveals how the system operated and affected local inhabitants. Moreover, the reports of the military governors offer first-hand accounts of the challenges that the Russian government faced in the military–public administration, the attitude of the government toward Muslims, and insight into the significance of the Caucasus Muslims in Ottoman-Russian relations.&nbsp;

Establishment and Implementation of Russia’s Military–Public  Administration Among The Caucasian Muslims

Arzu

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Vural

It is well known that many Iranian scholars and intellectuals traveled between Ajam and Rum towards the end of the 15th century, in order to secure wealthy and benevolent patrons. The reason for the mobility of scholars, which can be traced back to the reign of Murad the Second (1421-1451), was undoubtedly related to the changes occurred across the Islamic world. Of these changes, the conquest of Istanbul was the most important. Adding “the protector of Islam” to his extant titulatures with this conquest, Sultan Mehmed the Conqueror, proclaimed that he was the only representative of the Islamic world. The second reason was the decline of Timurid Empire after the demise of Shahrukh (d. 1447) who were the reputed patron of science and art like&nbsp;his father towards the second half of the 15th century. By exiling scholars and crafters from newly conquered lands to his capital Samarqand, Timur created a Renaissance era and bequeathed this cultural heritage to his successors. Timurid princes’ fights for the throne perpetuated in Iraq, Fars, Mazandaran, Mawara al-Nahr and Khurasan, and several handovers and plunders of Samarqand and Herat precipitated the exodus of Timurid scholars and craftsmen in order to secure wealthy patrons and safe places, after the demise of Shahrukh. This chaotic atmosphere pervaded in Iran and on the other hand Ottoman sultans’ patronage of science and art made the Ottoman lands a safe and inviting shelter for Iranian scholars and literary men. Based on the claims that they were the only representative of Islam, the Ottomans’ superiority over the Aqquyunlus who presented themselves as Timur’s licit heirs, led this competition to another phase. Reputed with his wealth, benevolence and power, Sultan Mehmed the Conqueror made his capital Istanbul a center of attraction for Iranian scholars and poets.&nbsp;His patronage of science and art had spread across Iran so much so that his palace was replete with Iranian scholars and encomiasts at the very beginning of his reign. Along with scholars and bureaucrats such as Şemseddin Fenârî, Molla Gürânî, Mevlana Şeyh Ebu İshak Tebrizî and Ali Kuşçu, encomiasts and man of letters such as Ma’âlî, Kâşifî, Hamidî, and Kabûlî presented their works to Sultan Mehmed and, made contributions to sultan’s imperial image from the viewpoint of Ajamness. It is also well known that Sultan Mehmed endeavored to take famous Iranian scholars under his patronage and, for this purpose he sends them enticing gifts.&nbsp;Benevolent and wealthy image of Sultan Mehmed the Conqueror and, his capital’s hallmark as a center for a multi-cultural junction, attracted another Ajam known as Riyâzî. He was less known among the Ajams in Sultan’s palace. Neither contemporary chroniclers nor collection of the biographies of poets mention him. Beside his Persian epistle, which he penned on the occasion of Sultan Mehmed’s conquest of Akçahisar and constitutes the subject of the present study, there are at least three copies of his Divan survived to this date. None of these primary sources provide any information concerning his migration from Ajam to Rum and his residence in Istanbul. According to his Divan, his full name was Mawlana Riyâzî-i Samarqandî. This specifies the fact that he was native of Timurids’ cultural center Samarqand. Most probably in order to escape the political chaos and seeking a new patron, he headed towards Istanbul, after the decline of the Timurid Empire in Iran and Mawara al-Nahr. In the patrimonial states of the 16th-century Islamic world, scholars and craftier were more depended on court patronage. Because of that sultans were the only resorts. When the scholars fell from the grace of their patron(s), they set on a journey seeking for welfare and patronage in another sultan’s court.