Yasin

Assoc. Prof. Dr.

This study focuses on the intellectual life of Mas‘ūd Shirwānī, who has been recognized for his recognized work, yet, information about him remains limited. As an alternative to written works about him, we propose an intellectual biography based on the handwritten majmuas of his period. We also aim to present the statements of early and later sources, which differ and occasionally contradict one another, by analyzing and presenting the codicological findings obtained from them. In other words, the study aims to demonstrate that a biography constructed by combining sources without making a distinction leads to confusion in the different portraits of Shirwānī. As this study aims to present Shirwānī’s intellectual biography by considering his extant works, it highlights the manuscript collections written in the time and geography in which he lived, which relevant studies have neglected thus far. In this manner, the study suggests the possibility of overcoming a few of the difficulties encountered in identifying his life and works. In this context, the article suggests the two manuscripts recorded in the Jārullāh collection, namely, numbers 1437 and 2224 (in the al-Maktaba al-Azhariyya collection), which were copied in the same place and period as thoseof Shirwānī’s life, namely, Timurid Herat in the 9th century. Both contain many works written by Shirwānī as well as important text and information about his relationship with contemporary thinkers. Among them, elucidadting mubahasa, which occurred between Shirwānī and Mīr Atāullāh al-Husaynī on the occasion of a former appointment as a teacher at the Dār al-Shifā, is important in terms of Shirwānī‘s intellectual life. This study endeavors to eliminate a few limited and occasionally misleading studies on Shirwānī’s life by directly referring to the aforementioned sources and witnesses acquainted with Shirwānī. Hence, the study considered first-hand accounts from Ali Shīr al-Nawāyī and Kamāl al-Dīn Bāharzī with Shirwānī at the center and constructed the biography with additional accounts from historians contemporary with Shirwānī such as Handmīr. When comparing between the manuscript collections and biographical works, discussing the two-sided intellectual life of Shirwānī is important. Especially when we consider the portrait drawn in Bāharzī‘s Maqāmāt, which is neglected among Shirwānī biographies, we encounter a devoted follower of the spiritual guidance of Mullā Jāmī, who was included in the circle of Mullā Jāmī‘s irshād. The statements of Nawāyī that evoking this aspect strengthen the aforementioned claim. Analysis of the works attributed to Shirwānī in the manuscript collections indicates that the majority of consist of ta‘liqāts written on the Matāli’ collection, whose text, commentary, and gloss belong to Sirāj al-Dīn al-Urmawī, Qutb al-Dīn al-Rāzī, and Sayyid Sharif al-Jurjānī, respectively. These large and small talikāts, which occacsionally appear as single works, give the impression that they were written by a scholar following al-Jurjānī. Thus, the study infers that Shirwānī wrote his works in accordance with the spirit of the period by adopting the method of tahqīq in these writings, which focus on the theory of definition. This aspect can be viewed as highly technical topics of logic and part of conception such as the discussion of words. One of the secondary outcomes of this study is the necessity of questioning the origin of “al-Rūmī” as nisba described by Kātip Çelebī regarding Shirwānī’s identity and emphasize the possibility that the thinkers referred to by this nisba were different scholars. It is stressed that certain similarities in their lives and works lead to a misunderstanding along this direction.

Timurlu Dönemi Herat’ında Bir Müderris: Mesud Şirvânî’nin (ö. 905/1500) Entelektüel Biyografisine Doğru

Ozat

Assist. Prof. Dr.

Mahmut

Jurists of the classical period of Islamic Law related the legal maxim to qarḏ (loan) contracts. The maxim prescribes that any extra benefit arises from a loan should be considered as usury. Upon examination of the fiqh sources it is clear that the suftajah is referred to as an example of a benefit entailing loan. Terminologically, suftajah is a loan of a certain amount of money with the stipulation that the amount be paid in a different place. The jurists hold the view that this act is related to ribā ( interest) in that the lender gets benefit from the contract, since a safe and risk free transfer of his money to the required location is ensured. There are other practical examples of the maxim in fiqh literature, most of which are related to loan (qard) contracts. This paper deals with three aspects of the subject: (1) authentication of the source of the maxim; (2) determining the scope of the maxim and its codes of practice; (3) application of the maxim in some modern financial transactions.The maxim has been both cited and referred to on several occasions in fiqh books of almost all schools of Islamic law. Some of the scholars attributed it directly to the Messenger and narrated it as a hadeeth, while others related it to noble companions, and still others narrated it from the followers (i.e. tābiūn). There are even those who transmitted the maxim without mentioning any chain of narrators, as if it was an axiomatic sentence among Muslims. For the sake of scientific accuracy, we have examined the maxim in terms of narration techniques and determined that the most common usage of the maxim is “ربا فهو نفعا جر قرض كل) “i.e. every loan that entails benefit is usury). However, a variety of textual forms are also included in the hadeeth and fiqh sources. According to the analyses of Imām al-Zayla’ī (d. 762/1360) and Imām Ibn Ḥajar al-‘Asqalānī (d. 852/1449), the chain contains Sawwār b. Muṣ’ab, who is qualified as a weak narrator by experts of biography (i.e. ‘ilm al-rijāl). Thus, most of the scholars, did not deem the maxim as a marfû’ hadeeth due to the technical problems related to the hadeeth chain. Nevertheless, it has gained the status of an irrevocable principle amongst the fuqahā and scholars of the hadeeth. We assume that this is the result of it having been widely used by scholars and not just on account of its origin. We can safely assume this because, according to another well-known maxim, the use of a hadeeth by a jurist (mujtahid) makes it both authentic and sound.As for a detailed description of the maxim, the word «every» (كل (does not denote its direct meaning (ḥaqīqah). This is because not every benefit attached to the loan is usury. For instance, if a creditor made a condition of a guarantee whether in the form of suretyship or mortgage, it is not deemed to be akin to the case of a loan that entails benefit. Then we can deduce that the word «every» is not used explicitly in its direct meaning. Thus, the following distinction should be taken into account: In some circumstances, benefits are considered to be illegitimate because they lead to unfair profit and exploitation of others, while others are considered to be legitimate benefits because they are compliant with the requirements of the contract and with the will of the parties.As to the word «loan» (قرض(, the maxim in question basically means “that any excess stipulated in favor of the lender in the loan contract is ribā”. In other words, the literal meaning of the maxim restricts the scope of the sentence to the loan contract only. However, if we look at the essence and examine the detailed examples, we could perceive that the maxim also suggests the meaning “that any excess stipulated in exchange contracts in favor of one of the parties without any compensation is ribā” (which is the objective and the purpose of the maxim according to the authors).&nbsp;The word «entails» (جرّ ( is not related to natural benefits such as doing a favor or thanking the contractor, but rather it has to do with deliberate and purposeful stipulation of certain benefit, be it uttered by the lender or the contractor or imposed by the custom.&nbsp;When it comes to the «benefit» (نفعا(, which is the core element of the maxim, it has two aspects. Firstly, benefit in terms of a loan contract might be defined as «every condition that causes a material cost to the debtor and turns its benefit to the lender». Secondly, benefit in terms of exchange contracts (المبادلة عقود (might be described as «every surplus of amount or extra condition that is stipulated in favour of any of the contractors without any consideration». In this regard, a combination of contracts, a contract voiding clauses, and contracts which are contingent to an event are examples that are in line with the secondary meaning of the maxim.Lastly, the word «usury» (ربا (in the maxim could have been stated merely in a prohibitive manner, as it is expressed in other forms of the maxim such as «it is undesirable» (مكروه فهو(, «it is prohibited» (حرام فهو(, and «there is no benevolence in it» (فيه خير فال(. However, as the ultimate focus of the maxim is «stipulated excess», there is no doubt that what is meant by the word «usury» is ribā al-qard (ribā of Jāhilīyyah,), if this is a loan contract, and if it is an exchange contract, then what is meant is ribā al-faḏl in a terminological sense.In conclusion, margin practices in currency trading, indexation of loan, and swap operations might be regarded within the scope of practical implementation of the maxim. These three cases may be classified in the following ways: the first two are related to the benefit bringing loan, and the last is about a benefit entailing exchange contract.

“Menfaat Celbeden Her Karz Ribâdır” Kaidesinin Kaynağı, Uygulama Esasları ve Günümüz Finansal İşlemlerinde Tatbiki Üzerine Bir İnceleme

Is it possible to translate the Qurʾān, whose order and meaning is fixed to Allah, into another language? This question is one of the questions that occupy the minds of Muslims most in the modern age. The nationalist movements that emerged with the French Revolution spread to the Islamic geography and pioneered the reinterpretation of the religious values that held the society together from a nationalist perspective. This situation has caused every nation to make an effort to understand, comprehend and live Islam with its own values. These efforts have shown the first fruits in the activities carried out for the translation and explanation of the Qurʾān, which is the primary source of Islam, into the mother tongue of every society.The task of translating and explaining the Qurʾān into Turkish was entrusted to Elmalılı Muhammed Hamdi Yazır by the Grand National Assembly of Türkiye in 1926. After 12 years of hard work, Elmalılı successfully accomplished this task with the interpretation he named Hak Dini Kur’an Dili. Elmalılı, who includes a wide introduction at the beginning of the commentary, makes important explanations about the issue of translation of the Qurʾān. Elmalılı stays away from the political-ideological discussions of the period and relates the issue to procedural issues and deals with it on a more scientific basis. Accordingly, it is not possible to talk about the translation of the Qurʾān without considering the order-meaning integrity because the Qurʾān is the word of Allah in terms of both the rich meanings it contains and the order that conveys this content in a unique style. No translation can encompass this richness of meaning in all its aspects, nor can it fully reflect the subtleties of order. Therefore, translating the Qurʾān into another language is a very difficult task. As a matter of fact, Elmalılı clearly expresses this difficulty in the interpretation of some verses and in the explanations regarding their translation. Despite this, he could not get rid of the criticisms directed especially at the translation part of the tafsir. However, the explanations Elmalılı made about the translation are consistent with the explanations he made in the tafsir introduction. Therefore, it is not possible to properly evaluate the translation part of his tafsir without analyzing all aspects of his views on the translation issue.In this article, Elmalılı M. Hamdi Yazır’s views on the translation of the Qurʾān are examined and issues such as the possibilities, requirements and difficulties of translation are evaluated in detail. In addition, Elmalılı’s explanations were handled in terms of order-meaning unity, and the translation issue was handled in a different dimension. In this context, it was emphasized that it is important to achieve a multi-faceted agreement between the target language and the source language when translating. In literary texts, it is stated that while this agreement is realized through tanzeer, it is not possible to translate divine books through tanzeer because what is said in the divine books is as important as how it is said. This issue has a special importance for the Qurʾān. As a matter of fact the iʿjāz feature of the Qurʾān is more about the way and style of expressing these truths than the truths it contains. This is because in the taḥaddī verses, attention is drawn to this aspect of the Qurʾān and deniers are challenged to bring a likeness of it. Attempts to put forth a word equivalent to the Qurʾān throughout history have not been successful either in their own language or in another language through translation. Our ultimate aim in this study is to add a new dimension to the discussions on the subject by examining Elmalılı’s approach to the issue of translation of the Qurʾān in terms of discoursemeaning coexistence. In this context, qualitative research methods such as documentation, text analysis and discourse analysis were used in the study.

