Ahmet

Prof.

Fuat Sezgin’s Activities at the Institute for Islamic Studies (Some Archive Documents at Istanbul University Research Center for Islamic Studies)

Nilüfer

Assist. Prof.

In this article Fuat Sezgin’s claims about the early written sources of the hadīth before the al-Kutub al-Sitta are expanded and discussed according to Arabic Language sources written before the al-Kutub al-Sitta. In order to verify the authenticity of these claims, the ahādīth and the chain system in the al-Baṣra and al-Kūfa Arabic Language books are determined. If the aḥādīth given in these sources comes before the al-Kutub al-Sitta this means that we can reach earlier sources for some ahādīth except the hadīth books. In addition, the method of using the hadīth in these sources, isnāds, and the possible isnāds are examined in a chronological and comparative way. Therefore there are two main questions in this study. The first is “Does the hadīth feature in the Arabic Language Sources” and the second is ”With what method did they give a place to the hadīth.” In order to answer these questions, fundamental and early Arabic Language sources were used such as Halil b. Ahmed’s Kitāb al-ʿAyn which represents the Basra School’s methods and Yaḥyā b. Ziyād al-Farrāʾs al-Maʿāni al-Qur’ân which represents the al-Kūfa School’s methods.The work titled Kitāb al-ʿAyn of Khalīl b. Aḥmad, the first representative of the Basra school, includes somewhat extensive use of the hadīth. Indeed, approximately three hundred and forty one hadīth narratives are included in this work. Of these, two thousand and fifty were narrated only as hadiths, seventy were related to Rasūlullāh and thirty one to the companions. Apart from this, there is no usage of isnād in the work. If we analyse these numbers, we can say that seventy three percent of the narratives are passed only as hadīth, twenty one of them refer to the Prophet and six percent of them to the companions.In this regard, it can be said that only 25% of the narratives of Khalīl b. Aḥmad, conveyed as hadīth, were mentioned in the hadith works before Khalīl b. Aḥmad, Therefore, we can say that Khalīl b. Aḥmad’s work is the first source for many hadīth. In addition, these hadīth, which Khalīl b. Aḥmad described as hadīth, were also conveyed as marfū‛ and mawkūf in hadīth works after him.&nbsp;When the isnads of the narratives are examined, it can be seen that narrators come from different regions such as Kūfa, Basra, Mecca and Medina. In addition, we can say that there are many hadīths in the work that can be described as ṣaḥīḥ (authentic).&nbsp;When it comes to the question of how the hadith narratives reached Khalīl b. Aḥmad, we see that there is a common name in most of the isnāds. This name is Ayyūb asSakhtiyānī (d. 131/749), one of the hadīth narrators. Hence he is also the teacher of Khalīl b. Aḥmad and can be considered to be the person that Khalīl b. Aḥmad, took the hadīth narratives from.The second source of this study is al-Farrāʾs al-Maʿāni al-Qur’ân The most important feature of al-Farrāʾ is that he includes hadīths with isnād in his book. Indeed, as far as we could determine, there are one hundred and sixty seven narratives of hadīth with isnad.&nbsp;Adding the ones with isnads, this number reaches four hundred. Approximately seven of these narratives are based on the Prophet, seventy on the companions and the remaining on the next generations such as ʿAlqama b. Qays (d. 62/682) Masrūk b. al-Ecdā‛ (d. 63/9- 683), Saʿīd b. Cubayr (d. 94/713), Ibrāhīm al-Nakhaʿī (d. 96/714), Mujāhid b. Cabr (d. 103/721), Sulaymān b. Mihrān al-Aʿmash (d.147/764). If we compare these numbers, it can be seen that four percent of the narratives were based on the Prophet, 41 % on the Companions and 55 % on the next generations.&nbsp;Looking at the next generation, it can be seen that the work has the isnād system of the Kūfa region. Moreover, the fact that he includes mubham narrators in thirty three and balāg mode in twenty three of the isnāds is a reminder that the isnāds of ahl alra’y are used in the hadīths. Indeed, the ittisāl in the isnāds in this regard are not very important. The same understanding exists in the Kūfa language school. However, an important feature of the Kūfe language school separating them from ahl al-ray is that they include ʿAbdallāh b. ʿAbbās narratives more than ʿAbdallāh Ibn Masʿūd. Furthermore, when we look at the numbers of the narratives of the companions, we see that fourteen of them are conveyed from ʿAlī , twenty seven from ʿAbdallāh b. ʿAbbās, eighteen from İbn Mesud, six from Aisha, two from Abu Bakr and two from Omar. If we evaluate these numbers, we see that 23% was conveyed from ʿAlī , 37% from ʿAbdallāh b. ʿAbbās, 25% from ʿAbdallāh Ibn Masʿūd, 9% from Aisha and the remaining 6% from Abū Bakr and Omar. But, it is inevitable to say that al-Farrāʾs hadīth generally is not a first source for hadīth. We can find them with their isnāds in ʿAbd al-Razzāq al-Ṣanʿānī’s book and in the other hadīth books before al-Kutub al-Sitta.

The Function of Hadīth Chains in the Arabic Language Sources (First Three Centuries of Islam)

Musa

Res. Assist.

Aziz

GAS (Geschichte des Arabischen Schrifttums [History of Arab-Islamic Science]), a vital source in Islamic studies, is an 18-volume work that was formed after examining tens of thousands of manuscripts onsite. It has seriously shaken the frequently-cited claim that “Muslims have not contributed to science.” It aimed to reveal the contributions that Muslim scholars have made to science and technology in the classical period through the written sources belonging to this civilization. In this respect, GAS is the history of thought or the map of the written accumulation of a civilization.&nbsp;In this article, we have examined the section of GAS related to theology in a multi-faceted way. In this section, data have been evaluated from many sources such as manuscripts, print sources, those that have not reached the present day, theological books, and nontheological books. Furthermore, in addition, the manuscripts that Fuat Sezgin gave in the works from the libraries in Turkey are examined on a digital platform and in the names of libraries, copyists (mustansihs), in the inventory numbers are detected. In addition, the works that were not included were mentioned in this study as much as possible.Sezgin’s general claim that written sources have a history dating back to the first century of the hegira is proven when examining the kalam section of GAS. In the early period when a systematic theology had not yet come into being, there were small-scale written documents mainly on certain theological issues such as fate and reduction. After that, it is known that the theological subjects are seen together by means of a type of work called “maqâlât” (articles). In this respect, when the term “kalam” is mentioned, refutations and the history of factions come to mind first. Thanks to this characteristic, books of the maqâlât (articles) type are works that clearly reveal the political framework of the period in addition to relaying theological ideas from historical thinkers to us. In addition, these written sources tell us how the Ahl al-Sunnah belief, which has been regarded as the main source of Islamic doctrine since the time of the Prophet, has become a theological identity. In other words, these works have the ability to offer an idea about the formation of the Ahl-al Sunnah kalam.&nbsp;Sezgin states, in the introduction of the kalam section, that the emergence of this science is closely related to early political events. He is correct in this claim because, even though the Mu’tazili thinkers who are known as the first thinkers of Islam come to mind when the origins of the system of kalam is mentioned, Kharijiyyah, Qadariyyah, and Murjiah, who emerged after a number of political developments, also spoke on a theological platform. Therefore, it seems unlikely that the aforementioned groups are purely political groups.&nbsp;Sezgin says that the arguments of imamat (imamate), irja (reduction), and other issues (such as the question of the state of the great sinner) are the first arguments following&nbsp;the political events. He cites this finding with reference to Ignác Goldziher, a Western theologian. He also reports, from the German theologian Wellhausen, the issue that the Kharijiyyah were the first founders of kalam. However, it is possible to cite the same findings from sources of Islamic history. Here, it is understood that Sezgin elicited from the orientalist studies while explaining the process of the formation of sciences in GAS.&nbsp;Sezgin has stated that doctrine works were written in the point of refutation of Qadariyyah in order to prove that the written sources of kalam extend to the first century. He has also stated that the booklets concerning irja (reduction) and rejection belong to that time. He has mentioned that the qadar (fate) booklets are attributed to Hasan-al Basri and Umar b. Abdulaziz of that period and the booklet named Kitabu’l-irja is attributed to Hasan ibn Muhammad ibn al-Hanefiyyah. But the work named es-Sira, consisting of 52 leaves/warakas which is associated with Salim b. Zekvan, was not mentioned by Sezgin because it had not been found in that period. This work allows us to revise our knowledge about the time of the formation of Murjiah on the one hand, and on the other hand, it is the first text that conveys the disputes between the Kharijiyyah and the Murjiah factions.As a result, Geschichte des Arabischen Schrifttums is a very valuable work, for researchers, as an important source of information for Islamic studies. Sezgin tried to complete the deficiencies in the encyclopaedic catalogue of Carl Brockelmann in Geschichte der Arabischen Litteratur, which occupies a considerable place among Western sources. But as a result of our analyses in the section about kalam, briefly, the following points drew our attention:&nbsp;1. Sezgin has mentioned the authors he believed to be famous in the fields of aqaid (doctrines) and kalam in the kalam chapter. However, he also mentioned some kalam scholars in other chapters. For this reason, many kalam scholars and their works are found in multiple chapters. 2. All the books/booklets of some authors were wanted to be listed whether or not they are related to kalam. 3. While the records are kept for some works, this standard has not been applied to many works. 4. While some authors (whose works are non-existent today) are mentioned, many other authors in the same position have not been mentioned in such a way. 5. An addendum work should be carried out in which revisions of the translations and new editions made after the publication date of the books mentioned in GAS are entered. 6. Considering the recent studies, it seems necessary to write about the history of the kalam literature.&nbsp;

A Review, in the Context of Fuat Sezgin, of the Early Period of Kalam Literature

Fatma

Fuat Sezgin graduated from the Oriental Studies Institute of Istanbul University with a thesis entitled “Evolution of Ilm al-Badi and Catalog of Badīʿiyya Manuscripts in Istanbul Libraries”. His first aim was to identify the badīʿiyya manuscripts in the libraries of Istanbul, but he later faced some problems with the history of ilm al-badi. Therefore he set himself to researching the history of rhetoric (ilm al-balagha). His thesis has not been discussed in any academic study before and his views have not been revealed. It is thought that these views will contribute to the writing of history because they contains original claims. This study aims to evaluate the information included in the thesis and to draw attention to its importance.Ilm al-badi, which is one of the three sciences that compose ilm al-balagha, examines the ways of embellishing expressions. Badīʿiyya is a special kind of poetry written to praise the prophet, Muhammad. Certain conditions are sought in badīʿiyya poems: there must be at least one rhetorical form in each couplet, the number of couplets should be at least 50, etc. The first poet of this genre was Ṣafī al-Dīn al-Ḥilli (died 1348). About 100 poems in this genre were written by the 20th century after al- al-Ḥilli. Fuat Sezgin, in his thesis study, provided information on 17 badīʿiyya poems, their poets and the badīʿiyya manuscripts in Istanbul libraries.The first issue regarding the history of al-balagha that Fuat Sezgin reviewed is Aristotle’s effect on the rise of al-badi. Before him, Taha Hussein was the first to draw attention to this effect. However, he could not examine the Kitab al-Badi by Abdallah Ibn al-Mu’tazz. In his paper presented at the conference of orientalists in Leiden in 1931, Hussein stated that al-balagha was influenced by Aristotle. At that time, Kitab alBadi had not yet been published - Ignatij Julianovič Kračkovskıj published it in 1935 (London). Fuat Sezgin examined Kitab al-Badi and tried to determine the effect he was highlighting. Sezgin established a relationship between the chapters of the book and the developmental stages of al-badi. He thinks that the topics discussed in the first part of the book are already known, however, the second part of the book was written per the influence of Aristotle.&nbsp;One of the problems related to the history of al-balagha to which Sezgin had tried to propose a solution is Qudâma b. Ja’fer’s claim in his book Nakd al-Shi’r that he was the first author in the field of rhetorical forms. Sezgin was convinced that Qudâma who was one of the dewan clerks in the Abbasid period, could not ignore that Ibn al-Mu’tazz had&nbsp;written a book about al-badi. Therefore Qudama must not have seen his book. However, it is unthinkable that Qudama did not see Kitab al-Badi since he was one of the leading intellectuals of his time. Consequently, Fuat Sezgin came to a conclusion that when Qudama started writing his book, Ibn al-Mu’tazz had not yet written the second part of Kitab al-Badi. In other words, they both wrote about rhetorical forms at the same time. That’s why they both thought themselves to be the first person to approach ilm al-badi.Another point that Fuat Sezgin deems problematic in terms of the history of al-balagha is the rise and development phase of rhetoric from its beginnings to Hijri III. century. Sezgin objected to the initiation of al-balagha and the three sciences contained in it by specific individuals. He asserted that the emergence of al-ma’ani, al- bayan and al-badi as a science is based on previous periods. The history of ilm al-bayan is initiated by the work of Jahîz Kitāb al-bayān wa al-tabyīn, however, Fuat Sezgin acknowledges that in this period, al-bayan meant al-balagha in a broad sense and that the study of Jahiz contributed to its development as a discipline.Fuat Sezgin’s approaches to the issues he dealt with in the origins and development of al-balagha have original explanations. Nevertheless, it is a deficiency in the historical writing of al-balagha that Fuat Sezgin’s contributions were not included.