&nbsp;Riyâzî’s venture was not different from the scholars and bureaucrats who lost their patronage and set out to secure a new one in 15th and 16th centuries Islamic world. Although it is not known how and when he managed, he might have come to Istanbul and secured Sultan Mehmed’s patronage prior to 1479. Beyond the Sultan Mehmed’s personal interest to attract many Iranians, this phenomenon should be supported with the role which sultan played himself. Eventually, patronizing Muslim scholars and craftsmen was an indispensable source of legitimacy for the sultan who had claims for superiority in the Islamic world.&nbsp;&nbsp;Although his contemporaries Ma’âlî and Kabûlî gave huge details on their journeys, observations on the palace and how they managed to secure Sultan’s patronage, neither in his Persian epistle presented to Sultan Mehmed nor in his Divan replete with poems of love and separation Riyâzî-i Samarqandî does not provide any information about himself and his personal experiences. In contrast to Ma’âlî, Kabûlî, and Hamidî, he has never presented a panegyric to his patron. The only information about his life in Istanbul was his disease, which he could not recuperate and finally died in 884/1479-80. Though he did not relate his observations on the palace and the Sultan, and how he behaved, accounts of other Ajam’s provide details about the perception of Ajamness in the Ottoman palace, which we can further elaborate on. Furthermore, it is well known that there was a competition of superiority between highly-educated Ajams and their rival Rumîs in Sultan Mehmed’s palace.Riyâzî-i Samarqandî penned his Persian epistle entitled with Risâle-i Tehniyet-i ‘Iyd ve Nevrûz Berây-ı Ebu’l-feth Sultan Mehmed or Tehniyet-i ‘Iyd ve Fethnâme-i Akçahisar in 1479 on the occasion of the conquest of Akçahisar in Albania and presented to the Sultan. The seal of Sultan Mehmed on the folios verifies that the epistle was accepted to the personal library of Sultan. The coincidence of Sultan Mehmed’s conquest of Akçahisar with Nawruz feast was a double occasion for Riyâzî to present himself to the Sultan. Unlike his fellows in this genre, he merely confined his epistle to create an imperial image for the Sultan with titles and titulatures, which he formulated for him. He furthermore explained the reason for giving these titles to the Sultan under each titulatures. It should also be specified that this Persian epistle penned and presented to the Sultan to proclaim Ottoman dynasty’s superiority over the other dynasties such as Aqquyunlu and Mamluk, and to show them how Ottomans were the only protectors of Islam.As a wealthy, powerful, benevolent and just sultan, Mehmed the Conqueror took many Iranian scholars, encomiasts, and craftsmen under his patronage. Thus, he commenced “Eastern Renaissance” which would last in his successor’s reign Bayezid the Second (1481-1512). Thanks to this cultural mobility, those who came from Ajam, penned and presented many epistles and panegyric to the Sultan. It should not be forgotten that Iranian shahnama-writers had major contributions for the creation of the imperial image of Sultan Mehmed, which would be imitated in Bayezid the Second’s reign as well. It can be concluded that like his Iranian contemporaries’ pieces, Riyâzî-i Samarqandî’s Persian epistle was also a contribution to create an imperial image for the Sultan from the viewpoint of an Ajam.

