İsmet

Established in the Sasanian Era, Arradjan is located on the border of Khuzestan and Fars provinces. Today, Arradjan is a dilapidated area near Behbahan in Southwestern Iran. The city was established by the Sasanian ruler Kavad I and was called Amida Kavad because of the war prisoners brought from Amida and Silvan. Arradjan has also been known as Ram-Kavad, Beram-Kavad, and Abar-Kavad. During the Sasanian and Islamic periods, the city became famous with the name Arradjan. As far as can be determined from the works of Islamic geographers and historians, Isfahan at the time was to the north and northeast of Arradjan, the Persian Gulf was to the south, Darak was to the southwest, Ramhormoz was to the northwest, Shahpour was to the east, and Ardashir-Khwarrah was to the southeast.While the northern part of the city remained cool year-round due to the Zagros Mountains, the southern part had a warm climate due to the Persian Gulf. For this reason, the majority of the people living in the south built underground houses to protect themselves from the heat. The Tab River, which gave life to the city and defines the borders of Fars and Khuzestan, travels a long way to reach Arradjan, passing through Reishahr and pours into the sea at the ancient port of Siniz.Arradjan had a developed trade network due to its geopolitical location. Located on the busy trade routes, the city had connections to both maritime trade and regions far from the land route. Trade was carried out with India and Far Eastern countries, especially through the Port of Mahruban, which had an international character. Road trade continued uninterruptedly through the bridges built in the Sasanian and Islamic periods. Located between Khuzestan and Fars, the city had the distinction of being the Farsi gateway to Mesopotamia. The road from Isfahan to Shiraz by way of Ahwaz and Susa, which was used between Baghdad and Fars, passed through Arradjan. Undoubtedly, the passing of these three roads through Arradjan contributed to the development of the city. Being on the main trade routes and having abundant water resources and fertile lands, the people of this city lived a very prosperous life in times of stability. Arradjan was also directly affected by the political and economic developments in Iran due to its location.Arradjan was an important stop on the Persian royal road during the Sasanian Era and was also a significant settlement center in that era’s first centuries. The local dynasties that emerged as a result of the deterioration in the Abbasid State occupied the lands under Abbasid rule, and one of these was the Saffarid dynasty, During the Yaʿkub b. al-Layth period, they captured Fars and Khuzestan and became the neighbor of the caliphate. Ya‘kub’s son Amr b. al-Layth then continued his father’s policy and constantly struggled with the Abbasid caliphate. He minted coins in his name in Arradjan and its affiliated cities.&nbsp;After the collapse of the Saffarid dynasty, the Abbasid State dominated Arradjan again. The Buyid dynasty, which had adopted the Shia school that emerged in Daylam in the first half of the 10th century, came to Fars under the leadership of ʿImad al-Dawla. Here, al-Dawla struggled with the local Abbasid administrators. Following this struggle, al-Dawla took Shiraz and then Arradjan under his rule. After ʿImad al-Dawla took over Fars, he seized the treasures of the Saffarid and Mohammad b. Yaqut. ʿImad al-Dawla became economically stronger and commissioned his brother Muʿizz al-Dawla to seize Khuzestan. In this process, Arradjan was used as a military base. After ʿImad al-Dawla’s death and due to not having had his own son, Rukn al-Dawla’s son Adud al-Dawla was appointed heir. During the reign of Adud al-Dawla, Arradjan gave special importance to this Khuzestan due to the high tax income. For this reason, wars took place between them and the Bakhtiyar for control of the city. The period of Adud al-Dawla’s sons Sharaf al-Dawla, Samsam al-Dawla and Baha alDawla is when Arradjan started to collapse socioeconomically. The Buyid brothers, who’d been fighting each other for about 20 years, created devastating damage in Arradjan that was difficult to recover from. Due to the city constantly changing hands during this period, the people who’d been crushed by heavy taxes were forced to migrate to other cities. The struggle between Abu Kalidjar’s sons Malik al-Rahim and Fulad Sutun paved the way for the collapse of the Buyids and facilitated the spread of the Saldjukids in the Buyid lands. Their struggle for power turned Arradjan into a battlefield, causing its economic structure to further deteriorate. In addition to the political conflicts during the Buyid era, disasters such as severe earthquakes, drought, and epidemics also accelerated the collapse of the city.The Saldjukids dominated Arradjan during the reign of Tughril Beg I. In this period, the city was given to Hazarasb, one of Tughril I’s most important assistants, in return for sending taxes to the central government every year. When Arradjan came under the rule of the Saldjukids, the social structure of the city was completely destroyed. When examining the sources, they are not seen to mention Arradjan except for the Batinid activities. At the beginning of the 12th century, the Batinids, who belonged to the Ismailiyya branch of Shiism, ruled Arradjan. They captured the fortified castles in Arradjan and carried out terrorist activities from these castles. For this reason, the local people were very nervous. Thereupon, Sultan Berkyaruq sent Emir Chavli to fight the Batinids. Although Emir Chavli eliminated a significant portion of the Batinids, Arradjan was no longer able to attain its former prosperity.&nbsp;

Orta Çağın Yitik Şehri: Müslümanlar Tarafından  Fethinden XII. Yüzyıl Başlarına Kadar Errecân

Esen

XVIII. Yüzyılda İstanbul Esirci Esnafı: Kefalet Sistemi Üzerinden  Bir Değerlendirme

Ömerül

Assoc. Prof.

Not enough is known about the production potential of Ottoman mines, and regular and serial data on this subject are very limited. Finding any such information and following the long-term course of the increases and decreases in production are quite difficult. However, some source groups have proven to be quite generous in this respect, with the Ottoman Imperial Mint registers being one of these. Information about silver production from the Ottoman mines in particular is abundant in the Imperial Mint registers. The main reason for this was that the mines were one of the most important sources feeding the Ottoman Imperial Mint during its coin production. This research aims to reveal the silver production capacity of Ottoman mines and the place of the Ottoman Imperial Mint in money emission based on a group of Ottoman Imperial Mint registers that shed light on the years between 1766 and 1802.According to the results, the Ottoman Imperial Mint converted over 3,091 tons of silver into coins during this period, of which approximately 941 tons had been obtained by melting foreign coins and 1,918.6 tons by melting old Ottoman coins. The amount coming from local mines was 231.9 tons, which makes up 7.5% of the total. According to these results, the silver production of the Ottoman mines was quite limited compared to the silver that came to Ottoman lands as a result of foreign trade. When considering the data in the registers, the second half of the 18th century is when a significant portion of the output from silver producing mines came from Anatolia, and these mines were exceeded the output from the Rumelia mines. While Rumelia appeared to only have two active silver mines, Anatolia was seen to have many mines in operation, among these the Keban and Ergani mines in particular draw attention. Nearly 213.5 of the 231.9 tons (more than 92%) of the silver produced in Ottoman mines between 1766-1802 were mined from the Keban, Ergani, and Gümüşhane mines, while the Sidrekapsi mine produced 6.25 tons of silver, and Kratova’s production was close to 2 tons. The capacity of the Rumelia mines was nowhere near that of the Anatolian mines. When looking at the other mines, the Bereketli mine was seen to have produced almost 644 kg of silver, the Bozkır mine almost 462 kg of silver, and the Balya and Bigadiç almost 210 kg of silver. In addition, many of the mines in regions such as Kazdağı, Nif, Üsküfçü, Gümüşdağı, Uyum, and Gümüş were actively being worked. However, the annual production of some of these was quite low. Compared to the first half of the 18th century, however, Ottoman mining can be said to have experienced a downward trend in terms of silver production in the second half of that century.&nbsp;Despite the limited amount, having the Ottoman Imperial Mint convert the silver obtained from the mines into coins was very profitable. 25.6 million coins were minted out of the 231.9 tons of silver, with the revenue being around 12.47 million kuruş. The average profit generated from this minting was 48%. As a result, the silver from local mines was a low-cost, high-income raw material for the Ottoman Imperial Mint. This profitability was possible due to the policy the state followed in the mining field.&nbsp;A fiscal policy was effective in the Ottoman Empire’s mining policies, as well as in its general economic and financial policies. The empire attempted to reinforce the power of the army and the treasury, and in this regard benefited as much as possible from the opportunities the mines provided. With the impact of its fiscal policies, the empire followed a more centralized policy regarding mine management in the 18th century. In 1736, the Maadin-i Hümâyun Emaneti consisted of mines such as the Keban, Ergani, Gümüşhane, and Espiye mines and was affiliated with the Imperial Mint. The administration of mines under the control of the Imperial Mint was maintained throughout the 18th century. While the mines were more closely affiliated with the central government through the Imperial Mint, they were protected from local administrators’ interventions through the application of the serbestiyet usulü. The maden emini [mine manager] was strengthened against the local administrators and more firmly connected to the nazır of the Imperial Mint.&nbsp;