Elmalılı’ya Göre Nazım-Mana Birlikteliği Açısından Kur’an Tercümesinin İmkânı

Kamil

Komşuluk Hukuku Sebebiyle Özel Mülkiyete Getirilen Sınırlamalar: Kadınlara Ait Ev İçi Özel Mekânların (Makarr-ı nisvân) Dışarıdan Görülmesi

Prof. Dr.

This article elaborates why Islamic theology (kalam) was very significant to the modern revival of Islamic disciplines, how a link was established between modern Western and Ottoman thought, and what kind of insights were produced by the representatives of the movement about its substance and boundaries. In such a relationship, the aspects of reviving Islamic disciplines became the subject of many studies. The scholars who contributed to the revitalization efforts in religious thought presented an alternative view to the intellectuals who turned to the materialist and positivist understandings that emerged in Europe during the Ottoman modernization process. Those who seek renewal in Islamic disciplines have rejected the arguments of encounter between Islamic thought and change, or religion and science. Therefore, they had a unique attitude towards the new situation they faced, namely the modernization represented by Europe. This approach neither completely rejects or ignores modernization, nor accepts it in all its aspects. As in all previous “encounter” situations in the history of Islamic thought, intellectuals evaluated the traditions they faced and subjected them to interpretations that could be internalized. The attitudes of the Jewish and Christian theological systems were similar when faced with ancient Greek philosophy. For this reason, the intellectual attitude became more comprehensive, more innovative, and diverse in a gradual process. The most important contributions of scholars engaged in modern Islamic theology are their efforts to reconstruct the rational discourse of Islam and to create a new framework for kalam that will combine the traditional historical heritage of this discipline with some modern developments.For this reason, examining the revitalization efforts and comparing the views of Muslim theologians with the currents of thought of the period help to show that the understanding of renewal is also found in the Islamic tradition, and that religious thought and modernization do not have opposite ends. As is known, the roots of the modernization process go back to the early 18th century, but the process increased in the 19th century. As a matter of fact, major world religions confronted similar difficulties of expression when explaining their traditions to younger generations. The Islamic world also experienced substantial changes after the 17th century with educational reforms and the establishment of modern schools. Ottoman intellectuals began to examine the relations of faith, reason, and modern life as a reflection of&nbsp;the increasing prevalence of modern education, the orientation to modern science and thought, and cultural interactions. This prompted them to reconsider kalam as a discipline that comes from tradition, but at the same time takes modern perspectives into account.In historical studies on modernization and cultural change, societies or thinkers have been easily classified by binary distinctions such as modern/traditional or progressive/conservative. This is because, until recently, intellectuals have been inclined to see a total distinction between the traditional and modern. Increasingly, however, such binary structures have shown that tradition is not in opposition to social transformation but can emerge as an element that facilitates change. This is because the new comes out of a tradition with all its diversity and variability, and likewise, tradition has its own flexibility. Tradition and modernization cannot simply be reduced to mere opposites, as each embodies something of the other. Thanks to the change and renewal of the universe, sustainability and continuity in life are possible. Therefore, the renewal of religious sciences means the continuation of the existence and validity of those sciences. According to İzmirli İsmail Hakkı, as the main representative of the new kalam, the old version of Islamic theology lost its effectiveness and vitality because the texts of the field were less sophisticated texts that did not meet the new circumstances of the new age and the challenges of the materialistic approach in science. However, in İzmirli’s time, scholars still acknowledged the prominence of this field in Islamic thought, its close association with philosophy, and its flexibility in appropriating new methodologies and ideas. Therefore, they considered kalam to be the most suitable discipline for their attempts to revive the main field of Islamic religious thought, in order to encounter the challenges of modern philosophy and science.

Tarihsel ve Entelektüel Bağlamı İçinde Yeni Kelâm Hareketi’nin Ortaya Çıkış Analizi

Aziz

Res. Assist.

Birgiwī Mehmed Efendi (d. 981/1573), who wrote his works to provide solutions to the problems he saw in society, is one of the famous scholars of the Ottoman state. These works of Birgiwī were highly respected by society and attracted great interest from scholars. Many of these works have been topics of further study including commentaries, glosses, naẓm, abridgments, and translations. With this in mind, there are works that were erroneously attributed to him such as a 6-sentence treatise known as Lughaz al-Birgiwī or Risālat al-Tawḥīd.In this article, the consequences of attributing a work to someone else are briefly mentioned by giving the example of Birgiwī’s inaccurately attributeed treatises such as Ziyārat al-qubūr and Aḥwāl al-aṭfāl al-muslimīn. Afterwards, the Arabic text and meaning of this lughaz/riddle, which deals with the tawḥīd in terms of nafiyy and proof, are explained. However, the six options in which the lughaz is mentioned are not given and their meaning is not explained. This is because the meaning changes according to the pronunciation and the meaning of the lughaz is explained accordingly. This, in turn, varies according to the interpretation of the person who solved it.Afterwards, the eighteen works that were identified in the Manuscript Libraries and the commentary gloss literature formed around this work are first introduced, then references are made to academic studies on these works, if any, and the beginning and end are presented to guide the researchers.&nbsp;The author of three of the eighteen works could not be identified and there was no information about another one other than the author was a muftī. Some of the writers, such as Akkirmānī (d. 1174/1760) and Abū Saʿīd al-Khādimī (d. 1176/1763), wrote commentaries on Birgiwī’s other works, and almost all of the commentators attributed the lughaz to Birgiwī, even if in imprecise terms. One of the commentators, Lālezārī (d. 1204/1789), attributed the lughaz to Birgīwī as he took it from Ibn al-ʿArabī’s (d. 638/1240) works al-Jalāla and al-Futūḥāt alMakkiyya; however, the fact that Birgiwī did not quote Ibn al-ʿArabī even once in his famous work al-Tarīqat al-Muḥammadiyya, which he wrote in the field of Sufism and ethics, showed that this possibility is very weak.After the commentaries and glosses, which were written around the 12th century, it showed that the first person to attribute the work to Birgiwī in the modern period was Hüseyin Nihal Atsız (d. 1975) and that the lughaz began to be counted among Birgiwī’s work in later studies.As a result of the research conducted at the end of the article, it revealed that the real owner of the lughaz was Muḥyiddīn Ibn al-ʿArabī. As a matter of fact, Ibn al-ʿArabī’s work al-Abādila, in which he made fictional characters speak, showed that the lughaz was spoken by a fictional character named ʿAbdullah b. ʿAbdilbārī b. ʿIsā. So, by giving a picture of the part of this lughaz that was written in 663/1265, 250 years before Birgiwī was born, in a copy in Köprülü Library, Fazıl Ahmed Pasha, it is clearly shown that this work does not belong to Birgiwī.&nbsp;In addition, the work of al-Madārī Ibrahim b. Mustafa b. Ibrahim al-Khalabī (d. 1190/1776), who came to Istanbul in the 18th century and worked as a scribe in Rāğıb Pasha Library, and where he annotated this lughaz attributing it to Ibn al-ʿArabī.As a result, scholars who lived in the provinces generally wrote commentaries on the lughaz, while scholars in the center were not aware of it. Among the commentaries, there are more than ten manuscript copies of al-Khādimī and al-Niğdevī’s commentaries, while others have relatively fewer copies – some of them have only one copy.&nbsp;There is not any concrete data on who, when or why the lughaz was attributed to Birgiwī, and the scholars who commented on the lughaz were not concerned with these questions and did not seek answers to them. As a matter of fact, the commentaries stated in the introduction that these writers wrote their works in line with requests directed to them to solve whether or not the lughaz attributed to Birgiwī was true and they did not question the reliability of the attribution of the work to Birgiwī or by whom it was made.Finally, a table showing the manuscript libraries in which the lughaz and the commentary and gloss literature, which are generally in manuscript form, can be found is shared as an appendix.

Birgivî’ye Nispet Edilen Kelime-i Tevhîde Dair Lugaz’ın Asıl Müellifi ve Bu Lugaz Üzerine Yazılan Şerhler

Gökhan

There is no agreed upon definition for the different legal concepts related to a financial leasing contract. Financial leasing has always included different content and functions in its structure. Previously, it was not intended for financing in the current sense, but was used as a marketing technique to increase the sales between two parties, the seller and the customer.It acted as a precautionary measure for the seller to protect the property of goods against risks such as failure of the customer to pay the full price or bankruptcy in installment sales. Later, it turned into a financing technique with the addition of a third party as a financial leasing company.&nbsp;There are different opinions regarding the legal nature of financial leasing and the determination of provisions to be applied since the emergence of financial leasing. There are many reasons for these differences of opinion, but the fact that there is no legal regulation about it and that it contains elements of more than one contract are among the most important of these reasons. The elements of other contracts that are included: the fee is more than the precedent value and includes the sale price the contract period covers the economic life of the goods, the lessee has the right to acquire the property at the end of the term, the benefits and losses arising from the contract belong entirely to the lessee, and that the property serves as a guarantee for the lessor.&nbsp;In order to deal with a financial leasing contract from a holistic view,the form and content of the contract must be determined as much as possible, before the determination of the qualifications made in the field of Islamic law. Then, the question of how this type of contract is perceived legally in different societies is emphasized.The approaches of different countries’ legal systems regarding the legal nature of financial leasing and the forms of legal regulation are discussed through examples within a framework determined by following the chronological method. According to this, lawyers approached the subject primarily based on wording or meaning. In addition, this study aims to determine the provisions to be applied from this wholistic view by examining whether there is a single contract or more than one contract and why it cannot be separated from each other in the financial leasing transaction. In this framework, there are different opinions depending on the form of the contract such as; a mixed contract, a idiosyncratic utilization contract, a convertible lease contract, a sui generis contract, a idiosyncratic loan contract, lease contract or atypical lease contract, in which the elements of sale, installment sale and power of attorney are brought together.Today, studies in Islamic law are generally focused on Fiqh problems in the structure of a financial leasing contract and determining its ruling in terms of fatwa. However, how the applied provisions and the encountered problems are evaluated and resolved depends primarily on a determination of the legal nature of the contract. If exact qualification cannot be made, it is not possible to reach correct results for the provision.The primary aim of the study is to examine the views on the legal nature of a financial leasing contract in Islamic law and to make a comparative analysis by determining the reasons for these views. In this context, different opinions that have been put forward by today’s fiqh researchers regarding the legal nature of financial leasing contracts is that it contains elements of more than one type of contract such as rental or installment sales, and that it is a mixed, unified or sui generis contract.In this study, attention is drawn to the final points of approaches that try to explain financial leasing through a single contract, such as rentalor installment sales. In particular, by accepting financial leasing as a new contract, qualifications made on the basis of the distinction between named and unnamed contract based on Roman law are insufficient on their own. It is argued that the theoretical framework of these qualifications should be clearly determined by taking into account the structure of Islamic law and the problem of method regarding how and to what extent private law rules are applied to this contract.&nbsp;Issues surrounding a financial leasing contract such as purpose, function, the establishment and termination forms, as well as the emphasis of various elements from different perspectives, are effective in shaping the opinions put forward for the legal characterization. In addition, each legal system has made sense of and justified financial leasing contract elements within the framework of their countries own structural features. The legal nature of the financial leasing contract in Islamic law mostly reflects the way of thinking of other legal experts. This study concludes that financial leasing is a mixed contract that includes some elements belonging to typical contracts and some idiosyncratic elements in its structure. The study also concludes that the application of the provisions determined by the parties in the contract will be more accurate in terms of the realization of the objectives envisaged by the relevant contract, as long as it does not contradict the general principles of Islamic law and the general theory of contracts.