Fuat Sezgin’s Views on the Origins of Ilm al-Badi (In the context of his Dissertation on Ilm al-Badi)

In the history of Arabic literature, poets are divided into four categories: 1- Câhiliyyûn: Poets who lived before Islam, such as Imruulkays (d. around 540) and A‘shâ (d. 7/629?). 2- Muhadramûn: Poets who lived in both the pre-Islamic and Islamic period, such as Lebîd (d. 40/660 or 41/661) and Hassân b. Sâbit (d. 60/680?). 3- Mutekaddimûn/ Islâmiyyûn: Poets who lived in the first period of Islam, such as Ferezdak (d. 114/732?) and Carîr (d. 114/732?). 4- Muvelledûn/Muhdesûn: Poets who lived in the period between the previous era and present, such as Bashshâr b. Burd (d. 167/784) and Ebû Nuvâs (d. 198/813?). Of these, the poems of the first two categories are accepted as witness/evidence in all “linguistic sciences” and consequently in the “religious sciences,” which, in many cases, are based upon the linguistic sciences.&nbsp;Perhaps due to its position as the “foundation,” following the second half of the 19th century, suspicion was tried to be created by making certain claims about the reliability of the Quran and the Hadith, as well as the transmission and the originality of ancient Arabic poetry (especially the poems from the first two eras) by some Orientalists and their followers among the Islamic world. Shortly after, the subject of this claim was handled by the experts in the Islamic world and Orientalists, and revealed to be baseless, and literature was created on the subject.Fuat Sezgin, in the third introduction of the second volume, first part of his Târîhu’tturâsi’l-Arabî (Original in German: Geschichte des Arabischen Schrifttums [GAS]) has discussed the subjects of the transmission and the originality of the ancient Arabic poetry, as a response to the negative claims put forth, after summarizing the various positive and negative views put forth on the subject between the years of 1864-1956, summarized mostly in chronological order, under the title “Transmission and originality of Jahiliyyah and Sadru’l-Islâm poetry.” 4. In the introduction, he analyzed the “Research sources of Jahiliyya and Sadru’l-Islam poetry” by separating the sources into six groups: a) Shâir Dîvân’s, b) Qabîla dîvân’s, c) Poetry books, d) Literature books, e) Bayit and Qıt’a journals and f) Tabakāt books. In the second part of this volume, he introduced 282 poets, who lived in the period up to the year of 50/670, by dividing them into various groups and identified the literature discussing their work.The negative ones among the “views concerning the transmission and the originality of ancient Arabic poetry” that Fuat Sezgin alludes to in his introduction, while containing some minor differences, are essentially based upon the presupposition that “ancient Arabic poetry had, until the 2nd(8th) century, been transmitted only orally, not being put into writing”, and has been stated in this simple comparison:First Hypothesis: Ancient Arabic poetry was only transmitted orally. Second Hypothesis: Information transmitted only orally cannot be trusted.&nbsp;Conclusion: Ancient Arabic poetry is unreliable.&nbsp;For such a claim/conclusion to be valid, of course, his hypotheses must be true. Therefore, Fuat Sezgin responded to the first hypothesis by separating the “transmission of ancient Arabic poetry” into certain categories, displaying the fact that “ancient Arabic poetry was not only transmitted orally but on the contrary, writing was increasingly used even in the Jahiliyyah period;” and stated the conclusions he reached on the subject of “the originality of ancient Arabic poetry,” thus completing the third introduction.In this study, first of all, the views put forward about “the transmission and originality of ancient Arabic poetry” between 1864-1956 will be summarized in chronological order, in Fuat Sezgin’s point of view; and then, the subject of “transmission and originality of ancient Arabic poetry,” which Fuat Sezgin discussed as a response to negative claims put forth, will be conveyed as systematically as possible.In the second part of the study, a small “chronological reading list” was prepared to help those who want to do their research on the subject of “transmission and originality of ancient Arabic poetry.” The studies which Fuat Sezgin himself used were primarily added to the list. In addition, the literature before and after Fuat Sezgin, which can be accessed through other studies on the subject, was also added to the list.

According to Fuat Sezgin, the Transition and Originality of Old Arabic Poetry

Elif

Sabuncuoğlu Şerefeddin is a Turkish surgeon who lived in Anatolia in the fifteenth century. With his work entitled Cerrāḥiyye-i İlkhāniyye, light is shed on aspects of Turkish surgery in his period. This surgical textbook also has an important place in the history of surgery in general as it contains illustrations of surgical instruments and surgeries. In this article, three sections of Cerrāḥiyye-i İlkhāniyye pertaining to bloodletting, cupping and leech therapy are critically reviewed. The article also includes colored drawings of those operations and their instruments.&nbsp;Sabuncuoğlu Şerefeddin defined cupping as the process of drawing blood from capillaries. He defined bloodletting as the practice of letting blood by opening a vein. These definitions clarify the conceptual confusion between bloodletting and cupping in the current literature. He shared all details of these treatments such as definitions, localization of practice, indications, complications, hygienic measures, stopping of bleeding, wound care after the operations as well as the measures to be taken in unexpected situations. This shows that these treatments were systematic medical treatments at that time.An interesting piece of information was given by Sabuncuoğlu about the indication of bloodletting. He didn’t recommend bloodletting for the children under the age of 14 or for seniors over 60. Another remarkable point is that he didn’t recommend bloodletting for cholera patients even though one of the most important aspects of cholera treatment in the nineteenth century was bloodletting. The fact that Sabuncuoğlu doesn’t recommend bloodletting in a disease with diarrhea and vomiting indicates that he established a relation between diarrhea-vomiting and the loss of fluids in the body.The information provided by Sabuncuoğlu Şerefeddin also contributes to an old debate about the time of cupping. Like the Prophet Muḥammad, he was of the opinion that cupping should be performed in the beginning, middle or end of the month. But unlike the Prophet, he didn’t mention any weekdays for this operation. If one juxtaposes the information given in the ḥadīth literature with the scientific evidence reported by Sabuncuoğlu Şerefeddin, it can be said that the appropriate or inadmissible days of the week for cupping therapy, which are mentioned in the ḥadīth literature, should be considered specific to the Prophet’s time. However, Sabuncuoğlu Şerefeddin mentioned the weekdays, Monday and Wednesday, as appropriate days for bloodletting. The reason for this cannot be understood from the book. In addition, Sabuncuoğlu stated that in case of a disease, these treatments can be done at any time regardless of the suitability of time.

Bloodletting, Cupping, and Leech Therapy in Sabuncuoğlu Şerefeddin’s Cerrāḥiyye-i İlkhāniyye

Assoc. Prof.

This article examines the works of the Institute of Turkish Medical History under the directorship of Süheyl Ünver with regard to the early Republican identity politics. Süheyl Ünver had graduated from Mekteb-i Tıbbiye and also received training in classical Islamic arts. His scholarly interest led him undertake researches in the history of medicine during his stint in Europe. After 1930 Republican rulers intensified their interest in historiography, convened two Congresses to devise a new understanding of Turkish history. Ünver’s works on the history of medicine drew the attention of politicians and intellectuals of the time and he was encouraged to carry out new researches. Ünver remained in his position at Istanbul University Faculty of Medicine following the Darülfunûn reform and was appointed as the Director of Institute of Turkish Medicine. His studies were closely followed and praised by such historians as Reşit Galip, Afet İnan and Yusuf Akçura. Ünver stressed the importance of these efforts in building a national history in medical sciences, yet the difference between his approach and that of the ruling elite in certain cases was noteworthy. It is possible to say that Ünver’s main concern was to preserve manuscripts, records and archival designs so as to transmit past knowledge to his own age.&nbsp;In the works of Süheyl Ünver and the Institute of Turkish Medical History it is frequently stressed that the contribution of Turks to medical science was ignored and that they did not get the place they deserved while Arabs and Persians were treated with due respect. Unver claims that dozens of works “originally” belonged to the Turks were not attributed to the Turks. He focuses on the studies of leading men of science such as İbn Sînâ, Fârabî, Bîrûnî, arguing that these names were part of Turkish scientific history. Through this approach Ünver notes that Persians, Arabs, Turks had their own national histories different from each other and it is necessary for Turks to build their own national history. Ünver puts emphasize on political and cultural affiliation, claiming that the fact that their works were not written in Turkish would not mean that they were not Turks. A similar approach held true for research articles on medical institutions and practices published by the Institute. Many hospitals, thermals and dispensaries built in different geographies, including those institutions located in today’s Egypt, İran and Afghanistan should be considered as part of Turkish medical history. Aside from the publications in Turkish the Institute published works in French and English. Ünver notes that thanks to their efforts, which he regarded a national task, the contributions of the Turks to the history of science started to get wider recognition among the Western scientific circles. It can be said that Ünver’s stress on Turkness in a reaction against the West had emerged during the Tanzimat period and was shared by the Republican thinkers and rulers. Based on the works of the Institute of Turkish Medical History it took an institutional dimension so that these scholars could be treated as Turkish scientists in history textbooks and official discourse.&nbsp;The question of identity is related to the understanding of history. The early Republicans disregarded Ottoman-Islamic identity, excluding or discounting Islamic sources in the definition of Turkness. That Suheyl Unver’s close friend Nafiz Uzluk, whom he published Turk Tıp Tarihi Arkivi journal under the Institute, had a close interest in the history of Seljukcs is worthwhile. They held an all-inclusive approach and investigated the medical practices of Ghaznevids, Uyghurs and even pre-Islamic Anatolian civilizations, regarding preach, therapy, natural care and other methods of treatment a richness in medical tradition. In this perspective the transformation to the modern medicine is a continuity with the past. Despite this divergence in devising the framework, it could be argued that the works of the Institute of Turkish Medical History received a general approval among the Republican elites in that period.

As a Historical Continuity “Medicine of the Turks”: Süheyl Ünver and the Institute of Medical History

Ekrem

Fuat Sezgin’in Eserinde Tasavvuf Literatürü Hakkında Bir Değerlendirme veya Gecikmiş Bir Bilim Olarak Tasavvuf: Pratikten Teoriye Tasavvufun Çelişkisi

Muhammed İkbal

GAS’ın Hadis Bölümü ile Buhari’nin Kaynakları’nın Karşılaştırmalı Bir Analizi

Fuat Sezgin’ın GAS’ı Bağlamında Erken Dönem Tefsir Literatürü Hakkında Bir Değerlendirme (1- 5. Asır)

Muhammet İkbal

Ebu Ubeyde Ma’mer b. Müsenna ve Mecâzü’l-Kur’ân İsimli Eseri

Şaban

Fuat Sezgin’in GAS’ı Bağlamında İslam Hukuku Lüteratürü Hakkında Bir İnceleme

Kadir

İtikâdî İslam Mezhepleri Tarihi Literatürüne Dair Araştırmalar Bağlamında Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums / GAS’ın Kaynaklık Değeri ve Fonksiyonu

Fuat Sezgin ve Islami Ilimler Çalıştayı, 1 Kasım 2019

Sıracettin

Uluslararası Islâm Bilim Tarihi ve Fuat Sezgin Sempozyumu 15-17 Şubat 2019 Diyarbakır

Ayşe

CALL FOR PAPER FOR SPECIAL ISSUE

Hamza

The study of hadith narrators (ʿilm al-rijāl) arose in the 2nd century AH as hadith scholars worked to identify and catalog the names of narrators, searching for their stories and scrutinizing their conditions. The oldest compilations of this field of study may date back more specifically to the second half of this century. Regardless, by the 3rd century AH, a significant increase had occurred in authorship on the subject. As a consequence, authors began to focus their texts on one of the many subfields that came to make up the larger study of hadith narrators: biographies, histories, studies assessing the reliability of narrators (al-jarḥ wa al-taʿdīl), and compilations of names and surnames. As leading scholars continued to develop this genre, delving into the histories and affairs of narrators, it was only a matter of time before they came across narrators who shared the same names. They found that two narrators may have the same first name and father’s name, first name and family name, first name and kunya [honorific], kunya and family name, or the like. The question therefore recurred in scholars’ minds of how to determine when to combine (al-jamʿ) and when to differentiate (al-tafrīq) narrators with the same names; in other words, when to consider them as the same person or as separate people.At the same time in the 3rd century AH, the composition of books relating to the Sahaba (the companions of the Prophet Muhammad) had appeared, taking various forms. Some authors such as Bukhari (d. 256) and Ibn Abi ʿĀṣim (d. 287) chose to focus entire texts on the Sahaba, while others including Ibn Saʿd (d. 230), Khalīfa bin Khayyāṭ (d. 240), and again Bukhari included sections on the Sahaba within their larger texts of biography or history. In both of these kinds of books, the authors are found to have also dealt with the question of combination and differentiation (al-jamʿ wa al-tafrīq) of shared names.This problem appeared so frequently that scholars who’ve tackled it over the years first dedicated specific terminology to it (i.e., al-muttafiq wa al-muftariq [the alike and the unalike]) and then built a whole sub-genre dedicated to it under the broader field of hadith studies. One must not look any further for examples than Kitāb al-Muttafiq by Abu Bakr al-Jawzaqī (d. 388 AH) or Kitāb al-Muttafiq wa al-Muftariq by al-Khaṭīb (d. 463 AH), amongst others. This increased literary activity led to scholars criticizing and questioning each other’s positions on the subject. For example, al-Khaṭīb’s Muwaḍḍiḥ Awhām alJamʿ wa al-Tafrīq disputed Bukhari’s Al-Tārīkh al-Kabīr. He argued that Bukhari had mistakenly combined two disparate individuals into a single biographical entry in one instance while dedicating two biographical entries to a single person incorrectly in another.This study aims to give careful consideration to this issue of al-jamʿ wa al-tafrīq in books dedicated to the Sahaba specifically. It uncovers the perceptiveness of the authors of this genre and the particular attention they paid to solving this matter, both in theory and in practice. This study further aims to identify their tendencies toward either narrowing or expanding, namely whether they tended to consider narrators with shared names as a single individual or as separate individuals. This article will evaluate the efficacy of their approaches toward resolving this issue as a whole by focusing on the most significant and prominent texts. These are: Maʿrifat al-Ṣaḥāba by Ibn Manda (d. 395 AH), Maʿrifat al-Ṣaḥāba by Abu Nuʿaym al-Asfahānī (d. 430 AH), al-Istiʿāb fi Maʿrifat al-Aṣḥāb by Ibn ʿAbd al-Barr (d. 463 AH), Asad al-Ghāba by Ibn al-Athīr (d. 636 AH), and Al-Iṣāba fi Tamyīz al-Ṣaḥāba by Ibn Hajar (d. 852 AH).This article is not an applied study that determines whether specific biographies of the Sahaba tended toward combining or differentiating those with shared names or that concludes by determining which approach is more compelling. This is also not a study whose goal is to encompass every single example of al-jamʿ wa al-tafrīq in order to end up with an integrated methodology with which to approach this problem. This study instead aims to trace the history of this issue and its development through books dedicated to the Sahaba. It will identify the various ways that the authors of these texts had treated companions with shared names and will evaluate the effectiveness of their perspectives as a whole. It will also pave the way for more specialized studies on the approaches of these authors, such as studies focused on a single one of these authors or studies comparing the approaches of two or more authors in detail. It will also facilitate future foundational studies that will outline a comprehensive methodology for approaching this issue by highlighting evidence, restrictions, perceptions, and other similar factors.ne of this study’s conclusions has been to establish that the issue of al-jamʿ wa altafrīq had appeared early on in the very first of the compositions dedicated to the study of hadith narrators. The composition of works relating to the Sahaba was no different. As was stated previously, the issue of al-jamʿ wa al-tafrīq was also raised in the very first texts on the Sahaba in the 3rd century AH.Another conclusion this study has reached is to demonstrate how the authors of studies on the Sahaba had varied both in terms of the extent to which they were concerned at all with al-jamʿ wa al-tafrīq, as well as their approaches to dealing with this issue. Some tended towards differentiating Sahaba with similar names into disparate personalities and rarely combined them into a single person, while others rarely differentiated names and preferred more often to combine them, and still others chose a middle path between the two. Ibn Manda is considered to have very liberally differentiated between Sahaba with shared names, while Abu Nuʿaym is considered at the opposite end of the spectrum. As for Ibn ‘Abd al-Barr, Ibn al-Athīr, and Ibn Hajar, they were all balanced in their decision to combine or differentiate. However, one could say that Ibn Hajar had leaned toward expansiveness in practice, as he tended to differentiate more than he combined those with shared names, even though his theoretical methodology advocated mediating between the two. While Abu Nuʿaym’s language is generally decisively in favor of combining, Ibn ʿAbd al-Barr’s is more indecisive, both with regards to combining as well as to differentiating. As for Ibn al-Athīr and Ibn Hajar, their explanations stand out for their ability to detail degrees of decisiveness that reflect their careful consideration in determining when to combine or differentiate.This study also concludes that Ibn Manda had not concerned himself at all with this issue, let alone demonstrated any method on how to approach it. Abu Nuʿaym instead was the first to illustrate a method for dealing with this problem when considering only those books relating to the Sahaba, not to those covering the study of narrators more broadly. Abu Nuʿaym offered circumstantial evidence, both explicitly and implicitly, and advocated combining two biographical entries. He did not offer any evidence with regards to differentiating two persons with shared names, as he never did so himself, though one may find instances when he simply upheld a previous author’s differentiation between two persons. Ibn ʿAbd al-Barr expanded this methodology by sharing circumstantial evidence for both when to combine and when to differentiate. His evidence is clearer and more explicit than Abu Nuʿaym’s in terms of combining, and he also included examples of when to differentiate. One can say that this methodology then reached the pinnacle of its development in the hands of Ibn al-Athīr and Ibn Hajar, for they demonstrated how to use circumstantial evidence for either combining or differentiating, and their explanations are largely similar. In most instances, the difference between the two is either that one author’s particular evidence is more general while the other’s is more detailed, or that one author chose to leave out mentioning some of the other author’s evidence, having believed it to be understood by other pieces of evidence that had been mentioned. As such, to assert that a theoretical difference exists between Ibn al-Athīr’s and Ibn Hajar’s methodologies to approaching this issue is untenable. In most instances, the two differed on whether to combine or differentiate two Sahaba with shared names due to practical and not theoretical reasons.&nbsp;

The Problem of al-Jam’ wa al-Tafrīq in Books relating to the Sahaba

Assoc. Prof. Dr.