THE CONTRUBUTION OF AN IRANIAN LITERARY MAN TO THE IMPERIAL IMAGE OF THE MEHMED THE CONQUEROR: MAWLĀNĀ RIYĀZĪ-I SAMARQANDĪ

Arda

The efforts for founding an Israeli state in Palestine, which gained momentum with the Balfour Declaration issued in the end of World War I, constituted one of the most important problems causing instability in the Middle East during the interwar period. In this process, when Jewish immigration to Palestine increased and Arabs and Jews began to have serious conflicts in the region, Turkey did not get involved in the developments in Palestine. The conflicts became bitterer following World War II when the victorious USA began to back up the efforts for the establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine. The ambitions of Western countries and the Jews for Palestine became the prominent issue for Arab countries after World War II. Arab nationalists gathered around anti-Westernism and the Palestine issue.&nbsp;&nbsp;Unlike its passive position in the interwar period, Turkey began to take more active involvement in the Palestine issue after the war. Turkey’s increasing interest in the issue following 1945 was due to its convergence with Arab nations, rather than religious or nationalist considerations. Turkey was left alone against the Soviet Union by Western nations. With no alternative but to create stronger bonds with the states in the region against the Soviet threat, Turkey approached its Arab neighbours and realized that the Palestine issue was the first item on their agenda. When the Palestine issue was brought to UN, Turkey supported Arab nations due to its sense of solidarity with Arab nations and its concern that a Jewish state to be founded in the area might cause instability. Turkey’s support to Arab nations for the Palestine issue would come to an end with the improvements in Turkey’s relations with Western nations and the outbreak of the First Arab-Israeli War.As a result of its strategic alliance with Western nations against the Soviet Union threat, Turkey felt the need for acting in concert with its allies in the international area. Meanwhile, it became clear to Turkey during the First Arab-Israeli War that military alliance with Israel would be more beneficial than with Arabs. At this stage, the UN decided to set up a Conciliation Commission for resolution of the Palestine issue. Acting uniformly with Western nations in the Conciliation Commission and carrying out missions together with the USA and France, Turkey made it clear that it would no longer take an approach supporting Arab theses in the Palestine issue.The UN Conciliation Commission for Palestine was important in that it was the first multilateral attempt for resolution and Turkey’s first critical alliance with Western nations following World War II. Turkey was included in the conciliation commission with the USA and France due to its support for Arab countries in the conflict, but it did not maintain its support in the works of the commission. Commission membership increased Turkey’s diplomatic contact with Israel, and as a result&nbsp;of these interactions Turkey’s concerns over Israel disappeared and led Turkey to become the first Muslim country to recognize Israel.&nbsp;The Conciliation Commission was set up with great expectations and strong international support. At the time the Commission made serious efforts for resolution of the problem, the disagreement between the two parties was new and so there were suitable grounds for resolution. However, the biggest disadvantage of the Commission was its Western identity which caused lack of trust with Arab nations. France, a member of the Commission that aimed to provide suitable conditions for lasting peace following the First Arab-Israeli War, was known for its colonial past among Arab nations. Turkey’s membership was also met with mistrust due to memories from the Ottoman Empire period and the Hatay issue, which was seen as a conspiracy set against Arab countries by Turkey and Western nations. The USA was the only nation with no colonial past from the point of view of Arab nations. However, the USA’s strong support for the founding of a Jewish state in Palestine following World War II was known by the Arab public. For these reasons, the Commission’s neutrality was questioned by Arab nations.&nbsp;Between the Commission’s most active years of 1949 and 1952, Arab nations were devoid of strong governments that could sign a peace treaty with Israel, as they were struggling with political and military depression caused by the First Arab-Israeli War. Israel, on the other hand, had seen the weaknesses of Arab troops during the War, and aimed to extend and strengthen its boundaries through further conflicts rather than make peace with Arab nations. The works of the Conciliation Commission failed as they were trying to reconcile those with no power for making peace and those with no intention of doing so. After the Paris Conference of 1951, the Commission acknowledged that it would be unable to reach its aim of ensuring a peace accord, and decided to focus on the resolution of the problems of Arab refugees. However, it failed to gain effective results in its smaller targets because the parties of the Arab-Israeli conflict adopted more uncompromising attitudes as the Cold War began to influence the Palestine issue. During the course of the work of the Commission after 1952, the relations between some of the Arab nations that were expected to be made better through the joint efforts of the members, namely Turkey, the USA, and France, became even worse. With Arab nations being supported by the Soviet Union, and Israel by the USA in the international area, the parties of the conflict began to manifest their uncompromising attitudes more comfortably, which put the Conciliation Commission in a situation where it could no longer function.&nbsp;The Conciliation Commission was an unsuccessful experience on the part of Turkey. Turkish foreign policy pursued until the 1960s did more harm than good on&nbsp;the works of the Conciliation Commission. During the 1950s, Turkey formed closer economic and political relationships with Israel, while its relations with important Arab nations such as Egypt and Syria deteriorated. Such direct conflicts between Western and Arab nations as the Suez Crisis did not only worsen the relations between Western and Arab nations in the Conciliation Commission, but also caused Turkey to lose its role of mediator. With Cold War and the Soviet Union becoming more influential over Middle East, Turkey’s policies on Arab nations, especially Egypt and Syria, became stricter. When Turkey and Syria were on the brink of war in 1957, the two nations had no chance of cooperation and resolution under the Conciliation Commission. Egypt and Syria also sharpened their irreconcilable attitudes against Turkey both in terms of regional policies and of international relations with the support they received from the Soviet Union. Because Egypt perceived a Muslim state’s contribution to the resolution of the Palestine issue as interference in the internal affairs of Arab nations at a time when it saw itself as the protector of Arab nations, it did not support Turkey’s efforts for conciliation. The Conciliation Commission for Palestine was imbedded in history as another UN initiative that failed to provide solutions to international relations under the existing structure of the UN.