Finansal Kiralama Sözleşmesinin Hukuki Niteliğine Dair Tartışmalar

Salih

Res. Assist. Dr.

A trust arises when an individual’s property is transferred to someone who promises to keep it separate from his or her assets and to manage it for the benefit of the beneficiary. The institution of the trust first emerged in English law and was later adopted by civil law and mixed law. There are many theories about the origin of trusts, the most prominent and popular of which is the Islamic waqf theory. Important similarities exist between waqf and trust systems. Both structures are quite similar in terms of their main objectives developed they developed in two different socio-economic environments and have different historical and religious backgrounds, there are significant structural and functional similarities between these two structures. While there are studies on the similarities and differences between these two structures, no independent study has yet adequately compared the managers of these structures. The result of this study showed that there are significant common points between waqf and trust structures.&nbsp;The institution of the trust frequently attracts the attention of scholars because these institutions consist of a multifaceted structure. Although trusts have existed since the Middle Ages, it was not until the 16th century that they became a legal structure. Indeed, the name “trust” was only given to it in that century. Before the 16th century, the institution was known as “use” and was mainly a means by which people could get rid of certain financial burdens. After the 16th century, this structure was transformed into a legal system.&nbsp;While some scholars argue that the institution of the trust is an achievement of the English legal system, others argue that it was influenced by previous legal structures. The first researchers on this topic claimed that the idea of a trust system was influenced by the Roman institution of fideicommissum. This theory was adopted by the scientific community for a long time. Later, the English jurist Frederic William Maitland and the American legal scholar Oliver Wendell Holmes based the origins of a trust system on Salmannus. This theory, which was put forward at the end of the 19th century, was also widely accepted by western scholars. However, both theories were criticised in many respects. Last century, many scientists argued that the trust system is based on an Islamic waqf, a theory which is still popular and which attracts attention today. According to the theory put forward in the twentieth century, a trust is similar to a waqf in terms of structure and function. The historical proximity between them also confirms this.There are many comparative studies on waqf in the Islamic world and on the institution of the trust in English law. As far as can be ascertained, the first of these is “Note on the Origin of Uses and Trusts-Waqfs” written by Ann Van Wynen Thomas in 1949. In her study, Thomas mentions some basic information about waqfs and highlights that the waqf may have influenced the trust. Another study is Henry Cattan’s article, “The Law of Waqf”, published in 1955. In this study, Cattan explains the basic similarities and differences between the Islamic waqf and the English trust. Another important study on the subject was conducted by Monica M. Gaudiosi in 1987. In her study titled “The Influence of the Islamic Law of Waqf on the&nbsp;Development of the Trust In England: The Case of Merton College”, Gaudiosi compares waqf and trust in the case of Merton College, founded in Oxford in 1264, and analyses the similarities and differences between them. Apart from these, Avisheh Avini’s “Origins of the Modern English Trust Revisited”, Andrew White’s “Breathing New Life into the Contemporary Islamic Waqf: What Reforms Can Figh regarding Awqaf Adopt from the Common Law of Trusts without Violating Shari’ah”, Mohammad Abdullah’s “Application of Discretion and Certainties in Waqf Vis-A`-Vis Trust”, Haitam Suleiman’s “The Islamic Trust waqf: a Stagnant or Reviving Legal Institution?” and Şahban Yıldırımer’s “The Islamic “Waqf” Institution as the Origin of “Trust” in Common Law”. In the aforementioned studies, waqfs and trusts have been compared in terms of structure and function, while the managers of the two systems were only compared at a superficial level.&nbsp;In many respects, there are quite obvious similarities between waqf and trust managers. Their authorization to spend on behalf of the structure they are responsible for administering shows the extent and scope of this similarity. In this study, the definition and nature of the trust, the theories about its origin, the definition and nature of the waqf, the basic similarities and differences between the waqf and the trust, as well as the situations in which the managers of a waqf and a trust can borrow on behalf of the structure whose administration they are responsible for, and the level of borrowing authority that is granted to them will be discussed. This latter topic will be addressed from several aspects, such as whether waqf or trust managers have the authority to carry out the borrowing process alone, who will be responsible for the debt taken on behalf of the institution, how the debt will be repaid, who the addressee of the creditors is, and whom they can sue in case of a problem related to the payment of the debt.

Borçlanma Yetkileri Açısından Vakıf ile Trust Yöneticilerinin Mukayesesi

Semih

Öğretim Görevlisi

Following Mehmed the Conqueror’s capture of Constantinople on May 29, 1453, the view of this historic ancient city began to change. After the conquest in particular, the Naama Jaish who’d participated in the conquest, notably the Mubarak Soldiers, were a notable part of the vanguard restoring this city under Islamic order. In this regard, Kasap Ilyas Bey, who oversaw the army’s meat supply during the conquest of Istanbul, acted as the army’s butcher chief. Because of this, the mosque, graveyard, and neighborhood named after Kasap Ilyas Bey are located on Kasap Yolu [Butcher Road] in the city. Before the conquest of Constantinople, the Romans had utilized this road for feeding the city with meat. As a result, following the conquest, this road remained in use for transporting meat supplies. Kasap Ilyas Bey, the head butcher of Mehmed II’s army, became responsible for the city of Istanbul’s meat supply after the conquest and so spent the remainder of his life in this location. As a result, the mosquecentered foundation bearing his name is also located on this site.&nbsp;Kasap Ilyas Bey erected a foundation on Kasap Yolu 40 years after Istanbul’s conquest, which had the tomb of a man dating back to 886 AH/1480 CE with this foundation’s plot. When Kasap Ilyas Bey died in 900 AH/1494 CE, his body was interred in the southeast corner of the foundation near this other tomb. After his burial, this location continued to remain in existence for three centuries as a tomb with a hajat [wish prayer] window facing Kasap Ilyas Street. Later on, as Istanbul began to change from a metropolis to a necropolis in the 18th century, civilians started being buried in the courtyards of monumental buildings such as masjids, mosques, and dervish lodges in the city’s metropolis. In this way, the courtyard of Kasap Ilyas Bey Mosque where Kasap Ilyas Bey’s tomb is located became a graveyard used for burial sites at the beginning of the 18th century.The first sections of this article concentrate on Kasap Ilyas Bey’s life, his mosque-centered foundation, and his neighborhood as it evolved over time. While forming this first section, basic materials relating to the conquest of Constantinople were used as a basis for information about Kasap Ilyas Bey. In addition to these sources, studies conducted by current researchers on this subject have also been thoroughly investigated, because the Kasap Ilyas Bey foundation was later turned into a neighborhood. This section also examined as primary sources Ikinci&nbsp;Vakfiye at Fatih Mosque dating back to 901 AH/1495 CE, Ayasofya Vakıfları Tahrir Defteri dating back to 926 AH/1519 CE, İstanbul Vakıfları Tahrir Defteri dating back to 953 AH/1546 CE, Hadîkatü’l-Cevami dating back to 1201 AH/1787 CE, and Mahalle Esâmi Cedveli dating back to 1338 AH/ 1922 CE. Moreover, archival research was conducted on Kasap Ilyas Bey, his foundation, mosque, and tomb in the Ottoman State Archives.The article’s second section investigates the tomb and also the graveyard that started to form in the courtyard in the 18th century. In this context, the second section carries out an inventory study on the footstones and headstones placed there using scientific methods to identify the historical evolution of his tomb and the mosque graveyard, with the Graveyard Inventory Survey being found in the Appendix. The Graveyard Inventory Survey allowed a chronological inventory of the graves situated there to be formed and includes a detailed analysis of the varieties of headstones and footstones discovered in these tombs, as well as the topknot types, decorative characteristics, the written composition of the inscriptions on the headstones, the methods, and materials. In this way, the scientific and artistic value of the graveyard’s headstones has emerged in terms of art history.&nbsp;In the light of these data, the graveyard at Kasap İlyas Bey Mosque has been determined to contain important examples of Ottoman art. Motifs belonging to Classical Ottoman, Baroque, Empire, Eclectic, and Neoclassical art are seen respectively in Ottoman art and have been identified in the ornamental work on the footstones and headstones in this graveyard. Furthermore, the headstones of several graves in the graveyard were treated with a level of proficiency comparable to Western art sculpture. Kasap Ilyas Bey was instrumental in the existence of an Ottoman neighborhood, masjid, tomb, and graveyard in Istanbul. He was the founder of a historical and cultural legacy that is one of Ottoman Istanbul’s jewels and continues to draw people’s attention today. As a result, Kasap Ilyas Bey’s tomb, mosque, and later-formed graveyard have long been symbols that closely represent Istanbul’s original existence. And the graveyard has been a micro-level example of evidence of the gradual transformation of the metropolis of Ottoman Istanbul into a necropolis since the second half of the 17th century.