The eucharistic congress emerged in line with the understanding of church management of Pope Leo XIII, who followed a transparent policy in church administration and attached importance to unity among Christians. Pope Leo XIII, who improved his relations with the Ottoman Empire and restructured the Catholic missions in many parts of the world, had a separate policy regarding Eastern Christians, and in this sense, the eucharistic congress in Jerusalem is remarkable. The 8th International Eucharistic Congress held in Jerusalem in 1893 was significantly different from previous congresses in that it was the first to be held outside Europe and that it took place in the lands where Christianity was born.As soon as the eucharistic congress in Jerusalem was announced, it created an important agenda in European public opinion. The Ottoman ambassadors abroad sent news about the congress to Istanbul regularly. The general concern of the Ottoman statesmen regarding the congress was how the Orthodox Church might react to such a congress and whether this could turn into a security problem. According to the opinion of some of the Ottoman ambassadors abroad, the efforts to organize the congress were more on the part of France than the Papacy, and this motivation stemmed from the ambitions of the French Government and priests of French origin about Jerusalem.Although, at first, some Ottoman statesmen objected to the organization of the eucharistic congress in Jerusalem, the problems that might arise if such a meeting were later banned entirely by them were discussed. It would have been possible to spread Propaganda that the Ottoman Empire did not act tolerantly about freedom of religion and sects. The prevention of such a congress, which was said to have a purely spiritual side and to fulfill a religious duty, would have perhaps led to misperceptions. Therefore, permission to host the congress was considered appropriate for the benefit of the state, and local officials in Jerusalem were instructed to take the necessary measures.From the newspaper columns in Europe at the time, it is evident that the congress aroused great excitement in the capitals of Catholic-dominated countries. Catholic sects of French origin and bishops of French origin in the Vatican were the ones who mobilized Catholic public opinion. However, the media’s direction of public opinion in Rome and Paris gave rise to a feeling as if a Crusade was taking place against the East, which increased Ottoman anxiety. This kind of concern occurred not only in the Ottoman Empire but also among the followers of the Eastern Church, whose trust in the Roman Church decreased after the Crusades. Aware of the situation, Papal officials stated that such false and exaggerated news would lead to canceling the congress in Jerusalem and provoke people living in the East.The Armenian Catholic Patriarch Azarian was also an active person in the eucharistic congress. Patriarch Azarian, who went to Rome in February 1893 to celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of Pope Leo’s bishopric and to present the sultan’s gift to the pope, also met with the Ottoman ambassador. On the congress issue, the Ottoman ambassador conveyed the Ottomans’ concerns to him. However, Azarian’s version of events was different. Although he said that the eucharistic congress was canceled by the Papacy at the beginning of 1893, he later gave up on this discourse. Patriarch Azarian stated that after meeting with the pope in the Vatican, Cardinal Langénieux was to pay a visit to Jerusalem, but bishops from different countries would also go to Jerusalem. Azarian’s statement that bishops from different countries would go to Jerusalem was aimed at alleviating public concern. Because the origin of the clergy who took the lead in the congress was generally French, the concern that France’s interests were protected existed both in the Ottoman Empire and in different European countries.Although Azarian took an active role in the process of the congress, he was not allowed to attend the congress in Jerusalem. The words he uttered in Rome disturbed the Ottomans. One of the reasons for the problem was that Azarian informed the pope that the Armenians were persecuted in the Ottoman Empire and asked for his help. Another was Azarian’s request for permission from the pope to attend the spiritual congress in Jerusalem without the knowledge of the Ottoman Government. For reasons such as this, he was not allowed to go to Jerusalem and was, instead, instructed to return to Istanbul.While the congress was handled by the Ottoman bureaucrats in Europe with a focus on profit and loss and security, the European public was depicted in value-laden terms where the sacred was embraced in their lives with enthusiasm. According to the newspapers close to the Papacy, at the congress in Jerusalem, besides the glorification of Jesus Christ, the muchdesired church unity would be achieved. Thus, the Eastern Churches, which were disconnected from each other, would be able to come together again illuminated by the light of the Roman Catholic Church. Under the leadership of Langénieux, representatives of all languages and peoples would come together. Catholic East and West would embrace and glorify Jesus Christ as members of a family with the same feelings, despite their differences in traditions, rites, and languages. The eucharistic congress would not only be content with reviving religious belief but would also increase the functionality of the eucharistic practices.When Cardinal Langénieux’s departure to Jerusalem was deemed appropriate, a matter of protocol arose. Since no clergy at the Cardinal level had visited Jerusalem for centuries, it was not known at first what kind of protocol should be put in place. State ceremonies were held for patriarchs in the Ottoman Empire; however, since the place of the Cardinal in the protocol could not be predicted exactly, negotiations were held by the relevant official units about how to organize a welcoming ceremony. The French ambassador was also informed about the issue and his advice was taken. As a result, since the cardinals were in a higher position than the patriarchs and were considered to be “church princes,” it was deemed appropriate to make an arrangement accordingly. Consequently, the required official ceremony was held for the Cardinal.The congress, which took place in 8 sessions between May 13 and 21, 1893 under the supervision of Cardinal Langénieux, was held in the Convent of the Saint Savior of the Franciscans. The participation of a total of thirty bishops, including Eastern Catholic (Uniat) and Latin bishops, as well as the Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem Luigi Piavi, was an important achievement for the Roman Catholic Church. However, the differences of opinion among the Latino groups in Jerusalem became even more concrete in this congress. While the Latin Patriarchate of Jerusalem and the Franciscans were distant from religious patronage of France, the White Fathers and the Assumptionists had a more positive view.Another issue of separation that emerged at the congress was the approach of different Latin Catholic groups to Eastern Catholics. While some of them perceived Catholicization as Latinization and advocated full devotion to the Roman Church in the liturgy, others thought that Eastern Christians could preserve their church traditions even if they were Catholics. The White Fathers and the Assumptionists were Catholic sects that were conscious of the fine line between Latinization and Catholicization. In this context, while France gave more support to the White Fathers and Assumptionists, it made great efforts to remove the Propaganda Fide Administration in Jerusalem.Inspired by the eucharistic congress in Jerusalem, it is an important development that the Eastern and Western churches came together again in Rome a year later to discuss common problems. Pope Leo XIII published the Praeclara Gratulationis document as a result of the eucharistic congress in Jerusalem and summoned the Eastern Catholic Patriarchs to Rome. As a result, a meeting was held in Rome in November of the following year and important decisions were taken with the papal document titled Orientalium Dignitas.At the end of the congress, which lasted more than a week, it was apparent that the Ottoman Empire did not have any of the security problems that it had been worried about. In addition to the state’s taking the necessary precautions, the suggestions of the Papacy to avoid behaviors that would provoke other Christian sects were also effective in this. After leaving Jerusalem, Cardinal Langénieux conveyed his thanks to the Ottoman Empire through the French embassy for the interest shown to him. Since the congress was held without any problems and the necessary measures that were taken in this direction would also please Pope Leo XIII, after the congress, he sent a third class medal to the Governor of Jerusalem, İbrahim Hakkı Pasha.In this study, Jerusalem-based reconciliation efforts of the Roman Catholic Church with the Eastern Catholics called Uniat are included. The attitudes of Ottoman statesmen regarding whether or not the congress should be held in Jerusalem, which was located in the Ottoman lands in that period, and the perceptions of the Western public about the eucharistic congress are discussed in detail. The views of the Catholic sects of French origin and the Latin missions in Jerusalem on the traditions of the Eastern Christians were examined in depth in the context of Jerusalem. In the study, which was handled in light of documents from the Prime Ministry Ottoman Archive and foreign newspapers of the period, the processes of the eucharistic congress and the risks faced by the Roman Catholic Church after the meetings and the gains it achieved were discussed comparatively.

The Importance of the Eucharistic Congress Held in Jerusalem in 1893 for the Roman Catholic Church and the Eastern Catholic Churches

Maher

Mohammed

Marion

Abdulhalim

Suhaib

The Effectiveness of Online Learning and Teaching of Arabic as a  Foreign Language in Turkish Universities

Cemal

Comprehending the verses of the Holy Qur’an requires more than just reading; genuine comprehension is dependent on grasping the intricate meanings hidden within its words.This article conducts an incisive analysis of the nuances of the Quranic term “Aziz,” as well as related words derived from the same root, to elucidate their precise semantic dimensions. Noteworthily, “Aziz” is one of Allah’s 99 revered names, collectively known as Asma-ul-Husna. However, the present study is dedicated to exploring the multifaceted interpretations of “Aziz” apart from its manifestation in the Asma-ul-Husna lexicon, as that aspect demands separate scholarly investigation. A pivotal facet of the term lies in its homophonic nature, wherein this discourse aims to distinguish the various connotations of “Aziz” .This endeavor examines the classical Arabic literature and foundational texts to uncover the term’s myriad implications. Historic lexicons contain a wealth of interpretations attributed to “Aziz,” tracing its evolution from its initial embodiment denoting soil hardening—an inherently tangible concept. The term’s semantic landscape has evolved over time to encompass a spectrum of meanings, each of which resonates with the insights of previous scholars, thus corroborating the thesis expounded within this article. The meanings woven around “Aziz” include rigidity, arduousness, potency, unattainability, staunchness, triumph, regality, and ascendancy—eight distinct facets adorning its existence within the Holy Qur’an. Furthermore, “Aziz” assumes the mantle of “scarcity and preciousness,” within the Quranic fabric, adding yet another layer of depth to its semantic matrix. Consequently, this single word bears ten different shades of meaning, each tailored to its contextual application within the sacred verses. This study aims to reveal the potential interconnections among these connotations. The current article conducts an in-depth examination of the term’s lexical applications in Qur’anic verses. Aside from its attribution as one of the divine names, the term “Aziz” زيزع appears eleven times in the Qur’anic text. Furthermore, variations of the root term, including ةَّزِعَأ (aizzah), ةّزِع (izzah), زَعأ (a’azz), زِعُت (tu’izz), زِع (izz), انْزّزَع (azzazna), and ينَّزَع (azzany), appear in seventeen different verses. Thus, this paper examines the semantic underpinnings of twenty-eight Qur’anic verses, drawing on a corpus of classical dictionaries, exegetical commentaries (tafsirs), and authoritative works such as “Maani’l-Qur’an,” “Gharib al-Qur’an,” “Wujuh,” and “Nazair.” In this regard, the elucidations proffered by eminent scholars like Muqatil ibn Sulayman (150/767), Khalil ibn Ahmad (175/791), Yahya al-Farra (207/822), Abu “Ubaydah (209/824), Ibn al-Sikkīt (244/858), Ibn Qutayba (276/889) Ibn Jarir al-Tabari (310/923), al-Zajjaj (311/923), Ibn Durayd (321/933) an-Nahhas (338/950) Abu Mansur al-Azharī (370/980) Abu Sulayman al-Khattābī (388/998) al-Jawharī (393/1003) Ibn Fāris (395/1004) Abu Hilal al-Askari (400/1009-? ) Raghib al-Isfahanî (425/1033-?), Wahidî (468/1076), al-Ghazzali (505/1111) al-Zamakhshari (538/1144), and Majduddin Ibn al-Athir (606/1210) are invoked alongside dictionary definitions and explanations from scholarly resources. This study makes a meticulous effort to provide translations of Quranic verses containing the term “Aziz” or lexically related terms, to render their meanings precise. This work also includes four distinct authoritative Turkish translations of the Holy Qur’an. These translations, authored by Elmalılı Hamdi Yazır, Ömer Nasuhi Bilmen, Hasan Basri Çantay, and Ali Fikri Yavuz, are well-known in Turkish Islamic discourse. Elmalılı Hamdi Yazır and Ömer Nasuhi Bilmen, both scholars of the Ottoman madrasah tradition, and Hasan Basri Çantay, a luminary nurtured within the Ottoman intellectual landscape, bestow the hallmark of classical authenticity on their translations. In parallel, Ali Fikri Yavuz’s rendition is one of the most widely distributed Turkish translations,demonstrating its accessibility. By meticulously engaging with these select translations, this study enriches the scholarly landscape through a nuanced exploration of the term “Aziz” and its cognates, rooted in an array of authoritative Turkish Qur’anic translations. The prominence of these translations as pioneering examples of their respective literary styles, combined with their widespread dissemination, plays a significant role in selecting these particular renditions. The article includes excerpts from these four Turkish Qur’anic translations, forming a foundational framework for comparative analysis. This method allows for a juxtaposition of the translations proposed in this study to those found in the four prevalent Qur’an translations, thereby leveraging Arabic primary sources as a comparative touchstone. Moreover, this paper broadens its scope to include an evaluative dimension of the chosen translations. This evaluative process is supported by illustrative examples that aim to clarify the nuances of the subject matter under consideration. Furthermore, this paper examines the chosen translations, substantiated with illustrative examples, to explain the subject at hand. Although the term “Aziz” exists in Turkish, its semantic depth is overshadowed by its Arabic counterpart. Despite their classical essence, the translators of the four Qur’anic versions occasionally choose a literal rendering of “Aziz,” leading to comprehension challenges in contemporary contexts. Consequently, retranslations are urgently needed guided by a more approachable approach. Furthermore, within the scope of this article, a thorough discussion of the semantic complexities inherent in the term “izzah,” as opposed to its antonymous counterpart “zilla,” ensues. Given their association with the term “Aziz,” their occurrence in Turkish language warrants attention. The translations proffered by Hasan Basri Çantay are remarkable for their clarity, which can be attributed to his journalistic background. Hi careful selection of lexical choices could support this clarity in translation, which could be tailored to his intended readership. By delineating semantic parameters of this homonymous term and fostering accurate comprehension in line with its verses, this article sheds light on the depth of analysis by early Arabic and tafsir scholars of the Qur’an. Finally, this study can be used as a model for researching other Quranic terminologies. This scholarly article makes a dual contribution by delineating the semantic parameters surrounding a homonymous word while ensuring its accurate comprehension within the context of its occurrences in Quranic verses. As a result, it sheds light on the exhaustive extent to which previous Arabic scholars and commentators meticulously examined the complexities of the Qur’an. The significance of this research transcends its immediate subject matter, with the potential to serve as a pioneering model for examining numerous other words in the Qur’an. By elucidating the methods and insights used in this study, it lays the groundwork for a broader scholarly framework that can be extrapolated to analyzing various linguistic components present in the Quranic discourse.