PALESTINE CONCILIATION COMMISSION AND TURKEY

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Gökhan

Known as the Neo-Babylonian Chronicles, the cuneiform texts were compiled (copied) by Babylonian scribes and mostly concern the historical events of both the recent and distant past. Recorded concisely and chronologically, they detail events starting from the Babylonian king Nabunassar era in 747-734 BC and continue to the period just after the capture of Babylonia by the Persians in 539 BC. In this study, the records concerning the illnesses and disabilities of the Mesopotamian and Elamite kings in these chronicles will be discussed. We will attempt to determine the historical importance of these medical problems of the kings with regards to the medical history of Mesopotamia. Some assessments will be made concerning the relations between these records and the political, religious, and traditional aspects of Babylonian historiography. Additionally, other pieces of information in other chronicles such as Esarhaddon, Weidner, and Chronicle of Early Kings will be referred to when needed. Although numerous Babylonian and Assyrian kings are mentioned concerning political events in the Neo-Babylonian Chronicles, the only king whose illness is mentioned is the Neo-Assyrian king Esarhaddon (681- 669 BC). The king fell ill during one of his campaigns and subsequently died. There is not much detailed information about the king’s illness in the relevant chronicles. Similarly, the chronicles do not mention the illnesses of the Babylonian kings in much detail. While the Neo-Babylonian king Nabunassar (747-734 BC) died after becoming sick in his palace, another Babylonian king Nabonidus (555-539 BC) was also ill but recovered. In brief, it is observed that the medical backgrounds of some of the numerous Babylonian and Assyrian kings are mentioned in the Neo-Babylonian Chronicles and that these references are only superficial. However, it is very clear that the illnesses and disabilities of the Neo-Elamite kings, who reigned during the 1st millennium BC, are mentioned in more detail by the chronicle scribes. What is the reason behind the fact that no detailed information is given about the illnesses of the Assyrian and Babylonian kings, while the health situations and deaths of their contemporary Neo-Elamite kings include more details? There might be more than one answer to this question. One answer might be that the scribes could not find sufficient information in the ancient sources about these issues while compiling the chronicles. In addition, statements indicating that the demise of the kings did not result from an illness and particularly that some of them “died in the palaces” are either proof of&nbsp;the fact that there is not sufficient information about the cause of death of these kings or it is possible that these individuals were accepted as “well-remembered figures” in Babylonian history. However, another answer (and one which is the main focus of the study) should be sought in the relation between the medical knowledge and tradition of Babylonian historiography, in which political and religious ideologies are dominant. It is possible to find pieces of information about the health problems of kings such as Esarhaddon and Nabonidus in other cuneiform sources such as the royal inscriptions and correspondence. However, only in the chronicles is it possible to encounter details about the illnesses of the Elamite kings. The records of the death of two Neo-Elamite kings following a stroke and/or paralysis can be considered as an example of the reflection of a pro-Babylonian attitude towards historiography. It is certain that the scribe or scribes, who mentioned these pieces of information, are eager to leave no stone unturned about information and the details concerning the disabilities or deaths of the Elamite kings. It should be considered that a conscious preference in deciding which pieces of information to be recorded might be related to the world views of the scribes, the relevance of the kings, the form of the illnesses to be mentioned, divine background, and the political/ideological aspects of historiographical tradition. Similarly, this relation is conspicuous in the health problems of the Sargon of Akkad and Isin king Erra-imitti written in the records of the Chronicles of the Early Kings and Weidner as well.It is possible that some of the details concerning the illnesses of the kings might contain fabrications, exaggerations, or personal comments. However, even if these details are supported by information from other cuneiform sources or even if it is medically possible, it doesn’t change the possible views asserted in the study about the intentions behind adding them to the chronicles. Sometimes concise and sometimes relatively longer, the information provided by the chronicle writers about the illnesses of the Assyrian, Babylonian, and Elamite kings, and even about the Isin king Erra-imitti contribute to our knowledge about the medical history of ancient Mesopotamia. Independent from the individuals, since these medical cases (such as stroke, paralysis, fever, insomnia, and respiratory problems) are common in royal correspondence and literary texts and particularly in medical texts, they have no particular privilege. However, these medical details in the chronicles are important with regards to Babylonian historiography. It is observed in the chronicles that only the health problems of the kings are detailed with interest. However, some kings like the Neo-Babylonian King Nabonidus (who recovered after the illness), or kings who died without getting sick, are also discussed. Particularly in the latter case, it was also relevant that some of the scribes did not have knowledge about the causes of deaths of the kings. Additionally, it was recorded that some of the kings (like the Babylonian king Nabunassar) died in the palaces, even without getting sick. The Babylonian scribes were probably informed about the details of the illness of the Neo-Assyrian king Esarhaddon; however, they did not mention it. In fact, Esarhaddon was a Neo-Assyrian king, who was trying to revive the city of Babylonia and return it to its old magnificent days after his father, Sennacherib, wrathfully devastated the city. It can be considered that these kings were not remembered with ill feelings by later generations. However, this interpretation can involve problems, since it is a result of an overall general view about the whole life of the individual. It is also possible that they were punished with illnesses resulting in death by the gods due to their misconduct in any period of their kingdom or in any issue that might annoy (!) the gods.Therefore, all of these examples have great importance since they reflect the dominant understanding concerning the ancient Mesopotamian historiography: a religious belief that the illness is a divine punishment arising from the faults of an individual. The common trait of almost all of the kings, about whom the chronicles give detailed information concerning their illnesses, is that they were all remembered negatively with regards to the history of Babylonia. It is possible that there was an attempt to create a perception that the patron deity of the city of Babylon Marduk (Bel) punished these kings who were in the wrong. Illnesses and deaths related with these situations were remarkable events since they demonstrated the proof of the relation between the crime and the punishment. Thus, the motives behind the intention to abstain from recording the known or fabricated medical causes of deaths of some kings should not be examined, to a large extent, in the epistemological concerns. These motives should be investigated in the relations between historiography and its political, religious, and traditional aspects. For example, mentioning the insomnia problems of Sargon of Akkad doesn’t have a medical or historical importance in itself. This record reaches significance when there is an attempt to establish relations between the current ideologies and compilation of literary narratives, whose “reality is suspicious”, that are dated to the 1st millennium BC. It might also be mentioned that, sometimes while narrating, the role and influence of these relations are behind the inclusion of the themes and contents, which are thought to arouse curiosity and interest, with a high potential of speculation.

