Mustafa

Assist. Prof.

Laleli Complex was built by Mustafa III between 1760-1764, and its architectural features represent the intermediate period of the transition from classical Ottoman to Western. From this perspective, the complex provides an opportunity through its architecture to follow the social and intellectual changes experienced in the 18th century. As an architectural element indicating the changes in contentregarding the social and political transformations of the Ottomans or the personal preferences of the patrons and architects, the complex’s inscriptions should be an issue that gets evaluated using current art history research methods. The inscriptions are able to convey religious content as well as the political messages within the changing sociology. This article attempts to evaluate all aspects of the inscriptions and calligraphy in the Laleli Complex and consists of an introduction, two sections on developments, an evaluation section, and the conclusion. The first section is titled Laleli Complex and provides information about the history and architecture of the complex, about the life story of Sultan Mustafa III, the construction activities during his reign, and about the architect Mimar Tahir Ağa and the calligrapher Mehmed Vasfi. The second section is titled The Inscriptions and Calligraphies of the Laleli Complex and makes mention of all the inscriptions in the complex, both inside and outside while evaluating them according to their physical placement and the aesthetic intent and meaning in their placement, as well as the language, textual features, and calligraphical features.The calligraphy works at Lâleli Complex are very rich. The inscriptions are generally found in the interior of the mosque, in its surroundings, on the fountain and on the tomb. Other inscriptions are also found on the doors that provide access to the outer courtyard from other parts of the complex, on the door between the graveyard and soup kitchen, on the sultan’s ramp and in the sultan’s lodge. The taliq script is used on the sundial inscription, while jali thuluth script was used for all the other ones. The content of the inscriptions were selected from Qur’anic verses, hadiths, and prayer phrases that are suitable for the location and functionality of the structures. When looking at the distribution of the inscriptions, five inscriptions are known to be on the first door that provides the entrance to the outer courtyard from the street side and the fountains, one inscription is on the second door, five couplet inscriptions are at the fountain, one inscription is on the door to the graveyard’s door, one inscription is on the entrance window, two inscriptions are at the tomb door (1 outside and 1 inside), and one belt inscription is inside the tomb. One inscription is on the door to the imaret [public soup kitchen], a total of three inscriptions are on the doors providing entrance to the portico courtyard from different directions, one inscription is on the door to the sultan’s ramp, one inscription is in the sultan’s mansion, and one inscription is on the sundial. A total of four inscriptions are on the right and left sides of the sofa mihrabiyes [small ornate niches to the sides of doors] and the doors opening from the sofas to the mosque. A total of five inscriptions are on the mihrabiyes, doors, and main gate, and a total of 22 inscriptions are on the lower floor doors and windows inside the mosque. One inscription is on the upper part of the mihrab, a total of three inscriptions are on the door and sides of the pulpit, and a total of four inscriptions are on the door and wall of the sultan’s mahfil [elevated lodge in a mosque] on the upper floor.Sources report the writings in the complex to belong to the calligrapher Mehmed Vasfi. Although this approach is partially correct, all writings cannot be said to belong to him, because the inscriptions in the complex have different dates and styles. This study understands the inscriptions to belong to more than one calligrapher and to have been added to the buildings at different times. The inscriptions on the windows inside the mosque are particularly remarkable. These inscriptions contain hadiths that encourage and give advice about the construction of mosques; the hadiths also mention how the people who do this kind of work will be rewarded in Paradise. These may be a tribute to the sultan who patronized many architectural works, including mosques and masjids, because of an earthquake. In addition, the hadiths can be considered as attempts to encourage the community to help rebuild the mosques and masjids that were waiting to be restored after the earthquake. While the calligraphy and content of the inscriptions in Laleli Complex do maintain the early and classical period preferences, examples of new applications are also found there. The inscriptions on the tops of doors, on the pulpit, and on the mihrab held to the tradition. One distinctive feature of the calligraphical order of the Laleli Complex is to bring together many verses and hadiths inside the mosque and in the fountain that provide integrity in order to greater emphasize the meaning of a certain subject. Some expressions that had been used in the past were observed to have started being used again after a long time in the Lâleli Complex and other 18th-century structures. After this time, new phrases were seen to be preferred.&nbsp;

Lâleli Külliyesi Hat Düzeni (Kitabe ve Yazıların Değerlendirilmesi)

Muhammet

Res. Assist.

Mısır’ın müslümanlar tarafından fethinin hemen ardından inşa edilen Amr b. Âs Camii’nde başta Şâfiî mezhebinin kurucusu Muhammed b. İdrîs eş-Şâfiî (ö. 204/820) ve talebeleri olmak üzere hicrî ilk asırlardan itibaren âlimler ilim halkalarını kurmuşlardır. Önceleri camilerde kurulan bu tür halkaları ifade etmek üzere kullanılan zâviye terimi Mısır’da medreselerin yaygınlaşmaya başladığı 6./12. yüzyıldan itibaren vakıfla desteklenen ilim kurumlarını ifade etmeye başlamıştır. Mısır ve Şam bölgesinde Emeviyye Camii, Mescid-i Aksâ ve Amr b. Âs Camii başta olmak üzere Kahire Dımaşk, Kudüs ve Halep gibi şehirlerin merkezî camileri içerisinde vakıfla desteklenen derslerin yapıldığı müesseseleri ifade etmek üzere bu terim kullanılmıştır. Bu makalede Kahire’de Amr b. Âs Camii’nde kurulan sekiz zâviye (İmam Şâfiî/ Haşşâbiyye Zâviyesi, Mecdiyye Zâviyesi, Sâhibiyye Zâviyesi, Kemâliyye Zâviyesi, Tâciyye Zâviyesi, Muîniyye Zâviyesi, Alâiyye Zâviyesi ve Zeyniyye Zâviyesi) ve bilhassa İmam Şâfiî Zâviyesi’nin tarihi ve vakıfları ele alınmıştır.Bu zâviyelerin tarihi hakkında derli toplu bilgi veren iki kaynak bulunmaktadır. Bunların ilki İbn Dokmak’ın (ö. 809/1407) el-İntisâr li-vâsıtati ‘ikdi’l-emsâr’ı, ikincisi ise Makrîzî’nin el-Hıtat ismiyle meşhur olan el-Mevâ‘iz ve’l-i‘tibâr fî zikri’l-hıtati ve’l-âsâr adlı eseridir. Her iki müellif de Memlükler döneminde Kahire’nin tarihi ve topografyası hakkında telif ettikleri eserlerinde tespit edebildikleri kadarıyla Amr b. Âs Camii’ndeki zâviyelerin kuruluş tarihleri, vâkıflarının isimleri, hangi ilimlerin eğitimi için vakfedildikleri, vakıf mülkleri ve camideki konumları hakkında bilgi vermişlerdir. Ancak İmam Şâfiî Zâviyesi’nin vâkıfı, kuruluş tarihi ve zâviyeye vakfedilen mülkler gibi hususlarda daha ayrıntılı bilgi bu iki hıtat eserinde değil Sehâvî’nin (ö. 902/1497), hocası İbn Hacer el-Askalânî’nin Mısır kadılarının biyografilerini ele aldığı Ref‘u’l-isr an kudâti Mısr adlı eserine yazdığı zeylde bulunmaktadır. Sehâvî, Mısır’ın Şâfiî kâdılkudâtlarından Alemüddin el-Bulkînî’nin (ö. 868/1464) hayatı hakkında bilgi verirken onun İmam Şâfiî Zâviyesi’nde müderrislik yaptığını belirtmiş, daha sonra bir fasıl (fâide) açarak zâviyenin tarihi ve müderrisleri hakkında ayrıntılı bilgiler vermiştir. Makalede İbn Dokmak ve Makrîzî’nin hıtat türü eserlerinde yer alan kayıtlar başta Sehâvî’nin bahsi geçen zeyli olmak üzere dönemin diğer tarih ve tabakat kaynaklarındaki bilgilerle mukayese edilerek incelenmiştir.Cami zâviyeleri ve özellikle İmam Şâfiî Zâviyesi hakkındaki bu inceleme zâviye-tasavvuf ilişkisi, zâviye-fıkıh ilişkisi, zâviye-vakıf ilişkisi ve zâviyenin muteberliği meseleleriyle irtibatlandırılabilir. Her ne kadar modern çalışmalarda zâviye terimi genellikle şehir merkezlerinin dışında kurulan, belirli bir şeyh ve ona bağlı dervişlere tahsis edilen ve hankaha kıyasla daha&nbsp;mütevazı olan sûfî kurumlarını ifade etse de Memlükler döneminde Mısır-Şam bölgesinde telif edilen eserlerde görülen zâviye terimi her zaman bu tür müesseseleri ifade etmeyebilir. Zira zâviye kelimesi, camilerin içerisinde bulunan çeşitli ilimlere dair düzenli derslerin yapıldığı eğitim mekânlarına da işaret ediyor olabilir. Dolayısıyla bu dönemde Kahire şehri için bir eğitim kurumları tipolojisi hazırlanacak olursa cami zâviyeleri, sûfî kurumu olan zâviyelerden farklı bir müessese türü olarak değerlendirilmelidir.Cami zâviyelerinin fıkıh eğitimiyle ilişkisine gelince bu mekânların çoğunlukla fıkıh ilminin tedrisi için vakfedildiği ve bu bağlamda George Makdisi’nin zâviyeyi tıpkı medrese gibi bir “hukuk okulu” olarak gören yaklaşımının önemli ölçüde doğru olduğu söylenebilir. Ancak Amr b. Âs Camii’ndeki örneklerde görüldüğü üzere zâviyeler fıkıh ilminin yanı sıra usûlü’d-dîn ve mîâd dersleri için de vakfedilmişlerdir. Örneğin İbn Hacer el-Askalânî Ref‘u’l-isr’da Vecîhüddin el-Behnesî’nin (ö. 685/1286) hayatı hakkında bilgi verirken onun Mecdiyye Zâviyesi’nin müderrisliğine tayin edildiğini, burada verdiği açılış dersinde önce camiye gelen herkese açık, umumi bir ders verdiğini, ardından da vâkıfın şartına uygun olacak şekilde “usûlü’d-dîn”e dair hususi bir ders verdiğini kaydetmiştir. Diğer taraftan camideki Alâiyye ve Zeyniyye zâviyeleri ise hadis ve tefsire dair metinler üzerinden nasihat içerikli derslerin yapıldığı mîâd meclisleri için vakfedilmişlerdir. Dolayısıyla cami zâviyelerinin mutlak anlamda sadece fıkıh eğitimine hasredilmiş mekânlar olmadıkları söylenebilir.Kahire, Dımaşk, Halep ve Kudüs gibi şehirlerde camilerdeki ilim halkalarının belirli bir dönemden sonra vakıflarla desteklenir hâle gelmesi ise cami zâviyelerinin kurumsallaşması bakımından özellikle önemlidir. Eyyûbîler ve Memlükler döneminde Amr b. Âs Camii’nde kurulan zâviyeler, daha önceki dönemlerde camilerde âlimlerin kişisel tercihleriyle başlattıkları, çoğunlukla bir tahsisat almadan gönüllü olarak sürdürdükleri ve dilediklerinde sona erdirdikleri ilim halkalarından farklılaşmaktadır. Öncelikle zâviyeler cami içerisinde kendilerine ayrılmış belirli bir mekâna, muhtemelen bir tür kapalı hücreye veya eyvâna sahiptirler. Makrîzî ve İbn Dokmak’ın her bir zâviyenin camideki mekânını özellikle zikretmesi ve Selâhaddin Eyyûbî’nin İmam Şâfiî’nin ilim meclisini kurduğu mekânın üzerine bir maksûre inşa ettiğinin belirtilmesi bu bağlamda değerlendirilmelidir. Üç yüzyılı aşan bir süre boyunca İmam Şâfiî Zâviyesi’nin müderrislerinin düzenli bir şekilde takip edilebiliyor oluşu da buradaki vakfın, dersin ve müessesenin sürekliliğini göstermektedir.Son olarak Kahire’nin mimari olarak görkemli ve zengin vakıflara sahip medreseleriyle karşılaştırıldığında Amr b. Âs Camii’nin içinde bulunan bir zâviye daha önemsiz ve kenarda kalmış bir ilim mekânını çağrıştırabilir. Ancak İmam Şâfiî Zâviyesi, Selâhaddin Eyyûbî gibi önemli bir hami ve vâkıf tarafından Şâfiî mezhebinin kurucusu Muhammed b. İdris eş-Şâfiî’nin ilim halkasını kurduğu mekâna vakfedilmiştir. Ayrıca zâviyenin müderrisliği Kahire’de Şâfiî ulemânın en önde gelen ismine şart koşulmuş ve bu mansıba tayinler bizzat sultan tarafından yapılmıştır. Başta Benî Cemâa ve Bulkînî ailesinin mensupları olmak üzere Şâfiî ilim çevresinin seçkin isimleri zâviyede müderrislik yapmışlardır. Bütün bu hususlar İmam Şâfiî Zâviyesi’nin Kahire ilim kurumları arasındaki muteber konumunu teyit eder niteliktedir.&nbsp;

İlim Halkalarından Vakıfla Desteklenen Kurumlara:  Eyyûbî ve Memlük Kahiresi’nde Amr b. Âs Camii’nin Zâviyeleri

@JOURNAL_BOX_EARLYVIEW

Adem

Assoc. Prof.