The Meanings of the Word “Aziz” in the Quran

Hany

In terms of academic studies, consensus exists regarding the inadequacy of studies and research on Arabic grammar for non-Arabic speakers. Although very few theoretical studies are found on the subject, applied studies are practically non-existent, with their complete absence confirmable in terms of compositions and curricula designed explicitly for non-Arabic speakers. This explicit insufficiency of and severe deficit in studies and research are the main motives why this research has been prepared. The research discusses Arabic grammar from two angles: (1) the philosophy of language as a fullyfledged construction, and (2) Arabic syntax as a description of this construction and, to some extent, a criterion for the inclusion of what may come under its umbrella, as well as what should be excluded. Therefore, the research raises a fundamental question. Should Arabic grammar for non-Arabic speakers provide simplicity and clarity in terms of Arabic syntax, or should it be based on the language itself and its styles, formulating its grammar to meet the needs of learners and remaining compatible with modern linguistics? Sub-questions are found to branch off from this in relation to the rejuvenation of syntax and its consequences, the usefulness of old Arabic syntax in language acquisition, and the exclusivity of non-native Arabic learners and their needs. The research attempts to seek answers to these legitimate questions using the historical approach as a descriptive analytical approach and as required by the nature of the research.In this context, this research combines the originality and modernity of the Arabic language, focusing on its main goal of attempting to adjust Arabic grammar and present it with a new vision that meets the needs of non-Arabic-speaking learners, making this the dominant criterion as well as a determinant when different viewpoints and opinions diverge, all with regard to the aim of filling the gap in the studies on the acquisition of Arabic for non-native speakers. The paradoxes and distinctions between Arabic syntax for native speakers and Arabic grammar for non-native speakers should be the starting reference point. Acknowledging this fact while recognizing how this has been identified in a number of topics is a proper and sound start for deciphering the codes to teach the Arabic language in general and non-native speakers in particular. No exaggeration is made in saying that if this start is successful, it may entice a reformulation of the syntax and grammar of the Arabic language for its own speakers as well, thus contributing to the acquisition of classical Arabic more easily and quickly and correcting any erroneous mental images about the difficulty of the Arabic language.The study is expected to contribute to providing some practical and applied solutions based on a consensual modernist vision by benefiting from the linguistic considerations on one hand and the traditional corpus on the other, which is positively reflected in the field of composing and teaching Arabic for non-native speakers, and this is what makes this study important in the field of teaching Arabic to non-native speakers. The study concludes with the importance of grammar and its syntactic, morphological, and phonetic variations in acquiring the Arabic language. In addition, the study emphasizes the importance of the traditional corpus regarding Arabic syntax based on the opinions and guidance it contains, as well as its helpfulness as a source for developing educational lessons for non-Arabic speakers. However, the study still stresses the importance of classifying and implementing a number of issues resulting from the needs of non-Arabic speaking learners, as well as the distinction between Arabic learners and non-Arabic speaking learners. Based on this distinction, the study thus calls for the following:- Reconsider the classification of Arabic grammar books for non-native speakers, as diacritical marks are no longer the dominant criterion in classifying grammar, as is well-known in grammar books. Instead, common uses have become the main guide for choosing rules and their anastrophe, in addition to learners’ levels and linguistic needs at each level.- Divide grammar rules and distribute them across the levels. Language acquisition is a gradual process based on the formation of linguistic habits, and rules are one way to achieve this. The intention is not to have learners be able to understand the rules without applying them but to have learners understand such things at the beginner level as how to present the nominal and verbal sentence components without addressing sub- diacritical marks.- Give less focus or minimize syntactical terms so that learners don’t get overwhelmed with these terms and definitions and fall into the trap of descriptive rather than functional grammar. Learners will not suffer by not knowing terms if they are able to apply the rules and generate new sentences by following examples.- Develop new chapters that meet the needs of non-Arabic speaking learners and answer their questions. Contrastive linguistics can also be used when developing these chapters. One chapters that is deemed to be urgently needed is on verb tenses and their modes, transitions, and auxiliaries. In addition, adjectives should be allocated a separate chapter for modifiers by taking into account the division of nouns into such parts of speech as proper nouns, adjectives, pronouns, and articles so as to help learners avoid making mistakes when using these as adjectives.- Choose the easiest grammar rules even if they are predominant. This is because the syntactic and linguistic traditional corpus has a rich lexicon of diverse grammatical opinions. The researcher of the current article is sufficient in this lexicon with regard to benefiting from what could facilitate the teaching of Arabic language to non-native speakers and has thus adopted the opinion the rules should be simplified and made more applicable. However, this opinion is also preferable in terms of reasoning and debate among grammar schools. For instance, opinions can be found that state having a subject precede the verb is permissible due to verbal sentences being defined as sentences that include a verb regardless of where the verb is located in the sentence and especially due to the Arabic language having a free style that is characterized by flexibility in the use of anastrophe.

Arabic Rules Between Philosophy of Language and Grammar Criterion: A Modernist Approach

Bilal

Making the Focal Map of Johannine Studies: A Survey of Modern Scholarship

Fatih

Abdurrahman

Prof. Dr.

This study examines the reactions of society to emerging risks during the era categorized as late, advanced, or high modernity, according to Ulrich Beck and Anthony Giddens. These reactions against the risks caused by modernity in Turkey have turned into new social movements characterized by certain organizational structures. It is seen that some of these movements emphasize religious discourse and their supporters adopt a mystical lifestyle. Among these movements are alternative medicine and the new age phenomenon, both of which gained traction in the latter part of the 20th century. Diverging from conventional social movements, these contemporary movements adopt alternative ways of life as a reaction to the potential risks associated with a modern way of life. This study focuses on the Aidin Salih School, an alternative medicine movement that has steadily expanded its influence. The study aims to examine the motivational sources of individuals aligned with this school and to closely analyze the social dynamics underlying their adopted way of life.The introduction section of this study provides a concise overview of how sociology approaches social movements. The study is built on the theoretical frameworks of Ulrich Beck’s “Risk Society” and Anthony Giddens’s notion of the “Juggernaut” (crushing machine) of modernity. In addition, the concepts of “Return of the Actor,” which Alain Touraine used to describe the new social movements that emerged after World War II, Zygmunt Bauman’s “History Angel” and Eric J. Hobsbawm’s “Invention of Tradition,” were employed.This study follows an interpretive and commentator paradigm and employs qualitative research methods. The study employs a purposeful sampling method, applying in-depth interviews for individual interactions and participatory observation for group activities.Thus, this chapter discusses the emergence of Traditional, Complementary, and Alternative Medicine (TCAM) treatments, which outlines the definitions and general contents of these concepts, as well as their historical context. The study later addresses the societal factors contributing to the current popularity of these treatment modalities.Traditional treatments, which faced diminishing legitimacy due to the rise of biomedicine, regained recognition in the late 20th century amid critiques of modern medical practices. TCAM has been integrated into national health policies in numerous countries, influenced by the World Health Organization’s studies on TCAM. Regulation changes in Turkey have facilitated the application of methods such as cupping and leeching, which are applied in the Islamic tradition, alongside methods from the Far East. These methods are now accepted under certain conditions outlined by the Ministry of Health.This chapter focuses on the evolution of modern medicine and the emergence of alternative medicine movements in Turkey. First, the reflections of the reforms conducted&nbsp;in the political and social fields after the establishment of the Republic in the field of health are discussed. Traditional medicine, which was once associated with medical practices of the Imperial period, was also intertwined with religious and political authority, encompassing both religious practices and the way of life of those in power. Conversely, modern medicine was considered a means to express individualism and citizenship in the modern era.Despite the reforms conducted by the state and the modernization of healthcare, traditional treatments persist at the societal level. However, a paradigm shift occurred in the late 20th century, alongside criticisms of modern medicine. This shift led to a notable rise in traditional and/or alternative and complementary therapies both in Turkey and globally. These treatment approaches, often appearing as civil society movements, have become increasingly visible in the public sphere.&nbsp;The Effective alternative medicine movements in Turkey can generally be classified into two categories. The first category comprises movements that draw inspiration and guidance from the Islamic tradition, the Qur’an, and the Sunnah. The second category encompasses eclectic movements heavily influenced by Eastern traditions, particularly India and China, under the influence of globalization.The primary focus of this study, and the key figure within the first category, is that of Aidin Salih. Salih has played a significant role in establishing an alternative medicine movement in Turkey through her book “Real Medicine” and her work in training students.While multiple factors contribute to the emergence of such movements, one of the most significant aspects, from the researcher’s perspective, is the dynamics of modernity. A noteworthy point of criticism within these movements is the dissatisfaction stemming from the modern way of life. This discontent arises due to the risks posed by modernity.Ulrich Beck’s theory of Risk Society sheds light on the hidden dimensions of modernity, aiming to reveal the risks and threats it generates. His work explains the changes and transformations caused by modernity. According to Beck, the novel risks arising from industrial society possess the potential to persist across generations and destroy natural ways of life.Much like Ulrich Beck, Anthony Giddens shares concerns regarding the extent and prevalence of the risks posed by modernity. Giddens refers to this phase as “late modernity” or “advanced modernity.” He characterizes modernity as a “Juggernaut,” a metaphor for a dominating force (crushing machine). Industrialization according to Giddens, not only transforms nature but also leads to the creation of a “socialized nature” or “artificial environment.” In this transformed landscape, industrialism has exposed the risk of ecological decay and irreversible disasters. The resulting unrest within society has provided fertile ground for the emergence of some new social movements, often centered on the environment. These movements possess a reactive stance against modernity, with a notable feature being their defense of traditional production methods in opposition to industrial practices.Numerous alternative medicine movements, including the Aidin Salih movement, criticize modern life practices and strive to integrate the natural into everyday life. Dr. Aidin Salih, a Ukrainian convert, and her students are the inspiration behind the Aidin Salih movement. Salih’s publication, “Real Medicine,” allowed conveying her thoughts and practices to a wide audience. Followers of Real Medicine perceive modern risks and threats not as failures of scientific and technological progress, but rather as deliberate outcomes. They believe that the main purpose is to overthrow the order established by the Creator and to build the order of the devil who rebelled against the Creator. According to them, the new order to be established as a diabolical plan was designed in the research laboratories, in the cosmic rooms of the world’s insidious rich and those who rule the world. Modern science, and especially biomedicine, serves this plan.The followers of the Real Medicine movement, which emerged as a protest movement against the risks posed by modernity during the late modern era, perceive it as a religious duty to resist and address these modern risks. Their perspectives and assertions draw from religious texts, traditional teachings, and diverse scientific data.Real Medicine practitioners believe that their efforts generate awareness regarding modern risks among individuals, thereby stimulating critical thinking. They hold that this process contributes to thinking about the reason and wisdom for existence. By elucidating how individuals can safeguard and enhance their physical, mental, and spiritual wellbeing through concepts of health and religious arguments, they believe that they are fulfilling a sublime mission because they lead people to “religious reflexivity.”&nbsp;Followers of Real Medicine movements adopt a critical stance toward the modern way of life, considering it to be the source of various problems. They turn to the “Asr-ı Saadet” (Century of Felicity) era as a reference point for a more natural way of life. They firmly believe that overcoming challenges is feasible only through a way of life aligned with “Sunnah and Sunnatullah” (the Prophet’s teaching and divine principle) can problems be overcome.Within the Real Medicine movement, the Century of Felicity is being reconstructed using retrotopia as an ideal sheltered haven to shield against the destruction brought by modernity. Taking part in the “buried treasures of tradition” against modern medicine, which acts according to the goals of progress, “Tibb-i Nebevi” (Prophet’s Medicine) assumes the mantle of the “Angel of History.” It carries the paradisiacal essence of the past into the present, constructing a foundation for our future. Consequently, in reaction to the risks posed by modernity, the movement seeks to rejuvenate the “natural” way of life, believed to be latent within the treasures of Islamic tradition.Salih’s students assert that they provide a safe environment by introducing a new way of life to individuals who grapple with ontological trust issues with the associations, organizations, and workshops they have established. This newly discovered ideal way of life, guided by introspection and religious reflexivity, is rooted in the Century of Felicity era. This reinvented way of life offers the possibility of a safe life against the risks of modernity.

Religious Reflectivity Against The Risks of Modernity: The “Real Medicine” Movement As A Reactive Alternative Medicine Movement To The Risk Society

Turgay

Sources on modern Arabic literature reveal that the first foray into the field of theater was made by Mārūn al-Naqqāsh. In Italy, he became acquainted with European theater and during his stay there, he learned the principles and procedures of the art of theater and adapted and staged the play L’Avare by Molière under the title al-Bahīl in Arabic in late 1847. However, on March 25, 1990, the newspaper al-Sharq al-Awsat was the first to report that the oldest modern theater play was written in 1847 by Abraham Daninos. In 1996, Dr. Philip Sadgrove and Dr. Shmuel Moreh, announced that the first Arabic stage play in the modern context was Nazāhat al-mushtāq wa-ghussat al-‘ushshāq fī Madīnat Tiryāq fī al-‘Irāq. by Abraham Daninos. Which of these two works was published first is still debated in the academic world. However, when we look at the basic works on Arabic theater, we see that Mārūn al-Naqqāsh highlighted, but it should be noted that this discovery had not yet been made when these works were written. This study aims to provide information about Abraham Daninos and his play Nazāhat al-mushtāq waghussat al-‘ushshāq fī Madīnat Tiryāq fī al-‘Irāq.The most important finding here is Dr. Sadgrove’s discovery of what may prove to be the first printed Arabic play influenced by European theater and published in 1847. This play, Nazāhat al-mushtāq, lithographed in Algeria, is in the library of the Institut National des Langues et Civilisations Orientales in Paris, with a dedication by its author, Abraham Daninos. As mentioned before, Nezāhat al-Mushtāq was printed as a lithograph, with no date or place of printing. The inventory number of this work was 2482. Printed on 62 pages, 14.5 cm x 20 cm, each page has 17-20 lines, about 7 cm long, excluding the names of the actors written on the right-hand side of the manuscript. It is written in a rough but legible naskh handwriting. The original Arabic version of the play was published in 1996 in Philip Sadgrove and Shmuel Moreh’s Jewish Contributions to Nineteenth Century Arabic Theater. In 2002, the play was edited by Algerian scholar Dr. Mahlouf Boukrouh and published in Algeria. Daninos contacted the Society in 1847 and sent several copies of the play in a letter to the society through Monsieur Guyon who was then chief surgeon of the French army in Africa. He probably also sent a library copy of the play along with a signed note to a member of the French Société Asiatique. As a result of this communication, Daninos was proposed and accepted as a member of the society at its meeting on November 12, 1847, and was still a member in July 1860. In a report published in the Journal Asiatique on August 17, 1848, Jules Mohl, the assistant secretary, briefly mentioned Daninos’s efforts to engender theatrical taste among the Arabs.Abraham Daninos was born on April 7, 1797 in Algiers. His father was Isaac Daninos and his mother was Moni o Mouni Daninos. Daninos, a pioneer of Arabic theater, was a playwright. He grew up in Algeria in a Jewish merchant family from Livorno. In 1826, he moved to Paris as a jeweler. There, he compiled a small Algerian dialect French dictionary for the use by French artillery officers. According to historian Alain Messaoudi, this dictionary of Daninos’s dates from after 1831. Abraham Daninos was not involved as an interpreter during the occupation of Algeria; however, in 1833, he accompanied a commission of inquiry from Paris to Algiers and in 1837, he accompanied a delegation of Amir Abd al-Qadir to France. That same year, he returned permanently to Algiers, where he worked as an interpreter at the local court. A member of the Société Asiatique from 1847, he became a French citizen in 1849. In 1853, he married Rose Bûshara, a lady with three children, in Algiers. He died on February 6, 1872 in the capital, Algiers. Apart from his Algerian dialect-French dictionary, Daninos is known to have written a play entitled Nazāhat al-mushtāq wa-ghussat al-‘ushshāq fī Madīnat Tiryāq fī al-‘Irāq.This play seems to be his only published work. Daninos was awarded the Order of the Legion d’honneur for his service to France. There is not much information about Daninos’s life in the sources.Although the sources differ on whether Mārūn al-Naqqāsh’s play al-Bahīl was staged in late 1847, the fact that his brother Nikūlā al-Naqqāsh indicated the end of 1847 clarifies this situation. The fact that Abraham Daninos was elected as a member of the Société Asiatique in France at its meeting on November 12, 1847 may indicate that he sent his play to the society earlier than this date and therefore, wrote it at an earlier date. In Algeria, which was subject to French occupation in the nineteenth century, it is noteworthy that there was no social milieu in which the art of theater could be performed. Even the French had difficulty in attracting interest in the theater. When we look at Beirut, the social milieu is not the same as in Algeria. It is understood that people there first showed interest in theater plays and welcomed them with curiosity. However, this was not enough for this art to survive in Beirut at that time. Due to the lack of actors to continue the art of theater and insufficient interest to follow it, al-Naqqāsh said goodbye to the art of theater and willed that the theater building be turned into a church. Thus, we can say that although theater was born in Lebanon, it found sustaining breath in cities such as Cairo and Alexandria. In addition, the Egyptian government’s encouragement of this art form at the time led to the most important artists flocking here. As a result, even though the work Nazāhat almushtāq written by Abraham Daninos is older in historical context, it was neither staged nor were the people of its time were aware of this work. However, it will indeed still have an important place in the history of both Arabic theater and modern Algerian theater.