Osmanlı Madenciliğini Darphane Defterleri Üzerinden  Okumak: XVIII. Yüzyılın İkinci Yarısında Osmanlı  Devleti’nde Gümüş Üretimi

Cemil

Remarkable historical events such as the conquest of Istanbul and the transfer of the caliphate to the Ottomans enabled the political and diplomatic relations between the Ottoman Empire and Indian dynasties to increase. One of the prominent political actors in this process was undoubtedly the Nizams of Hyderabad. They maintained their existence as an independent Islamic state in the region until 1948, when India gained its independence from the British. Due to this feature, a more systematic and long-term contact had been established between the Nizams of Hyderabad and the Ottoman Empire.Mutual interactions occurred between the two regions in the fields of politics, culture, art, and education. For example, Fazluddin Khan Bahadur was the prime minister of the sixth Nizam and in 1898 asked the Ottoman administration to send samples of manuscripts and printed books found in Istanbul libraries. Some books on tafsir, hadith and history were copied by competent people for this purpose.The intense contact between the two regions was experienced during the Ottomans’ struggles against foreign forces. The people of Hyderabad prayed for the victory of the Turkish army and made calls for help. Common religious and cultural values and the respect shown to the institution of the caliphate had an undeniable impact on the emergence of such an attitude. The funds collected through the efforts of many influential figures, including leaders such as Salar Junk and Muhammed Badi, who served at the highest level of the Hyderabad Nizam, were sent to the Ottoman Empire to be delivered to the wounded Turkish soldiers and the orphaned children of the soldiers.Regular telegrams were received from the war zone regarding Ottoman soldiers’ conditions through the special organizations established in Hyderabad, thereby informing the public. Through such efforts carried out under the leadership of the Nizams of Hyderabad, an awareness is understood to have been created in the eyes of the people of the region toward the Ottomans. This is why the Nizam of Hyderabad provided financial support to Al-Akhtar, a newspaper published by the Ottoman Empire, so that it could continue its publishing life.The Hejaz Railway project was one of the significant events that strengthened the relations between Hyderabad and the Ottoman Empire. Some of the Indian Muslim intellectuals came together and established a society called Anjuman Khuddam-i-Kaaba [Society of the&nbsp;Servants of Kaaba] to support the project. The fact that a person such as Molla Abdulqayyum with important administrative duties in education and transportation in the Hyderabad State had assumed the position of honorary secretariat of the Hejaz Railway project in South India concretely reflects this support. Meanwhile, the capital of Istanbul showed sensitivity toward this noble behavior and decided to give the Hamidiya Hejaz Railway Medal to the people from Hyderabad who’d sent aid.The Ottoman Empire’s involvement in the Balkan Wars and then World War I was closely followed in the Hyderabad region. Muslim leaders living in Hyderabad and the surrounding regions forwarded messages of support to the Ottoman Empire. One article written in Arabic in 1913 is a concrete piece of data reflecting this situation. This article stated that Muslims should give their full support to the Ottomans and also mentioned that the Ottoman Empire should make a military expedition to take back the pieces of land that had been lost, especially the Balkans. Warnings were also given to some of the Muslim people who were trying to leave the Ottoman Empire with their feelings of nationalism. The article emphasized that Turks should be vigilant against the insidious ambitions of foreign powers.The Hyderabad Red Crescent Society performed an important function in the process of conveying information on the health status of the Ottoman Empire to the people of the Hyderabad region. The society also undertook the task of conveying the financial aid collected from Indian volunteers to the Ottoman Empire. The people of Hyderabad demanded that this aid should be spent to fulfill the basic needs of the relatives of martyrs and veterans, orphaned children, and the Turkish soldiers fighting at the front. The society transferred the donations to the London branch of the National Bank of India to be delivered to the Grand Viziership. The documents found in the Ottoman Achieves testify that whether these donations had reached the relevant authority and whether it had been spent right away were closely followed.The defeat of the Ottoman Empire in World War I and the occupation of Istanbul by the Allied Forces on March 16, 1920 were met with sadness in the Hyderabad region as well as in the rest of India. Some of the meetings held by the pioneers of the Indian Khilafat Movement were organized in Hyderabad. However, the last Nizam of Hyderabad, Mir Osman Ali Khan, is understood from the historical records to have cautiously approached the activities of such organizations, which had a religious-political appearance, and to have evaluated these kinds of activities from multiple perspectives.Mir Osman Ali Khan closely followed Turkey’s successful and selfless struggle against the occupying states. He issued an edict in 1923 regarding financial aid to the needy people in Turkey. He appointed the editor of Sahifa, Muhammed Akbar Ali, to organize drives for this support. The available documents show Mir Osman Ali Khan to have issued an edict on August 2, 1923 right after the Treaty of Lausanne, an edict that established a one-day official&nbsp;holiday in Hyderabad due to the victory of Turkey as a result of the war of independence. Moreover, in order to celebrate this victory of the Turks, he gave orders to distribute various awards to his people and to illuminate the prominent mosques of the city with oil lamps. Another concrete indication of the close interest the Nizam of Hyderabad had with the Ottoman Empire and the Turkish people is the financial support it provided to the last Caliph Abdulmejid II who’d been forced to go abroad after the abolition of the caliphate in 1924.Mir Osman Ali Khan expressed his decision with these words: “Sultan Abdulmejid’s financial situation is not very good these days, and since he currently resides in Europe, his expenses there are quite high. I consider it a religious duty to help him as much as I can, in accordance with the religious principle of one Muslim is the sibling to another Muslim.” In response to Mir Osman Ali Khan’s positive attitude, Abdulmejid II wrote a letter saying, “Your noble decision has reached me through Nawaz Junk Bahadur. I express my heartfelt gratitude and appreciation to you for supporting Muslims.” All these data demonstrate that the Nizam had deep sympathy for the Turkish people and the diplomatic and cultural relations between the two regions with their strong historical background that has continued up to recent times.&nbsp;

Hindistan’da Kurulan Haydarabad Nizamlığı’nın  Osmanlı Devleti’ne Verdiği Destek

Tuba

Assist. Prof.