The Ottoman takeover of Syria and Lebanon began with the Battle of Marj Dabiq in 1516. The Tanûkh/Buhturids had headed the Druze community until the Ottoman conquest of Syria and Lebanon in 1516, with the leadership gradually passing from the Bukhturids to the Ma’ns. The Druze rebellion between 1518 and 1697 continually preoccupied the governor of Damascus and the central authorities of the Ottoman state. In 1518, four Druze emirs, one from the Buhturid family and three from the Ma’nid family, were arrested after joining in the rebellion of Nasir al-Din Muhammad ibn al-Hanash. The first punitive expedition against the Druze was launched in 1522 and legitimized as a religious war by the Damascene ‘Ulama. In 929/1523, the governor of Damascus, Hürrem Pasha, had attacked the district of al-Shuf al-Hayti. The governor entered Damascus with copies of Druze religious books. During the second attack on al-Shuf, Hürrem Pasha burnt the village of Baruk, the seat of Korkmaz Ma’n.&nbsp;&nbsp;Sunni Scholars composed fatwas against the Druze. The fatwas regarding the Druze were issued by ‘ulama from every Sunni school of Islamic jurisprudence. On the occasion of the first Ottoman attack against the Druze, Shafi’i scholar Taqiyy al-Din al-Balâtunisî (d. 936/1529) issued a fatwa. The Damascene chronicler Ibn Jum’a al-Maqarri (d. after 1743) listed the names of 12 jurists and scholars. According to Ibn Jumʿa, among these scholars were Ibn Taymīya, Ibn Ḥajar al-ʿAsqalānī (d. 1448) as the most celebrated Hadith scholar and Shāfii jurist, and Ibn Qāḍī ʿAjlūn (d. 1548) as the Shāfii Chief Qadi of Damascus. A similar list of scholars can be found in al-Muḥibbī’s (d. 1699) biography of Fakhr al-Dīn Maʿn (d. 1635), the famous Druze emir who ruled Mount Lebanon. Al-Muḥibbī included the names of seven prominent Sunni jurists and scholars from all the schools of Sunni law: Hanafî, Mâlikî, Shâfiî, and Hanbalî. The Druzes had acquired a continuous supply of firearms from as early as the 1540s. These arms were superior to those held by the Ottoman military. At the time, a state of nearly constant warfare had existed between the Druze and the Ottoman-ruled government forces in Syria until Ibrahim Paşa’s punitive campaign in 1585. The tribal nature of Druze society, the ruggedness of the Druze mountains, and the arms the Druze had received were factors in the longevity of their rebellion.Under the leadership of Qurqmaz (d. 993/1585), the Emir of the Ma’nids, the Druze in Lebanon had not paid taxes regularly for a long time, and complaints were made against them about the firearms they’d acquired. Qurqmaz was the most rebellious leader, but other Druze chiefs were also involved in rebellious activities. In 993/1585, the Egyptian Governor Damad İbrahim Pasha (d. 1010/1601) organized an expedition to the region. Large numbers of rifles were seized and the unpaid taxes that had accumulated were collected. Qurqmaz died in his hiding place. During this time, Shafi’i/Ash’arî scholar Ismâîl b. Ahmad b. Ibrahim Nâblusî (d. 993/1585) wrote a book on the Druze. Many fatwas from different scholars had been issued against the Druze, and some of these were recorded in this book. In addition, the book contains information about the history of the Druze, their basic views, and the regions where they lived. Upon an order from the Damascus Governor Ali Pasha, the book was translated into Turkish by Lutfullah, ex-qadi of Nizip. Nâblusî came to be known as the owner of this risalah [treatise]. The information given in this treatise has not been used in research on the history of the Druze in the region. This study introduces the author of the book, Nâblusî, and explains the history of the Druze in the region and their relations with the Ottoman administration at the time the book was written, in particular the events that had led up to the Ottoman expedition. This study also discusses the writing process and content of the book by establishing relationships with these events.&nbsp;

Damad İbrahim Paşa’nın (ö. 1010/1601) Dürzîler ile  Mücadelesine Ulema Desteği: İsmail en-Nâblusî’nin (ö.  993/1585) Dürzîlere Reddiyesi

Muharrem

The Hanafī madhhab is known to have been dominant in the implementation of Ottoman family law. This dominance gained an official identity beginning in the middle of the 16th century, especially in Anatolia and Rumelia, and exhibited a monopolistic character. This policy was important for legal security and stability and undoubtedly caused some problems, particularly with regard to family law. In the Ottoman family law, women in principle have no right to divorce. A woman obtaining a divorce through court was nearly impossible due to the extremely limited means and very strict procedural rules. Therefore, women were practically stuck in their marriage union in cases such as a husband being absent, being sick to the point of being unable to fulfill the requirements of marital life, leading an immoral life or committing domestic violence. Fatwa collections indicate that many women who were unhappy with their marriage and wanted a divorce employed tricks such as apostasy, using iddah as a retroactive marriage impediment and after getting married that they had been a minor when the marriage contract was initiated. This article focuses on the tricks women used who wanted to divorce and the attitudes of muftis had toward their tricks. Fatwa collections signify that some women who tried to escape from marriage did so by deliberately apostatizing with blasphemous expressions. The Ottoman muftis issued fatwas that apostate women were to be forcefully converted to Islam and remarry their ex-husbands. The purpose of this fatwa policy was to prevent apostasy from being made a common remedy for women want divorce. However, muftis were also found who issued fatwas where the apostate woman should not be forced to renew her marriage if her husband leads an immoral life. Thus, apostasy despite the worldly and otherworldly sanctions, functioned as a means of obtaining divorce when the husband led an immoral life.The issues in the Ottoman fatwa collections indicate that many women who were unhappy with their new marriages wanted to use iddah as a retroactive marriage impediment. Iddah is the legal period of waiting that a woman must observe after the death of her husband or after a divorce and considered as a continuation of the previous marriage in some ways and therefore prevents a new marriage. A marriage that occurs within iddah is invalid and subject to penal sanction. The Hanafī legal doctrine states that women are reliable about their iddah and their declarations will be approved unless they are beyond the legal periods. However, in many cases, the iddah period can be misstated, leaving this open to abuse. As a matter of fact, numerous questions asked to muftis signify that many women who remarried after confessing that their iddah had ended would later seek recourse to annul their marriage. However, Ottoman muftis do not take the woman’s recourse from her confession into consideration if the minimum period of iddah has passed between the divorce from or death of the previous husband and the new marriage. Once a woman observing iddah gives birth or suffers a miscarriage, her iddah is considered to be over. Some women who did not want to wait out their iddah for the widowed period of four months and ten days declared having given birth or suffering a miscarriage in order to annul the new marriage. Muftis did not respond positively to women who would act in this way.Another trick many Ottoman women would play to escape from marriage was to use their minor status as a retroactive marriage impediment. In Ottoman family law, girls who turn nine were considered past the age of a minor and able to marry of their own free will. The issues asked to the muftis indicate that some girls who’d gotten married at a very early age of their own free will would use their minor status as a reason for annulment. Some girls whose body structure signified that they may have passed the age of a minor and/or who’d consented to marriage by declaring themselves to no longer be a minor would sometimes years later deny their declaration and claim that their marriage had been invalid or wanted to use their right of choice to annul the marriage by expressing that they had just passed the age limit of being a minor. Muftis had negative attitudes toward these types of claims. This article describes these tricks through the reality presented by the fatwas of the Ottoman muftis who served in Anatolia and Rumelia between the 16th and 18th centuries and interprets them in the light of Hanafī legal doctrine. Using the fatwas related to real legal life as a data source, the article is a legal history study that sheds light on the unusual tricks woman employed in the face of Ottoman legal policy that had severely limited their ability to obtain a divorce.&nbsp;

Osmanlı Kadınlarının Evlilik Bağından Kurtulma Oyunları ve Müftüler (16.-18. Yüzyıllar)

Serpil

Sufism has been familiar to the people of Anatolia for a long time as a worldview and way of life. Sufi lodges are places for the Sufi lifestyle and were spread all over the Ottoman Empire. The presence of women in dervish lodges outside of the family of the postnişin [head of the dervish lodge] is an issue that has not been studied much. This article discusses the studies in the field and expresses their common features. Most of these studies are shown to have dealt with views on the Sufi worldview toward women. Beyond what is known and has been evaluated in the literature, this study aims to determine the number of women who were in the lodges and their duties as one of the reasons for being there. Therefore, this study attempts to show based on archival documents involving edicts, arzuhal, and Meclis-i Meşâyih notebooks whether women were present in dervish lodges and for what purpose if they were, whether they had duties and what they were if so, whether they were paid for these duties, and the extent to which they took part in the important decisions of dervish lodges. This study first evaluates the studies that have been conducted in this field according to their subjects and then examines the archival documents. The status of women in Sufism has been converted into data from the documents as women in a lodge. In order to do this, the study talks about the lodges that had been founded by women who had also established waqfs, schools, and madrasas. Some of these women were elites from the palace, and others were wealthy women who had connections to a dervish lodge.Moreover, Istanbul was determined to have dervish lodges just for women, as well as lodges with women’s names. These lodges are the Kadirî/Nakşî Karılar (Hâtuniye) Lodge in Eyüp, the Karılar Lodge in Fatih Horhor, and the Celvetî/Bacılar Lodge in Üsküdar. Based on a 19th-century population register, women were shown to have lived in dervish lodges. According to this and regardless of affiliation to any certain tariqah [Sufi school], female Sufis were found in almost all lodges, with their number being the main difference. Evidently, some of these women were members of the sheikh’s family, while the rest were dervishes, lodge employees, or women who’d been assigned specific duties.The study then strengthened this information with documents from other periods. In this context, the study identified the duties of women living in dervish lodges in different periods by scanning the edicts, arzuhal, and Meclis-i Meşâyih notebooks. As a result of the examination, these documents revealed women to have been present in lodges who carried out the duties of tekkenişîn [lodge resident], zâviyenişîn [hermitage/small lodge resident], duagû [prayer reader], as well as sheikh and mütevellî [fudiciary] in particular. Women were also observed to be present who received a salary and who had requested a salary and benefits from dervish lodges in return for their duties. Studies on the relationship between Sufi lodges and women indicate similar situations in the Mevlevi, Bektashi, and Alevism sects. This current study has documented women to have been present in other well-known sects such as the Halvetiyye, Nakşibendiyye, Bayramiyye, Celvetiyye, Kadiriyye, and Rıfaiyye lodges and to have carried out administrative and service duties. The pre-19th-century documents also showed women to have been assigned duties. The case shown in this study was not specific to the 19th century, a time when dervish lodges underwent a change. The relationship between women and Sufi lodges has been overlooked due to attention having only been given to female evliya [mystics/saints], who were very few and had extraordinary characteristics. Ordinary Sufi women became visible within the scope of this research through the documentation.&nbsp;