In The Light of Debates on the First Modern Arab Theater Abraham Daniṅ os and Nazâhat Al-Mushtâq

Descartes expressed his inability to doubt himself at the end of a process in which he had doubted everything sensible by saying, “I think therefore I am.” He then questioned what he is and deduced himself to be something that thinks, namely a soul, mind or intellect. However, Kant reconstructed Descartes’ reasoning, which deduced himself to be a spiritual substance from the statement “I think” as follows: Things that are used as subjects in judgment are substances, I am also a subject in a judgment, therefore I am a substance. Kant characterized this reasoning as a paralogism (i.e., logically false inference) and used a similar version in the second edition of his work. Accordingly, the version in the first edition is called version A, and the version in the second edition is called version B. By defining substance as a category in his version A, Kant accepted that inference validly proves the conclusion “I am a substance” as the logical subject of judgment but he stipulated that it should not be deduced from this inference that “I” (i.e., the soul) am a being that remains the same under all changes, or that I am even immortal. For Kant, the conclusion that the “soul is a substance” is accordingly valid unless it is understood as an immortal being. For this reason, some commentators have argued that Kant found this inference valid, while others focus on presenting it as a logically wrong inference. Those who argue the inference to be valid here accept Kant’s definition of substance as a category. Contrary to them, those who focus on logical fallacy think that acknowledging “I” to be a substance will also lead to the conclusion of “I am an immortal being.” This situation does not come from the definition of substance made by Kant; on the contrary, it fits the Aristotelian definition of substance, because substance, as defined by Aristotle, refers to things that exist by themselves. Reading the inference according to this definition of substance leads to the conclusion that I am a substance and therefore immortal. However, Kant argued the concept of substance has no intuitive content for drawing this conclusion. In other words, no intuition is found for the soul as a substance. If one is to understand this inference according to the Aristotelian definition of substance, then this is the reason why Kant presented this inference as a logically false one. In version B of the inference, Kant replaced the expression “I think” with the expression “That which thinks,” and claimed the inference to contain an error in the form of reasoning: namely the error of using the middle term to have a double meaning in the premises. However, Kant’s inference does not show the middle term to be used with a double meaning. According to him, this inference deduces that the thinking thing is also a substance from the substantiality of the intuition objects which are the subjects because the thinking thing is the subject. Accordingly, Kant seems to invalidate the inference of the substantiality of the soul because it has no intuition. However, this is not a logical fallacy; therefore, it is more correct for Kant’s objection to be epistemological rather than logical. This is because Kant accepts the major premise as knowledge due to it having intuition while accepting the minor premise as only thought due to it possessing no intuition according to his theory of knowledge. Accordingly, the inference is not invalid, but its conclusion can be considered devoid of knowledge value according to Kant’s epistemology. In this regard, Kant’s acceptance of version A as valid according to his own definition while invalidating version B shows that he had used the concept of substance according to the Aristotelian definition here.But is the inference that Kant himself constructed and considered logically wrong to be Descartes’ argument? Kant claims “I” is a substance to be deduced in the conclusion based on the substantiveness of the intuitional objects used as subjects in the judgment and the pronoun “I” being used as the subject in the judgment. On the other hand, Descartes had concluded “I think, therefore I am” due to his inability to doubt himself while doubting everything sensible. When he later questioned what he is, he noticed that only thinking is inseparable from himself (i.e., undoubtable). Accordingly, Descartes deduced himself to be a thinking thing, namely a soul, intellect, or mind. Here, Descartes’ statement that he is a thinking thing, namely spirit, intellect, or mind, aims to express his own existence as something insensible, because even when he doubts everything sensible, his inability to doubt himself reveals his own existence to be something insensible. The truth is that what is doubtful cannot be the same as what is indubitable. If that were the case, Descartes would also need to doubt himself when he doubts everything sensible. Accordingly, Descartes’ argument can be shown as follows: Sensible things (intuitional objects) are doubtful; my existence is not doubtful, so my existence is not sensible (intuitional object); therefore, I am a soul, mind, or intellect. As can be seen in this way, Descartes’ conclusion “I am a soul,” or in other words a substance, does not rely on the substantiality of intuitive things as Kant’s inference does. On the contrary, Descartes expresses it as a spiritual substance in order to distinguish it from intuitional objects. Therefore, Kant’s paralogism of substantiality is not Descartes’ argument.However, Kant’s critique expresses the result that “I am a substance” (i.e., the soul) is not knowable. Kant does not want to regard the substantiality of the soul as knowledge due to the absence of the intuitive content that he requires in order to know anything. This is because, for Kant, “I think” is consciousness and not intuition. But why does Kant want to see this result as unknowable? This is apparently because Kant mainly wanted to prevent materialism from attributing “what thinks” to matter. However, this agnostic attitude does not seem strong enough to prevent materialism at all, because this agnosticism means that the consciousness of “I think” can also be produced by a nonthinking substance or may arise all by itself out of nothing. In this case, how a nonthinking substance causes the consciousness of “I think” or how the consciousness of “I think” arises by itself out of nothing is unexplainable because absence is not the cause of anything. Therefore, consequences for the human mind demand ontologically equivalent causes. Accordingly, the consciousness of “I think” is expected to be produced by a thinking substance. Likewise, Kant accepts the equality of quantities in the changes of matter or the equality of action and reaction in motion, as a synthetic a priori knowledge&nbsp;that is not empirical and necessary. In this context and also for Kant, one can say that the cause of thought is a thinking substance (i.e., the soul) can be known as a necessary knowledge that is not based on experience.

Kant Versus Descartes: The Paralogism of Substantiality

Mohamadou

Mahmud

The story is considered one of the art forms of literature in general, and prose in particular, as it deals with those central topics that impact life. The story also transcends imagination and suspense to then produce artistic creativity. However, this does not mean that it was confined to prose alone; instead, we find that it exceeded that to poetry. Narrative poetry is considered one of the literary genres that have developed in modern Arabic literature; however, it had precursors in ancient Arabic literature, specifically among the pre-Islamic poets, such as ʻAntarah and Zuhayr ibn Abī Salmá in their poetry, although their stories lack the artistic elements on which the story is built. In the Umayyad era, this art is evident from the poet Jamīl Buthaynah, with stories full of declarations of hate for her beloved, who made her wonderful promises of marriage and then disappointed her. In Abbasid poetry, the poetic stories of Abū Nuwās revolve around gatherings of wine and singing, and al-Buḥturī tells the story of a wolf in his poetry. The lyrical poem is one of the manifestations of renewal in modern Arabic poetry and a platform for poets to combine story and poetry. A large number of collections of poets in the contemporary era has been identified. Examples of these stories are produced by the great poets of the modern era, including Aḥmad Shawqī, ʻAbbās Maḥmūd al-ʻAqqād, and Ilyās Faraḥāt. Scholars have differed regarding who has previous credit in this field. Sometimes they count Khalīl Muṭrān as its pioneer, and at other times they include Shiblī almllāṭ as an innovator. If we examine contemporary poetry, especially among the poets of the Renaissance, we will find that these poets dealt with poetic stories. They were distinguished by a unique talent that enabled them to combine these poetry and storytelling engagingly and responsively. Thus, the horizons of the story expanded in contemporary Arabic poetry, and its themes multiplied and its sources diversified, or so I learned from history and legend. The story and its elements continued to be employed by modern poets in their poems, leading to the mixing of narrative and lyrical pieces. Modern poets deal with the narrative structure from the technique of masks of intertextuality or the horror of the free verse poem to the dramatic character in general. Therefore, the importance of narration in modern poetry comes through its deployment of various narrative features. The contemporary poem is no longer confined to one voice, i.e., the poet’s voice, but rather, it hosts different voices. We must recall that the narrative structure does not imply that the poem mutates into a story or a novel, where the poet turns to the elements of the narrative and fictional work and intensifies its impact to include it in their poem, neglecting the technical aspects of the poem, so that its structure is cold and descriptive and is not distinguished by mastery in the distribution of lights and the management of events, moving the characters so that it amounts to a fictional work and is not one of ingenuity, intensity, and focus so that it remains an outstanding poetic work. The poet’s purpose is not the story per se insofar as it functions as a story because the poem does not have graphic or narrative ends. However, it can use narrative elements and operate them in a textual group and for poetic purposes. We do not understand West African poets as skillful storytellers who employ narration elements as novelists do; rather, we need to reveal the extent to which these poets used narrative expression techniques and some of their storytelling processes. Accordingly, we chose some of the poems that contain the features of the story for study. These poems have historical sources to inspire the writing, as the poets took their historical roots from African literature, which depicts the reality of African societies, including events, facts, and legends. This study analyses Afro-Arabic poems from the West African region as a model for the poetic story. A lyrical story is a narration of facts or events in poetry as a story. This type of poetry is significant in Arabic literature produced by African poets during the twentieth century. The aim of addressing this topic was to shed light on the poems of the poetic story written by West African poets, to assess their contributions to this field, and to learn about the topics of these poems, their characteristics, their formal structure, and their artistic values. Accordingly, this research will help researchers to identify the African literary heritage, some of which are still preserved in manuscripts. It will also give them an idea of some historical events in West Africa, their causes, and their consequences. We began the research with an introduction to the poetic story in terms of its concept, origin, importance, elements, and characteristics. Then we moved to the applied side. We discussed the content of fictional poetry in West Africa. We saw that this content is divided the content into three sections by topics at one time and personalities at another time, i.e., religious, realistic, and superstitious. After that, we analyzed the poetic verses in the research both rhetorically and critically. Our study yielded many results, including the work of poetry that ripples through the collections of West African poets as one of the sources of their modern intellectual maturity, often aimed at personal ends. We rarely find them expressed except to satisfy poetic meaning. The lyrical stories we have dealt with in the study have been full of artistic methods and beautiful images that the poets derived from their surrounding environments and cultural stock, employing techniques and ideas to attract the recipients’ attention and develop the dramatic event. The poetic story represents the crossroads of two languages and two images; one is narrative, and the other is poetic. This prompts to assert that literary styles may converge and coexist within a single genre without losing their qualitative specificity, and this is what appeared among the West African poets when they introduced us to the poetic epics they wanted to convey using excellent poetics and outstanding talent. The elements of the story differed in clarity and appearance in the poems of these poets from one verse to another. Among the findings of this study is that the poets of the West African region have contributed a great deal to this art. The Ghanaian poet ʻUmar Karakī (d. 1353¤1934), the poet Jarnū Ibrāhīm Sī (d. 1396¤1976), ʻAbbās Ṣall (d. 1410¤1990) from Senegal, the Malian poet Yaʻqūb Dakūre, the Nigerian Jamīl ʻAbd Allāh, the Gambian Bāmyn Muḥammad Sīrī, and the Guinean Jarnū ʻAlī Boudem and others who have excelled in this art. It has become clear through this study that African poets have dealt with aspects of narration in their poems, treatments that depend on individual poetic skills, and special artistic abilities, for there was no single narrative trajectory in which the creative efforts in the storytelling field were organized.&nbsp;

The Content of the Poetic Story in Arabic Literature from West Africa during the  Twentieth Century

Halil

A Review of “Rational Theology in Interfaith Communication” by Wilferd Madelung and Sabine Schmidtke

Abdullah

Evaluation of Şaban Öz’s work titled Abū Hurayra: -The Construction of an Authority