Türbe’den Hazire’ye Osmanlı Sanatı Açısından Kasap İlyas Bey Camii Haziresi

Esat

Mahmud Sâmi Bârûdî’nin Şiirlerinde Neoklasik Unsurlar

İsa

Hanafī jurist and Ash‘arī theologian Muhammad b. Ahmad b. Muhammad played an important role in the period in which he lived. Abū Djafar al-Simnānī was born in a place called Simnān in 361/971-2 and died in Mawsil in 444/1052. He lived mostly in Baghdād and later in Mawsil, where he acted as kādī. In fiqh, it is stated that he wrote several works, the titles of which are not known. Above all, however, he was known as a theologian a Hanafī adherent of the Ash‘arī doctrine, of whom there were but few at the time. His master was the kādī Abū Bakr al-Bāqillānī, himself a Mālikī; al-Simnānī was known as his main disciple. Abū Djafar al-Simnānī’s son, Abū al-Hasan Ahmad had a very similar profile to his father: he was both Hanafī and Ash‘arī, and was also a kādī in Baghdād.Although many names are included in the list of his masters and disciples, the point that should be emphasized in Simnānī’s life adventure is that he was Bāqillānī’s disciple and Bācī’s master for a year. In this context, the sequence of (1) Ash‘arī (2) Bāhilī and Tā’ī (3) Bāqillānī (4) Simnānī (5) Bācī is worth mentioning in terms of both Simnānī’s world of thought and his influence on Islamic thought. In the work that has survived, Simnānī gives some details about his own works. Many of them are on the science of kalam. His work entitled al-Tabaqāt fī al-Qadr and comments about a third book of his containing the same subjects are mentioned in his work. Ibn Hazm also mentions another book of Simnānī besides Kitāb al-İmāmah, and from the evaluations he has made, it is understood that this work is not the same as al-Bayān that still exists today. In the light of this information, apart from the works of fiqh, it can be said that he has at least four books; including al-Bayān which have survived to the present day and his works on fate, imamate and theology.From historical sources it is clear that most of the information about Simnānī is given in the works of Ibn Hazm and later in Ibn Taymiyya. As a matter of fact, Ibn Hazm is the only name that cannot be left out regarding Simnānī, about whom there is not much information other than encyclopedic knowledge. However, it has been determined that the sources used&nbsp;by Ibn Hazm in his evaluations about Ash‘arism are limited because he only makes use of Simnânî’s works. It should not be forgotten that Ibn Hazm’s assessments of Simnānī’s are based on insults and criticism, and that the narrations he conveys should be interpreted in the light of Simnānī’s own work and other sources.The aim of this article is to determine Simnānī’s place in Islamic thought and in particular in Ash‘arism. The author’s ideas and world of thought are determined by the method of focusing on the person. In addition, this article, sheds further light on some opinions about the author based on his only surviving work thanks to cross-readings made from different sources. Simnānī, who lived right after the establishment of Ash‘arism, followed Bāqıllānī’s system and was instrumental in transferring his thoughts to the West and especially to Andalusia. In this study, determinations are made about the status of the “Bāqıllānī tradition” followed by Simnānī and the development of this tradition. In addition, the details of the views attributed to Simnânî on issues such as the attributes of Allah, the institution of prophethood and the virtue of Muhammad and his ideas on these issues are examined. This article seeks to demonstrate that Simnānī is an important link in the chain of the historical development of eleventh century Ash‘arī thought. The article seek to show that his work al-Bayān an usūl al-īmān is a valuable work that reflects the characteristics of “classical and theological Ash‘arism”.

Hanefî-Eş‘arî Ebû Cafer es-Simnânî ve Kendisine Yönelik İthamlar

Mine

Merve

Assist. Prof.

Determining or assigning the sex of a newborn baby can be a complicated matter. Those with a male chromosomal structure may look like a typical woman, and those with a female chromosomal structure may look like a typical male, or people may have ambiguous external genitalia. This phenomenon is expressed through concepts such as disorders of sexual development (DSD), intersexuality, hermaphroditism, and androgyny, and came under the guidance of religion and law as well as medicine even prior to Islam; as of the 20th century, however, such matters have come increasingly under the supervision of medicine, due to surgical interventions having allowed for the removal of unwanted sexual organs or tissues from the bodies of individuals with DSD who have been assigned a specific sex. However, this does not mean that the sciences of religion and law are isolated from medical data in addressing DSD. Individuals with DSD certainly existed in society in the early classical periods of Islamic law. Because the phenomenon of DSD primarily concerns the human body, the classical period Islamic jurists necessarily had to first deal with the medical aspect of the issue. The jurists thought that sex should be assigned before establishing legal norms for individuals with DSD. To this end, they first tried to analyze who would be included in the taxonomy of DSD. Thus, jurists developed methods for assigning sex, after DSD phenomena became identifiable by being distinguished from other sexual variations. Without imaging methods such as ultrasound, genitography, or MRI in classical times, Islamic jurists developed sex assignment methods by comparing the anatomy of other humans and animals. As is understood from the sex assignment methods they established, they were aware of internal and external genital organs and hormonal changes. They were also aware that sex has not only biological but also psychological aspects. Even by considering that typologies of sex had complex structures, individuals were still found with DSD’s whose sex could not be assigned at that time. Although classical Islamic jurists could not determine the sex of these individuals biologically, they did legally include them in one of the binary configurations of sex and prepared special legal norms for them.&nbsp;This article discusses the DSD optimal care standards in classical Islamic law comparatively with the standards of care in contemporary medicine and aims to reveal how classical Islamic law approached DSD from a medical point of view. By using comparative analysis and personal interview methods, this study focuses on where the optimal care standards of classical Islamic law regarding DSD stand in relation to data regarding contemporary medicine. In this context, the study discusses topics such as how both disciplines define DSD, what categories they classify, their diagnosis and treatment methods, and which sex assignment criteria they regulate. The study takes the decisions of the Intersex Consensus Meeting that was held in Chicago in 2005 and have since been continuously updated into consideration and as a result has determined the perceptions of classical Islamic law toward DSD on one hand to parallel that of contemporary medicine while on the other to also differ. Classical Islamic law defines DSD (al-khunūthah) as individuals with external genitalia of both sexes (ambiguous genitalia) or individuals without external genitalia of any sex. This definition shows that classical Islamic law and contemporary medicine agree that individuals with ambiguous genitalia should be included in the DSD classification. In contrast, classical Islamic jurists’ inclusion of people with no external genitalia of any kind in the category of DSD is deemed to result from anomalies that occur during the development of the digestive system (cloacal malformations) in contemporary medicine. This difference is because DSDs in classical Islamic law are not seen as a disorder of sexual development but rather to involve conditions that make phenotypic sex uncertain. Therefore, certain cloacal malformations are included in the DSD taxonomy of classical Islamic law as they make external genitalia atypical.Classical Islamic jurists sought a solution to the phenomenon of DSD with the limited medical facilities of their time. They developed unique definitions, taxonomies, and sex assignment methods for this phenomenon. However, when considering that their judgements were made according to the medical possibilities of their time, the solutions should be updated using developments in medicine. Thus, by drawing attention to the issues of DSD, for which classical Islamic law laid the foundations, this study aims to benefit modern Islamic jurists’ production of up-to-date and original solutions to DSD-related problems.&nbsp;

Klasik Fıkhın Cinsiyet Gelişim Bozukluklarına Bakışını  Yeniden Düşünmek: Güncel Tıbbî Bilgi Açısından Bir  İnceleme

Mustafa

In Islamic law, judgments are legally secure and cannot be dismissed without a legal reason. The decision of the qadi (judge) cannot be reversed without a legal reason. In terms of reversing decision, discussions have occurred as to whether appealing a court decision was possible in Islamic law. The majority of Islamic jurists have accepted that court decisions can be appealed under certain conditions. According to Islamic law, a judicial decision can only be reversed due to non-compliance with procedural law. Therefore, an appeal is possible in cases that necessitate a reversal, such as violations of the rules of a trial or contradictions of clear evidence, conclusive texts or consensus. Reversing a decision that has been revealed to be unlawful is a duty both for the judge who made the decision and for higher courts.In Islamic jurisprudence, courts are generally established as a single stage. Because the decisions rendered in accordance with procedural law were considered final in these courts examining an appeal was an exceptional event. However, this does not mean that courts of appeal have not existed in the Islamic legal system.In the history of Islamic law, many different institutions have been established that fulfilled the function an appeals court. These institutions had generally not been directly tasked with appeals. The Majlis-i Tadkīkāt-i Sharʿiyya, was established after the Tanzimat in the Ottoman Empire as one of the institutions that fulfilled the function of an appeals court in the history of Islamic law. However, this institution was primarily tasked with appeals, unlike the institutions that had fulfilled the function of an appeal court up to that time. The Majlis-i Tadkīkāt-i Sharʿiyya, examined appeal reviews regarding the decisions given by the sharia courts. This institution was established in 1861. In 1873, a regulation was issued concerning this institution’s assembly and operational conditions. This institution lost its ability to fulfill its function once the Sharia courts were assigned to the Ministry of Justice in 1917. In 1920,Majlis-i Tadkīkāt-i Sharʿiyya was seen to have restarted its operations until it was abolished alongside the sharia courts in 1924.The institution responsible for the appellate review of Shariah court decisions was the Majlis-i Tadkīkāt-i Sharʿiyya. Therefore, the appeal reviews concerning cases falling under the jurisdiction of the sharia courts would be held in the Majlis-i Tadkīkāt-i Sharʿiyya, without being subject to any limitations. The cases that fall under the jurisdiction of shariah courts can be classified headings such as waqf law, personal law, family law and inheritance law. In addition, certain types of crimes under criminal law could also be evaluated in this context. For some cases that fall under the jurisdiction of shariah courts through various regulations, making appeals became mandatory. In particular, a compulsory appeal application was found in terms of decisions made regarding personal law, waqf law, family law and retaliatory decisions. However, decisions regarding marriage, divorce and retaliation would later be excluded from the scope of compulsory appeals. In addition, cases regarding accusations against judges of the sharia courts fell under the jurisdiction of the Majlis-i Tadkīkāt-i Sharʿiyya. The supervisory duty of the shariah courts was also the duty of the Majlis-i Tadkīkāt-i Sharʿiyya. As can be seen regarding the decisions examined within the scope of this study, reviews were seen to have been conducted on these mentioned issues in the Majlis-i Tadkīkāt-i Sharʿiyya. These decisions, especially the appeal reviews regarding the procedural law were quite numerous. In addition to these, the Majlis-i Tadkīkāt-i Sharʿiyya also gave opinions about regulations that were brought to its attention. The Majlis-i Tadkīkāt-i Sharʿiyya also examined issues related to fees and presented its opinion. This institution would make ijtihad regarding the disputes that came before it when necessary.