Arşiv Belgelerine Göre Tekkelerde Kadınlar ve Görevleri

Murat

The createdness of essence/quiddity was problematized by Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī within the context of Avicennian absolute quiddity and has become a matter of debate over the centuries. Whoever runs the course of this debate in the history of Islamic thought will discern the link between the point in question and essential topics such as the theory of eternal contingent non-existents, the Sufi doctrine of permanent archetypes (al-aʿyān al-thābita), the issue of created and non-created disposition (al-istiʿdād al-majʿūl/ghayr majʿūl), the problem of will and freedom, the nature of divine knowledge, and the decree and destiny (al-qaḍā wa’l-qadar). Avicenna’s metaphysical comprehension of the distinction between essence and existence was not just a step towards grounding the necessary existent (i.e., God) but also had the intention of providing an explanation regarding the relationship between the necessary and contingent existents and the createdness of the latter. Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī’s critical reading of Avicenna through the status of quiddity in itself, the causes of existence and essence, existentialism of things, and how the related matters make the createdness of quiddity/essence is a problematic case in philosophical theology. If the createdness of contingent things is a non-controversial issue among all the schools of Islamic philosopy, kalam, and theosophy, then the question about what make this topic debatable is a starting point for analyzing the positions and arguments related to this discussion. Some scholars who’ve tackled the problem regarding the meanings of create (ca´l) and quiddity (māhiyya) contended that the opposing views had arisen from the various meanings assigned to these terms. According to these scholars’ points of view, the debate is not philosophical in itself but rather philological. According to some scholars, however,&nbsp;the problem should not be reduced to philological analyses as it has significant implications and is connected to important philosophical issues. Otherwise, the assertion that it only has a philological nature implies that the participants in the discussion had no idea what they were talking about. This means that they maintained a sterile discussion.The problem has been discussed in the philosophical and theological works of scholars in sections on general concepts (al-umūr al-ʿāmme) under the rubric of māhiyya, as well as separate treatises devoted to the point. Some of these works have examined the issue with an emphasis on the aforementioned topics, while others have aimed to clarify treatments with regard to the point and discuss whether the matter has any philosophical significance or is merely a pointless literal debate. The treatise of Ottoman Hanafite-Māturīdite scholar Hafīd al-Nithārī (d. 1188/1774) has mostly been ranked among the latter and contains passages that cover and evaluate al-Jurjānī’s (d. 816/1413) Sharh al-Mawāqif. The treatise is not outlined and was built to include a three-stage exposition. In the first step the author presents the basic approaches and their criticisms. The second phase includes the outlined remarks of al-Ījī (d. 756/1355) and al-Jurjānī. In the final stage al-Nithārī asserts the case in point to have important implications and evaluates the problem with regard to certain philosophical matters such as the additionality of existence to quiddity, the thingness of the non-existent, the partial unity of essence, the natural universal, and mental existence. Al-Nithārī’s attempts to associate the problem with various approaches in the context of these matters are worth considering in regard to seeing the implications of the case in point. However, addressing the problem within a limitation determined by the aforementioned philosophical matters would conceal the root of the problem and cause difficulties in analyzing the treatments. This article contains an evaluation of the treatise.

18. Yüzyıl Osmanlı Düşünürü Hafîdü’n-Nisârî’nin Risâle  fi mec´ûliyyeti’l-mâhiyyât Başlıklı Risalesi: İnceleme ve Tahkik

Burak

Legal reasoning in the Ḥanafī School occurred using various methods such as qiyas [analogy], istihsan [considerations of juristic preference], and takhrīj [deduction]. Another method was intra-madhhab talfiq [amalgamation], which involved the creation of a new view by combining the views of two scholars within the same madhhab who’d expressed opposing views to one another. As stated in the relevant literature, intra-madhhab talfīq was used by Tarsūsī, the chief qadi of Damascus in the 14th century, as a method of legal reasoning. Tarsūsī used the intra-madhhab talfīq method in his fatwas to solve an issue related to endowment. Qāsim b. Qatlūbaghā, who lived a century after Tarsūsī, criticized some muftis who’d proclaimed fatwas using talfīq as a method of legal reasoning, stating talfīq to be an invalid legal method. As for the 16th century, Shelebī and Ibn Nujaym used talfīq similar to Tarsūsī to solve certain issues related to endowments. After pointing out the different approaches between Tarsūsī and Qatlūbaghā regarding talfīq, Shelebī used Tarsūsī’s views on talfīq as a reference and proclaimed a fatwā related to endowment. Shelebī also stated that his fatwā is applicable in courts. Likewise, Ibn Nujaym expressed the view that endowments could be sold for money by using the intra-madhhab talfīq method. To justify this view, Ibn Nujaym cited some of Ibn al-Humām’s statements on the subject. Also in the 16th century and parallel to the Cairo area, intra-madhhab talfīq was used as a method for resolving fiqh issues in the geography of Anatolia and Rumelia. Shaykh al-Islām Ebu’s-su‘ud Efendi and Birgivī discussed intra-madhhab talfīq in the context of the problem of cash waqfs. Shaykh al-Islām Ebu’s-su‘ud Efendi used the intra-madhhab talfīq method by combining the views of Zufer and Imāmeyn, and this fatwa was approved by the sultan and became binding over Ottoman judges. This shayk explained the theoretical aspect and justification of this fatwa in his treatise on cash waqfs. Although Ebu’ssu‘ud stated that to not be talfīq because the judge’s decision on the disputed issue would make it an agreed-upon issue, his fatwā on this case was understood as talfīq in the later literature. Birgivī criticized Ebu’s-Su’ud’s justification by using the talfīq method in his treatise on cash waqfs. By the 17th century, the two jurists of the period, Shurunbulālī and Ibn Bīrī, touched upon this issue deeply in the treatises they wrote on the subject of moving from one madhab to another and talfīq. Both scholars objected to talfīq, stated this method to be unusable for solving fiqh issues. These two scholars brought up many arguments, especially from Ḥanafī&nbsp;fatwā works, to show the invalidity of intra-madhhab talfīq. In particular, one of the most important arguments they used involved the ijma [consensus] regarding the invalidity of talfīq. Moreover, both scholars criticized Tarsūsī’s fatwā and arguments regarding intra-madhhab talfīq. Another Ḥanafī scholar Ibn ‘Ābidīn tried to distinguish between intra-madhhab and inter-madhab talfiq. He stated intra-madhhab talfīq to not be talfīq, but rather that the views expressed within the Ḥanafī madhhab had been attributed to Abū Hanīfa. According to Ibn ‘Ābidīn, intra-madhhab talfīq is not a problem with regard to fiqh, despite talfiq occurring among other madhhabs. Therefore, this study examines the historical course of the debates on whether or not intra-madhhab talfiq is a usable method of jurisprudence according to the Ḥanafī School as well as its status during the Ottoman era. This study will comparatively examine classical texts and chronologically discuss the place intra-madhhab talfiq has had in the history of fiqh. The main claim of the article and the conclusion it has arrived at is that intra-madhhab talfiq had been used as a method of legal reasoning for resolving fiqh issues in the Ḥanafī madhhab since the 8th century AH/14th century AD and that literature full of serious debate has emerged around this theme over time.&nbsp;&nbsp;

Hanefi Mezhebinde Yeni Bir İstidlal Yöntemi: Mezheb İçi Telfik

Hatice

A person who has been missing, who is not known to be dead or alive, and who has not been heard from for a long time is called mafqūd in the Hanafi fiqh literature. This article examines the marital status of the absent husband who has disappeared under normal circumstances without any danger such as war or accident as well as the husband who has left his family without leaving alimony and refuses to return. The muftā bih view of the Ottoman Hanafi school forces the wife to wait until the absent husband reaches the age of 90. However, the state of necessity for the wife who’d been abandoned without alimony forced the Ottoman-Hanafi jurists to give room to other madhabs’ solutions. This room was initially given indirectly through legal institutions such as istikhlāf [successorship] and niyāba [substitution] and eventually allowed a Hanafi judge to even follow other madhabs and make a divorce decision against the missing husband. Firstly, the Shāfiī view that considered the state of necessity for a wife without alimony as a valid reason for her to obtain a divorce was brought into the Ottoman legal system through the institution of tashaffu‘ [following the Shāfiī school]. The fact that this solution was produced by means of this Shāfiī view made the annulment of the marriage possible not only for a mafqūd but also for a husband who, despite being heard from, had left his family, started a life elsewhere, and had not fulfilled his responsibilities in terms of alimony. Secondly, this practice was officially finalized in the mid-16th century by the Sultan’s decree in the lands of Anatolia and Rumelia, but the process continued in Arab lands through the legal institutions of istikhlāf and niyāba until the 19th century. Thirdly, during the last decades of Ottoman legal history, exceptions for divorce were only made for marriage to a gāib or mafqūd, which were two primary valid reasons that came to mind throughout history when talking about the institutions of istikhlāf and tashaffu‘. Arab people living outside of Anatolia and Rumelia and who often belonged to different madhabs were also coerced by law to follow the Hanafi view regarding the marital status of the gāib or mafqūd. Fourthly, with the general notification issued by the Fatwa Office, the way for an abandoned wife to divorce her husband was opened again after 1915 for cases where no alimony was provided. In other words, all Ottoman judges were hence forth authorized to appoint a Shāf‘ī nāib for cases of marriage to a gāib/mafqūd regarding alimony and the needs of an abandoned wife. This meant that the practice was recommenced not only in Arab lands but also in the lands of Anatolia and Rumelia. The story did not end there, for in 1916 Hanafi qadis as the next step were also authorized to make decisions regarding cases of gāib/mafqūd to follow the Hanbali view on their own without any need for assigning a nāib. With the Family Law enacted October 25, 1917, another step further was taken by predicating all relevant solutions regarding the Mālikī view, which allows an abandoned wife to divorce her husband in the event of litigation even when no state of necessity existed regarding alimony.&nbsp;

Çareyi Başka Mezhepte Aramak: Osmanlı Aile  Hukukunda Mefkûd/Gâib Kocanın Evliliği Problemi

Adalet

Sufi works started being written in the 10th century and conveyed the written and verbal knowledge of previous centuries. Sufi correspondence has an important place in written knowledge. Al-Sarraj and al-Hargushi were 10th-century Sufi authors who have Sufi letters included among their works. Unlike al-Harguşi, however, al-Sarraj not only conveyed letters but also drew attention to their literary importance. Despite attributing special importance to the poems of his predecessors, the texts of letters have priority in analyzing and understanding the symbolic language peculiar to Sufis according to al-Sarraj. With this approach, he attributed special importance to a type of Sufi literature that has yet to be exhausted, due to the Sufi principles regarding privacy, namely protecting information from non-professionals, do not appear in the letters. Therefore, aside from their historical documental quality and literary value, the value of letters is indisputable in terms of being a source for the specific field of knowledge and unique methods of Sufism.The exact percentage of the Sufi literature that is composed of Sufi letters, which differ in terms of their content and addressees, is unknown. However, al-Sarraj talked about a numerical multiplicity enough to fill the volumes at that time. The texts from these letters, some of which are scattered among other works or lack a hard cover, cannot yet be said to have been compiled within the framework of certain criteria. A lack of scientific method is found in regard to examinations of the hardcover texts. During the current study, Arin Salamah Qudsi was noticed to have drawn attention to this issue.Ahmet Amiş Efendi was one of the most important representatives of the Kushadavi order, which had an enlightened disposition. In one study about him (author(s), year), Mehmed Ali Yitik Bey was determined to have been the original owner of the texts that A. Süheyl Ünver called Amişnâme and that contained his words. Information about Yitik Bey, a follower of Amiş Efendi, was initially only verbal. The article on Amiş Efendi led to the emergence of letters belonging to Yitik. The letters were written to Nuh Naci Erdem and also contained an interpretation of the letters’ texts confirming the authenticity of the words as belonging to Amiş Efendi. Naci Erdem was a follower of Arabacı İsmail Efendi, who was connected to the order of Muhammed Nuru’l-Arab, and Naci Erdem’s closeness with the Amiş Efendi environment is revealed through these letters. These letters are a continuation of the letter writing tradition&nbsp;of the Sha’bani-Nasuhi-Kushadavi path sheikh. In the post-Republican period in particular, Yitik’s letters were as valuable as the letters from Abdulaziz Mecdi Tolun, a contemporary and brother of Yitik, to S. Unver and other dervishes, particularly in terms of Sufis and the adventure of the Sha’baniyya order. For this reason, this study has deemed transferring to the literature by transcribing the Ottoman script to the Latin alphabet the letters that are written in Yitik’s own hand and that are in İsmail Ş. Güloğlu’s private library to be necessary and important.&nbsp;