Meryem

A Review of “Tawhid Knowledge” by Mustafa Tahralı

Betül

Review of “Imagination of Ottoman Islam” by Fatih M. Seker

İsa

A Review of “Muhādarāt fī Tārīhi’l-Edebi’l-Cāhilī” by Mohammed Bakr al-Būjī

A Few Notes on the Use of the Concept of Usūl in Sulamī’s Ṭabaqāt

@JOURNAL_BOX_CURRENT

Banu

Disability, which is seen to have different definitions due to its many forms and the debates on its determination, refers to an impairment that prevents the fulfillment of the roles that should be performed depending on age, gender, and social and cultural factors for various reasons that occur before, during or after birth.The relationship between religious education and disability can be considered in two ways. First, religious education is evaluated as an element that supports individuals with disabilities and their families in the context of religious coping. The second dimension of the relationship between disability and religious education is the acquisition of basic religious knowledge by individuals with disabilities to fulfill their religious obligations, especially their worship.Formal religious education for people with disabilities can take place in special education schools in addition to ensuring the educational and social integration of students with disabilities with students without disabilities, in inclusive classrooms where they are educated and trained together, starting from the fourth grade of primary school to high school. It takes place in the curriculum (with courses on Religious Culture and Moral Knowledge, the Qur’an, the Life of the Prophet Muhammad, and Basic Religious Knowledge) until the students’ graduation. Informal religious education is given in mosques and educational institutions belonging to various non-governmental organizations, besides the Qur’an courses run within the Presidency of Religious Affairs.The Directorate of Religious Affairs (Diyanet) is one of the leading institutions providing informal religious education in Turkey. Education for people with disabilities is given by the Presidency of Religious Affairs within the scope of a general curriculum that takes into account the various groups within the framework of the Need-Focused Qur’an Courses Curriculum.3 In the program in question, there are fields such as akaid, catechism, tafsir, hadith, and siyer. Since there is no Quran course curriculum for visually impaired individuals, it can be said that Need-Based Quran Lessons Curriculum is based on these courses. However, there is also the Special Education Program of the Qur’an Courses for the Hearing Impaired. The program consists of two main courses, namely the Qur’an and Religious Studies. The Qur’an course is planned as a course to read the Qur’an, to memorize some surahs and to learn about its history. The Religious Studies course includes the subjects of faith, worship, sirah, and morality.The research was structured with a phenomenological design. An interview technique consisting of semistructured questions was used to obtain the data. The sample included students selected by snowball sampling within the scope of the purposive sampling method among students attending Qur’an courses in two districts of Üsküdar, Bahçelievler, Küçükçekmece, and Bağcılar. Between September and December 2022, 30 people, 15 hearing-impaired and 15 visually-impaired individuals (5 men and 10 women in each group), participated in the face-to-face interviews.In the study, one-third of the participants stated that they had not received religious education before the Qur’an course, and it was determined that the family was the primary source of religious education for those participants who stated that they had received religious education. It is possible to state that schools and institutions have taken second place. It is noteworthy at this point that visually-impaired individuals have more opportunities to receive religious education than hearing-impaired individuals. The main reason for this could be that communicating with a hearing-impaired individual requires more equipment than with visually-impaired individuals.The coping status of the participants with a disability varies depending primarily on whether the disability is congenital or not. Accordingly, it has been observed that individuals who are disabled from birth or a very young age do not experience the problem of accepting their disability because they do not have a different experience. However, if there are communication problems with their family and the environment, or if the attitudes of their family and the environment toward the disability are not constructive and supportive, individuals with disabilities from birth or a young age may question their disability.It is possible to say that religion and family are among the important sources of support in the process of coping with disability, and some participants stated that the Qur’an courses they received also provided support for them.In terms of coping with disability, it was understood that a significant number of the participants evaluated their disability as a motivating factor for self-improvement and thought that their situation was effective in developing empathy and sensitivity. However, it is seen that the supportive effect of the family and the environment plays an important role in the establishment of this perception and motivation.It has been determined that the participants in the research felt the need for religious education within the framework of the disability process and situation. It is seen that the need in question is felt in terms of making sense of life and disability within the framework&nbsp;&nbsp;of the belief in God and destiny, finding spiritual support, and fulfilling worship and religious obligations by improving their knowledge about religion. This situation shows that the meaning of the relationship between disability and religious education and the dimensions of religious practices should be taken into account as a whole when preparing programs for people with disabilities. When we look at the fields of knowledge needed in religious education, it is seen that the desire and need to learn to read the Qur’an is in the first place, followed by the history of the prophets, especially in the context of worship, and the need for information in various fields related to catechism and religion.According to this study, it is understood that the first information the participants found about the Qur’an for disabled people was generally obtained through friends and acquaintances, and on this occasion, they were informed about the courses. It is seen that promotional elements such as brochures are mostly accessed by the participants in formal education institutions, and a limited number of participants are aware of social media platforms.It has been determined that the participants do not have communication and approach problems with the educators in the context of the institution employees, and the educators have an empathetic, helpful, and supportive attitude. This finding can be evaluated as a positive result in terms of the efficiency of in-service training. However, although there is no general opinion, some warnings from the participants that educators should not treat themselves as mentally disabled are important for educators to pay attention to their approach. As far as communication within the institution is concerned, the relationships of students with each other can be a problem, another point that requires attention and consideration in terms of environmental effects.It has been determined that the number of participants who think that the education they receive from the Qur’an courses is most helpful in terms of teaching reading the Qur’an is quite high. In addition, some participants stated that it helps to get information in the different fields related to religion. The evaluations that the said training helps the participants not only in terms of their knowledge but also in terms of socialization and self-confidence suggest that it is important and necessary to support the inclusion of activities in the Qur’an courses for disabled individuals’ participation in life. It is seen within the scope of current research and different studies that one of the most important expectations of people with disabilities is that they are not excluded from life because of their disabilities that they see and show that there are things they can achieve despite their disabilities.In learning the Qur’an, memorization and belief principles stand out among the subjects that the participants had difficulty with in the process of religious education. In&nbsp;addition, different problems that the participants had during the education process, such as not being able to socialize, lack of resources and materials, and not being able to repeat the subject of the course, were also mentioned.It is seen that the main demand that stands out among the practices and expectations that the participants want to be developed and supported in the courses is to eliminate the material deficiencies. To meet this need, the publication of translations of the Qur’an, catechisms, and publications of the Diyanet, written or voiced in the Braille alphabet, especially by visually-impaired participants is recommended. It is also expected that audio course books will be created and recorder support will be provided. Participants want course materials and catechisms to be written in a way they can understand. The dissemination of the courses was also expressed as a common demand of the hearingimpaired participants.

Opinions, Problems, and Expectations of Participants in Informal Religious Education Services for Hearing- and Visually-impaired People

Berat

Studying manuscript collections may serve as a window into the richness of a given culture and tradition; Ottoman culture is not an exception. Manuscripts may also demonstrate the prosperity of this specific culture’s scholarly production and consumption. Over the last two decades, Ottoman book culture has been a trending academic topicin Turkish academia. This scholarly inquiry delves into the history of books, libraries, bibliographies, and some specific collections, along with the prominent figures associated with these collections. The classification of sciences may be used as a novel method for studying the aforementioned areas. This article aimed to conduct a comparative analysis of the Fāżil Aḥmad Pasha Library, established in the seventeenth century, juxtaposed against two previously established libraries: the Maḥmūd Pasha Library and the Ḥabeshī Meḥmed Agha Library established in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, respectively. Thus, this article aims to compare the three most significant libraries of their times through the lens of the classification of sciences. This comparative study further aims to reveal the texts that were read and written by the Ottomans and the change in the academic landscape over time. By employing the classification of sciences as a comparative tool, I hope to propose a new method for studying Ottoman manuscript collections.The first collection1 under examination was built by the Grand Vizier Maḥmūd Pasha (d. 874/1474) during the era of Meḥmed II (r. 1451–1481). Maḥmūd Pasha was one of the most active statesmen of his age, particularly well-known participating in conquering Istanbul and rebuilding the city. Because of his charity work during this campaign, he earned the title of Maḥmūd Pasha the saint (veli). His library was established in877/1472–73. Maḥmūd Pasha endowed the library with 195 manuscripts, although their names remained undocumented. However, it is stated that these manuscripts are related to 11 different sciences. I was able to identify 185 of these manuscripts according to their fields of study: Exegesis (35), hadith (57), jurisprudence (58), taṣawwuf (4), rational theology (6), philosophy (2), logic (2), astronomy (2), grammar (5), syntax (3) and dictionary (6), (probably) morphology (5). As demonstrated by the number of manuscripts, jurisprudence, hadith, and exegesis were the three most represented sciencesin the Maḥmūd Pasha Library. This can be attributed to the library’s role as a madrasa collection designed to meet the needs of madrasa students.The second collection was built by Ḥabeshī Meḥmed Agha (d. 999/1591), who marked the commencement of the so-called “age of chief eunuchs” (darüssaade ağaları dönemi) from 982/1574 to 1151/1757. In 982/1574, during the reign of Murād III (r. 1574–1595). Agha was appointed the chief eunuch and gradually became the most influential personsecond only to the sulṭān himself. He built the Ḥabeshī Meḥmed Agha Library in 1584 and donated 105 manuscripts. In an article, Berat Açıl classified the manuscripts endowed by Agha according to the classification of sciences. According to Açıl, the collection contains the following manuscripts: exegesis (14), hadith (9), ethics (2), jurisprudence (46), sirah (1), biography (2), taṣawwuf (6), eloquence (6), dictionary (13), and philosophy, rational theology, and logic (6). Accounting for almost half of all the manuscripts, jurisprudence holds the largest representation; exegesis and dictionary follow. As discussed later, over the course of a century, the three most represented sciences have been changed and replaced by other sciences. Hadith, which was the fourth most represented science, could never find a place among the top three as it was gradually replaced by dictionary over time.The Fāżil Aḥmad Pasha Library, the main subject of this article, was established by Fāżil Aḥmad Pasha (d. 1087/1676) who was a member of the famous Köprülü family. Many academics commonly regard his reign as grand vizier (1661–76) as a period oftransformation or renewal (tecdīd). Pasha knew the importance of both Eastern and Western knowledge, and he appointed politicians who had graduated from both regions to high-ranking positions. The Fāżil Aḥmad Pasha Collection is just one of three collections within the Köprülü Library. I used the collection’s endowment deed (vaḳfiyye) to determine the number of manuscripts and classify them according to the classification of sciences. The collection contains 1,397 manuscripts according to its vaḳfiyye: exegesis (155), recitation (16), hadith (218), jurisprudence (202), dictionary (49), rational theology (76), taṣawwuf (109), history and sirah (136), clear expression (maʿanī) (49), syntax (55), philosophy and logic (59), mathematical sciences (29), medicine (34), and literature (adab) (210). The three most represented sciences in this collection are hadith, jurisprudence, and literature. However, the number of manuscripts in exegesis and history and sirah is relatively comparable to the first three. Although hadith was not among the top three in the Ḥabeshī Meḥmed Agha Collection, it takes the lead in the Fāżil Aḥmad Pasha Collection. Another noteworthy difference is that literature, represented poorly in the first two collections, is one of the most represented sciences in the Fāżil Aḥmad Pasha Collection.This study also compares sciences that represented more than 10% of the collection they belong to. In the Maḥmūd Pasha Collection, exegesis, hadith, and jurisprudence were represented with 19%, 31%, and 31%, respectively. The Ḥabeshī Meḥmed Agha Collection featured exegesis, jurisprudence, and grammar-syntax-dictionary with 13%, 44%, and 12%, respectively. In the Fāżil Aḥmad Pasha Collection, a different distribution pattern is observed. Exegesis, hadith, jurisprudence, sirah-biography-history, rational theology-philosophy-logic, and literature were represented with these ratios: 11%, 16%, 14%, 10%, 10%, and 15%, respectively. Compared with the first two collections, it can safely be argued that the distribution of sciences in the Fāżil Aḥmad Pasha Collection is far more homogenous. In the Ḥabeshī Meḥmed Agha Collection, jurisprudence comprises 44% of the total manuscripts. Given that these three collections were built to be madrasa libraries, and the madrasa curriculum has various sciences, a more homogenous distribution according to the classification of sciences is crucial.There are some differences among the three collections in terms of the sciences they contain. For example, there were no manuscripts related to mathematical sciences in the Ḥabeshī Meḥmed Agha Collection and no sirah-related manuscripts in the Maḥmūd Pasha Collection. Manuscripts regarding recitation, medicine, and literature were exclusively found in the Fāżil Aḥmad Pasha Collection.To conclude, Fāżil Aḥmad Pasha seems to have taken a more conscious approach to building his library, resulting in a more homogenous collection. This aligns with his educational objectives and purposes.

The Fāżil Aḥmad Pasha Collection and Classification of Sciences: A Comparative Analyses

Mahmut

Assist. Prof. Dr.

Throughout history, various theories have been put forward on the existential belonging of the Qurʾān to God. Although Islamic scholars agree that the Qurʾān is a speech belonging to Allah, they have different views on how it is realized. Some scholars have argued that the speech is an eternal attribute of God’s essence, while others state that it is created by God. This conflict brought along the discussions of khalq al-Qurʾān, where one of the arguments put forward is the evidence pointing out that there is a difference in virtue between verses and surahs in the Qurʾān. Expressions such as the most/better, the most/higher, and the most/virtuous indicate that some verses and surahs are superior to others. In the classical literature, this subject is discussed under the title of Afdaliya or Tafādul in the Qurʾān within the framework of the narrations related to Faḍāil al-Qurʾān. Although the root letters of both concepts are the same, the afdaliya is an infinitive derived from an adjective in the ism-i tafdil meter, and the tafādul is an infinitive derived from a verb. When it is used about the Qurʾānic surahs and verses, the afdaliya is related to the essence of kalam Allah, while the tafādul refers to the imagination formed in the minds of the interlocutors.There is general agreement that the Qurʾān is superior to all speeches, including other divine books and pages. This superiority is supported by clear text such as the approval of some rules in the previous books in the Qurʾān and the abrogation of others. In addition, some of its distinguishing features are that it is the last divine book from Allah and that it still exists as the Prophet’s greatest miracle until the Day of Judgment. However, the statements in the Qurʾān and hadiths that some verses and surahs are superior or more virtuous than others have introduced discussions on the subject. Although there are differing opinions on the issue of afdaliya/tafādul among Islamic scholars, most scholars taking into account the outward meanings of the expressions that some verses, surahs, and hadiths are superior to others have argued that virtuousness is real. Another group of scholars, claiming a difference in virtue between verses and surahs means accepting that the speech of Allah is composed of parts which necessitates the creation of Allah’s speech stated that these expressions should be interpreted. Some scholars find it inappropriate to express their opinions on this issue.The view that there is no superiority difference between verses and surahs emerged as a reaction to the Muʿtazila’s claim that the Qurʾān is created. Because, in the Qurʾān, the Muʿtazila associates the issue of virtuousness with the claim that the kalām Allah is created. The verse 2/106 of al-Baqara, known as the naskh (abrogation) verse, provides evidence for khalq al-Qurʾān. Accordingly, if the Qurʾān, i.e., the speech of Allah, was preeternal, then the abrogated verses should also be preeternal. However, the nāsikh (abrogating) verses always come after the mansūkh (abrogated) verses and terminate their function. One cannot talk about eternity where priority and aftermath are in question because being before or after is related to time, while eternity is a concept beyond time. On the other hand, replacing something with a better or similar one is a characteristic of created beings. Because the one who is low in virtue is deficient in comparison to the superior. Imperfection cannot be a feature of eternal beings. The scholars of ahl al-Sunna, who see the Qurʾān as the eternal speech of Allah, accept the difference in virtue pointed out in the relevant verses and hadiths, but state that this difference is not related to the nature of kalām Allah. Accordingly, all verses and surahs are equal in terms of being the speech of Allah. However, there is a degree of difference between these verses and surahs in the effect they have on people, where this difference is even pointed out in the verses and hadiths in question.This article will focus on the difference in virtue between verses and surahs mean in terms of the Qurʾān being the speech of Allah. It will be explained how the texts, which disrupt the equality between verses and surahs in appearance, are reconciled with the principle of eternity and indivisibility of kalām Allah. In this context, first, the concepts of afdaliya and tafādul, which constitute the conceptual framework of the subject, will be emphasized. Then, the general views of Islamic scholars on the difference in virtue between verses and surahs will be discussed alongside the reasons for acceptance and rejection that they put forward around the discussions of khalq al-Qurʾān - naskh. Finally, the points where they are equal or differ in terms of virtue will be determined by making a distinction between dhikr and madhkūr between verses and surahs. Thus, it will be revealed that the difference in virtue is not due to the nature of the divine speech, but from its effect on humans. Qualitative research methods such as catalog scanning, documentation, and data analysis were used, which is based on written sources and historical data.