World War I was loosened upon the Palestine front in November 1914 as a result of the British attack on the port of Aqaba, and Djemal Pasha quickly went to Damascus. The Pasha’s task was primarily to control the war in Syria and Palestine, stop Britain’s advance in Egypt, and maintain law and order. However, Djemal Pasha had to deal with another delicate situation in Syria. In order to alter the course of the war, the Pasha’s agenda involved implementing a policy against the nationalism-based movements that had begun emerging at the beginning of the 19th century, progressed through their cultural stages, and fostered the ideal of independence. Thanks to the relations the Pasha established with Arab tribal leaders, Djemal Pasha gained some political experience regarding the nationalist delusions during his governorship of Baghdad. However, a different discipline was required in Damascus and Beirut, where this ideal had arisen. The ideal of Arab independence without regard to any religion or sectarianism ideology had spread from the intellectual class to the social classes and begun to gain wide support among the Syrian and Lebanese populations. One of the groups that required careful policies in this regard was the Druze community.The Druze’s devotion to the Ottoman Empire and their attitude toward Arab nationalism were more evident than with other non-Sunni and non-Muslim sects in the region. Although some Druze members had joined the Arab nationalism-based Syrian Scientific Society in 1857, some of the reactions arising from the “Dual Governorship System” that had been implemented in Lebanon between 1845-1860 had clearly triggered this participation. Prior to World War I, however, the Druze in Havran had started a revolt against Sultan Abdul Hamid II, but their lack of support for the uprising from the Druze in Lebanon highlighted the balance between the parameters in their relationship with the state and with communal ties.The Druze are an esoteric group that emerged from the Ismaili branch of Shiism in the 11th century. The Druze are considered a non-Sunni group who believe in the divinity of the 6th Caliph of the Fatimid state, al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah. After the Ottoman Empire conquered Bilad al Sham in 1516, the Druze became a part of the Ottoman nation and gained political and legal autonomy to the extent of their loyalty to the empire. Although the Druze revolted against the empire from time to time due to tax revolts, the Ottoman Empire did not question their divinity beliefs or legal structures. Thus, the Druze, who had their own rulings on marriage, divorce, and inheritance according to their own legal systems, managed to preserve their identity despite not being part of the nation system.When World War I broke out, Djemal Pasha first benefitted from the Druze’s political activities in Syria and Lebanon and then granted the Druze certain privileges. The Druze who’d been exempted from military service formed volunteer units under the leadership of Shakib Arslan and joined the Ottoman army. Djemal Pasha acknowledged that the Druze might gain the privilege of not being drafted into the military. However, he took a different step in his policy of Islamic unity than his predecessors, one that clearly showed his intention to keep the Druze community under the auspices of the Sunni Ottomans. Due to their active presence in Syria and Lebanon as well as their military capabilities, the warrior Druze were a backbone of society despite gradually losing power as a result of internal conflict. Therefore, uniting the Druze in terms of their legal identities was also critical in terms of maintaining the delicate balances. Such a legal union would also show the effect of Djemal Pasha’s personal strategies. The issue of the Druze community’s practices regarding Sharia law had previously been brought before the Sublime Porte and the Meshihat numerous times, but the State had always dismissed their practices. Eliminating this privilege of the personal status did increase the impact of Pasha’s authority in this regard.The primary essence of the legal identity crisis that started between Djemal Pasha and the Druze was revealed with the appeal the Deputy Governor of the Syrian Province sent to the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Although the deputy stated being aware of the Council of State’s decision taken in 1912, he mentioned some details about an amendment to that decision. Accordingly, the Druze were registered as Muslims because they were recognized as prostate Muslims. They also had no churches and temples like other non-Muslims, nor was any case present of them building a new temple or repairing an old one. Therefore, the Druze had to be treated like other Muslims in personal matters involving inheritance, testament, marriage, and divorce. In other words, the place for Druze trials was in the Sharia courts.This unexpected decision led the Druze religious leaders to gather and send their objections to the Ministry of Internal Affairs. In November 1915, more than 40 religious leaders asked why the Shaykh al-Aql who had previously been authorized by the Empire was no longer permitted to hear cases. Meanwhile, they emphasized that their community was not like that of the Ismailis and Nusayris and that they had settled inheritance and testament cases among themselves with laws recognized by the Ottoman State. The petition sensitively emphasized the depth of the Druze’s loyalty and devotion to their Ottoman identity and the caliph. However, they did not want to apply Hanafi fiqh. For this reason, the Meshihat was requested to not retract the previous decision.Talat Pasha forwarded the issue to both the Meshihat and the Command of the Fourth Army. Djemal Pasha’s answer was delivered to Talat Pasha quicker than the Meshihat’s. According to Djemal Pasha, although the Druze were Muslims, they were exempted from conscription. Making exceptions in personal cases would have opened the door to their independence. Therefore, having their own courts for their own cases was an unnecessary exception. For Djemal Pasha, the decision the State had made was thus wrong from the very beginning. The custom was for the Meshihat to leave the final decision to the Sublime Porte, which had faced the issue of the legal identity of the Druze community many times before the war had removed the choice of abstaining. Shortly after Djemal Pasha’s reply to Talat Pasha, Shaykh al-Islam Mustafa Hayri Efendi stated that he considered upholding the decision to be appropriate, thus ending the last solution for the Druze.One of the most important backgrounds regarding Djemal Pasha’s policy of legal allegiance with the Druze undoubtedly involved the likelihood that they would otherwise attempt independence. The demographic conditions for this were created in the environment of war. In addition to the nation-state understanding of the strict approach that had appeared in state policy during the war, benefit is had in dwelling on the situation that was being faced with England beyond the front. England’s policy toward the Druze throughout the 19th century had been to ensure the loyalty of Druze tribal leaders and to spread Protestantism among the community through missionary activities. In this context, the Islamic identity was considered important in terms of preventing Arab nationalists’ national ambitions, because for the Pasha, the Sherif Hussein bin Ali had dealt a great blow to the Islamic world by attempting to separate the two brotherly Muslim nations of the Turks and Arabs. For this reason, Muslim siblinghood was important for preventing any Druze revolt. However, Djemal Pasha’s idea for establishing legal unity was actually one of the political approaches that had shaken this siblinghood. As a matter of fact, even though living under Ottoman rule was one of the prescriptions of Islam for the Druze, this was valid only so long as they preserved their legal identity. However, the traditional understanding of law required abolition due to the conditions of the war, whereas the legal identity of the Druze who lived under the Ottoman rule had been the most important factor that enabled them to live in the Ottoman mosaic.&nbsp;

“Devletçe İslam”: Birinci Dünya Savaşı’nda Dürziler ve  Hukuki Statüleri

Yahya

Prof.

İngiliz Subayı Guy Warneford Nightingale’in Mektuplarına Göre Çanakkale Cephesindeki İngiliz Askerlerinin Psiko-Sosyal Durumları

Arzu

The Lost City of the Middle Ages: Arradjan From the by Muslims  Conquest Until the Beginning of the XIIth Century

Slave Artisans of Istanbul in the 18th Century: An Evaluation through the Surety System

Studying Ottoman Mining Through the Imperial Mint Registers: The Ottoman Empire’s Silver Production in the Second Half of the 18th Century

The Nizams of Hyderabad in India and the Support They Provided  the Ottoman Empire

“Muslim For The State”: The Druze Community and Their Legal  Status During World War I

The Psychosocial Statuses of British Soldiers at the Gallipoli Front as per Guy Warneford Nightingale’s Letters