Şâbânî-Kuşadavî Mektuplaşma Geleneğinin Devamı:  Mehmet Ali Yitik’in Nuh Naci Erdem’e Mektupları

Gülizar

The subject of this study is the place the Peripatetic tradition had in the philosophy of the Illuminist philosopher Qutb al-Dîn al-Shîrâzî. Shîrâzî was an Iranian philosopher born in 634 AH/1236 AD in Shîraz who belonged to a mystic family known for its distinguished physicians. Shîrâzî spent his childhood and youth in the city of Shîraz in Iran and left when he was 24 years old. He spent around 21 years of his life in Anatolia, where the Seljuks ruled under the yoke of the Ilkhanate. Shîrâzî performed various duties such as ambassador and judge and also attended classes and gave lectures while in Anatolia. He was appreciated and protected by the Anatolian Seljuks of the 13th century with his scientific personality and the duties he assumed. Shîrâzî is considered an important philosopher of that period and is among the scholars who’ve maintained their importance to the present with his knowledge of many branches of science and the works he left on these branches in addition to philosophy. These branches involve secular sciences such as medicine, astronomy, mathematics, optics, geography, physics, linguistics, music, and logic as well as religious sciences such as mysticism, tafsir, hadith, and fiqh. Among these sciences, however, the education Shîrâzî received in the field of medicine had a special place in his life, because Shîrâzî became acquainted with Avicenna’s work, The Canon of Medicine, due to the medical education he received in this period. This work is considered the most comprehensive medical book of his time, and Shîrâzî made scientific journeys throughout his life to solve the difficulties he encountered while commenting on this book. In order to find an authority to solve the difficult and incomprehensible aspects of The Canon of Medicine, Shîrâzî left Shîraz in 658 AH/1260 AD and resided in various places studying science, especially in Merâga.When considering Shîrâzî’s philosophical views, he can be said to have generally been an Illuminist philosopher. As a matter of fact, his philosophy has been associated with the Illuminist school as currently accepted withing the tradition of Islamic philosophy. The reason for this can be considered from two aspects. Firstly, Shîrâzî’s commentary on Suhrawardî’s Hikmat al-ishrâq revived Illuminism. Secondly, Shîrâzî’s metaphysics was an adoption of a light-based cosmology that characterized Illuminism. However, his philosophy was able to encapsulate different views through its versatility and uniqueness. For this reason, the Peripatetic school can be said to be another school of Islamic philosophy that took place both in the education and views of Shîrâzî, who is known as an Illuminist philosopher and succeeded at being the second most-referenced source after Suhrawardî. Shîrâzî’s Peripatetic aspects can be considered from three perspectives, with the first being his education phase, the second being in his philosophical views, and the third being the frequency with which and preference for using Peripatetic terminology in his expressions. Avicenna can be stated as the name from among the Peripatetic tradition in which Shîrâzî’s philosophy was most embodied. In this sense, Avicenna’s work The Canon of Medicine&nbsp;played a key role in terms of starting Shîrâzî’s educational life and was instrumental in his scientific travels. Shîrâzî started to take great interest not only in Avicenna’s medicine but also in his philosophy and spent most of his life living in various cities, mostly in Anatolia. In this journey Shîrâzî embarked on with a love for interpreting The Canon of Medicine and learning about science, he visited such cities as Kazvin, Merâga, Khorasan, Kuhistan, Baghdad, Konya, Sivas, Malatya, and Damascus. During this time, he took lessons from the leading teachers of the period and trained many students himself. Sadraddin Qonawi (d. 673/1274) and Naṣîr al-Dîn Ṭûsî (d. 672/1274), who was accepted as the representative of the İbnü’l-Arabî’s (d. 638/1240) oneness-of-being (Wahdat al-Wujud) school, have special significance. Due to Shîrâzî being a student of Sadraddin Qonawi, from whom he acquired the understanding of wahdat al-wujud present in Shîrâzî’s philosophy, and a student of Ṭûsî, who is considered one of the leading representatives of the Peripatetic tradition, the existence of different schools in Shîrâzî’s philosophy makes sense. In this respect, an important example of the reflection of the mental structure that was shaped in being a student of Tûsî, who’d come from the Peripatetic tradition and was also open to Illuminist views, can be seen in Shîrâzî’s philosophy and his amalgamation of Avicenna and Suhrawardî. Shîrâzî had taken lessons in philosophy and astronomy from Tûsî and was undoubtedly considered a favorite authority and the only personality of his generation among the students in Merâga. Knowing that Shîrâzî took lessons from Tûsî, who’d tried to interpret Avicenna’s philosophy in accordance with his own system and is considered an important representative of the Peripatetic philosophical tradition, makes understanding Shîrâzî’s knowledge of this tradition, Avicenna, and the Peripatetic aspect in his philosophy easier. When examining Shîrâzî’s philosophy in general and his work Durrat al-tâj in particular, Avicenna’s influence on Shîrâzî is seen more clearly with regard to certain issues. One subject in which this effect is clearly felt involves Shîrâzî’s approach to nafs [the soul]. In Shîrâzî’s work Sharh Hikmat alishrâq, he criticizes Aristotle and his followers because of their methods and saw them lacking on some points. According to Shîrâzî, this was because the Peripatetics had been deprived of the argument of Illuminism by rejecting zevk [pleasure] and keshf [discovery] as a method while relying entirely on demonstration. Although Shîrâzî criticized the Peripatetics because of their methods, he both benefited from them and used Peripatetic terminology when appropriate. Similar to Suhrawardî, Shîrâzî criticized the Peripatetics and Avicenna on some points while also benefitting from them. Despite all his criticisms of the Peripatetics, his reference to Aristotle as the first teacher, to Avicenna as the Sheikh al-Reis [Chief of Sheiks], and to Avicenna and alFarabi as two Sheikhs in Sharh Hikmat al-ishrâq demonstrates his acceptance of the Peripatetic.As state above, another point where Shîrâzî demonstrated Peripatetic thought was his preference and frequency of using Peripatetic terminology. Although this usage is seen in Sharh Hikmat al-ishrâq, Shîrâzî’s work Durrat al-tâj is a clearer and more specific example. Therefore, while Shîrâzî remained more loyal to Suhrawardî and the Illuminist language in Sharh Hikmat al-ishrâq, he can be said to have acted more freely in Durrat al-tâj and to have preferred the Peripatetic language more. In summary, Shîrâzî was a versatile scholar who was interested in various branches of science and also became a model for his successors who combined many understandings in a single system. He benefitted from different schools in the tradition of Islamic thought with his unique intellectual structure pertaining to these schools.&nbsp;

Kutbüddîn Şîrâzî’nin İşrâkî Felsefesinde Meşşâî  Geleneğin Yeri

When concerned with the issue of methodology in the study of Islamic philosophy, usually the scope of Islamic philosophy becomes a matter of discussion. Along with this, it was suggested to consider this problem within the context of discussions on the historiography of thought. Based on this suggestion, the article aims to provide a theoretical basis regarding Islamic philosophy studies in Turkey by examining various historiography of thought approaches. Moreover, within the context of al-Ghazālī studies, this theoretical base is concretized based on evaluations of three groups of studies that represent the revisionist al-Ghazālī portrait.The first approach this article discusses was theorized by Jacob Brucker (1742-1744) and is known as the history of philosophy. This approach is also regarded as the basis of the modern history of philosophy discipline. Unlike previous doxographical history of philosophy studies, Brucker focused on the consistencies within the thoughts of each philosopher by instrumentalizing system of philosophy concept within his historiography of philosophy. He argued that the system of philosophy must be built in a way where some of the philosopher’s thoughts are central while others are peripheral. According to Brucker, in order to be considered a philosopher, one’s overall system of philosophy must be deduced from specific principles. Even though this history of philosophy approach is not applied so strictly, it has been influential in many studies written since the 18th century.The second approach belongs to Arthur Lovejoy (1936) and proposed in his work The Great Chain of Being. Lovejoy consciously differentiated his approach from the history of philosophy and proposed the history of ideas approach as an alternative in studies on the history of thought. Accordingly, one must not focus on philosophers’ idiosyncratic complex systems of philosophy but instead must focus on the unit ideas that have more distinctive meanings and are encountered in more numerous fields.&nbsp;Thirdly and finally, with the intellectual history approach, Quentin Skinner (1969) criticized the previous approaches, especially the history of ideas, and argued that one must primarily focus on the social and linguistic contexts in which the philosopher expresses their thoughts.Similar to all historians in general, the responsibility of the historian of thought is to provide relevant causal explanations after identifying the historical facts. Therefore, these three approaches may be regarded as three dimensions to benefit from while generating explanations about philosophers’ thoughts. For instance, even if authors had not explicitly mentioned them, these three approaches are able to be observed in revisionist al-Ghazālī studies. The history of philosophy approach is arguably more dominant in the studies of Richard Frank (1992, 1994) and Frank Griffel (2009) as they frequently focused on the consistencies among the thoughts of al-Ghazālī and tended to explain al-Ghazālī’s thoughts based on his other thoughts. The danger here is to approach one’s thoughts with prejudice due to the intense consideration of their other ideas.Alexander Treiger (2012) focused on al-Ghazālī’s theory of mystical cognition with an Avicennian basis, and the history of ideas approach is more dominantly observed in his study. However, the danger with this approach is to overlook the more recent version of the unit idea the philosopher adopted by reducing the idea to a previous context.Lastly, the intellectual history approach is easily recognized as being dominant in the Kenneth Garden’s (2014) work The First Islamic Reviver. More specifically, Garden proposed the need to focus on the socio-political context in which al-Ghazālī had formed his thoughts and his revivalist discourse in order to understand them. Overall, even if some previously ambiguous points become clarified by considering the social context, the feasibility of testing the validity of these arguments becomes weaker with the intellectual history approach.This study’s conclusion section includes several opinions about Islamic philosophy studies in Turkey based on the historiography of thought approaches and how they’ve been reflected in al-Ghazālī studies. One should note that the opinions of some pioneering Islamic philosophy researchers in Turkey resemble a flexible form of the history of philosophy approach. Ultimately, importance is had in stating that this article examines three historiography of thought approaches without purporting to suggest a specific approach and draws attention to their favorable and unfavorable consequences. For sure, all three approaches involve benefits. However, this article aims to serve the formation of an awareness of these approaches as they are adopted.&nbsp;

İslam Felsefesi Çalışmalarında Yöntem ve Düşünce  Tarihi Yazımı: Tashihçi Gazzâlî Araştırmalarından  Hareketle Bir Değerlendirme