İslam Hukukunda Temyiz: Ceride-i İlmiyye Kapsamında Meclis-i Tedkîkât-ı Şer‘iyye Örneği

Ubeydullah

Seyid

Lost literature represents a predominant problem for scientific communities worldwide. Some of these books pertain to musical knowledge. Abd al-Qadir Maraghi wrote some of the most influential texts on musical theory, including Câmi‘u’l-elhân (Jâmiʿ al-alḥân), Makâsidu’l-elhân (Maqâṣid al-alḥân), and Şerh-i Edvâr (Sharh al-Adwâr: commentary on the Kitâb al-Adwâr of Ṣafî al-Dîn al-Urmawî). These texts are still housed in libraries and offer information about his other lost works, for instance, Kenzü’l-elhân, Risâle der Istıhâb-ı Gayr-i Ma‘hûd, and Kitab-ı Lahniyye. This article provides a comparative analysis of this information. Among these lost texts, Kenzü’l-alhân is known as Maraghi’s work. However, the scientific world is not even aware of the existence of Maraghi’s other lost texts, Risâle der Istıhâb-ı Gayr-i Ma‘hûd and Kitâb-ı Lahniyye. This paper combines all available intelligence on these works with information acquired from other texts by Maraghi.Kenzü’l-elhân (Qanz Al-Alḥân) represents Maraghi’s first lost text. Our knowledge of this work is based on the information Maraghi conveyed in his other extant books, Câmi‘u’l-elhân (Jâmiʿ al-alḥân), Makâsidu’l-elhân (Maqâṣid al-alḥân), and Şerh-i Edvâr (Sharh al-Adwâr). Maraghi wrote in Câmi‘u’l-elhân, Makâsidu’l-elhân, and Şerh-i Edvâr that readers should consult Kenzü’l-elhân to learn more about certain themes he addressed in these works. Maraghi’s transmission of this information allows us an insight into the contents and topics of Kenzü’l-elhân.Câmi‘u’l-elhân is the first of the three extant works by Maraghi. We can infer that Kenzü’lelhân was copyrighted before Câmi‘u’l-elhân because the latter alludes to the lost Kenzü’lelhân. Two copies of Câmi’u’l-elhân remain: an original handwritten manuscript dated 808 (1405) and a copy dated 818 (1415). Thus, it is deduced that Maraghi wrote Kenzü’l-elhân before 808 (1405), the copyright date of Câmi‘u’l-elhân. Maraghi’s historical references to Kenzü’l-elhân in Câmi‘u’l-elhân also allow us to estimate the copyright date of the lost book by informing us of the date after which Kenzü’l-elhân was written.Maraghi mentioned in the famous nevbet-i müretteb assembly held a day before Ramadan on 29 Şaban 778 (January 11, 1377) that he could compose a nevbet for each day of the month of Ramadan. Maraghi then composed a total of thirty nevbets in one night, one for each day of Ramadan. This feat attracted much attention. Maraghi revealed this incident in Câmi‘u’lelhân, stating that he had more comprehensively elucidated the melodies and artistic features of his compositions along with relevant annotations in Kenzü’l-elhân. He advised his readers to refer to Kenzü’l-elhân to better understand his compositions. This detail enables the conclusion that Maraghi wrote Kenzü’l-elhân after 778 (1377). Consequently, Kenzü’l-elhân was written between 778 and 808 (1377–1405).Abd al-Qadir Maraghi’s second lost book was essentially on melodies and was titled Risâle der Istıhâb-ı Gayr-i Ma‘hûd. Maraghi discussed oud tunes, utilizing the term ıstıhâb (اصطخاب ( in the fourth section of the fifth chapter of Câmi‘u’l-elhân, titled “beş telli ud-i kâmil” (The Perfect Oud with Five Strings). Maraghi asserted that the tunes were labeled Şedd by some performers.After this exposition, Maraghi mentioned that some of the tunes (Şedd) played on the oud were common (ma‘hûd معهود (and some were uncommon (gayr-i ma‘hûd غیرمعهود(. He further noted that he had recorded all variants of all the tunes in a Risâle (booklet) and that anyone could refer to that book, Risâle der Istıhâb-ı Gayr-i Ma‘hûd.Therefore, Maraghi elucidated 1001 variants of the aggregate of 2401 uncommon melodies in Câmi‘u’l-elhân and elaborated on 1400 variants (2401-1001) of these unusual tunes in the lost Risâle der Istıhâb-ı Gayr-i Ma‘hûd and Kenzü’l-elhân.Maraghi’s third lost book was titled Kitâb-ı Lahniyye. Maraghi alluded to this text as one of his existing works when he was writing Makâsidu’l-elhân, which is the only work that contains a mention of Kitâb-ı Lahniyye. However, not all copies of Makâsidu’l-elhân carry this information. The title Kitâb-ı Lahniyye is only observed in manuscripts copied from the first version of Makâsidu’l-elhân. Unfortunately, no further information remains on Maraghi’s Kitâb-ı Lahniyye.

Abdülkâdir-i Merâgî’nin Günümüze Ulaşamayan Eserleri

Musa

İslam’ın Klasik Çağında Ṣāḥibu Sünne Unvanı: Sünnîlik Nasıl Oluştu

Abdurrahim

Endülüs Kenti İşbiliye’nin Estetik Dokusunun Tarihsel Dönüşümüne Dair Bir Araştırma

İsmail

İslâm Hukuk Düşüncesi ve Bulanık Mantık Üzerine Bir Değerlendirme

Tugay

Teizm Gerçekten Tutarlı mı? Kümülatif Bir Hipotez Olarak Teizm ve Tanrı’nın Varlığı Lehine Olasılıksal Argümanların Değerlendirilmesi

Mehmet

Müphemlik Bir Kültür Oluşturur mu?: Alternatif Bir Kültür Tarihi Yazımında Anakronizmin Yeni Oryantalizme İzdüşümü

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@JOURNAL_BOX_EARLYVIEW

Şahabettin

This study aims to investigate the utterance and meaning properties of augmented (mezîd) verbs expressing reflexivity (mutâva‘at) in the Arabic Language. In this study, dictionary definitions of the word ‘mutâva'at’, reflexivity measures of triliteral (sülâsi) verbs, augmented (mezîd) verbs expressing reflexivity (mutâva‘at), usage characteristics of the verbs expressing reflexivity, the opinions of grammarians about reflexivity and comparison of the verbs stating reflexivity with intransitive and passive verbs will be examined in the light of examples from the Qur’an, Arabic poetry and proverbs.Verbs play a significant role in Arabic grammar. Expressing judgment with verb sentences forms the basis of expressing thoughts in Arabic. Arab grammarians, from the time of Sîbeveyhî to the present day, have given special importance to verb patterns and their meanings whether they are mücerred (pure) verbs or mezîd (augmented) verbs. Understanding Arabic texts correctly and translating them appropriately in Turkish is closely related to knowing verb measures and their meanings. In grammar books, verbs have been dealt with under various sub-titles. Active-passive (ma‘lûm-meçhûl), transitive-intransitive (müte‘addî-lâzım), soundweak (sahîh-mu‘tel) and declinable-indeclinable (mutasarrıf-câmid) can be given as examples of these titles. Another important sub-topic of verbs is augmented (mezîd) verbs and their meanings. Verbs in Arabic are divided into two parts depending on whether their letters are original or not. The first category is pure (mücerred) verbs all letters of which are original, and the second one is augmented (mezîd) verbs to which letters are attached. In the Arabic language there are different meanings that augmented verbs express and reflexivity is one of them. Verbs which carry the meaning of reflexivity were used both in religious texts and in Arabic poetry and proverbs during the time before Islam (Câhiliyya).This study uses the scanning method, one of the data collection methods, to analyze and evaluate the collected data, and the views of the Arab grammarians on the subject were included. In order to better understand the subjects, the Qur'an, Arabic poetry and proverbs were quoted. In our preliminary research, it was found that there was no academic study on verbs expressing reflexivity in Arabic. Thus, we decided to prepare this study under the title of “Verbs Expressing Reflexivity in Arabic Language” to close this gap, even if only slightly.In the Arabic language, “infi‘âl” is the basic measure in terms of reflexivity. The measure of “infi‘âl”, which is one of the augmented verbs, is always intransitive and it never takes a direct object (mef‘ûlün bih). While other augmented verbs express other meanings beside reflexivity, the measure of “infi‘âl” only expresses reflexivity. In the Arabic language, there&nbsp;also some other augmented measures expressing reflexivity. Verbs that express reflexivity are not a different notation of intransitive verbs since there are also some transitive verbs with the meaning of reflexivity which take a direct object. However, intransitive verbs can never receive direct objects. Verbs that express reflexivity are divided into two in terms of transitiveness. The first category is that of reflexive (mutâvî‘) verbs that are always intransitive and the other is that of reflexive verbs which are transitive. Other augmented verbs stating reflexivity are also intransitive most of the time.&nbsp;While the topic of verbs is covered along with nouns and letters in grammar books, some books are dedicated only to verbs like the example of Kitâbu fa‘altü ve ef‘altü of Ebû İshâk ez-Zeccâc. In the words of Ibn Hisham, the meaning of reflexivity (mutâva‘at) is that the first of the two verbs creates an effect and the agent of the second verb accepts this effect. Agents of the verbs that express reflexivity have the meaning of object (mef‘ûl). In other words, agents of the verbs expressing reflexivity are not real agents which create an effect because these agents do not describe an action, state or occurrence, but on the contrary they are affected by the action.As a basic fact of grammar taught by Arab grammarians, verbs expressing the meaning of reflexivity are not regular. Radıyüddîn al-Esterâbâdî also says that the use of augmented verbs is irregular, and that those things that are heard from the Arabs should be taken as a basis when deciding which pure triliteral verb comes in which augmented verb measure.&nbsp;Arab grammarians included the style of reflexivity in their works and explained their conditions and features of their usage by giving examples from verse and poetry. There is no significant difference of opinion among the grammarians on the subject of reflexivity. The first grammarian who dealt with reflexivity was Sîbeveyhî. Later grammarians followed in his footsteps. Definitions of reflexivity given by later grammarians such as Radıyyüddîn elEsterâbâdî ve İbn Hişâm el-Ensârî were clearer and more precise, and their way of dealing with the issue was more systematic. Verbs expressing reflexivity are active in terms of utterance and passive with regard to meaning. Some grammarians, such as Sîbeveyhî, evaluate the verbs that express reflexivity in the same category as passive verbs in terms of meaning.