@JOURNAL_BOX_CURRENT

@JOURNAL_BOX_EARLYVIEW

Vural

It is well known that many Iranian scholars and intellectuals traveled between Ajam and Rum towards the end of the 15th century, in order to secure wealthy and benevolent patrons. The reason for the mobility of scholars, which can be traced back to the reign of Murad the Second (1421-1451), was undoubtedly related to the changes occurred across the Islamic world. Of these changes, the conquest of Istanbul was the most important. Adding “the protector of Islam” to his extant titulatures with this conquest, Sultan Mehmed the Conqueror, proclaimed that he was the only representative of the Islamic world. The second reason was the decline of Timurid Empire after the demise of Shahrukh (d. 1447) who were the reputed patron of science and art like&nbsp;his father towards the second half of the 15th century. By exiling scholars and crafters from newly conquered lands to his capital Samarqand, Timur created a Renaissance era and bequeathed this cultural heritage to his successors. Timurid princes’ fights for the throne perpetuated in Iraq, Fars, Mazandaran, Mawara al-Nahr and Khurasan, and several handovers and plunders of Samarqand and Herat precipitated the exodus of Timurid scholars and craftsmen in order to secure wealthy patrons and safe places, after the demise of Shahrukh. This chaotic atmosphere pervaded in Iran and on the other hand Ottoman sultans’ patronage of science and art made the Ottoman lands a safe and inviting shelter for Iranian scholars and literary men. Based on the claims that they were the only representative of Islam, the Ottomans’ superiority over the Aqquyunlus who presented themselves as Timur’s licit heirs, led this competition to another phase. Reputed with his wealth, benevolence and power, Sultan Mehmed the Conqueror made his capital Istanbul a center of attraction for Iranian scholars and poets.&nbsp;His patronage of science and art had spread across Iran so much so that his palace was replete with Iranian scholars and encomiasts at the very beginning of his reign. Along with scholars and bureaucrats such as Şemseddin Fenârî, Molla Gürânî, Mevlana Şeyh Ebu İshak Tebrizî and Ali Kuşçu, encomiasts and man of letters such as Ma’âlî, Kâşifî, Hamidî, and Kabûlî presented their works to Sultan Mehmed and, made contributions to sultan’s imperial image from the viewpoint of Ajamness. It is also well known that Sultan Mehmed endeavored to take famous Iranian scholars under his patronage and, for this purpose he sends them enticing gifts.&nbsp;Benevolent and wealthy image of Sultan Mehmed the Conqueror and, his capital’s hallmark as a center for a multi-cultural junction, attracted another Ajam known as Riyâzî. He was less known among the Ajams in Sultan’s palace. Neither contemporary chroniclers nor collection of the biographies of poets mention him. Beside his Persian epistle, which he penned on the occasion of Sultan Mehmed’s conquest of Akçahisar and constitutes the subject of the present study, there are at least three copies of his Divan survived to this date. None of these primary sources provide any information concerning his migration from Ajam to Rum and his residence in Istanbul. According to his Divan, his full name was Mawlana Riyâzî-i Samarqandî. This specifies the fact that he was native of Timurids’ cultural center Samarqand. Most probably in order to escape the political chaos and seeking a new patron, he headed towards Istanbul, after the decline of the Timurid Empire in Iran and Mawara al-Nahr. In the patrimonial states of the 16th-century Islamic world, scholars and craftier were more depended on court patronage. Because of that sultans were the only resorts. When the scholars fell from the grace of their patron(s), they set on a journey seeking for welfare and patronage in another sultan’s court.&nbsp;Riyâzî’s venture was not different from the scholars and bureaucrats who lost their patronage and set out to secure a new one in 15th and 16th centuries Islamic world. Although it is not known how and when he managed, he might have come to Istanbul and secured Sultan Mehmed’s patronage prior to 1479. Beyond the Sultan Mehmed’s personal interest to attract many Iranians, this phenomenon should be supported with the role which sultan played himself. Eventually, patronizing Muslim scholars and craftsmen was an indispensable source of legitimacy for the sultan who had claims for superiority in the Islamic world.&nbsp;&nbsp;Although his contemporaries Ma’âlî and Kabûlî gave huge details on their journeys, observations on the palace and how they managed to secure Sultan’s patronage, neither in his Persian epistle presented to Sultan Mehmed nor in his Divan replete with poems of love and separation Riyâzî-i Samarqandî does not provide any information about himself and his personal experiences. In contrast to Ma’âlî, Kabûlî, and Hamidî, he has never presented a panegyric to his patron. The only information about his life in Istanbul was his disease, which he could not recuperate and finally died in 884/1479-80. Though he did not relate his observations on the palace and the Sultan, and how he behaved, accounts of other Ajam’s provide details about the perception of Ajamness in the Ottoman palace, which we can further elaborate on. Furthermore, it is well known that there was a competition of superiority between highly-educated Ajams and their rival Rumîs in Sultan Mehmed’s palace.Riyâzî-i Samarqandî penned his Persian epistle entitled with Risâle-i Tehniyet-i ‘Iyd ve Nevrûz Berây-ı Ebu’l-feth Sultan Mehmed or Tehniyet-i ‘Iyd ve Fethnâme-i Akçahisar in 1479 on the occasion of the conquest of Akçahisar in Albania and presented to the Sultan. The seal of Sultan Mehmed on the folios verifies that the epistle was accepted to the personal library of Sultan. The coincidence of Sultan Mehmed’s conquest of Akçahisar with Nawruz feast was a double occasion for Riyâzî to present himself to the Sultan. Unlike his fellows in this genre, he merely confined his epistle to create an imperial image for the Sultan with titles and titulatures, which he formulated for him. He furthermore explained the reason for giving these titles to the Sultan under each titulatures. It should also be specified that this Persian epistle penned and presented to the Sultan to proclaim Ottoman dynasty’s superiority over the other dynasties such as Aqquyunlu and Mamluk, and to show them how Ottomans were the only protectors of Islam.As a wealthy, powerful, benevolent and just sultan, Mehmed the Conqueror took many Iranian scholars, encomiasts, and craftsmen under his patronage. Thus, he commenced “Eastern Renaissance” which would last in his successor’s reign Bayezid the Second (1481-1512). Thanks to this cultural mobility, those who came from Ajam, penned and presented many epistles and panegyric to the Sultan. It should not be forgotten that Iranian shahnama-writers had major contributions for the creation of the imperial image of Sultan Mehmed, which would be imitated in Bayezid the Second’s reign as well. It can be concluded that like his Iranian contemporaries’ pieces, Riyâzî-i Samarqandî’s Persian epistle was also a contribution to create an imperial image for the Sultan from the viewpoint of an Ajam.

THE CONTRUBUTION OF AN IRANIAN LITERARY MAN TO THE IMPERIAL IMAGE OF THE MEHMED THE CONQUEROR: MAWLĀNĀ RIYĀZĪ-I SAMARQANDĪ