Münzir

Mīr Baqir Dāmād (d. 1040/1631) was the founder of the Isfahan philosophical school and is considered one of the most influential personalities in the arena of philosophy in both Iran and the Indian Peninsula. In addition, the theory of hudūth dahrī [perpetual creation] is considered one of his most important of concepts for which he is famous and through which he is characterized.Through this theory, he tried to introduce a new and genuine interpretation of the relationship between the Creator and the world. Because Dāmād did not like the opinion of theologists regarding hudūth zamānī [temporal creation] of the world, he agreed with Avicenna (d.&nbsp;428/1037) regarding the concept of the world’s creation being impossible in zamān [time]. However, he was not content with the opinion of Peripatetic philosophers regarding the hudūth dhātī [essential creation] of the world, and due to priority in the world being essential and not dissociative regarding the exterior, Dāmād instead insisted that the world was preceded by sheer nonexistence and that God Almighty is exclusively preexistent and the only eternal being.What inspired him to innovate this theory was his insistence that God be deemed highly exalted over all others and that no preexistent nor eternal exists but God Almighty. Therefore, he developed the Peripatetic philosophers’ theory of hudūth dhātī [essential creation], combining their predicament of emanation with theologists’ concept of creation. He also tried to interpret the terms zamān [time], dahr [perpetuity], and sarmad [eternity] in order to innovate his theory of hudūth dahrī [perpetual creation].Perpetual creation means the priority of existence of quiddity with sheer nonexistence matching its existence in reality, and such priority is not essential, but rather a dissociative priority and non-temporal.Dāmād founded his theory of perpetual creation over two basic elements. The first element involves the concepts of priority and posteriority. According to Peripatetic philosophers, priority has five parts: priority in time, grade, honor, nature, and nobility. However, Dāmād added perpetual eternal priority and the priority in quiddity to these. Perpetual priority means the priority according to dissociation and standing alone between prior and posterior in reality, with posteriority lingering behind in such a state according to the exterior and not to the peculiarity of the essence’s mental degree of self per se. Meanwhile, priority in quiddity involves the priority of self of quiddity and its substantiation, not according to reality but rather to the mental degree. For example, the priority of four (cause) on duality (effect). Namely, whenever the quiddity of four is achieved, its inseparable effect is also achieved (the duality). However, Dāmād placed a restriction on this kind of priority, where the priority in quiddity is valid regarding the efficient cause, not other causes.The second element is God’s Quiddity is the Same as Inniyah [His Self]. This means the concept of the existence of God Almighty springs from Himself (i.e., the quiddity of the necessary existent is His existence per se). The genuine true existence in reality is the same as the degree of the self of the necessary existent Almighty, while the existence of contingent things is based on the action of its Creator. As such, the degree of existence of cause does not have the same degree of existence as the effect, as existence reaches the self of the effect from the cause. Meanwhile, according to Dāmād, the acknowledgment of the evidence of hudūth dahrī [perpetual creation] can be summarized as follows:On basis of the foregoing two foundations and due to Dāmād standing up for the genuineness of quiddity where existence is extra/supra, the Creator Almighty and the creature can never&nbsp;&nbsp;have the same degree of existence, because the Creator Almighty is the existent who lacks quiddity, namely His Self the Almighty is the absolute existence. Thus, the degree of His existence is different from all creatures. Hence, the degree of eternity is exclusive to His Self the Almighty. Likewise, creatures cannot be temporal, as time is related to variable things and this would lead to deeming the Creator to exist in the end of time. Therefore, Dāmād professed that all creatures were created in dahr [perpetuity], and God Almighty created all creatures all at once beyond time, or continuity in perpetuity. Because there is no continuity in perpetuity, and there is no prior or posterior in perpetuity.The most important scholar to oppose the theory of hudūth dahrī [perpetual creation] was the Indian scholar Mulla Mahmoud Jawnpūrī in his book Al Shams Al Baziqha, one of the most important philosophical texts taught in the Indian Peninsula. His critiques are summarized by the fact that the absolute prior and posterior that prevent meeting cannot be perceived except when continuity exists, whether substantiated or illusioned, because when continuity does not exist in the first place, one can imagine nonexistence then existence. This is because the priority of nonexistence and the posteriority of existence can only be imagined if there is something that has priority in one of its two ends without any posteriority, while the other end has the existence of posteriority. Any variation of the two ends or distinguishing between one another requires continuity, as absolute priority in terms of dissociation is unimaginable except for a continuity where one of its two ends has nonexistence or a certain status and the other end has existence or another status.As such, Jawnpūrī’s core objection was the impossibility of imagining priority and posteriority without continuity (i.e., time). In spite of Dāmād acknowledging the impossibility of imagining priority and posteriority in dahr [perpetuity], he insisted on the existence of external dissociation between cause and effect as well as the intermediacy of nonexistence between them. He professed dissociative priority and posteriority to be unrelated to zamān [time] and dissociative progress to be possible without zamān [time].&nbsp;

Hudûs-i Dehrî Teorisi ve Eleştirileri: Canpûrî Fârûkî  (ö. 1062/1652) ve eş-Şemsü’l-bâziġa Örneği

Muhammed

Philosophy is basically divided into three main headings: existence, knowledge, and value. The problem is whether the information one considers relevant to a subject from these three areas is definable or not, and if so, how this definition will be made. Philosophers who believe knowledge to be definable carefully chose the elements they have included in their definitions. As a matter of fact, each element in the definition limits the field of knowledge and shows what can and cannot be knowledge in the eyes of the philosophers. In this sense, knowledge since the time of Plato has been defined as justified true belief in epistemology. Under this condition, some thinkers over time opposed this definition and questioned the basic elements that make up certain knowledge. One of those who oppose the definition is Edmund L. Gettier (d. 2021), and the issue he posed is known as the Gettier Problem. Gettier attempted to prove his idea that justified true belief could not create knowledge in people, asserting that some elements of luck could also contribute. Gettier showed that some wrong justifications can lead to a proposition that is actually true. In this sense, he expressed through examples that the components that constitute knowledge such as justification, truth, and belief, are insufficient. In this sense, he expressed through examples that the components that constitute knowledge, such as justification, truth, and belief are insufficient. In addition to these criticisms, Gettier did not reveal any way to reach information but was content with voicing the problem. After Gettier’s article, his examples in the epistemology literature were expanded upon for a long time within the framework of new scenarios and emphasis was made regarding the need to update the definition of traditional knowledge since Plato. Therefore, attempts have been made to present various definitions of knowledge. Meanwhile, Fârâbî (d. 339/950) showed in his works that it is possible to reach precise knowledge, especially in his Şerâʾiṭu’l-yaḳîn. In fact, the concept that Fârâbî used for certain knowledge is certitude (yakîn). The epistemic level of&nbsp;knowledge can be formed and the degree of certainty can be determined to the extent that the elements constituting the knowledge are fulfilled. In this sense, yakîn constitutes the highest epistemic level in the context of justified true belief. Belief is the first condition of yakîn, but it is also its genus; the basic conditions of knowledge are provided through the subsequent stages of truth and justification, and the last three conditions Fârâbî mentioned now made knowledge unchangeable and certain. As a matter of fact, the first five of the six conditions Fârâbî mentioned and that this article has included in detail are related to the content of yakîn, whereas the last condition is related to how knowledge is obtained. The last condition Fârâbî considerd with regard to obtaining certain knowledge is that the knowledge must be obtained peculiarly, not accidentally, and thanks to this condition he aimed to completely disable the element of luck in the knowledge. Thus, Fârâbî revealed through the six conditions he had enumerated that knowledge will involve certain knowledge to the extent that it fulfills these conditions. However, each condition coincides with an epistemic level, and one can see the relationship of one’s current knowledge through the highest level of certainty (i.e., yakîn). From this point of view, this study aimed to analyze the problem that Gettier attempted to prove in terms of Fârâbî’s perception and the claims and criticisms Gettier put forth to determine where Fârâbî coincided within Gettier’s understanding of knowledge and to determine the consistency of Gettier’s proofs through Fârâbî’s understanding of yakîn. At this point, the knowledge of the people in Gettier’s example was examined in terms of Fârâbî’s epistemic levels. In this way, the study will seek using Fârâbî’s yakîn theory a solution to the issue of eliminating the chance factor with regard to obtaining precise information, which has become a topic of discussion in the epistemological literature since Gettier.&nbsp;

Gettier Sorunu: Fârâbî’nin Epistemik Seviyeleri Ekseninde Bir İnceleme

Tuba

This article discusses the processes related to Islamic sciences with a focus on digital humanities, which has emerged as an area that goes beyond being a technical support for researchers, one that also aims to collect the mostly scattered data with its own methods in order to classify it systematically and to make comprehensive analyses and visualizations based on big data. In order to do this, the article first addresses the digital possibilities used in the literature of Islamic sciences up to the present based on Turkey, as well as the databases, digital libraries, and softwares used in the field. The article will then go on to present the definition and processes of digital humanities (DH) that are affiliated with Islamic sciences. The studies conducted in Islamic sciences in this context are seen to present a complex structure that involves the creation of large collections and large datasets based on these collections, as well as their analyses and visualizations, interdisciplinary collaborations, and backing from strong financial support.The article discusses knowledge production in the field of Islamic sciences within the scope of this transformation in related literature and the effect the transition to the digital age has had on this knowledge production in terms of the nature of sources. Accordingly, this process started with manuscripts, continued with printed texts and editorial publications, and then expanded with research based on this literature. The use of digital tools in the field has led to various transformations, and these tools have been used extensively in the digitization of Islamic literature. Databases and digital libraries have become widespread that provide access to handwritten texts and documents belonging to pre-printing press and printed main sources and research in the field of theology (ilahiyat). After this source digitalization-based process, the processes of transforming sources into data and analyzing them are seen to have occurred with studies generally carried out in the context of DH in Western academia. This article has attempted to reveal the literature produced in this field within the context of DH analytical processes as much as space allows.The evaluation section of the article involves the expansions that digital humanities have brought to the field of Islamic sciences as well as the possible problems that may be encountered in studies in this field. The article emphasizes how the opportunities and resources in the field will recirculate in a way that has never occurred before, with new questions and methods being included in the field, as well as a revision of methodology courses in education. The&nbsp;evaluation section also investigates the conceptualization of the Islamicate Digital Humanities, with emphasis on being able to talk about the field of Islamicate Digital Humanities requiring a work process based on the following three pillars. Islamic literature, field of theology (ilahiyat) and information technologies. Combining the sources of Islamic sciences with information technologies has created the databases discussed under the first heading of the article as well as ways for obtaining new data based on these sources. The combination of Islamic literature with the field of theology reveals the current Islamic sciences literature and Orientalist literature to have been built on the main sources. The first section discusses how combining the research fields in the field of theology that are not based on main sources such as sociology of religion, psychology of religion, and method requirements (e.g., creating a citation system, organizing information sheets) with information technologies involves the programs used in the field of theology (i.e., Kuramer, Isnad citation system, SPSS). Producing something at the intersection of all three clusters seems to be essential for being able to talk about a field with the name of Islamicate Digital Humanities. In this context, DH methods and the field of theology should be considered as being complimentary elements, as seen regarding issues such as using the terminology of the field in the process of text coding main sources using the technological opportunities, the discussion of the problems that may arise in the standardization of information with respect to the field, the reliability of the sources used, and the application of theology/ Islamic sciences expertise when checking data sets.&nbsp;

Dijital Beşerî Bilimler Bağlamında İlahiyat/İslâmî İlimler

Memlük Dönemi Siyaset Düşüncesi: Siyasi Temalar için  Yeni Bir Tasnif Teklifi

Ahmet

Oryantalist, Modernist ve Köktenci Yaklaşımların  Tasavvuf Anlayışlarına Dair Bir Değerlendirme

Uluslararası Memlükler Dönemi İlim Geleneği -I  (XIII. ve XIV. Yüzyıllar) 28-29 Eylül 2021/İstanbul