IDEOLOGICAL READINGS THROUGH THE MEDICAL RECORDS: ILLNESSES IN THE NEO-BABYLONIAN CHRONICLES AND BABYLONIAN HISTORIOGRAPHY

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The Last Penetration of The Crusader Armies into the Seljuḳ Territory of Anatolia: Emperor Friedrich Barbarossa’s Crusade (1089-1190)In the 12th century, Anatolia witnessed the great struggles between the Crusaders and the Turks, and the Crusaders penetrated into Seljuḳ territory for the last time during the Third Crusade (1189–1192). By conquering Jerusalem in 1187, the Egyptian-Syrian ruler, Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn, put an end to the Crusaders’ domination in Jerusalem, which lasted 88 years. It was at this point that German Emperor Friedrich Barbarossa, who had accompanied his uncle Conrad III, King of Germany during the Second Crusade, once again agreed to participate in the Crusade—this time as a 70-year-old ruler. He formed an immense army with the goal of capturing Jerusalem from Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn. While the English and French kings traveled by sea to the Holy Land with their forces, Friedrich tried to reach the East through Anatolia. This paper discusses the march of the German Crusaders under the command of Friedrich Barbarossa in Anatolia, and the Seljuk-Crusader relations in this period.&nbsp;Emperor Friedrich, who started to prepare for the expedition after accepting the cross, sent ambassadors to Hungarian King Bela III, Byzantine Emperor Isaakios Angelos II, and Seljuk Sultan Ḳilidj Arslan II to ask for permission to pass through their countries. In response, Emperor Isaakios said that the Crusaders would be allowed to enter the territory of the empire if they promised not to take any action against the Byzantine State. When this stipulation was accepted by Friedrich, the Byzantine emperor agreed to provide guidance and suitable markets to the Crusaders during the transition from Anatolia. After that, Emperor Isaakios took the necessary measures in accordance with the agreement reached; however, Barbarossa’s contact with the enemies of Byzantine Serbs and Seljuks increased Isaakios’s concerns. Faced with such danger, Isaakios found it appropriate to contact Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn for the interest of his country. According to Ibn al-Asir, when Isaakios learned of the German emperor’s movement, he sent an envoy to Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn and promised that he would prevent Friedrich from passing through the Byzantine land.After the year-long preparations, Friedrich finally moved from Regensburg to the East in May 1189. His enormously large and well- organized army seemed almost invincible. Barbarossa passed Hungary, where he was welcomed by King Bela, and by crossing the Danube near Belgrade, he entered the Byzantine territory in 1189. The Crusader army was said to have 50,000 horsemen and 100,000 infantrymen. Meanwhile, the Serbs and Bulgarians’ attempt to form an alliance with the German emperor destressed the Byzantines.Because of the events in the Balkans, the relations between the two sides became so bad that Friedrich even contemplated attacking Istanbul. Eventually, Friedrich, who intended to arrive in Palestine after spending the winter months in Adrianople, went to Gallipoli in March 1190, and by crossing through the Dardanelles into Anatolia, he entered the path that Alexander the Great had followed about 15 centuries prior. After crossing the Granikos Stream and the Angelokomites River, the Crusaders followed a Byzantine military road between Miletopolis and today’s Balikesir (Akhyraous), and they moved southward through Balikesir-Ala Shehir before heading toward Seljuḳ territory after the Byzantine border town of Laodiceia (Denizli). The German emperor thought that he would easily pass from Anatolia, in accordance with the old friendship and the agreements between Ḳilidj Arslan II and him. In the last two years, he sent ambassadors to the sultan several times, and he stated that his intention was to go to