Arapçada Dönüşlülük (Mutâva‘at) Anlamı İfade Eden Mezid Fiiller

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Serhan

Religion, which means “path, faith, tradition, bond, servitude” in all cultures, is a phenomenon that changes individual and social life with very strong influences. From this point of view, religion plays an important role in the formation of an individual's personality by contributing to their level of consciousness. We can also say that each religion has established a common ‘language of religion’ to form a common perception. In this respect, revelation is a sign this common language of religion and a state of communication in which God himself addresses in a language that humans speak. In other words, the revelation -word of God- that determines an individual's relationship with themselves, their surroundings, and God is presented to human understanding using the Qur'an's own linguistic and stylistic characteristics within the possibilities and limits of the Arabic language. Hence, in order to actualize this addressaddressee dialectic, the Qur'an takes into account the perceptions and concepts of the society it was revealed to and forms a common world view formed by the values of the society such as language, faith, culture, and history. Moreover, it actualizes the most beautiful transformation and change of the individual's mindset and identity by using the Qur'anic Style, which is the language's own style of expression, in verse and language form. Indeed, the correct understanding of the divine word is made possible by taking into account its distinctive Quranic language, its style, and its ikhbari (pronouncement) and inshai (constructive) sentence structures in parallel with its style of expression. In this way, it contains the transitivity in which one can be included in the context of the other from time to time in the course of the Qur'anic style, and it turns into the inshai structure, which is a higher style of the ikhbari form, and drives its addressees to change their actions.&nbsp;This study aims to identify the main subject of Surat Al-Infitar by taking into account the relationship between the addressees and the environment in light of the methods that are unique to the Qur'anic style offered as a linguistic method of understanding the Qur'an and the style of the language of religion that encompasses the whole of the Qur'an. In this sense, our study takes into account the constructional (inshai) structure that plays a role in manifesting&nbsp;and turning the warning (ikhbari) expressions for doomsday -like the sky will break apart, the stars will fall- into action mostly "here-now", beyond the informing of the future apocalypse. Therefore, the study tries to address the surah as a whole within the framework of the specific language structure of the divine word and the Qur'anic style. Thanks to this information that forms the basis of the method of the Qur'anic style, the verse(s) and/or the surah turns the gayb (invisible) sphere like the apocalypse, the judgement day, the hereafter into an active "event" and a new "action" happening "here-now" through the issues of the testimonial sphere of this world in a style that can be understood by all. As it were, the surah creates the comprehension of the truth of the revelation, which is first and foremost the first stage of the God-man relationship, through the reality of the change in the cosmic structure. And it also creates the understanding of "the hereafter with the consciousness of reckoning". Accordingly, it lays the burden of personal responsibility to the individual and it shows how the will and power of the divine truth manifests.&nbsp;In this context, the surah talks about the cosmic changes that took place during the events of doomsday which transforms into kalami action through Allah's taqwini laws and turns this action into morality. The surah begins with "doomsday" scenes that can be described as "the sudden occurrence of an event and/or the beginning of cosmic change" as if to show a new era is about to begin. The word infitar, which gives its name to the Surah, means "splitting, disturbing the existing order, interfering with something". And in this context, it is interpreted as "without knowing its nature, the revelation of the commandments of God to the Earth either through the descent of the Angels or by the greatness of the Lord". In our opinion, these events are aimed at drawing attention to the reality, nature, and possibility of the divine revelation, as well as emphasizing to their addressees that the old corrupt order will be replaced by a new one. As a matter of fact, when we take into account the revelation course of the Qur'an, we see that it conveys its divine message to a society where the majority were illiterate and thought it impossible for Allah to send his divine message to its addressees by means of a human being who also was illiterate. In addition, the context of forward-looking ikhbari statements reveals to us the inshai structure of the issues towards this world. In this sense, the surah builds a religious and moral consciousness through taqwini/qawni verses beyond just giving information. The point that draws attention here is that the qawni verses are both verses themselves, and that they are accepted as signs, prognostics, that is, intellectual evidence of the truth that exists in their own selves. It reflects the greatest evidence for the positioning of the revelation the fact that all beings, including the earth, sky, and man, with their apparent–known features witnessed by themselves are a verse. And it plays a role in the comprehension that they are all parts of the same whole, including this revelation. Moreover, in the minds of the addressees, who thought that it was impossible for Allah to send his message through the Prophet Muhammad Who was ontologically human, the entity to which they ascribe sanctity gains a new meaning and the actions created by this meaning explain the possibility of such revelation.&nbsp;Thus, a&nbsp;consciousness about everything that the Allah-universe relationship represents is created in the addressees and the absolute creative power behind this truth is pointed out. Therefore, the main subject of the surah is the creation of the awareness of the day of reckoning and the understanding of the hereafter, which is put forth with a style that is simultaneous with the possibility of the divine revelation, its nature and its reality.In line with this perspective, our work offers to read the depictions of the doomsday which belongs to the gayb for humans, the topics concerning the hereafter like the awareness of the day of reckoning in inshai form in the context of Qur'anic style. In this respect, our article attempts to understand and explain the effects of the Qur'anic style that are reflected in this world and which turn it into action and morality here and now, not in terms of the “reality and/or awareness of the scenes of the apocalypse”. Of course, this study, taken in the context of the Qur'anic style, is an effort aimed at basing not the style itself but only its method and, in parallel, determining the main idea of the surah.

Kur’ânî Üslup Açısından İnfitâr Sûresi

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İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi, açık erişimli, hakemli, yılda iki kere Mart ve Eylül aylarında yayınlanan bilimsel bir dergidir. 1953 yılında kurulmuştur. Dergiye yayınlanması için gönderilen bilimsel makaleler Türkçe, İngilizce ya da Arapça olmalıdır.

İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi, İslami ilimler alanında ulusal ve uluslararası düzeyde bilimsel niteliklere sahip çalışmaları yayımlayarak İslami ilimler alanındaki bilgi birikimine katkıda bulunmayı amaçlamaktadır.  

İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi, Türkçe, İngilizce ve Arapça dillerinde yazılmış araştırma makalesi, araştırma notu, kitap değerlendirmesi, sempozyum tanıtımı, yazma eser tanıtımı türünde yapılan çalışmaları yayımlamaktadır.   
   
Tarihçe

1933 yılında İstanbul Dârulfünun'u İlahiyat Fakültesi’nin kapatılmasıyla Edebiyat Fakültesi bünyesinde kurulan İslam Tetkikleri Enstitüsü 1941 yılında kapatılmış ve 1953 yılında Müdürü Zeki Velidi Togan ve Müdür Yardımcısı Fuat Sezgin olmak üzere tekrardan faaliyete geçmiştir. 1982 yılında ismi Araştırma Merkezi olarak değiştirilen Enstitü 2018 yılında İstanbul Üniversitesi Rektörlüğü’ne bağlanmıştır. Tüm faaliyetlerinin yanında gerek Enstitü gerekse Merkez olarak kurum, bünyesinde hakemli bilimsel bir dergi faaliyetini de sürdürmüştür.

1953-1979 yılları arasında İslam Tetkikleri Enstitüsü Dergisi, sonrasında 1995 yılına kadar ise İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi ismiyle dokuz cilt ve on dört farklı sayı yayınlanmıştır. 2020 Mart ayı itibariyle yeniden yayın hayatına başlamıştır.

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İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi, Mart ve Eylül ayları olmak üzere yılda iki defa yayımlanan açık erişimli, hakemli, bilimsel bir yayımdır; ulusal ve uluslararası akademik çevreleri hedeflemektedir.İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi, İslami ilimler alanında ulusal ve uluslararası düzeyde bilimsel niteliklere sahip çalışmaları yayımlayarak İslami ilimler alanındaki bilgi birikimine katkıda bulunmayı amaçlamaktadır.İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi, Temel İslam Bilimleri, Felsefe ve Din Bilimleri ile İslam Tarihi ve Sanatları gibi İslami ilimler alanındaki disipliner, interdisipliner ve multidisipliner metotları benimseyen ulusal ve uluslararası bilimsel çalışmalara yer veren kör-hakemli bir dergidir.İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi, Türkçe, İngilizce ve Arapça dillerinde yazılmış araştırma makalesi, araştırma notu, kitap değerlendirmesi, sempozyum tanıtımı, yazma eser tanıtımı türünde yapılan çalışmaları yayımlamaktadır.

Amaç ve Kapsam

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Dizinler

Dergi yayın etiğinde en yüksek standartlara bağlıdır ve <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a> ve <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> tarafından yayınlanan etik yayıncılık ilkelerini benimser; Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing başlığı altında ifade edilen ilkeler için: <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a> Gönderilen makaleler derginin amaç ve kapsamına uygun olmalıdır. Orijinal, yayınlanmamış ve başka bir dergide değerlendirme sürecinde olmayan, her bir yazar tarafından içeriği ve gönderimi onaylanmış yazılar değerlendirmeye kabul edilir. Makale yayınlanmak üzere Dergiye gönderildikten sonra yazarlardan hiçbirinin ismi, tüm yazarların yazılı izni olmadan yazar listesinden silinemez ve yeni bir isim yazar olarak eklenemez ve yazar sırası değiştirilemez.İntihal, duplikasyon, sahte yazarlık/inkar edilen yazarlık, araştrma/veri fabrikasyonu, makale dilimleme, dilimleyerek yayın, telif hakları ihlali ve çıkar çatışmasının gizlenmesi, etik dışı davranışlar olarak kabul edilir. Kabul edilen etik standartlara uygun olmayan tüm makaleler yayından çıkarılır. Buna yayından sonra tespit edilen olası kuraldışı, uygunsuzluklar içeren makaleler de dahildir.İntihal Ön kontrolden geçirilen makaleler, iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal/kendi kendine intihal tespit edilirse yazarlar bilgilendirilir. Editörler, gerekli olması halinde makaleyi değerlendirme ya da üretim sürecinin çeşitli aşamalarında intihal kontrolüne tabi tutabilirler. Yüksek benzerlik oranları, bir makalenin kabul edilmeden önce ve hatta kabul edildikten sonra reddedilmesine neden olabilir. Makalenin türüne bağlı olarak, bunun oranın %15 veya %20'den az olması beklenir.Çift Kör Hakemlikİntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir. Editör, makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakemlikten geçmesini sağlar ve makale biçimsel esaslara uygun ise, gelen yazıyı yurtiçinden ve /veya yurtdışından en az iki hakemin değerlendirmesine sunar, hakemler gerek gördüğü takdirde yazıda istenen değişiklikler yazarlar tarafından yapıldıktan sonra yayınlanmasına onay verir.

Politikalar

Dergi açık erişimlidir ve derginin tüm içeriği okura ya da okurun dahil olduğu kuruma ücretsiz olarak sunulur. Okurlar, ticari amaç haricinde, yayıncı ya da yazardan izin almadan dergi makalelerinin tam metnini okuyabilir, indirebilir, kopyalayabilir, arayabilir ve link sağlayabilir. Bu <a href="https://www.budapestopenaccessinitiative.org/translations/turkish-translation" target="_blank">BOAI</a> açık erişim tanımıyla uyumludur. Derginin açık erişimli makaleleri Creative Commons Atıf-GayrıTicari 4.0 Uluslararası (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.tr" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) olarak lisanslıdır.

Derginin tüm giderleri İstanbul Üniversitesi tarafından karşılanmaktadır. Dergide makale yayını ve makale süreçlerinin yürütülmesi ücrete tabi değildir. Dergiye gönderilen ya da yayın için kabul edilen makaleler için işlemleme ücreti ya da gönderim ücreti alınmaz.

Yazarlar dergide yayınlanan çalışmalarının telif hakkına sahiptirler ve çalışmaları  Creative Commons Atıf-GayrıTicari 4.0 Uluslararası (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.tr" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) olarak lisanslıdır. CC BY-NC 4.0 lisansı, eserin ticari kullanım dışında her boyut ve formatta paylaşılmasına, kopyalanmasına, çoğaltılmasına ve orijinal esere uygun şekilde atıfta bulunmak kaydıyla yeniden düzenleme, dönüştürme ve eserin üzerine inşa etme dâhil adapte edilmesine izin verir.

Editörler, yayınlanan makalede, bulguları, yorumları ve sonuçları etkilemeyen küçük hatalar tespit edilirse düzeltme yayınlamayı düşünebilirler. Editörler, bulguları ve sonuçları geçersiz kılan büyük hatalar / ihlaller söz konusu olduğunda, makaleyi geri çekmeyi düşünmelidir. Yazarlar tarafından araştırma veya yayını kötüye kullanmaya yönelik olasılık söz konusu ise; bulguların güvenilir olmadığına ve yazarların kurumlarının olayı soruşturmadığına dair kanıtlar var veya olası soruşturma haksız veya sonuçsuz görünüyor ise, editörler endişe ifadesi yayınlamayı düşünmelidir. Düzeltme, geri çekme veya endişe ifadesi ile ilgili olarak <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/flowcharts/complete-set-english" target="_blank">COPE</a> ve <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/" target="_blank">ICJME</a> yönergeleri dikkate alınır.