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Şahabettin

This study aims to investigate the utterance and meaning properties of augmented (mezîd) verbs expressing reflexivity (mutâva‘at) in the Arabic Language. In this study, dictionary definitions of the word ‘mutâva'at’, reflexivity measures of triliteral (sülâsi) verbs, augmented (mezîd) verbs expressing reflexivity (mutâva‘at), usage characteristics of the verbs expressing reflexivity, the opinions of grammarians about reflexivity and comparison of the verbs stating reflexivity with intransitive and passive verbs will be examined in the light of examples from the Qur’an, Arabic poetry and proverbs.Verbs play a significant role in Arabic grammar. Expressing judgment with verb sentences forms the basis of expressing thoughts in Arabic. Arab grammarians, from the time of Sîbeveyhî to the present day, have given special importance to verb patterns and their meanings whether they are mücerred (pure) verbs or mezîd (augmented) verbs. Understanding Arabic texts correctly and translating them appropriately in Turkish is closely related to knowing verb measures and their meanings. In grammar books, verbs have been dealt with under various sub-titles. Active-passive (ma‘lûm-meçhûl), transitive-intransitive (müte‘addî-lâzım), soundweak (sahîh-mu‘tel) and declinable-indeclinable (mutasarrıf-câmid) can be given as examples of these titles. Another important sub-topic of verbs is augmented (mezîd) verbs and their meanings. Verbs in Arabic are divided into two parts depending on whether their letters are original or not. The first category is pure (mücerred) verbs all letters of which are original, and the second one is augmented (mezîd) verbs to which letters are attached. In the Arabic language there are different meanings that augmented verbs express and reflexivity is one of them. Verbs which carry the meaning of reflexivity were used both in religious texts and in Arabic poetry and proverbs during the time before Islam (Câhiliyya).This study uses the scanning method, one of the data collection methods, to analyze and evaluate the collected data, and the views of the Arab grammarians on the subject were included. In order to better understand the subjects, the Qur'an, Arabic poetry and proverbs were quoted. In our preliminary research, it was found that there was no academic study on verbs expressing reflexivity in Arabic. Thus, we decided to prepare this study under the title of “Verbs Expressing Reflexivity in Arabic Language” to close this gap, even if only slightly.In the Arabic language, “infi‘âl” is the basic measure in terms of reflexivity. The measure of “infi‘âl”, which is one of the augmented verbs, is always intransitive and it never takes a direct object (mef‘ûlün bih). While other augmented verbs express other meanings beside reflexivity, the measure of “infi‘âl” only expresses reflexivity. In the Arabic language, there&nbsp;also some other augmented measures expressing reflexivity. Verbs that express reflexivity are not a different notation of intransitive verbs since there are also some transitive verbs with the meaning of reflexivity which take a direct object. However, intransitive verbs can never receive direct objects. Verbs that express reflexivity are divided into two in terms of transitiveness. The first category is that of reflexive (mutâvî‘) verbs that are always intransitive and the other is that of reflexive verbs which are transitive. Other augmented verbs stating reflexivity are also intransitive most of the time.&nbsp;While the topic of verbs is covered along with nouns and letters in grammar books, some books are dedicated only to verbs like the example of Kitâbu fa‘altü ve ef‘altü of Ebû İshâk ez-Zeccâc. In the words of Ibn Hisham, the meaning of reflexivity (mutâva‘at) is that the first of the two verbs creates an effect and the agent of the second verb accepts this effect. Agents of the verbs that express reflexivity have the meaning of object (mef‘ûl). In other words, agents of the verbs expressing reflexivity are not real agents which create an effect because these agents do not describe an action, state or occurrence, but on the contrary they are affected by the action.As a basic fact of grammar taught by Arab grammarians, verbs expressing the meaning of reflexivity are not regular. Radıyüddîn al-Esterâbâdî also says that the use of augmented verbs is irregular, and that those things that are heard from the Arabs should be taken as a basis when deciding which pure triliteral verb comes in which augmented verb measure.&nbsp;Arab grammarians included the style of reflexivity in their works and explained their conditions and features of their usage by giving examples from verse and poetry. There is no significant difference of opinion among the grammarians on the subject of reflexivity. The first grammarian who dealt with reflexivity was Sîbeveyhî. Later grammarians followed in his footsteps. Definitions of reflexivity given by later grammarians such as Radıyyüddîn elEsterâbâdî ve İbn Hişâm el-Ensârî were clearer and more precise, and their way of dealing with the issue was more systematic. Verbs expressing reflexivity are active in terms of utterance and passive with regard to meaning. Some grammarians, such as Sîbeveyhî, evaluate the verbs that express reflexivity in the same category as passive verbs in terms of meaning.

Arapçada Dönüşlülük (Mutâva‘at) Anlamı İfade Eden Mezid Fiiller

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Serhan

Religion, which means “path, faith, tradition, bond, servitude” in all cultures, is a phenomenon that changes individual and social life with very strong influences. From this point of view, religion plays an important role in the formation of an individual's personality by contributing to their level of consciousness. We can also say that each religion has established a common ‘language of religion’ to form a common perception. In this respect, revelation is a sign this common language of religion and a state of communication in which God himself addresses in a language that humans speak. In other words, the revelation -word of God- that determines an individual's relationship with themselves, their surroundings, and God is presented to human understanding using the Qur'an's own linguistic and stylistic characteristics within the possibilities and limits of the Arabic language. Hence, in order to actualize this addressaddressee dialectic, the Qur'an takes into account the perceptions and concepts of the society it was revealed to and forms a common world view formed by the values of the society such as language, faith, culture, and history. Moreover, it actualizes the most beautiful transformation and change of the individual's mindset and identity by using the Qur'anic Style, which is the language's own style of expression, in verse and language form. Indeed, the correct understanding of the divine word is made possible by taking into account its distinctive Quranic language, its style, and its ikhbari (pronouncement) and inshai (constructive) sentence structures in parallel with its style of expression. In this way, it contains the transitivity in which one can be included in the context of the other from time to time in the course of the Qur'anic style, and it turns into the inshai structure, which is a higher style of the ikhbari form, and drives its addressees to change their actions.&nbsp;This study aims to identify the main subject of Surat Al-Infitar by taking into account the relationship between the addressees and the environment in light of the methods that are unique to the Qur'anic style offered as a linguistic method of understanding the Qur'an and the style of the language of religion that encompasses the whole of the Qur'an. In this sense, our study takes into account the constructional (inshai) structure that plays a role in manifesting&nbsp;and turning the warning (ikhbari) expressions for doomsday -like the sky will break apart, the stars will fall- into action mostly "here-now", beyond the informing of the future apocalypse. Therefore, the study tries to address the surah as a whole within the framework of the specific language structure of the divine word and the Qur'anic style. Thanks to this information that forms the basis of the method of the Qur'anic style, the verse(s) and/or the surah turns the gayb (invisible) sphere like the apocalypse, the judgement day, the hereafter into an active "event" and a new "action" happening "here-now" through the issues of the testimonial sphere of this world in a style that can be understood by all. As it were, the surah creates the comprehension of the truth of the revelation, which is first and foremost the first stage of the God-man relationship, through the reality of the change in the cosmic structure. And it also creates the understanding of "the hereafter with the consciousness of reckoning". Accordingly, it lays the burden of personal responsibility to the individual and it shows how the will and power of the divine truth manifests.&nbsp;In this context, the surah talks about the cosmic changes that took place during the events of doomsday which transforms into kalami action through Allah's taqwini laws and turns this action into morality. The surah begins with "doomsday" scenes that can be described as "the sudden occurrence of an event and/or the beginning of cosmic change" as if to show a new era is about to begin. The word infitar, which gives its name to the Surah, means "splitting, disturbing the existing order, interfering with something". And in this context, it is interpreted as "without knowing its nature, the revelation of the commandments of God to the Earth either through the descent of the Angels or by the greatness of the Lord". In our opinion, these events are aimed at drawing attention to the reality, nature, and possibility of the divine revelation, as well as emphasizing to their addressees that the old corrupt order will be replaced by a new one. As a matter of fact, when we take into account the revelation course of the Qur'an, we see that it conveys its divine message to a society where the majority were illiterate and thought it impossible for Allah to send his divine message to its addressees by means of a human being who also was illiterate. In addition, the context of forward-looking ikhbari statements reveals to us the inshai structure of the issues towards this world. In this sense, the surah builds a religious and moral consciousness through taqwini/qawni verses beyond just giving information. The point that draws attention here is that the qawni verses are both verses themselves, and that they are accepted as signs, prognostics, that is, intellectual evidence of the truth that exists in their own selves. It reflects the greatest evidence for the positioning of the revelation the fact that all beings, including the earth, sky, and man, with their apparent–known features witnessed by themselves are a verse. And it plays a role in the comprehension that they are all parts of the same whole, including this revelation. Moreover, in the minds of the addressees, who thought that it was impossible for Allah to send his message through the Prophet Muhammad Who was ontologically human, the entity to which they ascribe sanctity gains a new meaning and the actions created by this meaning explain the possibility of such revelation.&nbsp;Thus, a&nbsp;consciousness about everything that the Allah-universe relationship represents is created in the addressees and the absolute creative power behind this truth is pointed out. Therefore, the main subject of the surah is the creation of the awareness of the day of reckoning and the understanding of the hereafter, which is put forth with a style that is simultaneous with the possibility of the divine revelation, its nature and its reality.In line with this perspective, our work offers to read the depictions of the doomsday which belongs to the gayb for humans, the topics concerning the hereafter like the awareness of the day of reckoning in inshai form in the context of Qur'anic style. In this respect, our article attempts to understand and explain the effects of the Qur'anic style that are reflected in this world and which turn it into action and morality here and now, not in terms of the “reality and/or awareness of the scenes of the apocalypse”. Of course, this study, taken in the context of the Qur'anic style, is an effort aimed at basing not the style itself but only its method and, in parallel, determining the main idea of the surah.

Kur’ânî Üslup Açısından İnfitâr Sûresi

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İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi, açık erişimli, hakemli, yılda iki kere Mart ve Eylül aylarında yayınlanan bilimsel bir dergidir. 1953 yılında kurulmuştur. Dergiye yayınlanması için gönderilen bilimsel makaleler Türkçe, İngilizce ya da Arapça olmalıdır.

İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi, İslami ilimler alanında ulusal ve uluslararası düzeyde bilimsel niteliklere sahip çalışmaları yayımlayarak İslami ilimler alanındaki bilgi birikimine katkıda bulunmayı amaçlamaktadır.  

İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi, Türkçe, İngilizce ve Arapça dillerinde yazılmış araştırma makalesi, araştırma notu, kitap değerlendirmesi, sempozyum tanıtımı, yazma eser tanıtımı türünde yapılan çalışmaları yayımlamaktadır.   
   
Tarihçe

1933 yılında İstanbul Dârulfünun'u İlahiyat Fakültesi’nin kapatılmasıyla Edebiyat Fakültesi bünyesinde kurulan İslam Tetkikleri Enstitüsü 1941 yılında kapatılmış ve 1953 yılında Müdürü Zeki Velidi Togan ve Müdür Yardımcısı Fuat Sezgin olmak üzere tekrardan faaliyete geçmiştir. 1982 yılında ismi Araştırma Merkezi olarak değiştirilen Enstitü 2018 yılında İstanbul Üniversitesi Rektörlüğü’ne bağlanmıştır. Tüm faaliyetlerinin yanında gerek Enstitü gerekse Merkez olarak kurum, bünyesinde hakemli bilimsel bir dergi faaliyetini de sürdürmüştür.

1953-1979 yılları arasında İslam Tetkikleri Enstitüsü Dergisi, sonrasında 1995 yılına kadar ise İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi ismiyle dokuz cilt ve on dört farklı sayı yayınlanmıştır. 2020 Mart ayı itibariyle yeniden yayın hayatına başlamıştır.

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İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi

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İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi, Mart ve Eylül ayları olmak üzere yılda iki defa yayımlanan açık erişimli, hakemli, bilimsel bir yayımdır; ulusal ve uluslararası akademik çevreleri hedeflemektedir.İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi, İslami ilimler alanında ulusal ve uluslararası düzeyde bilimsel niteliklere sahip çalışmaları yayımlayarak İslami ilimler alanındaki bilgi birikimine katkıda bulunmayı amaçlamaktadır.İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi, Temel İslam Bilimleri, Felsefe ve Din Bilimleri ile İslam Tarihi ve Sanatları gibi İslami ilimler alanındaki disipliner, interdisipliner ve multidisipliner metotları benimseyen ulusal ve uluslararası bilimsel çalışmalara yer veren kör-hakemli bir dergidir.İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi, Türkçe, İngilizce ve Arapça dillerinde yazılmış araştırma makalesi, araştırma notu, kitap değerlendirmesi, sempozyum tanıtımı, yazma eser tanıtımı türünde yapılan çalışmaları yayımlamaktadır.