Arda

The efforts for founding an Israeli state in Palestine, which gained momentum with the Balfour Declaration issued in the end of World War I, constituted one of the most important problems causing instability in the Middle East during the interwar period. In this process, when Jewish immigration to Palestine increased and Arabs and Jews began to have serious conflicts in the region, Turkey did not get involved in the developments in Palestine. The conflicts became bitterer following World War II when the victorious USA began to back up the efforts for the establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine. The ambitions of Western countries and the Jews for Palestine became the prominent issue for Arab countries after World War II. Arab nationalists gathered around anti-Westernism and the Palestine issue.&nbsp;&nbsp;Unlike its passive position in the interwar period, Turkey began to take more active involvement in the Palestine issue after the war. Turkey’s increasing interest in the issue following 1945 was due to its convergence with Arab nations, rather than religious or nationalist considerations. Turkey was left alone against the Soviet Union by Western nations. With no alternative but to create stronger bonds with the states in the region against the Soviet threat, Turkey approached its Arab neighbours and realized that the Palestine issue was the first item on their agenda. When the Palestine issue was brought to UN, Turkey supported Arab nations due to its sense of solidarity with Arab nations and its concern that a Jewish state to be founded in the area might cause instability. Turkey’s support to Arab nations for the Palestine issue would come to an end with the improvements in Turkey’s relations with Western nations and the outbreak of the First Arab-Israeli War.As a result of its strategic alliance with Western nations against the Soviet Union threat, Turkey felt the need for acting in concert with its allies in the international area. Meanwhile, it became clear to Turkey during the First Arab-Israeli War that military alliance with Israel would be more beneficial than with Arabs. At this stage, the UN decided to set up a Conciliation Commission for resolution of the Palestine issue. Acting uniformly with Western nations in the Conciliation Commission and carrying out missions together with the USA and France, Turkey made it clear that it would no longer take an approach supporting Arab theses in the Palestine issue.The UN Conciliation Commission for Palestine was important in that it was the first multilateral attempt for resolution and Turkey’s first critical alliance with Western nations following World War II. Turkey was included in the conciliation commission with the USA and France due to its support for Arab countries in the conflict, but it did not maintain its support in the works of the commission. Commission membership increased Turkey’s diplomatic contact with Israel, and as a result&nbsp;of these interactions Turkey’s concerns over Israel disappeared and led Turkey to become the first Muslim country to recognize Israel.&nbsp;The Conciliation Commission was set up with great expectations and strong international support. At the time the Commission made serious efforts for resolution of the problem, the disagreement between the two parties was new and so there were suitable grounds for resolution. However, the biggest disadvantage of the Commission was its Western identity which caused lack of trust with Arab nations. France, a member of the Commission that aimed to provide suitable conditions for lasting peace following the First Arab-Israeli War, was known for its colonial past among Arab nations. Turkey’s membership was also met with mistrust due to memories from the Ottoman Empire period and the Hatay issue, which was seen as a conspiracy set against Arab countries by Turkey and Western nations. The USA was the only nation with no colonial past from the point of view of Arab nations. However, the USA’s strong support for the founding of a Jewish state in Palestine following World War II was known by the Arab public. For these reasons, the Commission’s neutrality was questioned by Arab nations.&nbsp;Between the Commission’s most active years of 1949 and 1952, Arab nations were devoid of strong governments that could sign a peace treaty with Israel, as they were struggling with political and military depression caused by the First Arab-Israeli War. Israel, on the other hand, had seen the weaknesses of Arab troops during the War, and aimed to extend and strengthen its boundaries through further conflicts rather than make peace with Arab nations. The works of the Conciliation Commission failed as they were trying to reconcile those with no power for making peace and those with no intention of doing so. After the Paris Conference of 1951, the Commission acknowledged that it would be unable to reach its aim of ensuring a peace accord, and decided to focus on the resolution of the problems of Arab refugees. However, it failed to gain effective results in its smaller targets because the parties of the Arab-Israeli conflict adopted more uncompromising attitudes as the Cold War began to influence the Palestine issue. During the course of the work of the Commission after 1952, the relations between some of the Arab nations that were expected to be made better through the joint efforts of the members, namely Turkey, the USA, and France, became even worse. With Arab nations being supported by the Soviet Union, and Israel by the USA in the international area, the parties of the conflict began to manifest their uncompromising attitudes more comfortably, which put the Conciliation Commission in a situation where it could no longer function.&nbsp;The Conciliation Commission was an unsuccessful experience on the part of Turkey. Turkish foreign policy pursued until the 1960s did more harm than good on&nbsp;the works of the Conciliation Commission. During the 1950s, Turkey formed closer economic and political relationships with Israel, while its relations with important Arab nations such as Egypt and Syria deteriorated. Such direct conflicts between Western and Arab nations as the Suez Crisis did not only worsen the relations between Western and Arab nations in the Conciliation Commission, but also caused Turkey to lose its role of mediator. With Cold War and the Soviet Union becoming more influential over Middle East, Turkey’s policies on Arab nations, especially Egypt and Syria, became stricter. When Turkey and Syria were on the brink of war in 1957, the two nations had no chance of cooperation and resolution under the Conciliation Commission. Egypt and Syria also sharpened their irreconcilable attitudes against Turkey both in terms of regional policies and of international relations with the support they received from the Soviet Union. Because Egypt perceived a Muslim state’s contribution to the resolution of the Palestine issue as interference in the internal affairs of Arab nations at a time when it saw itself as the protector of Arab nations, it did not support Turkey’s efforts for conciliation. The Conciliation Commission for Palestine was imbedded in history as another UN initiative that failed to provide solutions to international relations under the existing structure of the UN.

PALESTINE CONCILIATION COMMISSION AND TURKEY

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Gökhan

Known as the Neo-Babylonian Chronicles, the cuneiform texts were compiled (copied) by Babylonian scribes and mostly concern the historical events of both the recent and distant past. Recorded concisely and chronologically, they detail events starting from the Babylonian king Nabunassar era in 747-734 BC and continue to the period just after the capture of Babylonia by the Persians in 539 BC. In this study, the records concerning the illnesses and disabilities of the Mesopotamian and Elamite kings in these chronicles will be discussed. We will attempt to determine the historical importance of these medical problems of the kings with regards to the medical history of Mesopotamia. Some assessments will be made concerning the relations between these records and the political, religious, and traditional aspects of Babylonian historiography. Additionally, other pieces of information in other chronicles such as Esarhaddon, Weidner, and Chronicle of Early Kings will be referred to when needed. Although numerous Babylonian and Assyrian kings are mentioned concerning political events in the Neo-Babylonian Chronicles, the only king whose illness is mentioned is the Neo-Assyrian king Esarhaddon (681- 669 BC). The king fell ill during one of his campaigns and subsequently died. There is not much detailed information about the king’s illness in the relevant chronicles. Similarly, the chronicles do not mention the illnesses of the Babylonian kings in much detail. While the Neo-Babylonian king Nabunassar (747-734 BC) died after becoming sick in his palace, another Babylonian king Nabonidus (555-539 BC) was also ill but recovered. In brief, it is observed that the medical backgrounds of some of the numerous Babylonian and Assyrian kings are mentioned in the Neo-Babylonian Chronicles and that these references are only superficial. However, it is very clear that the illnesses and disabilities of the Neo-Elamite kings, who reigned during the 1st millennium BC, are mentioned in more detail by the chronicle scribes. What is the reason behind the fact that no detailed information is given about the illnesses of the Assyrian and Babylonian kings, while the health situations and deaths of their contemporary Neo-Elamite kings include more details? There might be more than one answer to this question. One answer might be that the scribes could not find sufficient information in the ancient sources about these issues while compiling the chronicles. In addition, statements indicating that the demise of the kings did not result from an illness and particularly that some of them “died in the palaces” are either proof of&nbsp;the fact that there is not sufficient information about the cause of death of these kings or it is possible that these individuals were accepted as “well-remembered figures” in Babylonian history. However, another answer (and one which is the main focus of the study) should be sought in the relation between the medical knowledge and tradition of Babylonian historiography, in which political and religious ideologies are dominant. It is possible to find pieces of information about the health problems of kings such as Esarhaddon and Nabonidus in other cuneiform sources such as the royal inscriptions and correspondence. However, only in the chronicles is it possible to encounter details about the illnesses of the Elamite kings. The records of the death of two Neo-Elamite kings following a stroke and/or paralysis can be considered as an example of the reflection of a pro-Babylonian attitude towards historiography. It is certain that the scribe or scribes, who mentioned these pieces of information, are eager to leave no stone unturned about information and the details concerning the disabilities or deaths of the Elamite kings. It should be considered that a conscious preference in deciding which pieces of information to be recorded might be related to the world views of the scribes, the relevance of the kings, the form of the illnesses to be mentioned, divine background, and the political/ideological aspects of historiographical tradition. Similarly, this relation is conspicuous in the health problems of the Sargon of Akkad and Isin king Erra-imitti written in the records of the Chronicles of the Early Kings and Weidner as well.It is possible that some of the details concerning the illnesses of the kings might contain fabrications, exaggerations, or personal comments. However, even if these details are supported by information from other cuneiform sources or even if it is medically possible, it doesn’t change the possible views asserted in the study about the intentions behind adding them to the chronicles. Sometimes concise and sometimes relatively longer, the information provided by the chronicle writers about the illnesses of the Assyrian, Babylonian, and Elamite kings, and even about the Isin king Erra-imitti contribute to our knowledge about the medical history of ancient Mesopotamia. Independent from the individuals, since these medical cases (such as stroke, paralysis, fever, insomnia, and respiratory problems) are common in royal correspondence and literary texts and particularly in medical texts, they have no particular privilege. However, these medical details in the chronicles are important with regards to Babylonian historiography. It is observed in the chronicles that only the health problems of the kings are detailed with interest. However, some kings like the Neo-Babylonian King Nabonidus (who recovered after the illness), or kings who died without getting sick, are also discussed. Particularly in the latter case, it was also relevant that some of the scribes did not have knowledge about the causes of deaths of the kings. Additionally, it was recorded that some of the kings (like the Babylonian king Nabunassar) died in the palaces, even without getting sick. The Babylonian scribes were probably informed about the details of the illness of the Neo-Assyrian king Esarhaddon; however, they did not mention it. In fact, Esarhaddon was a Neo-Assyrian king, who was trying to revive the city of Babylonia and return it to its old magnificent days after his father, Sennacherib, wrathfully devastated the city. It can be considered that these kings were not remembered with ill feelings by later generations. However, this interpretation can involve problems, since it is a result of an overall general view about the whole life of the individual. It is also possible that they were punished with illnesses resulting in death by the gods due to their misconduct in any period of their kingdom or in any issue that might annoy (!) the gods.Therefore, all of these examples have great importance since they reflect the dominant understanding concerning the ancient Mesopotamian historiography: a religious belief that the illness is a divine punishment arising from the faults of an individual. The common trait of almost all of the kings, about whom the chronicles give detailed information concerning their illnesses, is that they were all remembered negatively with regards to the history of Babylonia. It is possible that there was an attempt to create a perception that the patron deity of the city of Babylon Marduk (Bel) punished these kings who were in the wrong. Illnesses and deaths related with these situations were remarkable events since they demonstrated the proof of the relation between the crime and the punishment. Thus, the motives behind the intention to abstain from recording the known or fabricated medical causes of deaths of some kings should not be examined, to a large extent, in the epistemological concerns. These motives should be investigated in the relations between historiography and its political, religious, and traditional aspects. For example, mentioning the insomnia problems of Sargon of Akkad doesn’t have a medical or historical importance in itself. This record reaches significance when there is an attempt to establish relations between the current ideologies and compilation of literary narratives, whose “reality is suspicious”, that are dated to the 1st millennium BC. It might also be mentioned that, sometimes while narrating, the role and influence of these relations are behind the inclusion of the themes and contents, which are thought to arouse curiosity and interest, with a high potential of speculation.