Jerusalem. When the German army was in Adrianople, Sultan Ḳilidj Arslan and his son Malik Shah’s envoys had gone to Friedrich and promised to help him. Meanwhile, the Anatolian Seljuk State had lost its political unity. Sultan Ḳilidj Arslan did not actually have power. The feuds for the throne had begun among the Maliks soon after he allocated the country between his 11 sons in 1187. Because of these circumstances, the Turks were not in a position to openly fight against this enormous army, but they also did not want to let them pass through Anatolia. As a result, they followed the German Crusader army and harassed them. In the meantime, the Turkmens, who acted on their own at the borders, also pursued the Crusaders along the road from Denizli. The Turkmens initially retreated to the mountains and grazed large herds of animals (around 5,000) along the Germans’ way and therefore condemned the horses of the Crusaders to starvation. Then they suddenly attacked the Crusaders, who were devastated by fatigue and starvation. As&nbsp;a result of these attacks in the mountains and passages in the Uluborlu region, the Germans suffered great losses. While the attacks of the Turkmens continued along the way, the Germans were forced to carry out a series of fierce battles (from April 28 to May 18). The Turks also continued their activities around the Crusader camp at nights, shouting and shooting arrows until the morning, causing the Germans sleepless and troubled nights. In the meantime, under the rain of arrows that pierced the tents, the Crusaders were sometimes killed while they were asleep. For this reason, most of the Crusaders were unable to remove their armor at night for weeks. This situation created an exasperating impact on them. Also, the water resources along the way of the Crusader army were rendered unusable, all kinds of foodstuffs were destroyed, cities were evacuated, and the people hid in the forests and mountains.As a result of the war tactics applied by the Turks, the German army, which was miserable because of both the lack of food and water and the constant Turkish attacks, suffered heavy losses. They set Aḳshehir on fire and marched toward Iconium (Konya). After a fierce battle, Emperor Friedrich finally managed to enter Iconium by force on May 18th. However, after leaving Iconium, Friedrich drowned while crossing the Saleph River (Silifke /Salūḳiya). As a result of this, the German army disbanded (June 10, 1190), and only a small part of the army, led by his son Friedrich VI of Swabia, reached Acre.

THE LAST PENETRATION OF THE CRUSADER ARMIES INTO THE SELJUḲ TERRITORY OF ANATOLIA: EMPEROR FRIEDRICH BARBAROSSA’S CRUSADE (1089-1190)

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Turkish Journal of History (Turk J Hist) is an international, scientific, open access periodical published in accordance with independent, unbiased, and double-blinded peer-review principles. This is a scholarly, international, peer-reviewed and open-access journal published three times a year in February, June and October.

The publication languages of the journal are Turkish and English. Turkish Journal of History (Turk J Hist) aims to contribute to the literature by publishing manuscripts at the highest scientific level on all fields of history. The journal publishes original articles and translations.

Turkish Journal of History (Turk J Hist) aims to contribute to the literature by publishing manuscripts at the highest scientific level on all fields of history.

Turkish Journal of History (Turk J Hist) publishes research articles and translations on national, regional and world history. The journal also includes book reviews and critiques.

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Turkish Journal of History (Turk J Hist) aims to contribute to the literature by publishing manuscripts at the highest scientific level on all fields of history. Turkish Journal of History (Turk J Hist) publishes research articles and translations on national, regional and world history. The journal also includes book reviews and critiques.