The Issue of Afdaliya/Tafādul in the Qurʾān in Terms of the Nature and Epistemology of the Divine Speech

Okan

Sirāj al-Dīn al-Hindī’s (d. 773/1372) Risāla fī masʼalat al-kafāʼah, was the Hanafi qāḍī al-quḍāt (chief qāḍī) during the Baḥrī/Turk Mamluk period, is a significant fiqh treatise that reflects the change in the doctrine of the Ḥanafī madhhab of equivalence in marriage. This treatise was previously published about half incomplete and attributed to another Mamluk Ḥanafī jurist, al-Qāsim b. Qutlubogā (d. 879/1474), who lived approximately a century later (al-Qāṣim b. Qutlubogā, al-Kafā’ah fī al-nikāḥ, Critical ed. Abd al-Sattār Abū Ghuddah, Beirut: Dār al-Bashāir al-Islāmiyya, 1423/2002). The reason behind the composition of Hindī’s treatise was a marriage that occurred on 27 Jumādā al-Awwal 770 (January 7, 1379). The marriage between Khond Sarah (the sister or daughter of Sultan al-Malik al-Ashraf Zayn al-Dīn II Shaʿbān ibn Husayn [d. 777/1376]) and Amīr Bashtak (a commander with the rank of “taqdimat alf”: command of one thousand/ major [d. 771/1370]) occurred at the request of the Sultan and was solemnized by the qāḍī al-quḍât Sirāj al-Dīn al-Hindī. Shortly after the marriage, several unknown jurists argued that the marriage was invalid (bâtil) according to the doctrine of equivalence of the Ḥanafi madhhab. The reason is that Amīr Bashtak, similar to all other Mamluk amīrs, was previously a slave. Mamluk historians, such as al-Maqrizī (d. 845/1442), al- ‘Aynī (d. 855/1451), Ibn Taghrībardī (d. 874/1469), Malaṭī (d. 920/1514), and Ibn Iyās (d. 930/1524), also included this marriage in their histories, albeit with a few minor differences.According to the indications identified by the study of the treatise of Hindī, the jurists who opposed this marriage based their objections, whose details were not mentioned in the sources, on a ruling in the Ḥanafi madhhab. This ruling states that “guardians (awliyā) other than father and grandfather can marry a girl who has not reached puberty to only someone who is her equal, otherwise the marriage will be invalid.” An issue in this ruling, which Hindī himself addressed, is that the bride, Khond Sarah, was married before she reached puberty, by a guardian (waliyy; her older brother Sultan II Shaʿban ibn Ḥusayn) apart from her father and grandfather, to someone who was not equal to her in terms of freedom and Muslim ancestry. Hindī felt the need to answer this objection, which was seemingly strong in jurisprudential terms, because it is based on this ruling, which was found in many Ḥanafī sources. The political sensitivity of the issue, which was due to the importance of the identities of the bridegroom and the bride, seemingly urged Hindī to consider the issue seriously.In this treatise, Hindī reinterpreted the classical Ḥanafī doctrine of equivalence within the framework of the changing political and demographic conditions in Egypt after the Mamluk rule. According to this interpretation, Hindī concludes that Amīr Bashtak was equivalent to Khond Sarah and that the marriage was valid in terms of the Ḥanafī doctrine. In reaching this conclusion, he first argued that the view that equality is not a condition is stronger in terms of evidence. Nevertheless, he did not refrain from presenting his evaluation, which includes a new interpretation of the classical Ḥanafī doctrine of equivalence, on the basis of three possibilities, taking into account the condition of equivalence in marriage.First, none of the Mamluks were originally slaves. According to Hindī, the enslavement of the Mamluks was illegitimate, because it was not conducted in accordance with Islamic law from the beginning. All of these people were free, therefore, slavery did not occur in Amīr Bashtak’s past. The second is that even if the notion that the Mamluks were slaves was generally accepted, Amīr Bashtak was free according to information given to Hindī by reliable people, because his parents were free. In this case, he was equal to his bride. Finally, the Mamluks were originally slaves, and Amīr Bashtak had a history of slavery. Hindī based his innovative interpretation of the classical Ḥanafī doctrine of equivalence on this last possibility. Accordingly, Hindī establishes that the condition of equivalence is (1) a right of the people (ḥaqqulʿibād), (2) comprehensible (maʿqūl al-maʿnā), (3) one of the provisions that can be changed according to changing conditions (i.e., time, place, and custom), and (4) the principle that acquired superiority can replace incomplete congenital superiority. Hindī bases his conclusions on the jurisprudential issues he cites from the founders of Ḥanafī school and the jurists who followed them.In the first three stages, Hindī uses the data of the uṣūl al-fiqh and reveals that the condition of equivalence is one of the provisions that is susceptible to change. In fact, the condition of equivalence can be terminated whenever a guardian gives consent. This scenario demonstrates that the condition of equivalence is one of the rights of the people instead of the right of God and is included in the category of provisions that are subject to change. Second, al-Hindī states that equivalence in marriage is not a taʿabbudī (incomprehensive) ruling but is stipulated on the basis of a reason that can be comprehended by the intellect. He identifies the reason as “removing shame from the woman and her guardians.” At this point, Hindī, who considers dawarān as one of the methods for determining the cause, confirms that the presence and absence of the condition of equivalence is in a cycle (dawarān) with a situation in which shame (to the woman and her guardians) accompanies the relevant marriage. In other words, for marriages that bring shame to the woman or her parents, the man is unequal to the woman, whereas in marriages that do not, the man is equal to the woman. Hindī’s conclusion, which is based on 40 years of personal observation and this uṣūl determination of the cause of the ruling of equivalence, is as follows: no problem of equivalence exists in terms of marriages with the Mamluks. The reason is that the notion of “bringing shame to the parents,” which causes the ruling of nonequivalence, does not exist. In the third stage, Hindī endeavors to prove that the elements of equivalence are among the provisions that may change concurrently with changes in time, place, and customs based on three jurisprudential issues under the Ḥanafī doctrine. Therefore, he argues that although all Mamluk Turks had slavery in their past and their fathers and grandfathers were non-Muslims, these issues were no longer elements of equivalence among them. In the final stage of his interpretation, al-Hindī uses the principles of Islamic jurispridence (uṣūl al-fiqh) and the method of legal derivation (al‑takhrîj al-fiqhī). Accordingly, Hindī concludes that the qualities acquired by Amīr Bashtak compensated for his lack of congenital equivalence and that equivalence in terms of the Ḥanafī doctrine in marriages with Mamluks in general and in the marriage subject to this objection in particular is not a problem.Hindī’s interpretation of the classical Hanafī doctrine of equivalence is important, because it concretely demonstrates the solution of a Ḥanafī jurist for an actual legal problem during the Mamluk period. The principles of usūl al-fiqh that al-Hindī used to solve the problem and his practice of applying them to the present case reveal his mastery of this branch of knowledge. Similarly, the method of al‑takhrīj al-fiqhī that he used in the final stage of his interpretation demonstrates his extensive familiarity with Ḥanafī jurisprudence. His interpretation of the classical Ḥanafī doctrine of equivalence is a remarkable and overlooked example of the methods and strategies by which legal changes in classical periods due to emerging new problems could be realized within the limits and possibilities of traditional jurisprudential schools.

Reinterpretation of the Ḥanafī Doctrine of Equivalency in the Context of the Controversial Marriage of a Mamluk Amīr: Case of Sirāj al-Dīn al-Hindī (d. 773/1372)

IntroductionIt is known that many psychosocial factors are effective in the formation of music preferences, so the relationship between music genres and personality types has been the subject of many researches. Sometimes, attitudes that may vary depending on certain social situations rather than personality types have also effect on the music preferences. However, it is a matter of curiosity about what type of role attitudes play in the relationship between music preferences and personality types. This research examines the role of religious attitudes in the relationship between personality types and music preferences. It has been observed that the body of the literature examining the relationship between religious attitudes and music preferences is limited, and these studies do not include other factors that may affect the relationship between religious attitudes and music preferences, and these studies are often conducted with sample groups that are university students.i Although the studies mention that the music provides religious experience and affiliation in religious groups, it has not been mentioned how it changes religious attitudes and how these variables are related to personality traits.ii Therefore, the research question is "What is the role of religious attitude in the relationship between personality types and music preferences?". Religious attitudes may not only be related to religious music preference, and it is still ambiguous to what extent the religious attitudes are effective in the preference of certain personality types for certain types of music. Therefore, the unique aspect of this research is examining the role of personality types and religious attitudes in determining music preference.MethodologyThis research examines the mediating role of religious attitude in the relationship between personality and music preferences via the correlational method. Personality is the IV, music preference is the DV, and religious attitude is the mediator variable (MV).The population of this research is adults between the ages of 18-57 living in Turkey. The sample comprises 317 people which is set non-randomly. 74.8% of the sample is women (n = 237) 25.2% is men (n = 80). 13.6% (n=43) of the sample is 25 years old or younger, 38.2% (n=121) is between 26-35 years old, 32.8% (n=104) is between 36-45 years old, 12.6% is 46-55 age range, and 2.2% (n=7) is 56 years old or older. Participants' level of perceived religiosity as it follows: 12.6% (n=40) indicated “I am not religious”, 21.1% (n=67) said “I am a little religious”, 58.7% (n=186) said “I am religious”, and 7% said “I am religious”, 3% of them (n=23) said, "I am very religious". 31.2% (n=99) of the participants reported that they got musical education, and 68.8% (n=218) reported that they did not get musical education.&nbsp;The Five Factor Personality Scale, validated by Horzum et al. on 218 high school students, is a 10-item personality scale by Rammstedt and John. It is a 5-Likert type and includes 5 sub-scales: extraversion, agreeableness, selfcontrol, neuroticism, and openness to experience, and includes 2 items from each sub-dimension, making a total of 10 items. The second scale is the Religious Attitude Scale developed by Üzeyir Ok which consists of 8 items. It is a 5-Likert-type scale that has 4 sub-scales: cognition, behavior, emotion, and the relationship with God (RwG). Demographic form and music preference form are used as well. This research was conducted after receiving the approval of the Ethics Committee of Istanbul Sabahattin Zaim University numbered E-20292139-050.01.04-56507 on 31.05.2023, and all ethical concerns were carefully met.ResultsThere are significant relationships between personality types and music preferences. Agreeableness is found to be positively related to Turkish Classical Music (TCM) (r=.166, p&lt;.001). Extraversion is found to be significantly positively related only to Jazz (r=.120, p&lt;.05) and Western classical music (WCM) (r=.110, p=.051), but the pvalue remained very close to the significance level. A significant negative correlation is found between self-control and metal/rock music (r=-.163, p&lt;.05). Neuroticism, on the other hand, is found to be negatively related to both WCM (r=-.192, p&lt;.001) and Jazz Music (r=-.142, p&lt;.05). Finally, the openness to experience is positively correlated with WCM (r=.389, p&lt;.001), jazz music (r=.312 p&lt;.001) and metal/rock (r=.204, p&lt;.001) at significant level.&nbsp;Furthermore, the Relationship with God (RwG) dimension of religious attitude serves as a mediator in the relationship between pop music and openness to experience. However, it functions as a partial mediating variable in the relationship between neuroticism, self-control, agreeableness, and extraversion and pop music. On the other hand, the positive significant correlation between WCM and jazz preference and extraversion turned to negative when all dimensions of the religious attitude were mediators but Sobel test results showed no significant level, so religious attitude is a partial mediating variable in the correlation between extraversion and WCM &amp; jazz preferences. It is found that the significant negative relationship between rock and openness to experience becomes stronger when all of the dimensions of religious attitude are mediating variables (p&lt;.05). While the positive correlation between agreeableness turned to significant while the emotional dimension of religious attitude is a&nbsp;mediator (F(2, 314)=3.470, p= .032, R=.101), and the correlation between agreeableness and Sufi Music became significant if both of the emotional (F(2,314)=3.470, p=.032, R=.101) and behavioral (F(2,314)=5.199, p=.006, R=.147) dimensions of religious attitude are mediators (p&lt;.05).The negative relationship between neuroticism-WCM is found significant if the cognitive (F(2,314)=24.109, p=.000, R=-.313) and emotional (F(2,314)=19.815, p=.000, R=-.276) dimensions of the religious attitude were found to be mediator variables (p&lt;.05). The negative relationship between neuroticism-jazz are found significant if the cognitive (F(2,314)=39.816, p=.000, R=-.430) and emotional (F(2,314)=32.436, p=.04, R=-.391) dimensions of religious attitude are mediator variables (p&lt;.05). As a matter of fact, this finding is significant by considering the perceived level of religiosity who prefer jazz of which 60% of the people indicated that they are not religious, 10% are somewhat religious and 30% are religious. It has been observed that the cognitive and emotional dimensions of religious attitude have a mediating variable role in the significant relationship between neuroticism and jazz and WCM.Conclusion&nbsp;The mediating role of religious attitude in the relationship between personality and music preference is related to both a perception of religion intertwined with musical education and the aspect of music that offers a religious experience. However, it is still ambiguous whether the relationship between personality and music preference is related to one dimension of personality or another component.&nbsp;Since the music has an aspect that can provide religious experience, it is expected that the role of religious attitude in music preferences is significant. A positive correlation between Turkish Folk Music (TFM) and Sufi music and agreeableness indicates the unity of religion and music in the Turkish tradition. Mevlevi lodges offered highquality musical education at that time and Itrî, one of the respected and master musicians was also Mevlevi. It shows the intertwined relationship between religion and music in the Turkish history of classical music tradition. When it comes to TFM, music appears as a conveyer of religious values, on a basis where Anatolian folk poets transmit values from generation to generation through folk songs.&nbsp;The positive relationship between Sufism and openness to experience reaches a significant level when the emotional and behavioral dimensions of religion are mediators. It also brings to mind the close connection between Sufi music and Mevlevi culture. The reed instrument (ney) is at the center of Sufi music and the reed is considered as a symbol of perfect human being (insan-ı kâmil) by Mevlâna (Rumî). While the Mevlevi dervish lodge experiences the process of evolution under the guidance of the sheikh (seyr-i süluk) similarly, traditional Turkish musical education progresses through the master-apprentice relationship (meşk system). Considering the components of the traditional background of Sufi music and its relation with religious events, it can be expected that those who prefer Sufi music will display the personality trait of openness to experience less than other types of music.