IDEOLOGICAL READINGS THROUGH THE MEDICAL RECORDS: ILLNESSES IN THE NEO-BABYLONIAN CHRONICLES AND BABYLONIAN HISTORIOGRAPHY

Ebru

The Last Penetration of The Crusader Armies into the Seljuḳ Territory of Anatolia: Emperor Friedrich Barbarossa’s Crusade (1089-1190)In the 12th century, Anatolia witnessed the great struggles between the Crusaders and the Turks, and the Crusaders penetrated into Seljuḳ territory for the last time during the Third Crusade (1189–1192). By conquering Jerusalem in 1187, the Egyptian-Syrian ruler, Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn, put an end to the Crusaders’ domination in Jerusalem, which lasted 88 years. It was at this point that German Emperor Friedrich Barbarossa, who had accompanied his uncle Conrad III, King of Germany during the Second Crusade, once again agreed to participate in the Crusade—this time as a 70-year-old ruler. He formed an immense army with the goal of capturing Jerusalem from Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn. While the English and French kings traveled by sea to the Holy Land with their forces, Friedrich tried to reach the East through Anatolia. This paper discusses the march of the German Crusaders under the command of Friedrich Barbarossa in Anatolia, and the Seljuk-Crusader relations in this period.&nbsp;Emperor Friedrich, who started to prepare for the expedition after accepting the cross, sent ambassadors to Hungarian King Bela III, Byzantine Emperor Isaakios Angelos II, and Seljuk Sultan Ḳilidj Arslan II to ask for permission to pass through their countries. In response, Emperor Isaakios said that the Crusaders would be allowed to enter the territory of the empire if they promised not to take any action against the Byzantine State. When this stipulation was accepted by Friedrich, the Byzantine emperor agreed to provide guidance and suitable markets to the Crusaders during the transition from Anatolia. After that, Emperor Isaakios took the necessary measures in accordance with the agreement reached; however, Barbarossa’s contact with the enemies of Byzantine Serbs and Seljuks increased Isaakios’s concerns. Faced with such danger, Isaakios found it appropriate to contact Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn for the interest of his country. According to Ibn al-Asir, when Isaakios learned of the German emperor’s movement, he sent an envoy to Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn and promised that he would prevent Friedrich from passing through the Byzantine land.After the year-long preparations, Friedrich finally moved from Regensburg to the East in May 1189. His enormously large and well- organized army seemed almost invincible. Barbarossa passed Hungary, where he was welcomed by King Bela, and by crossing the Danube near Belgrade, he entered the Byzantine territory in 1189. The Crusader army was said to have 50,000 horsemen and 100,000 infantrymen. Meanwhile, the Serbs and Bulgarians’ attempt to form an alliance with the German emperor destressed the Byzantines.Because of the events in the Balkans, the relations between the two sides became so bad that Friedrich even contemplated attacking Istanbul. Eventually, Friedrich, who intended to arrive in Palestine after spending the winter months in Adrianople, went to Gallipoli in March 1190, and by crossing through the Dardanelles into Anatolia, he entered the path that Alexander the Great had followed about 15 centuries prior. After crossing the Granikos Stream and the Angelokomites River, the Crusaders followed a Byzantine military road between Miletopolis and today’s Balikesir (Akhyraous), and they moved southward through Balikesir-Ala Shehir before heading toward Seljuḳ territory after the Byzantine border town of Laodiceia (Denizli). The German emperor thought that he would easily pass from Anatolia, in accordance with the old friendship and the agreements between Ḳilidj Arslan II and him. In the last two years, he sent ambassadors to the sultan several times, and he stated that his intention was to go to Jerusalem. When the German army was in Adrianople, Sultan Ḳilidj Arslan and his son Malik Shah’s envoys had gone to Friedrich and promised to help him. Meanwhile, the Anatolian Seljuk State had lost its political unity. Sultan Ḳilidj Arslan did not actually have power. The feuds for the throne had begun among the Maliks soon after he allocated the country between his 11 sons in 1187. Because of these circumstances, the Turks were not in a position to openly fight against this enormous army, but they also did not want to let them pass through Anatolia. As a result, they followed the German Crusader army and harassed them. In the meantime, the Turkmens, who acted on their own at the borders, also pursued the Crusaders along the road from Denizli. The Turkmens initially retreated to the mountains and grazed large herds of animals (around 5,000) along the Germans’ way and therefore condemned the horses of the Crusaders to starvation. Then they suddenly attacked the Crusaders, who were devastated by fatigue and starvation. As&nbsp;a result of these attacks in the mountains and passages in the Uluborlu region, the Germans suffered great losses. While the attacks of the Turkmens continued along the way, the Germans were forced to carry out a series of fierce battles (from April 28 to May 18). The Turks also continued their activities around the Crusader camp at nights, shouting and shooting arrows until the morning, causing the Germans sleepless and troubled nights. In the meantime, under the rain of arrows that pierced the tents, the Crusaders were sometimes killed while they were asleep. For this reason, most of the Crusaders were unable to remove their armor at night for weeks. This situation created an exasperating impact on them. Also, the water resources along the way of the Crusader army were rendered unusable, all kinds of foodstuffs were destroyed, cities were evacuated, and the people hid in the forests and mountains.As a result of the war tactics applied by the Turks, the German army, which was miserable because of both the lack of food and water and the constant Turkish attacks, suffered heavy losses. They set Aḳshehir on fire and marched toward Iconium (Konya). After a fierce battle, Emperor Friedrich finally managed to enter Iconium by force on May 18th. However, after leaving Iconium, Friedrich drowned while crossing the Saleph River (Silifke /Salūḳiya). As a result of this, the German army disbanded (June 10, 1190), and only a small part of the army, led by his son Friedrich VI of Swabia, reached Acre.

THE LAST PENETRATION OF THE CRUSADER ARMIES INTO THE SELJUḲ TERRITORY OF ANATOLIA: EMPEROR FRIEDRICH BARBAROSSA’S CRUSADE (1089-1190)

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Turkish Journal of History (Turk J Hist) is an international, scientific, open access periodical published in accordance with independent, unbiased, and double-blinded peer-review principles. This is a scholarly, international, peer-reviewed and open-access journal published three times a year in February, June and October.

The publication languages of the journal are Turkish and English. Turkish Journal of History (Turk J Hist) aims to contribute to the literature by publishing manuscripts at the highest scientific level on all fields of history. The journal publishes original articles and translations.

Turkish Journal of History (Turk J Hist) aims to contribute to the literature by publishing manuscripts at the highest scientific level on all fields of history.

Turkish Journal of History (Turk J Hist) publishes research articles and translations on national, regional and world history. The journal also includes book reviews and critiques.

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Turkish Journal of History

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Turkish Journal of History (Turk J Hist) aims to contribute to the literature by publishing manuscripts at the highest scientific level on all fields of history. Turkish Journal of History (Turk J Hist) publishes research articles and translations on national, regional and world history. The journal also includes book reviews and critiques.