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Turkish Journal of History is committed to upholding the highest standards of publication ethics and pays regard to Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing published by the Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE), the Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ), the Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA), and the World Association of Medical Editors (WAME) on <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-bestpractice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-bestpractice-scholarly-publishing</a>All submissions must be original, unpublished (including as full text in conference proceedings), and not under the review of any other publication synchronously. Each manuscript is reviewed by one of the editors and at least two referees under double-blind peer review process. Plagiarism, duplication, fraud authorship/denied authorship, research/data fabrication, salami slicing/salami publication, breaching of copyrights, prevailing conflict of interest are unnethical behaviors. All manuscripts not in accordance with the accepted ethical standards will be removed from the publication. This also contains any possible malpractice discovered after the publication. In accordance with the code of conduct we will report any cases of suspected plagiarism or duplicate publishing.

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While citing publications, preference should be given to the latest, most up-to-date publications. Authors are responsible for the accuracy of references. References should be prepared according the detailed information and examples provided below. In-text references should be stated in superscripts and numbered starting from 1 as footnotes. Footnotes should be written in Times New Roman style, type size 9 with one space. All footnotes should be end with a full stop. While stating references in footnotes, the title of books and journals should be in italic whereas the title of articles should be plain text font in quotation marks. In the footnotes, the author name and source must be given exactly in the first place, then only the author’s surname and abbreviation ibid should be written. When citing different publications of the same author, last name of the author and the abbreviated title of the book or the article should be provided after the first citation of the second work. In books with multiple authors, all authors must be written in the first citation and only the surnames of the authors should be given in the following citations of the same book. While citing an article, book section or an encyclopedia item, start and end pages should be provided.Examples: Books with a Single Author: Mübahat S. Kütükoğlu, Menteşe Sancağı 1830 (Nüfus ve Toplum Yapısı), TTK Yay., Ankara 2010, p. 115.For following citations: Kütükoğlu, ibid., p. 123 or Kütükoğlu, p. 123. Different publications of the same author: Arzu Terzi, Hazine-i Hassa Nezareti, TTK Yay., Ankara 2000, p. 98 (Terzi, Hazine-i Hassa). If the same book will be cited again, the abbreviated title of it should be provided in the parenthesis as shown in the example. To indicate the volume of the book, only the volume should be written in Roman numerals. Hoca Sa‘deddin Efendi, Tâcü’t-tevârîh, I, İstanbul 1279, 25. Tayyâr-zâde Atâ, Osmanlı Saray Tarihi Târîh-i Enderûn, haz. Mehmet Arslan, Kitabevi, III, İstanbul 2010, 138. Book Translations: Philippe du Fresne-Canaye, Fresne-Canaye Seyahatnamesi 1573, tran. Teoman Tunçdoğan, İstanbul 2009, p. 51.Encyclopedia items: Feridun M. Emecen, “Başmukataa Kalemi”, DİA, V, 135. Books with multiple authors: Robert Anhegger-Halil İnalcık, Kānūnnāme-i Sultānī Ber Mūceb-i ‛Örf-i ‛Osmānī, II. Mehmed ve II. Bayezid Devirlerine Ait Yasaknāme ve Kānūnnāmeler, TTK Yay., Ankara 2000, p. 25. For following citations of the same book: Anhegger-İnalcık, ibid, p. 36. Editor(s) or compiler(s) as authors: Osmanlı Uygarlığı, eds. Halil İnalcık-Günsel Renda, Kültür Bakanlığı Yay., I-II, Ankara 2009. Book section: Terzi, Arzu, “II. Abdülhamid’in Emlakı ve Irak Petrolleri”, Sultan II. Abdülhamid ve Dönemi, ed. Coşkun