Amaç ve Kapsam

TÜBİTAK-ULAKBİM TR Dizin DOAJSOBİADEBSCO Humanities SourceEBSCO Central &amp; Eastern European Academic Source Scopus

Dizinler

Dergi yayın etiğinde en yüksek standartlara bağlıdır ve Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE), Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ), Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA) ve World Association of Medical Editors (WAME) tarafından yayınlanan etik yayıncılık ilkelerini benimser; Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing başlığı altında ifade edilen ilkeler için: <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a> Gönderilen makaleler derginin amaç ve kapsamına uygun olmalıdır. Orijinal, yayınlanmamış ve başka bir dergide değerlendirme sürecinde olmayan, her bir yazar tarafından içeriği ve gönderimi onaylanmış yazılar değerlendirmeye kabul edilir. Makale yayınlanmak üzere Dergiye gönderildikten sonra yazarlardan hiçbirinin ismi, tüm yazarların yazılı izni olmadan yazar listesinden silinemez ve yeni bir isim yazar olarak eklenemez ve yazar sırası değiştirilemez.İntihal, duplikasyon, sahte yazarlık/inkar edilen yazarlık, araştrma/veri fabrikasyonu, makale dilimleme, dilimleyerek yayın, telif hakları ihlali ve çıkar çatışmasının gizlenmesi, etik dışı davranışlar olarak kabul edilir. Kabul edilen etik standartlara uygun olmayan tüm makaleler yayından çıkarılır. Buna yayından sonra tespit edilen olası kuraldışı, uygunsuzluklar içeren makaleler de dahildir.İntihal Ön kontrolden geçirilen makaleler, iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal/kendi kendine intihal tespit edilirse yazarlar bilgilendirilir. Editörler, gerekli olması halinde makaleyi değerlendirme ya da üretim sürecinin çeşitli aşamalarında intihal kontrolüne tabi tutabilirler. Yüksek benzerlik oranları, bir makalenin kabul edilmeden önce ve hatta kabul edildikten sonra reddedilmesine neden olabilir. Makalenin türüne bağlı olarak, bunun oranın %15 veya %20'den az olması beklenir.Çift Kör Hakemlikİntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir. Editör, makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakemlikten geçmesini sağlar ve makale biçimsel esaslara uygun ise, gelen yazıyı yurtiçinden ve /veya yurtdışından en az iki hakemin değerlendirmesine sunar, hakemler gerek gördüğü takdirde yazıda istenen değişiklikler yazarlar tarafından yapıldıktan sonra yayınlanmasına onay verir.

Politikalar

Dergi açık erişimlidir ve derginin tüm içeriği okura ya da okurun dahil olduğu kuruma ücretsiz olarak sunulur. Okurlar, ticari amaç haricinde, yayıncı ya da yazardan izin almadan dergi makalelerinin tam metnini okuyabilir, indirebilir, kopyalayabilir, arayabilir ve link sağlayabilir. Bu <a href="https://www.budapestopenaccessinitiative.org/translations/turkish-translation" target="_blank">BOAI</a> açık erişim tanımıyla uyumludur. Derginin açık erişimli makaleleri Creative Commons Atıf-GayrıTicari 4.0 Uluslararası (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.tr" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) olarak lisanslıdır.

Derginin tüm giderleri İstanbul Üniversitesi tarafından karşılanmaktadır. Dergide makale yayını ve makale süreçlerinin yürütülmesi ücrete tabi değildir. Dergiye gönderilen ya da yayın için kabul edilen makaleler için işlemleme ücreti ya da gönderim ücreti alınmaz.

Yazarlar dergide yayınlanan çalışmalarının telif hakkına sahiptirler ve çalışmaları  Creative Commons Atıf-GayrıTicari 4.0 Uluslararası (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.tr" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) olarak lisanslıdır. CC BY-NC 4.0 lisansı, eserin ticari kullanım dışında her boyut ve formatta paylaşılmasına, kopyalanmasına, çoğaltılmasına ve orijinal esere uygun şekilde atıfta bulunmak kaydıyla yeniden düzenleme, dönüştürme ve eserin üzerine inşa etme dâhil adapte edilmesine izin verir.

Editörler, yayınlanan makalede, bulguları, yorumları ve sonuçları etkilemeyen küçük hatalar tespit edilirse düzeltme yayınlamayı düşünebilirler. Editörler, bulguları ve sonuçları geçersiz kılan büyük hatalar / ihlaller söz konusu olduğunda, makaleyi geri çekmeyi düşünmelidir. Yazarlar tarafından araştırma veya yayını kötüye kullanmaya yönelik olasılık söz konusu ise; bulguların güvenilir olmadığına ve yazarların kurumlarının olayı soruşturmadığına dair kanıtlar var veya olası soruşturma haksız veya sonuçsuz görünüyor ise, editörler endişe ifadesi yayınlamayı düşünmelidir. Düzeltme, geri çekme veya endişe ifadesi ile ilgili olarak COPE ve ICJME yönergeleri dikkate alınır.

Dergide yayınlanan tüm yazıların korunmasını ve kalıcı olarak erişilebilir olmasını sağlamak için makaleler, ulusal bir arşiv sitesi olarak hizmet veren ve aynı zamanda LOCKSS'in içeriği toplamasına, korumasına ve sunmasına izin veren Dergipark'ta saklanmaktadır.Ek olarak, yazarların kendilerinin makalelerinin son PDF sürümünü Open Archives Initiative (<a href="https://www.openarchives.org/" target="_blank">https://www.openarchives.org/</a>) standartlarına uygun açık elektronik arşivlerde arşivlemeleri önerilir. Yazarlar, yayınladıkları arşiv versiyonundan, İ.Ü. Yayınevinin dergi web sitesinin URL'sine bağlantı sağlamalıdır.

İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi, yayın etiğinde en yüksek standartlara bağlıdır ve Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE), Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ), Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA) ve World Association of Medical Editors (WAME) tarafından yayınlanan etik yayıncılık ilkelerini benimser; Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing başlığı altında ifade edilen ilkeler için: <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a>Gönderilen tüm makaleler orijinal, yayınlanmamış ve başka bir dergide değerlendirme sürecinde olmamalıdır. Her bir makale editörlerden biri ve en az iki hakem tarafından çift kör değerlendirmeden geçirilir. İntihal, duplikasyon, sahte yazarlık/inkar edilen yazarlık, araştrma/veri fabrikasyonu, makale dilimleme, dilimleyerek yayın, telif hakları ihlali ve çıkar çatışmasının gizlenmesi, etik dışı davranışlar olarak kabul edilir.Kabul edilen etik standartlara uygun olmayan tüm makaleler yayından çıkarılır. Buna yayından sonra tespit edilen olası kuraldışı, uygunsuzluklar içeren makaleler de dahildir.

Etik

İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi araştırma etiğinde en yüksek standartları gözetir ve aşağıda tanımlanan uluslararası araştırma etiği ilkelerini benimser. Makalelerin etik kurallara uygunluğu yazarların sorumluluğundadır.<ul><li>Araştırmanın tasarlanması, tasarımın gözden geçirilmesi ve araştırmanın yürütülmesinde, bütünlük, kalite ve şeffaflık ilkeleri sağlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma ekibi ve katılımcılar, araştırmanın amacı, yöntemleri ve öngörülen olası kullanımları; araştırmaya katılımın gerektirdikleri ve varsa riskleri hakkında tam olarak bilgilendirilmelidir.</li><li>Araştırma katılımcılarının sağladığı bilgilerin gizliliği ve yanıt verenlerin gizliliği sağlanmalıdır. Araştırma katılımcıların özerkliğini ve saygınlığını koruyacak şekilde tasarlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma katılımcıları gönüllü olarak araştırmada yer almalı, herhangi bir zorlama altında olmamalıdırlar.</li><li>Katılımcıların zarar görmesinden kaçınılmalıdır. Araştırma, katılımcıları riske sokmayacak şekilde planlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma bağımsızlığıyla ilgili açık ve net olunmalı; çıkar çatışması varsa belirtilmelidir.</li><li>Deneysel çalışmalarda, araştırmaya katılmaya karar veren katılımcıların yazılı bilgilendirilmiş onayı alınmalıdır. Çocukların ve vesayet altındakilerin veya tasdiklenmiş akıl hastalığı bulunanların yasal vasisinin onayı alınmalıdır.</li><li>Çalışma herhangi bir kurum ya da kuruluşta gerçekleştirilecekse bu kurum ya da kuruluştan çalışma yapılacağına dair onay alınmalıdır.</li><li>İnsan öğesi bulunan çalışmalarda, “yöntem” bölümünde katılımcılardan “bilgilendirilmiş onam” alındığının ve çalışmanın yapıldığı kurumdan etik kurul onayı alındığı belirtilmesi gerekir.</li></ul>

Makalelerin bilimsel ve etik kurallara uygunluğu yazarların sorumluluğundadır. Yazar makalenin orijinal olduğu, daha önce başka bir yerde yayınlanmadığı ve başka bir yerde, başka bir dilde yayınlanmak üzere değerlendirmede olmadığı konusunda teminat sağlamalıdır. Uygulamadaki telif kanunları ve anlaşmaları gözetilmelidir. Telife bağlı materyaller (örneğin tablolar, şekiller veya büyük alıntılar) gerekli izin ve teşekkürle kullanılmalıdır. Başka yazarların, katkıda bulunanların çalışmaları ya da yararlanılan kaynaklar uygun biçimde kullanılmalı ve referanslarda belirtilmelidir.Gönderilen makalede tüm yazarların akademik ve bilimsel olarak doğrudan katkısı olmalıdır, bu bağlamda “yazar” yayınlanan bir araştırmanın kavramsallaştırılmasına ve dizaynına, verilerin elde edilmesine, analizine ya da yorumlanmasına belirgin katkı yapan, yazının yazılması ya da bunun içerik açısından eleştirel biçimde gözden geçirilmesinde görev yapan birisi olarak görülür. Yazar olabilmenin diğer koşulları ise, makaledeki çalışmayı planlamak veya icra etmek ve / veya revize etmektir. Fon sağlanması, veri toplanması ya da araştırma grubunun genel süpervizyonu tek başına yazarlık hakkı kazandırmaz. Yazar olarak gösterilen tüm bireyler sayılan tüm ölçütleri karşılamalıdır ve yukarıdaki ölçütleri karşılayan her birey yazar olarak gösterilebilir. Yazarların isim sıralaması ortak verilen bir karar olmalıdır. Tüm yazarlar yazar sıralamasını <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/68873B40EDF8448CB632792AC623F1F9" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formunda</a> imzalı olarak belirtmek zorundadırlar.Yazarlık için yeterli ölçütleri karşılamayan ancak çalışmaya katkısı olan tüm bireyler “teşekkür / bilgiler” kısmında sıralanmalıdır. Bunlara örnek olarak ise sadece teknik destek sağlayan, yazıma yardımcı olan ya da sadece genel bir destek sağlayan, finansal ve materyal desteği sunan kişiler verilebilir.Bütün yazarlar, araştırmanın sonuçlarını ya da bilimsel değerlendirmeyi etkileyebilme potansiyeli olan finansal ilişkiler, çıkar çatışması ve çıkar rekabetini beyan etmelidirler. Bir yazar kendi yayınlanmış yazısında belirgin bir hata ya da yanlışlık tespit ederse, bu yanlışlıklara ilişkin düzeltme ya da geri çekme için editör ile hemen temasa geçme ve işbirliği yapma sorumluluğunu taşır.

Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, cinsel yöneliminden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirir. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar. Gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalacağını garanti eder. Baş editör içerik ve yayının toplam kalitesinden sorumludur. Gereğinde hata sayfası yayınlamalı ya da düzeltme yapmalıdır.Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve Dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemlerin araştırmayla ilgili, yazarlarla ve/veya araştırmanın finansal destekçileriyle çıkar çatışmaları olmamalıdır. Değerlendirmelerinin sonucunda tarafsız bir yargıya varmalıdırlar. Gönderilmiş yazılara ilişkin tüm bilginin gizli tutulmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar. Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir. Bazı durumlarda editörün kararıyla, ilgili hakemlerin makaleye ait yorumları aynı makaleyi yorumlayan diğer hakemlere gönderilerek hakemlerin bu süreçte aydınlatılması sağlanabilir.

Daha önce yayınlanmamış ya da yayınlanmak üzere başka bir dergide halen değerlendirmede olmayan ve her bir yazar tarafından onaylanan makaleler değerlendirilmek üzere kabul edilir. Gönderilen ve ön kontrolü geçen makaleler iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir. Seçilen makaleler en az iki ulusal/uluslararası hakeme çift taraflı kör hakemlik ile değerlendirmeye gönderilir; yayın kararı, hakemlerin talepleri doğrultusunda yazarların gerçekleştirdiği düzenlemelerin ve hakem sürecinin sonrasında baş editör tarafından verilir.

Hakemlik Hakkında

Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirirler. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar. Gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalacağını garanti eder. Baş editör içerik ve yayının toplam kalitesinden sorumludur. Gereğinde hata sayfası yayınlamalı ya da düzeltme yapmalıdır. Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemler, araştırma, yazarlar ve/veya araştırmaya fon sağlayanlarla çıkar çatışması içinde olmamalıdır. Hakemler değerlendirmelerinin sonucunda tarafsız bir yargıya varmalıdırlar. Gönderilmiş yazılara ilişkin tüm bilginin gizli tutulmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar. Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir. Bazı durumlarda editörün kararıyla, ilgili hakemlerin makaleye ait yorumları aynı makaleyi yorumlayan diğer hakemlere gönderilerek hakemlerin bu süreçte aydınlatılması sağlanabilir.