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SCOPUSWeb of Science Emerging Sources Citation Index (ESCI)TÜBİTAK ULAKBİM TR Index EBSCO Historical AbstractsEBSCO Historical Abstracts with Full TextDOAJERIH PLUSSOBİAD

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Turkish Journal of History is committed to upholding the highest standards of publication ethics and pays regard to Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing published by the Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE), the Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ), the Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA), and the World Association of Medical Editors (WAME) on <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-bestpractice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-bestpractice-scholarly-publishing</a>All submissions must be original, unpublished (including as full text in conference proceedings), and not under the review of any other publication synchronously. Each manuscript is reviewed by one of the editors and at least two referees under double-blind peer review process. Plagiarism, duplication, fraud authorship/denied authorship, research/data fabrication, salami slicing/salami publication, breaching of copyrights, prevailing conflict of interest are unnethical behaviors. All manuscripts not in accordance with the accepted ethical standards will be removed from the publication. This also contains any possible malpractice discovered after the publication. In accordance with the code of conduct we will report any cases of suspected plagiarism or duplicate publishing.

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Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by editor-in-chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope.The editor hands over the papers matching the formal rules to at least two national/international referees for double-blind peer review evaluation and gives green light for publication upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.

Peer Review

Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, sexual orientation, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors. He/She provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles for publication and ensures that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential before publishing. Editor-in-Chief is responsible for the contents and overall quality of the publication. He/She must publish errata pages or make corrections when needed. Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers. Only he has the full authority to assign a reviewer and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal. Reviewers must have no conflict of interest with respect to the research, the authors and/or the research funders. Their judgments must be objective. Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side. A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process. The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees must be ensured. In particular situations, the editor may share the review of one reviewer with other reviewers to clarify a particular point.

Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by Editor-in-Chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope. Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors and ensures a fair double-blind peer review of the selected manuscripts.The selected manuscripts are sent to at least two national/international referees for evaluation and publication decision is given by Editor-in-Chief upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal.Reviewers’ judgments must be objective. Reviewers’ comments on the following aspects are expected while conducting the review.- Does the manuscript contain new and significant information?- Does the abstract clearly and accurately describe the content of the manuscript?- Is the problem significant and concisely stated?- Are the methods described comprehensively?- Are the interpretations and consclusions justified by the results?- Is adequate references made to other Works in the field?- Is the language acceptable?Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees is important.

Language Articles in Turkish and English are published. Submitted manuscript must include an abstract both in the article language and in English.Manuscript Organization and Submission Manuscripts can only be submitted through the journal’s DergiPark submission system, available at <a href="https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/iutarih" target="_blank">https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/iutarih</a> manuscripts submitted via any other medium will not be evaluated. Manuscripts submitted to the journal will first go through a technical evaluation process where the editorial office staff will ensure that the manuscript has been prepared and submitted in accordance with the journal’s guidelines. Submissions that do not conform to the journal’s guidelines will be returned to the submitting author with technical correction requests. All manuscripts submitted to the Turkish Journal of History must be written in Times New Roman font style in 10 font size using MS Word or MS Word compatible program, and must be in A4 size. Authors are required to submit the following: • <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/23902FFD8AED477FACB35089D3B27DD8" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a> • <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/2042B071CBF64926AE8330D517106754" target="_blank">Title Page</a> A separate title page should be submitted with all submissions and this page should include: • The full title of the manuscript as well as a short title (running head) of no more than 50 characters, • Name(s), affiliations, and highest academic degree(s) and ORCID ID(s) of the author(s),• Grant information and detailed information on the other sources of support, • Name, address, telephone (including the mobile phone number) and fax numbers, and email address of the corresponding author, • Acknowledgment of the individuals who contributed to the preparation of the manuscript but who do not fulfill the authorship criteria. Abstract: An abstract should be submitted with all research articles. The abstract should be unstructured and a maximum of 80 words in length. Keywords: Each submission must be accompanied by a minimum of three to a maximum of six keywords for subject indexing at the end of the abstract. The keywords should be listed in full without abbreviations. Manuscript Types Research Articles: This is the most important type of article since it provides new information based on original research. The main text of original articles should be structured in accordance with the context of the article. Translations: This type of manuscript should be submitted with a file that contains the original text with its full bibliographic information. A formal consent letter from the author of the original text is also required.Tables Tables should be included in the main document, presented after the reference list, and they should be numbered consecutively in the order they are referred to within the main text. A descriptive title must be placed above the tables. Abbreviations used in the tables should be defined below the tables by footnotes (even if they are defined within the main text). Tables should be created using the “insert table” command of the word processing software and they should be arranged clearly to provide easy reading. Data presented in the tables should not be a repetition of the data presented within the main text but should be supporting the main text. Figures and Figure Legends Figures, graphics, and photographs should be submitted as separate files (in TIFF or JPEG format) through the submission system. The files should not be embedded in a Word document or the main document. When there are figure subunits, the subunits should not be merged to form a single image. Each subunit should be submitted separately through the submission system. Images should not be labeled (a, b, c, etc.) to indicate figure subunits. Thick and thin arrows, arrowheads, stars, asterisks, and similar marks can be used on the images to support figure legends. Like the rest of the submission, the figures too should be blind. Any information within the images that may indicate an individual or institution should be blinded. The minimum resolution of each submitted figure should be 300 DPI. To prevent delays in the evaluation process, all submitted figures should be clear in resolution and large in size (minimum dimensions: 100 × 100 mm). Figure legends should be listed at the end of the main document. All acronyms and abbreviations used in the manuscript should be defined at first use, both in the abstract and in the main text. The abbreviation should be provided in parentheses following the definition. All references, tables, and figures should be referred to within the main text, and they should be numbered consecutively in the order they are referred to within the main text. Limitations, drawbacks, and the shortcomings of original articles should be mentioned in the Discussion section before the conclusion paragraph. Revisions When submitting a revised version of a paper, changes made according to the reviewers’ comments should be highlighted in the revised document. Revised manuscripts must be submitted within 30 days from the date of the decision letter. If the revised version of the manuscript is not submitted within the allocated time, the revision option may be canceled. If the submitting author(s) believe that additional time is required, they should request this extension before the initial 30-day period is over. Accepted manuscripts are copy-edited for grammar, punctuation, and format. Once the publication process of a manuscript is completed, it is published online on the journal’s webpage as an ahead-of- print publication before it is included in its scheduled issue. A PDF proof of the accepted manuscript is sent to the corresponding author and their publication approval is requested within 2 days of their receipt of the proof.