Yılmaz, İstanbul 2014, s. 181-188. Journal Article: Mübahat S. Kütükoğlu, “Osmanlıdan Günümüze Yer Adları”, Belleten, LXXVI/275 (2012), p.149. Bekir Kütükoğlu, “Ahmed Cevdet Paşa, Ma‘rûzât”, Güney-Doğu Avrupa Araştırmaları Dergisi, issue 10-11, İstanbul 1983, p. 251. Mücteba İlgürel, “Şer‘iyye Sicillerinin Toplu Kataloğuna Doğru”, Tarih Dergisi, issue 28-29 (1975), p. 164. Journal article with multiple authors: Kayhan Orbay-Hatice Oruç, “Sultan II. Murad’ın Edirne Câmi‘-i Şerîf ve Dârü’l-hadîs Vakfı (1592- 1607)”, Tarih Dergisi, issue 56 (2012/2), İstanbul 2013, p. 10. For the following citations of the same book: Orbay-Oruç, ibid, p. 15. Journal Translations: Géza Dávid, “XVI. Yüzyılda Osmanlı-Habsburg Mücadelesinin Bir Kaynağı Olarak Mühimme Defterleri”, tran. Özgür Kolçak, Tarih Dergisi, issue 53 (2011/1), İstanbul 2012, pp. 295-349. Articles of the authors with the same surname: Mübahat S. Kütükoğlu, “Osmanlıdan Günümüze Yer Adları”, Belleten, LXXVI/275 (2012), 149. Bekir Kütükoğlu, “Ahmed Cevdet Paşa, Ma‘rûzât”, Güney-Doğu Avrupa Araştırmaları Dergisi, issue 10-11, İstanbul 1983, p. 251. For the following citations of the same authors: M. S. Kütükoğlu, ibid, p. 160 or B. Kütükoğlu, ibid, p. 250. Thesis: Sinem Serin, Yıldız Çini/Porselen Fabrikası, İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Tarih Anabilim Dalı Osmanlı Müesseseleri ve Medeniyeti Tarihi Bilim Dalı, Unpublished Master Thesis, İstanbul 2009, p. 146.Archive Documents: In the footnotes; the name of the archive, the title of the classification, file and the document number should be stated respectively. Abbreviated classifications of the archives may be written in the footnote, however the full title of the classification should be given in the bibliography. • BOA, Maliyeden Müdevver Defterler (MAD), nr. 9146, s. 200. • BOA, Mühimme Defteri, nr. 120, s. 103, h. 250.Bibliography All sources that are cited in the footnotes should be stated in alphabetically by the surnames of the authors under Bibliography heading. Mübahat S. Kütükoğlu, Menteşe Sancağı 1830 (Nüfus ve Toplum Yapısı), TTK Yay., Ankara 2010. Hoca Sa‘deddin Efendi, Tâcü’t-tevârîh, I-II, İstanbul 1279-80. Translated texts: Fresne-Canaye, Philippe du, Fresne-Canaye Seyahatnamesi 1573, tran. Teoman Tunçdoğan, İstanbul 2009. *The edition number of the book should be indicated as superscript. Terzi, Arzu, Sultan Abdülhamid’in Mirası, Petrol ve Arazi, Timaş Yayınları, İstanbul 20142. Thesis: Sinem Serin, Yıldız Çini/Porselen Fabrikası, İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Tarih Anabilim Dalı Osmanlı Müesseseleri ve Medeniyeti Tarihi Bilim Dalı, Unpublished Master Thesis, İstanbul 2009, p. 146. Archive Documents: Archive classifications that are stated in footnotes should be written in full in bibliography, abbreviations should be stated in parenthesis. When references are used from different archives, these archives should be classified. Since the document numbers of the archives are stated in the footnotes, only the document classifications should be stated in bibliography section. • Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi (BOA) • Cevdet Bahriye Evrakı (C.BH.) • Şura-yı Devlet (ŞD.) • Deniz Tarihi Arşivi (DTA) • Bahriye Nezareti (BN.)

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Issue Type	Regular
Issue Date	09.11.2021
Editor(s)	Arzu Terzi
Cover (PDF)
Front Pages (PDF)

Turkish Journal of History

ISSUE 75, 2021

Female Attorneys in Ancient Roman Courts

A Life Dedicated to Independence: Kuchum Khan

Mahzar From a Diplomatic Point of View

From a Byzantine Fortress to an Ottoman City: The History of Dimetoka from its Conquest to the Late XVth Century

Ahmed III’s Daughter Saliha Sultan and Her Foundations (1127-1192/1715-1778)

New Remarks on the Life, Intellectual Climate, and Works of Eyüb Sabri Pasha

Building a Sultan Family: Marriage of Naile Sultan, The Daughter of Padishah Abdulhamid II, and Arif Hikmet Pasha

Background of an Assassination in the Hijaz: Sharif Husayn, the Afghans, and the British

Establishment and Implementation of Russia’s Military–Public Administration Among The Caucasian Muslims

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