Dergide yayınlanan tüm yazıların korunmasını ve kalıcı olarak erişilebilir olmasını sağlamak için makaleler, ulusal bir arşiv sitesi olarak hizmet veren ve aynı zamanda LOCKSS'in içeriği toplamasına, korumasına ve sunmasına izin veren Dergipark'ta saklanmaktadır.Ek olarak, yazarların kendilerinin makalelerinin son PDF sürümünü Open Archives Initiative (<a href="https://www.openarchives.org/" target="_blank">https://www.openarchives.org/</a>) standartlarına uygun açık elektronik arşivlerde arşivlemeleri önerilir. Yazarlar, yayınladıkları arşiv versiyonundan, İ.Ü. Yayınevinin dergi web sitesinin URL'sine bağlantı sağlamalıdır.

İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi, yayın etiğinde en yüksek standartlara bağlıdır ve <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a> ve <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> tarafından yayınlanan etik yayıncılık ilkelerini benimser; Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing başlığı altında ifade edilen ilkeler için: <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a>Gönderilen tüm makaleler orijinal, yayınlanmamış ve başka bir dergide değerlendirme sürecinde olmamalıdır. Her bir makale editörlerden biri ve en az iki hakem tarafından çift kör değerlendirmeden geçirilir. İntihal, duplikasyon, sahte yazarlık/inkar edilen yazarlık, araştrma/veri fabrikasyonu, makale dilimleme, dilimleyerek yayın, telif hakları ihlali ve çıkar çatışmasının gizlenmesi, etik dışı davranışlar olarak kabul edilir.Kabul edilen etik standartlara uygun olmayan tüm makaleler yayından çıkarılır. Buna yayından sonra tespit edilen olası kuraldışı, uygunsuzluklar içeren makaleler de dahildir.

Etik

İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi araştırma etiğinde en yüksek standartları gözetir ve aşağıda tanımlanan uluslararası araştırma etiği ilkelerini benimser. Makalelerin etik kurallara uygunluğu yazarların sorumluluğundadır.<ul><li>Araştırmanın tasarlanması, tasarımın gözden geçirilmesi ve araştırmanın yürütülmesinde, bütünlük, kalite ve şeffaflık ilkeleri sağlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma ekibi ve katılımcılar, araştırmanın amacı, yöntemleri ve öngörülen olası kullanımları; araştırmaya katılımın gerektirdikleri ve varsa riskleri hakkında tam olarak bilgilendirilmelidir.</li><li>Araştırma katılımcılarının sağladığı bilgilerin gizliliği ve yanıt verenlerin gizliliği sağlanmalıdır. Araştırma katılımcıların özerkliğini ve saygınlığını koruyacak şekilde tasarlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma katılımcıları gönüllü olarak araştırmada yer almalı, herhangi bir zorlama altında olmamalıdırlar.</li><li>Katılımcıların zarar görmesinden kaçınılmalıdır. Araştırma, katılımcıları riske sokmayacak şekilde planlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma bağımsızlığıyla ilgili açık ve net olunmalı; çıkar çatışması varsa belirtilmelidir.</li><li>Deneysel çalışmalarda, araştırmaya katılmaya karar veren katılımcıların yazılı bilgilendirilmiş onayı alınmalıdır. Çocukların ve vesayet altındakilerin veya tasdiklenmiş akıl hastalığı bulunanların yasal vasisinin onayı alınmalıdır.</li><li>Çalışma herhangi bir kurum ya da kuruluşta gerçekleştirilecekse bu kurum ya da kuruluştan çalışma yapılacağına dair onay alınmalıdır.</li><li>İnsan öğesi bulunan çalışmalarda, “yöntem” bölümünde katılımcılardan “bilgilendirilmiş onam” alındığının ve çalışmanın yapıldığı kurumdan etik kurul onayı alındığı belirtilmesi gerekir.</li></ul>

Makalelerin bilimsel ve etik kurallara uygunluğu yazarların sorumluluğundadır. Yazar makalenin orijinal olduğu, daha önce başka bir yerde yayınlanmadığı ve başka bir yerde, başka bir dilde yayınlanmak üzere değerlendirmede olmadığı konusunda teminat sağlamalıdır. Uygulamadaki telif kanunları ve anlaşmaları gözetilmelidir. Telife bağlı materyaller (örneğin tablolar, şekiller veya büyük alıntılar) gerekli izin ve teşekkürle kullanılmalıdır. Başka yazarların, katkıda bulunanların çalışmaları ya da yararlanılan kaynaklar uygun biçimde kullanılmalı ve referanslarda belirtilmelidir.Gönderilen makalede tüm yazarların akademik ve bilimsel olarak doğrudan katkısı olmalıdır, bu bağlamda “yazar” yayınlanan bir araştırmanın kavramsallaştırılmasına ve dizaynına, verilerin elde edilmesine, analizine ya da yorumlanmasına belirgin katkı yapan, yazının yazılması ya da bunun içerik açısından eleştirel biçimde gözden geçirilmesinde görev yapan birisi olarak görülür. Yazar olabilmenin diğer koşulları ise, makaledeki çalışmayı planlamak veya icra etmek ve / veya revize etmektir. Fon sağlanması, veri toplanması ya da araştırma grubunun genel süpervizyonu tek başına yazarlık hakkı kazandırmaz. Yazar olarak gösterilen tüm bireyler sayılan tüm ölçütleri karşılamalıdır ve yukarıdaki ölçütleri karşılayan her birey yazar olarak gösterilebilir. Yazarların isim sıralaması ortak verilen bir karar olmalıdır. Tüm yazarlar yazar sıralamasını <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/68873B40EDF8448CB632792AC623F1F9" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formunda</a> imzalı olarak belirtmek zorundadırlar.Yazarlık için yeterli ölçütleri karşılamayan ancak çalışmaya katkısı olan tüm bireyler “teşekkür / bilgiler” kısmında sıralanmalıdır. Bunlara örnek olarak ise sadece teknik destek sağlayan, yazıma yardımcı olan ya da sadece genel bir destek sağlayan, finansal ve materyal desteği sunan kişiler verilebilir.Bütün yazarlar, araştırmanın sonuçlarını ya da bilimsel değerlendirmeyi etkileyebilme potansiyeli olan finansal ilişkiler, çıkar çatışması ve çıkar rekabetini beyan etmelidirler. Bir yazar kendi yayınlanmış yazısında belirgin bir hata ya da yanlışlık tespit ederse, bu yanlışlıklara ilişkin düzeltme ya da geri çekme için editör ile hemen temasa geçme ve işbirliği yapma sorumluluğunu taşır.

Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, cinsel yöneliminden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirir. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar. Gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalacağını garanti eder. Baş editör içerik ve yayının toplam kalitesinden sorumludur. Gereğinde hata sayfası yayınlamalı ya da düzeltme yapmalıdır.Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve Dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemlerin araştırmayla ilgili, yazarlarla ve/veya araştırmanın finansal destekçileriyle çıkar çatışmaları olmamalıdır. Değerlendirmelerinin sonucunda tarafsız bir yargıya varmalıdırlar. Gönderilmiş yazılara ilişkin tüm bilginin gizli tutulmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar. Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir. Bazı durumlarda editörün kararıyla, ilgili hakemlerin makaleye ait yorumları aynı makaleyi yorumlayan diğer hakemlere gönderilerek hakemlerin bu süreçte aydınlatılması sağlanabilir.

Daha önce yayınlanmamış ya da yayınlanmak üzere başka bir dergide halen değerlendirmede olmayan ve her bir yazar tarafından onaylanan makaleler değerlendirilmek üzere kabul edilir. Gönderilen ve ön kontrolü geçen makaleler iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir. Seçilen makaleler en az iki ulusal/uluslararası hakeme çift taraflı kör hakemlik ile değerlendirmeye gönderilir; yayın kararı, hakemlerin talepleri doğrultusunda yazarların gerçekleştirdiği düzenlemelerin ve hakem sürecinin sonrasında baş editör tarafından verilir.

Hakemlik Hakkında

Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirirler. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar. Gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalacağını garanti eder. Baş editör içerik ve yayının toplam kalitesinden sorumludur. Gereğinde hata sayfası yayınlamalı ya da düzeltme yapmalıdır. Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemler, araştırma, yazarlar ve/veya araştırmaya fon sağlayanlarla çıkar çatışması içinde olmamalıdır. Hakemler değerlendirmelerinin sonucunda tarafsız bir yargıya varmalıdırlar. Gönderilmiş yazılara ilişkin tüm bilginin gizli tutulmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar. Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir. Bazı durumlarda editörün kararıyla, ilgili hakemlerin makaleye ait yorumları aynı makaleyi yorumlayan diğer hakemlere gönderilerek hakemlerin bu süreçte aydınlatılması sağlanabilir.

Daha önce yayınlanmamış ya da yayınlanmak üzere başka bir dergide halen değerlendirmede olmayan ve her bir yazar tarafından onaylanan makaleler değerlendirilmek üzere kabul edilir. Gönderilen ve ön kontrolü geçen makaleler iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir. Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, cinsel yöneliminden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirir. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar.Seçilen makaleler en az iki ulusal/uluslararası hakeme değerlendirmeye gönderilir; yayın kararı, hakemlerin talepleri doğrultusunda yazarların gerçekleştirdiği düzenlemelerin ve hakem sürecinin sonrasında baş editör tarafından verilir.Hakemlerin değerlendirmeleri objektif olmalıdır. Hakem süreci sırasında hakemlerin aşağıdaki hususları dikkate alarak değerlendirmelerini yapmaları beklenir.-Makale yeni ve önemli bir bilgi içeriyor mu?-Öz, makalenin içeriğini net ve düzgün bir şekilde tanımlıyor mu?-Yöntem bütünlüklü ve anlaşılır şekilde tanımlanmış mı?-Yapılan yorum ve varılan sonuçlar bulgularla kanıtlanıyor mu?-Alandaki diğer çalışmalara yeterli referans verilmiş mi?-Dil kalitesi yeterli mi?Hakemler, gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar. Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir.