Author Guidelines

While citing publications, preference should be given to the latest, most up-to-date publications. Authors are responsible for the accuracy of references. References should be prepared according the detailed information and examples provided below. In-text references should be stated in superscripts and numbered starting from 1 as footnotes. Footnotes should be written in Times New Roman style, type size 9 with one space. All footnotes should be end with a full stop. While stating references in footnotes, the title of books and journals should be in italic whereas the title of articles should be plain text font in quotation marks. In the footnotes, the author name and source must be given exactly in the first place, then only the author’s surname and abbreviation ibid should be written. When citing different publications of the same author, last name of the author and the abbreviated title of the book or the article should be provided after the first citation of the second work. In books with multiple authors, all authors must be written in the first citation and only the surnames of the authors should be given in the following citations of the same book. While citing an article, book section or an encyclopedia item, start and end pages should be provided.Examples: Books with a Single Author: Mübahat S. Kütükoğlu, Menteşe Sancağı 1830 (Nüfus ve Toplum Yapısı), TTK Yay., Ankara 2010, p. 115.For following citations: Kütükoğlu, ibid., p. 123 or Kütükoğlu, p. 123. Different publications of the same author: Arzu Terzi, Hazine-i Hassa Nezareti, TTK Yay., Ankara 2000, p. 98 (Terzi, Hazine-i Hassa). If the same book will be cited again, the abbreviated title of it should be provided in the parenthesis as shown in the example. To indicate the volume of the book, only the volume should be written in Roman numerals. Hoca Sa‘deddin Efendi, Tâcü’t-tevârîh, I, İstanbul 1279, 25. Tayyâr-zâde Atâ, Osmanlı Saray Tarihi Târîh-i Enderûn, haz. Mehmet Arslan, Kitabevi, III, İstanbul 2010, 138. Book Translations: Philippe du Fresne-Canaye, Fresne-Canaye Seyahatnamesi 1573, tran. Teoman Tunçdoğan, İstanbul 2009, p. 51.Encyclopedia items: Feridun M. Emecen, “Başmukataa Kalemi”, DİA, V, 135. Books with multiple authors: Robert Anhegger-Halil İnalcık, Kānūnnāme-i Sultānī Ber Mūceb-i ‛Örf-i ‛Osmānī, II. Mehmed ve II. Bayezid Devirlerine Ait Yasaknāme ve Kānūnnāmeler, TTK Yay., Ankara 2000, p. 25. For following citations of the same book: Anhegger-İnalcık, ibid, p. 36. Editor(s) or compiler(s) as authors: Osmanlı Uygarlığı, eds. Halil İnalcık-Günsel Renda, Kültür Bakanlığı Yay., I-II, Ankara 2009. Book section: Terzi, Arzu, “II. Abdülhamid’in Emlakı ve Irak Petrolleri”, Sultan II. Abdülhamid ve Dönemi, ed. Coşkun Yılmaz, İstanbul 2014, s. 181-188. Journal Article: Mübahat S. Kütükoğlu, “Osmanlıdan Günümüze Yer Adları”, Belleten, LXXVI/275 (2012), p.149. Bekir Kütükoğlu, “Ahmed Cevdet Paşa, Ma‘rûzât”, Güney-Doğu Avrupa Araştırmaları Dergisi, issue 10-11, İstanbul 1983, p. 251. Mücteba İlgürel, “Şer‘iyye Sicillerinin Toplu Kataloğuna Doğru”, Tarih Dergisi, issue 28-29 (1975), p. 164. Journal article with multiple authors: Kayhan Orbay-Hatice Oruç, “Sultan II. Murad’ın Edirne Câmi‘-i Şerîf ve Dârü’l-hadîs Vakfı (1592- 1607)”, Tarih Dergisi, issue 56 (2012/2), İstanbul 2013, p. 10. For the following citations of the same book: Orbay-Oruç, ibid, p. 15. Journal Translations: Géza Dávid, “XVI. Yüzyılda Osmanlı-Habsburg Mücadelesinin Bir Kaynağı Olarak Mühimme Defterleri”, tran. Özgür Kolçak, Tarih Dergisi, issue 53 (2011/1), İstanbul 2012, pp. 295-349. Articles of the authors with the same surname: Mübahat S. Kütükoğlu, “Osmanlıdan Günümüze Yer Adları”, Belleten, LXXVI/275 (2012), 149. Bekir Kütükoğlu, “Ahmed Cevdet Paşa, Ma‘rûzât”, Güney-Doğu Avrupa Araştırmaları Dergisi, issue 10-11, İstanbul 1983, p. 251. For the following citations of the same authors: M. S. Kütükoğlu, ibid, p. 160 or B. Kütükoğlu, ibid, p. 250. Thesis: Sinem Serin, Yıldız Çini/Porselen Fabrikası, İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Tarih Anabilim Dalı Osmanlı Müesseseleri ve Medeniyeti Tarihi Bilim Dalı, Unpublished Master Thesis, İstanbul 2009, p. 146.Archive Documents: In the footnotes; the name of the archive, the title of the classification, file and the document number should be stated respectively. Abbreviated classifications of the archives may be written in the footnote, however the full title of the classification should be given in the bibliography. • BOA, Maliyeden Müdevver Defterler (MAD), nr. 9146, s. 200. • BOA, Mühimme Defteri, nr. 120, s. 103, h. 250.Bibliography All sources that are cited in the footnotes should be stated in alphabetically by the surnames of the authors under Bibliography heading. Mübahat S. Kütükoğlu, Menteşe Sancağı 1830 (Nüfus ve Toplum Yapısı), TTK Yay., Ankara 2010. Hoca Sa‘deddin Efendi, Tâcü’t-tevârîh, I-II, İstanbul 1279-80. Translated texts: Fresne-Canaye, Philippe du, Fresne-Canaye Seyahatnamesi 1573, tran. Teoman Tunçdoğan, İstanbul 2009. *The edition number of the book should be indicated as superscript. Terzi, Arzu, Sultan Abdülhamid’in Mirası, Petrol ve Arazi, Timaş Yayınları, İstanbul 20142. Thesis: Sinem Serin, Yıldız Çini/Porselen Fabrikası, İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Tarih Anabilim Dalı Osmanlı Müesseseleri ve Medeniyeti Tarihi Bilim Dalı, Unpublished Master Thesis, İstanbul 2009, p. 146. Archive Documents: Archive classifications that are stated in footnotes should be written in full in bibliography, abbreviations should be stated in parenthesis. When references are used from different archives, these archives should be classified. Since the document numbers of the archives are stated in the footnotes, only the document classifications should be stated in bibliography section. • Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi (BOA) • Cevdet Bahriye Evrakı (C.BH.) • Şura-yı Devlet (ŞD.) • Deniz Tarihi Arşivi (DTA) • Bahriye Nezareti (BN.)

Ensure that the following items are present:<ul><li>Confirm that the category of the manuscript is specifed.</li><li>Confirm that “the paper is not under consideration for publication in another journal”.</li><li>Confirm that disclosure of any commercial or financial involvement is provided.</li><li>Confirm that last control for fluent English was done.</li><li>Confirm that journal policies detailed in Information for Authors have been reviewed.</li><li>Confirm that the references cited in the text and listed in the references section are in with Chicago Manual of Style.</li></ul>● <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/23902FFD8AED477FACB35089D3B27DD8" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a>● Permission of previous published material if used in the present manuscript● <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/DA78A786D02C4904947053E76EE62450" target="_blank">Title page</a><ul><li>The category of the manuscript</li><li>The title of the manuscript both in the language of the article and in English</li><li>All authors’ names and affiliations (institution, faculty/department, city, country), e-mail addresses</li><li>Corresponding author’s email address, full postal address, and phone number</li><li>ORCIDs of all authors.</li><li>Grant support (if exists)</li><li>Conflict of interest (if exists)</li><li>Acknowledgement (if exists)</li></ul>● Main Manuscript Document<ul><li>Important: Please avoid mentioning the the author (s) names in the manuscript</li><li>The title of the manuscript both in the language of the article and in English</li><li>Abstract (100-150 words)</li><li>Key words: 3-6 words</li><li>Body text sections</li><li>References</li><li>All tables, illustrations (figures) (including title, explanation, captions)</li></ul>

<div><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/23902FFD8AED477FACB35089D3B27DD8" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/7A2F0FC168C64E8F99ABD2AB598E6363" target="_blank">Title Page</a></div>

Turkish Journal of History

ISSUE 78, 2022

Orta Çağın Yitik Şehri: Müslümanlar Tarafından Fethinden XII. Yüzyıl Başlarına Kadar Errecân

XVIII. Yüzyılda İstanbul Esirci Esnafı: Kefalet Sistemi Üzerinden Bir Değerlendirme

Osmanlı Madenciliğini Darphane Defterleri Üzerinden Okumak: XVIII. Yüzyılın İkinci Yarısında Osmanlı Devleti’nde Gümüş Üretimi

Hindistan’da Kurulan Haydarabad Nizamlığı’nın Osmanlı Devleti’ne Verdiği Destek

“Devletçe İslam”: Birinci Dünya Savaşı’nda Dürziler ve Hukuki Statüleri

İngiliz Subayı Guy Warneford Nightingale’in Mektuplarına Göre Çanakkale Cephesindeki İngiliz Askerlerinin Psiko-Sosyal Durumları

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Issue Type	Regular
Editor(s)	Arzu Terzi
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