Daha önce yayınlanmamış ya da yayınlanmak üzere başka bir dergide halen değerlendirmede olmayan ve her bir yazar tarafından onaylanan makaleler değerlendirilmek üzere kabul edilir. Gönderilen ve ön kontrolü geçen makaleler iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir. Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, cinsel yöneliminden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirir. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar.Seçilen makaleler en az iki ulusal/uluslararası hakeme değerlendirmeye gönderilir; yayın kararı, hakemlerin talepleri doğrultusunda yazarların gerçekleştirdiği düzenlemelerin ve hakem sürecinin sonrasında baş editör tarafından verilir.Hakemlerin değerlendirmeleri objektif olmalıdır. Hakem süreci sırasında hakemlerin aşağıdaki hususları dikkate alarak değerlendirmelerini yapmaları beklenir.-Makale yeni ve önemli bir bilgi içeriyor mu?-Öz, makalenin içeriğini net ve düzgün bir şekilde tanımlıyor mu?-Yöntem bütünlüklü ve anlaşılır şekilde tanımlanmış mı?-Yapılan yorum ve varılan sonuçlar bulgularla kanıtlanıyor mu?-Alandaki diğer çalışmalara yeterli referans verilmiş mi?-Dil kalitesi yeterli mi?Hakemler, gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar. Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir.

DilDerginin yayın dili Türkçe, İngilizce ve Arapça’dır.Yazıların Hazırlanması ve Yazım KurallarıAksi belirtilmedikçe gönderilen yazılarla ilgili tüm yazışmalar ilk yazarla yapılacaktır. Makale gönderimi online olarak <a href="https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/iuislamtd" target="_blank">https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/iuislamtd</a> adresinden erişilen <a href="https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/login" target="_blank">https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/login</a> üzerinden yapılmalıdır. Gönderilen yazılar, makale türünü belirten ve makaleyle ilgili detayları içeren (bkz: Son Kontrol Listesi) <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/52E51020F70845BCA1D7936730A7BBBD" target="_blank">Kapak Sayfası</a>; editöre mektup, yazının elektronik formunu içeren Microsoft Word 2003 ve üzerindeki versiyonları ile yazılmış elektronik dosya ve tüm yazarların imzaladığı <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/68873B40EDF8448CB632792AC623F1F9" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a> eklenerek gönderilmelidir.1. Yazılar Makale Şablonu kullanılarak hazırlanmalıdır. Makale ana metninde, çift taraflı kör hakemlik süreci gereği, yazarın / yazarların kimlik bilgileri yer almamalıdır.2. Türkçe ve İngilizce olarak 150-250 kelime arasında öz olmalıdır. Öz anlaşılır ve de dilbilgisi açısından doğru olmalıdır.3. Türkçe özün altında çalışmanın içeriğini temsil eden 5 Türkçe anahtar kelime olmalıdır. İngilizce özün altında içeriği temsil eden 5 İngilizce anahtar kelime olmalıdır.4. Çalışmaların başlıca şu unsurları içermesi gerekmektedir: Türkçe başlık, öz ve anahtar kelimeler; İngilizce başlık, öz ve anahtar kelimeler; ana metin bölümleri, kaynaklar, tablolar ve şekiller.5. Yayınlanmak üzere gönderilen makale ile birlikte yazar bilgilerini içeren kapak sayfası gönderilmelidir. <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/52E51020F70845BCA1D7936730A7BBBD" target="_blank">Kapak sayfasında</a>, makalenin başlığı, yazar veya yazarların bağlı bulundukları kurum ve unvanları, kendilerine ulaşılabilecek adresler, cep, iş ve faks numaraları, ORCID ve e-posta adresleri yer almalıdır (bkz. Son Kontrol Listesi).6. Referanslar <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/41FBB78E2E274A4298EEE4756E518446" target="_blank">ISNAD 2 stiline</a> uygun olarak hazırlanmalıdır.

Yazım Kuralları

Araştırma Makaleleri: Orijinal araştırma makaleleri derginin kapsamına uygun konularda önemli, özgün bilimsel sonuçlar sunan araştırmaları raporlayan yazılardır. Orijinal araştırma makaleleri, Öz, Anahtar Kelimeler, Giriş, Yöntem, Bulgular, Tartışma, Sonuçlar, Kaynaklar bölümlerinden ve Tablo, Grafik ve Şekillerden oluşur. Öz aşağıda belirtildiği gibi yapılandırılmış olmalıdır. Özden sonra Giriş, Yöntem, Bulgular, Tartışma ve Sonuç bölümleri yer almalıdır.Öz: Türkçe yazıların İngilizce özetlerinde mutlaka İngilizce başlık da yer almalıdır. Araştırma yazılarında Türkçe ve İngilizce özetler 150-250 kelime arasında olmalı ve aşağıdaki şekilde yapılandırılmalıdır:Amaç/Aim: Yazının birincil ve asıl amacı;Yöntem(ler)/Method(s): Veri kaynakları, çalışmanın iskeleti, çalışmaya katılanlar, görüşme/değerlendirmeler ve temel ölçümler;Bulgular/Results: Ana bulgular;Sonuç(lar)/Conclusion(s): Çıkartılacak sonuçlar belirtilmelidir.Anahtar KelimelerGiriş: Giriş bölümünde konunun önemi, tarihçe ve bugüne kadar yapılmış çalışmalar, hipotez ve çalışmanın amacından söz edilmelidir. Hem ana hem de ikincil amaçlar açıkça belirtilmelidir. Sadece gerçekten ilişkili kaynaklar gösterilmeli ve çalışmaya ait veri ya da sonuçlardan söz edilmemelidir. Giriş bölümünün sonunda çalışmanın amacı, araştırma soruları veya hipotezler yazılmalıdır.Yöntem: Yöntem bölümünde, veri kaynakları, hastalar ya da çalışmaya katılanlar, ölçekler, görüşme/değerlendirmeler ve temel ölçümler, yapılan işlemler ve istatistiksel yöntemler yer almalıdır. Yöntem bölümü, sadece çalışmanın planı ya da protokolü yazılırken bilinen bilgileri içermelidir; çalışma sırasında elde edilen tüm bilgiler bulgular kısmında verilmelidir.Bulgular: Ana bulgular istatistiksel verilerle desteklenmiş olarak eksiksiz verilmeli ve bu bulgular uygun tablo, grafik ve şekillerle görsel olarak da belirtilmelidir. Bulgular yazıda, tablolarda ve şekillerde mantıklı bir sırayla önce en önemli sonuçlar olacak şekilde verilmelidir. Tablo ve şekillerdeki tüm veriyi yazıda vermemeli, sadece önemli noktaları vurgulanmalıdır.Tartışma: Tartışma bölümünde o çalışmadan elde edilen veriler, kurulan hipotez doğrultusunda hipotezi destekleyen ve desteklemeyen bulgular ve sonuçlar irdelenmeli ve bu bulgu ve sonuçlar literatürde bulunan benzeri çalışmalarla kıyaslanmalı, farklılıklar varsa açıklanmalıdır. Çalışmanın yeni ve önemli yanları ve bunlardan çıkan sonuçları vurgulanmalıdır. Giriş ya da sonuçlar kısmında verilen bilgi ve veriler tekrarlanmamalıdır.Sonuçlar: Çalışmadan elde edilen sonuçlar belirtilmelidir. Deneysel çalışmalar için ana bulguları kısaca özetleyerek tartışmaya başlamak, daha sonra bu bulgular için olası mekanizmaları veya açıklamaları ortaya koymak, sonuçları diğer ilgili çalışmalarla karşılaştırmak, çalışmanın sınırlarını belirtmek, gelecekteki araştırmalar ve uygulamalar için bulguların işaret ettiği olası çıkarımlara değinmek yararlı olacaktır. Sonuçlar, çalışmanın amaçları ile bağlantılı olmalıdır, ancak veriler tarafından yeterince desteklenmeyen niteliksiz ifadeler ve sonuçlardan kaçınılmalıdır. Yeni hipotezler gerektiğinde belirtilmeli, ancak açıkça tanımlanmalıdır.Şekil, Resim, Tablo ve Grafikler: Yazı içindeki şekil, resim, tablo ve grafikler Arap sayıları ile numaralandırılmalıdır. Şekillerin metin içindeki yerleri belirtilmelidir.Derleme: Yazının konusunda birikimi olan ve bu birikimleri uluslararası literatüre yayın ve atıf sayısı olarak yansımış uzmanlar tarafından hazırlanmış yazılar değerlendirmeye alınır. Yazarları dergi tarafından da davet edilebilir. Bir bilgi ya da konunun vardığı son düzeyi anlatan, tartışan, değerlendiren ve gelecekte yapılacak olan çalışmalara yön veren bir formatta hazırlanmalıdır. Derleme yazısı, başlık, öz ve anahtar kelimeler, ana metin bölümleri ve kaynaklardan oluşmalıdır.

İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi, metin içi alıntılama ve kaynak gösterme için İSNAD atıf sistemini 2. edisyonunu. edisyonunu benimser. İSNAD 2. Edisyon hakkında bilgi için: <a href="https://www.isnadsistemi.org/" target="_blank">https://www.isnadsistemi.org/</a> Kaynakların doğruluğundan yazar(lar) sorumludur. Tüm kaynaklar metinde belirtilmelidir. Kaynaklar aşağıdaki örneklerdeki gibi gösterilmelidir.

Aşağıdaki listede eksik olmadığından emin olun:● Editöre mektup<ul><li>Makalenin türü</li><li>Başka bir dergiye gönderilmemiş olduğu bilgisi</li><li>Sponsor veya ticari bir firma ile ilişkisi (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Kaynakların <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/E1FE472E92E04F5F93F9DEF1B8260A52" target="_blank">İSNAD2’ye</a> göre belirtildiği</li><li>İngilizce yönünden kontrolünün yapıldığı</li><li>Yazarlara Bilgide detaylı olarak anlatılan dergi politikalarının gözden geçirildiği</li></ul>● <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/68873B40EDF8448CB632792AC623F1F9" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a>● Daha önce basılmış materyal (yazı-resim-tablo) kullanılmış ise izin belgesi● <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/D8C97D8844FF477C8E4BEF6AE2F8554D" target="_blank">Kapak sayfası</a><ul><li>Makalenin kategorisi</li><li>Makale dilinde ve İngilizce başlık</li><li>Yazarların ismi soyadı, unvanları ve bağlı oldukları kurumlar (üniversite ve fakülte bilgisinden sonra şehir ve ülke bilgisi), e-posta adresleri</li><li>Sorumlu yazarın e-posta adresi, açık yazışma adresi, iş telefonu, GSM, faks nosu</li><li>Tüm yazarların ORCID’leri</li><li>Finansal destek (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Çıkar çatışması (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Teşekkür (varsa belirtiniz)</li></ul>● Makale ana metniÖnemli: Ana metinde yazarın / yazarların kimlik bilgilerinin yer almamış olması gerekir.<ul><li>Türkçe ve İngilizce başlık</li><li>Özetler: 150-250 kelime Türkçe ve 150-250 kelime İngilizce</li><li>İngilizce olmayan makaleler için, İngilizce genişletilmiş özet (Extended Abstract) 600-800 kelime</li><li>Anahtar Kelimeler: 5 adet Türkçe ve 5 adet İngilizce</li><li>Makale ana metin bölümleri</li><li>Finansal destek (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Çıkar çatışması (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Teşekkür (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Son notlar (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Kaynaklar</li><li>Tablolar-Resimler, Şekiller (başlık, tanım ve alt yazılarıyla)</li></ul>

<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/68873B40EDF8448CB632792AC623F1F9" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/9991CE50655841BCBCDF1391DB5EBDEE" target="_blank" style="font-size: 10pt;">Kapak sayfası</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/7D1907500B7A45D3BDBFB8FD115EC3AD" target="_blank">Yazar Formu</a>

İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi

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