DilDerginin yayın dili Türkçe, İngilizce ve Arapça’dır.Yazıların Hazırlanması ve Yazım KurallarıAksi belirtilmedikçe gönderilen yazılarla ilgili tüm yazışmalar ilk yazarla yapılacaktır. Makale gönderimi online olarak <a href="https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/iuislamtd" target="_blank">https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/iuislamtd</a> adresinden erişilen <a href="https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/login" target="_blank">https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/login</a> üzerinden yapılmalıdır. Gönderilen yazılar, makale türünü belirten ve makaleyle ilgili detayları içeren (bkz: Son Kontrol Listesi) <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/52E51020F70845BCA1D7936730A7BBBD" target="_blank">Kapak Sayfası</a>; editöre mektup, yazının elektronik formunu içeren Microsoft Word 2003 ve üzerindeki versiyonları ile yazılmış elektronik dosya ve tüm yazarların imzaladığı <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/68873B40EDF8448CB632792AC623F1F9" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a> eklenerek gönderilmelidir.1. Yazılar Makale Şablonu kullanılarak hazırlanmalıdır. Makale ana metninde, çift taraflı kör hakemlik süreci gereği, yazarın / yazarların kimlik bilgileri yer almamalıdır.2. Türkçe ve İngilizce olarak 150-250 kelime arasında öz olmalıdır. Öz anlaşılır ve de dilbilgisi açısından doğru olmalıdır.3. Türkçe özün altında çalışmanın içeriğini temsil eden 5 Türkçe anahtar kelime olmalıdır. İngilizce özün altında içeriği temsil eden 5 İngilizce anahtar kelime olmalıdır.4. Çalışmaların başlıca şu unsurları içermesi gerekmektedir: Türkçe başlık, öz ve anahtar kelimeler; İngilizce başlık, öz ve anahtar kelimeler; ana metin bölümleri, kaynaklar, tablolar ve şekiller.5. Yayınlanmak üzere gönderilen makale ile birlikte yazar bilgilerini içeren kapak sayfası gönderilmelidir. <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/52E51020F70845BCA1D7936730A7BBBD" target="_blank">Kapak sayfasında</a>, makalenin başlığı, yazar veya yazarların bağlı bulundukları kurum ve unvanları, kendilerine ulaşılabilecek adresler, cep, iş ve faks numaraları, ORCID ve e-posta adresleri yer almalıdır (bkz. Son Kontrol Listesi).6. Referanslar <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/41FBB78E2E274A4298EEE4756E518446" target="_blank">ISNAD 2 stiline</a> uygun olarak hazırlanmalıdır.

Yazım Kuralları

Araştırma Makaleleri: Orijinal araştırma makaleleri derginin kapsamına uygun konularda önemli, özgün bilimsel sonuçlar sunan araştırmaları raporlayan yazılardır. Orijinal araştırma makaleleri, Öz, Anahtar Kelimeler, Giriş, Yöntem, Bulgular, Tartışma, Sonuçlar, Kaynaklar bölümlerinden ve Tablo, Grafik ve Şekillerden oluşur. Öz aşağıda belirtildiği gibi yapılandırılmış olmalıdır. Özden sonra Giriş, Yöntem, Bulgular, Tartışma ve Sonuç bölümleri yer almalıdır.Öz: Türkçe yazıların İngilizce özetlerinde mutlaka İngilizce başlık da yer almalıdır. Araştırma yazılarında Türkçe ve İngilizce özetler 150-250 kelime arasında olmalı ve aşağıdaki şekilde yapılandırılmalıdır:Amaç/Aim: Yazının birincil ve asıl amacı;Yöntem(ler)/Method(s): Veri kaynakları, çalışmanın iskeleti, çalışmaya katılanlar, görüşme/değerlendirmeler ve temel ölçümler;Bulgular/Results: Ana bulgular;Sonuç(lar)/Conclusion(s): Çıkartılacak sonuçlar belirtilmelidir.Anahtar KelimelerGiriş: Giriş bölümünde konunun önemi, tarihçe ve bugüne kadar yapılmış çalışmalar, hipotez ve çalışmanın amacından söz edilmelidir. Hem ana hem de ikincil amaçlar açıkça belirtilmelidir. Sadece gerçekten ilişkili kaynaklar gösterilmeli ve çalışmaya ait veri ya da sonuçlardan söz edilmemelidir. Giriş bölümünün sonunda çalışmanın amacı, araştırma soruları veya hipotezler yazılmalıdır.Yöntem: Yöntem bölümünde, veri kaynakları, hastalar ya da çalışmaya katılanlar, ölçekler, görüşme/değerlendirmeler ve temel ölçümler, yapılan işlemler ve istatistiksel yöntemler yer almalıdır. Yöntem bölümü, sadece çalışmanın planı ya da protokolü yazılırken bilinen bilgileri içermelidir; çalışma sırasında elde edilen tüm bilgiler bulgular kısmında verilmelidir.Bulgular: Ana bulgular istatistiksel verilerle desteklenmiş olarak eksiksiz verilmeli ve bu bulgular uygun tablo, grafik ve şekillerle görsel olarak da belirtilmelidir. Bulgular yazıda, tablolarda ve şekillerde mantıklı bir sırayla önce en önemli sonuçlar olacak şekilde verilmelidir. Tablo ve şekillerdeki tüm veriyi yazıda vermemeli, sadece önemli noktaları vurgulanmalıdır.Tartışma: Tartışma bölümünde o çalışmadan elde edilen veriler, kurulan hipotez doğrultusunda hipotezi destekleyen ve desteklemeyen bulgular ve sonuçlar irdelenmeli ve bu bulgu ve sonuçlar literatürde bulunan benzeri çalışmalarla kıyaslanmalı, farklılıklar varsa açıklanmalıdır. Çalışmanın yeni ve önemli yanları ve bunlardan çıkan sonuçları vurgulanmalıdır. Giriş ya da sonuçlar kısmında verilen bilgi ve veriler tekrarlanmamalıdır.Sonuçlar: Çalışmadan elde edilen sonuçlar belirtilmelidir. Deneysel çalışmalar için ana bulguları kısaca özetleyerek tartışmaya başlamak, daha sonra bu bulgular için olası mekanizmaları veya açıklamaları ortaya koymak, sonuçları diğer ilgili çalışmalarla karşılaştırmak, çalışmanın sınırlarını belirtmek, gelecekteki araştırmalar ve uygulamalar için bulguların işaret ettiği olası çıkarımlara değinmek yararlı olacaktır. Sonuçlar, çalışmanın amaçları ile bağlantılı olmalıdır, ancak veriler tarafından yeterince desteklenmeyen niteliksiz ifadeler ve sonuçlardan kaçınılmalıdır. Yeni hipotezler gerektiğinde belirtilmeli, ancak açıkça tanımlanmalıdır.Şekil, Resim, Tablo ve Grafikler: Yazı içindeki şekil, resim, tablo ve grafikler Arap sayıları ile numaralandırılmalıdır. Şekillerin metin içindeki yerleri belirtilmelidir.Derleme: Yazının konusunda birikimi olan ve bu birikimleri uluslararası literatüre yayın ve atıf sayısı olarak yansımış uzmanlar tarafından hazırlanmış yazılar değerlendirmeye alınır. Yazarları dergi tarafından da davet edilebilir. Bir bilgi ya da konunun vardığı son düzeyi anlatan, tartışan, değerlendiren ve gelecekte yapılacak olan çalışmalara yön veren bir formatta hazırlanmalıdır. Derleme yazısı, başlık, öz ve anahtar kelimeler, ana metin bölümleri ve kaynaklardan oluşmalıdır.

İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi, metin içi alıntılama ve kaynak gösterme için İSNAD atıf sistemini 2. edisyonunu. edisyonunu benimser. İSNAD 2. Edisyon hakkında bilgi için: <a href="https://www.isnadsistemi.org/" target="_blank">https://www.isnadsistemi.org/</a> Kaynakların doğruluğundan yazar(lar) sorumludur. Tüm kaynaklar metinde belirtilmelidir. Kaynaklar aşağıdaki örneklerdeki gibi gösterilmelidir.

Aşağıdaki listede eksik olmadığından emin olun:● Editöre mektup<ul><li>Makalenin türü</li><li>Başka bir dergiye gönderilmemiş olduğu bilgisi</li><li>Sponsor veya ticari bir firma ile ilişkisi (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Kaynakların <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/E1FE472E92E04F5F93F9DEF1B8260A52" target="_blank">İSNAD2’ye</a> göre belirtildiği</li><li>İngilizce yönünden kontrolünün yapıldığı</li><li>Yazarlara Bilgide detaylı olarak anlatılan dergi politikalarının gözden geçirildiği</li></ul>● <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/68873B40EDF8448CB632792AC623F1F9" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a>● Daha önce basılmış materyal (yazı-resim-tablo) kullanılmış ise izin belgesi● <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/D8C97D8844FF477C8E4BEF6AE2F8554D" target="_blank">Kapak sayfası</a><ul><li>Makalenin kategorisi</li><li>Makale dilinde ve İngilizce başlık</li><li>Yazarların ismi soyadı, unvanları ve bağlı oldukları kurumlar (üniversite ve fakülte bilgisinden sonra şehir ve ülke bilgisi), e-posta adresleri</li><li>Sorumlu yazarın e-posta adresi, açık yazışma adresi, iş telefonu, GSM, faks nosu</li><li>Tüm yazarların ORCID’leri</li><li>Finansal destek (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Çıkar çatışması (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Teşekkür (varsa belirtiniz)</li></ul>● Makale ana metniÖnemli: Ana metinde yazarın / yazarların kimlik bilgilerinin yer almamış olması gerekir.<ul><li>Türkçe ve İngilizce başlık</li><li>Özetler: 150-250 kelime Türkçe ve 150-250 kelime İngilizce</li><li>İngilizce olmayan makaleler için, İngilizce genişletilmiş özet (Extended Abstract) 600-800 kelime</li><li>Anahtar Kelimeler: 5 adet Türkçe ve 5 adet İngilizce</li><li>Makale ana metin bölümleri</li><li>Finansal destek (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Çıkar çatışması (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Teşekkür (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Son notlar (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Kaynaklar</li><li>Tablolar-Resimler, Şekiller (başlık, tanım ve alt yazılarıyla)</li></ul>

<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/68873B40EDF8448CB632792AC623F1F9" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/9991CE50655841BCBCDF1391DB5EBDEE" target="_blank" style="font-size: 10pt;">Kapak sayfası</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/7D1907500B7A45D3BDBFB8FD115EC3AD" target="_blank">Yazar Formu</a>

E-ISSN	2717-6967
Yayın Aralığı	Yılda İki Sayı
Editör	Osman Sacid Arı
İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi, açık erişimli, hakemli, yılda iki kere Mart ve Eylül aylarında yayınlanan bilimsel bir dergidir. 1953 yılında kurulmuştur. Dergiye yayınlanması için gönderilen bilimsel makaleler Türkçe, İngilizce ya da Arapça olmalıdır. İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi, İslami ilimler alanında ulusal ve uluslararası düzeyde bilimsel niteliklere sahip çalışmaları yayımlayarak İslami ilimler alanındaki bilgi birikimine katkıda bulunmayı amaçlamaktadır. İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi, Türkçe, İngilizce ve Arapça dillerinde yazılmış araştırma makalesi, araştırma notu, kitap değerlendirmesi, sempozyum tanıtımı, yazma eser tanıtımı türünde yapılan çalışmaları yayımlamaktadır. Tarihçe 1933 yılında İstanbul Dârulfünun'u İlahiyat Fakültesi’nin kapatılmasıyla Edebiyat Fakültesi bünyesinde kurulan İslam Tetkikleri Enstitüsü 1941 yılında kapatılmış ve 1953 yılında Müdürü Zeki Velidi Togan ve Müdür Yardımcısı Fuat Sezgin olmak üzere tekrardan faaliyete geçmiştir. 1982 yılında ismi Araştırma devamı

İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi

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