Mediating Role of Religious Attitude on The Relationship Between Personality and Music Preferences

Burak

Öğretim Görevlisi

Sinan

Cooperative game theory in microeconomics examines fair division in the sharing of resources among individuals with conflicting claims to them. The extant literature generally addresses this issue in relation to the total material values of claims vis-à-vis the material value of the relevant resources. A claims problem (or bankruptcy problem) occurs when the resource is relatively scarce; a surplus sharing problem arises when the resource is relatively abundant.Disputes suited to the context of fair division problems are as old as human history. In fact, the first and subsequently oft-referenced disagreements studied in this context in the extant literature are presented in the Talmud, one of the most central Judaic texts. For example, the contested garment problem in the Talmud concerns two people holding the ends of a garment: one lays claim to the entire apparel while the other claims half the garment. The allocation method is deemed the solution to this problem from the Talmud. This approach was generalized and transfigured into the concede-and-divide rule, according to which the dispute may be resolved by assigning three quarters and one quarter of the garment to the respective claimants. Similarly, the dispute can be resolved by allotting two-thirds and one-third of the garment to the respective claimants by using the proportional rule, which satisfies the concept of distributive justice postulated in Aristotle’s Nicomachean Ethics (V).The disputes scrutinized in the existing literature include ancient problems compiled from the Talmud as well as more recent disputes modeled as exemplars of fair division problems. Some modern conflicts discussed in the literature include disputes relating to revenue distribution for museum pass programs, allocation of university resources among faculties, distribution of broadcasting revenues obtained from broadcasting sports events, the ventilator distribution problem encountered during the COVID-19 pandemic, and the aircraft landing. The rules applied to such problems examined in the literature, whether ancient or modern are not limited to the concede-and-divide or proportional rules. Extant research defines numerous rules for distribution such as constrained equal awards, constrained equal losses, Piniles’ rule, the Talmud rule, minimum overlap, the Ibn Ezra rule, Rabad’s proposal, the random arrival rule, and the sequential priority rule. Researchers frequently use the methodology of modeling a previously unexamined dispute notwithstanding its relevance in the context of a fair division problem and to utilize the defined rules to resolve the problem. Scholars have also defined established allocation methods and presented them along with certain problems as distribution rules. The axiomatic characterization approach is adopted in such cases to define an allocation method as a distinctive rule. The axiomatic approach adopted in the present study requires a rule to be defined through the features that characterize it. Each rule applied to resolve the problem is unique. Thus, each defined distribution rule proposes a unique solution to the considered problem. Hence, every rule applied to a problem yields a distinct solution to it. Using the axiomatic approach, the motives underlying the distribution rationale can be distinguished to some extent by investigating the properties of the rule if the solution posited for a problem is obtained by applying a specific rule that can be generalized to the problem. For instance, the proportional rule is characterized in the literature by the properties of composition up and self-duality. Therefore, the proportional rule can be said to embody the concepts conveyed by these two attributes. Similarly, the term axiomatic characterization defines a distribution method as a unique rule distinguished by its features. Specifically, the axiomatic characterization of distributions is explained as a more tangible comparison of the understanding of justice of practitioners.Islamic history is extremely rich in describing cases that can be defined as fair division problems and in defining allocation methods that can be generalized and characterized as distribution rules. More numerous cases are showcased solely in Islamic inheritance law than problems compiled and examined from the Talmud in the existing microeconomics literature. However, the relevant microeconomics literature has not yet referenced these problems or the distribution methods delineated in Islamic law. Similarly, scant studies in the relevant Islamic law literature have systematically compiled or investigated these types of legal disputes. To date, scholars have evaluated disputes and solutions only through sociopolitical and historical perspectives.This study presents three cases from Al-Sarakhsi’s Mabsut and describes the solutions proposed by the jurists of that time. These conflicts from Islamic history can be modeled as fair division problems and classical division rules are applied to them. The solutions derived by applying classical division rules are compared with the solutions suggested by the eminent jurists of the past to determine the similarities and differences. Subsequently, this study attempts to exemplify the historical solutions as generalizable sharing rules, determining their generalizability according to justifications found in the relevant Islamic law sources. The properties utilized for the characterizations are also scrutinized for compliance with Islamic principles and are adapted in a manner consistent with Islamic values. Thus, legal disputes discussed politically and historically for centuries are examined from an unaddressed perspective and axiomatically evaluated.The rules frequently employed by studies to resolve current and historical disputes include the concede-and-divide principle known for its solution to the contested garment problem mentioned in the Talmud, the Ibn Ezra rule named after Abraham Ibn Ezra (d.1089/1092-1164/1167), and the Maimonides Rule named after Maimonides (d.1138-1204). Different researchers have characterized these rules using certain sets of properties. The present study employs the axiomatic approach, a methodology adopted in the existing literature, and defines Abu Hanifa’s and Abu Yusuf’s solutions for the given legal disputes as generalizable rules. The application of the classical fair division rules to the disputes yielded the following results. The concede-and-divide rule postulated a solution identical to that of Abu Hanifa and the Ibn Ezra rule proposed the same solution as Abu Yusuf’s method. The existing research has examined the compatibility of the properties that characterize the concede-and-divide rule and the Ibn Ezra rule with Islamic principles and has shown that both doctrines can be characterized using the same sets of properties adapted to the Islamic context. Similarly, Abu Hanifa’s method has been proven equivalent to the concede-and-divide rule in the context of claim problems and Abu Yusuf’s method equals the Ibn Ezra rule in the context of the adapted claim problem.In conclusion, this study compiled cases that can be examined in the context of fair division problems and the solutions posited for them in related reliable Islamic law sources. Disputes are modeled by adjusting them to relevant contexts, defining the generalizable solutions among them as rules, and characterizing them through their properties. Classical rules of the fair division are adapted and applied to these disputes, and the solutions proposed by them are axiomatically compared against the solutions obtained by this study. The referenced properties are adapted to the Islamic context because of their similarities and the relevant Islamic allocations are characterized.

Adapting Islamic Law Disputes to Fair Division in Microeconomics: An Axiomatic Analysis of Three Problems

Merve

The Zen tradition defines itself as a teaching and truth that is beyond words and language. According to Zen masters, Zen truth cannot be explained in words nor be expressed in language, and neither can it be understood through the dualistic mind structure that is the basis of language. Language and words reduce Zen truth to the human world and the ordinary everyday context, which means that the truth is lost. However, the history of Zen shows that the attitude toward the sacred texts that are the product of language has not developed at all in line with the understanding that Zen is a transcendent truth beyond words. Zen uses words and language as much as any other religious tradition and constructs itself through words and language. Therefore, despite its negative attitude towards words, language, and logical thought, the concept of sacred texts has developed in the Zen tradition, and a rich corpus of sacred texts has emerged.&nbsp;The focus of the article is on the place of sacred texts in the Zen tradition, and the article will discuss how Zen’s negative attitude toward language and words has affected its conceptualization of sacred texts. The article accepts the thesis that, despite the negative attitude the Zen tradition has toward language and words, it has a basic concept of sacred texts that overlaps with other religious traditions. Like these other religious traditions, the Zen tradition also has texts that are accepted as sacred. However, the Zen concept of sacred texts has also been accepted as having its own unique aspects. In this context, the main claims of this article are that the literature on Zen sacred texts consists of two basic categories with different functions, and even though Zen negates language, it manifests itself through words and has gained a presence in history, and in the minds and lives of its accepters. In addition, the sacred texts are also ritual objects and objects of worship in the Zen tradition.The sacred texts accepted in the Zen tradition consist of two basic categories with different functions. The first category involves the texts on which the Zen tradition has been built and through which has gained existence. These are the texts of the denglu genre that contain the lineage narratives and texts of the lives and teachings of Zen masters and the texts of the yu-lu genre that contain the sermons and sayings of Zen masters, monastery rules texts, and collections of kōan. These texts are the foundation of the existence of Zen as a sacred truth. Through these texts, the Zen tradition bases its origins, history, lineage, and important figures, in short, the foundations of its existence, on Buddha and Buddha’s enlightenment. These texts not only provide Zen a reality in history but also enable Zen to become a sacred truth. The Zen that these texts create is not just a tradition that has existed in history but also a transcendent truth as the most essential and truest expression of Buddha’s teachings. The importance and sacredness of these texts also come from here, as they are the foundation of what is Zen.The second category of the corpus of sacred texts in the Zen tradition is the Buddhist texts. The Mahayana sutras, such as the Lotus Sutra, the Vimalakirti Sutra, and the&nbsp;Prajnaparamita literature, as well as the esoteric dharani and sutras, are the main Buddhist texts that Zen accepts as sacred. The main function of the texts in this category is not to provide a basis to the Zen tradition, even though Zen masters have made references to these texts in their own writings. Instead, these texts have an important place in the Zen tradition as ritual objects. Sutras in particular have been widely used in the daily, monthly, and annual ritual routines of monastic life, as well as in the rituals of the laity; these texts have also been the subject of traditional rituals involving such things as reading, memorizing, explaining, and preaching. Moreover, these texts have been used as ritual objects in rarer rituals such as burials, blood writing, and writing on the body. Esoteric texts such as sutras are considered to be texts with the power and sanctity to provide both worldly and spiritual gains, so they also have been frequently used in both monastic routines and the religious life of the laity.The Buddhist sutras, the esoteric texts, and the texts that the Zen tradition itself is based on (i.e., koans and some texts on monastery rules) and which are attributed sacredness by the Zen tradition for different reasons have not only been accepted as sacred and important but have also been ritualized and put into practice in Zen. In other words, they have penetrated the tradition in a more concrete way by becoming ritual objects. These texts have also ensured that their presence in the lives of the tradition’s accepters in a more pronounced and effective way. Monks and laity believe these texts to have a supreme power and sanctity, and therefore making these texts the object of rituals has many worldly and spiritual benefits. Thus, the texts and the teachings contained in them have become practices and rituals in the lives of Zen’s followers. Truly this situation has caused the contents of the texts to recede into the background over time, and the texts ritualized within detailed rules to have been transformed into sacred objects. In rituals such as sutra readings, sutra burials, and dharani readings, the focus is on the power and sanctity that the text has as a ritual object, rather than on what the text says. This is true for the texts on monastery rules as well, as these have become the objects of rituals because of their importance. The upavasa ritual, which was originally performed to prevent any violation of monastery rules, had begun being performed over time due to the sanctity provided by reading the rules. The fact that the texts have become ritual objects separate from their content does not mean that they are less important. On the contrary, the texts as ritual objects are believed to have the utmost importance and sanctity. They have been respected and honored for this sanctity and have been the subject of worship rituals such as offerings to sutras.

Zen and Words: Sacred Texts in the Zen Tradition

Navid

Determining Taftāzānī’s madhhab: Insights after the Decline Paradigm

Esat

Reviving the Legacy: Ancient Egyptian Civilization in Modern Arabic Poetry

Seyithan

A Theological Analysis of Biological Determinism Claims in the Context of Epigenetics and Brain Plasticity

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Sümeyra

Autism is defined as the inability to establish relations with people and situations, the inability to use the language in an adequate and accurate manner, an obsessive repetition of the same behavior, and a developmental problem in which various obsessions are observed. There is no absolute treatment for this developmental problem, which manifests itself in the first or second years of life. However, individuals who have autism are brought into society through education.In Turkey, the education of individuals who have autism is carried out in special education schools, in Inclusive Classes at schools, and in private training centers after the diagnosis is made with individual tests. In these centers, education is carried out with many different disciplines. The Religious Culture and Moral Knowledge (RCMK) courses took their place in special education curricula as a compulsory course for the first time in 2010. This decision brought with it many debates on the existence and teaching of religious courses in autistic individuals. When the literature is reviewed on the possibility of religion and religious education in autistic individuals, it is seen that there are some opinions arguing that autistic individuals cannot perceive religion, and therefore, it is not possible for them to receive any religious education.&nbsp;The basis of these views is that individuals with autism are not able to perceive abstract concepts, metaphorical discourses and symbolic expressions and are insufficient in socializing. The basic arguments of the previous studies are that religions include abstract and symbolic expressions and the participation to congregations is compulsory, which do not comply with the aforementioned characteristics of the autistic individuals. On the other hand, there are also several viewpoints in the literature arguing that autistic individuals are able to perceive religion, create their own image of God, and in case appropriate conditions are prepared, can worship. On the basis of these viewpoints, there is the idea that abstract religious concepts may be explained by using appropriate methods and techniques, and positive contributions may be made to autistic individuals by making use of the socializing sphere of the religion when appropriate conditions are prepared.The different viewpoints on this subject in the literature may affect the legitimacy of the existence of religious courses that are prepared for autistic individuals; and may also be important in determining whether the subjects in the curriculum are suitable for individuals with autism. Based on this, in the present study, previous studies conducted on the possibility of religion and religious education in autistic individuals were examined, and the Religious Culture and Moral Knowledge curricula that were prepared for autistic individuals were evaluated in the light of the data reported by these studies. As a result of the study, it was determined that all of previous studies on religious education in autistic individuals were conducted with individuals who had religions other than Islam or with their families. However, the unique structure of the Islamic religion differs from other&nbsp;religions with the teaching and perception form of it. Based on this, it was decided that the current studies should also be conducted with children of Muslim families in Turkey. In addition, in the literature review, it was also determined in previous studies reporting positive results that practical subjects were focused on in religious education. It was also emphasized that individuals should participate to rituals in an applicable way, Allah should be perceived as a “being” that the individual should feel an attachment and pray to, and religious expressions should be used in everyday life. In this context, it was observed that the RCMK curriculum was based on cognitive acquisitions, and that there were very limited acquisitions on affective and psychomotor fields.In this context, it is possible to argue that the current curriculum does not overlap with the relevant literature at an adequate level. Another interesting point about the RCMK is that the curriculum was prepared for students who had moderate-to-severe mental disabilities and autism spectrum disorder. However, in actual fact, autistic individuals with high-functioning may show different developmental characteristics that are specific to autism, and they may also have normal intelligence function or some superior abilities. The current curriculum does not address high-functioning autism, and there are no other separate curricula prepared for them. In this case, it may be recommended to conduct curriculum development studies for individuals with high-functioning autism. In addition, it was also determined as a result of the present study that the needs of the individuals with autism in terms of religion and religious education must be determined; and subjects, contents and learning-teaching activities must be prepared in line with these needs.&nbsp;It is considered that this study, which was conducted with the Literature Review and Content Analysis Method will shed light on the religious education issue in autistic individuals, which has emerged as a new field of application in our country; and will contribute to curriculum development studies for Religious Culture and Moral Knowledge courses.

Religious Culture and Moral Knowledge Course Curriculum for Children with Autism: A Study on the Debates on the Possibility of Religion and Religious Education

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Muharrem

This study focuses on the notion of non-fixed heavy punishment in Hanafi penal tradition and its reflection in classic Ottoman kânûns. As is known, in Islamic criminal law, there are severe fixed penalties called had or kısas. These penalties are determined by the Shâri‘a, and take a variety of forms ranging from amputation to death. Apart from these penalties, the public authority is also authorized to impose heavy sanctions when necessary. Hanafî jurists use the terms ta‘zîr and siyâsa to express these sanctions. Those called siyâsa are marked as aggravated. Some authors emphasize this aspect in particular. In fact, in the Hanafî doctrine, the ta‘zîr, which is the basis of siyâsa, is accepted as lighter punishment than for fixed penalties. Apparently, ta‘zîr sanctions that reach or exceed the fixed penalties in terms of being aggravated, are called siyâsa to adhere to this rule.Hanafî jurists often associate non-fixed severe penalties with two causes. These are repetitions of an offense (tekerrur) and the effort for corruption of society (sa‘y bi’lfesâd). Repetition of offenses, which is generally considered to be a cause for severe penalty, usually occurs when certain crimes are committed a second time after being proven guilty. The effort for corruption of society is also generally admitted as a cause for severe penalty, because the perpetrator is attempting to disrupt society. In the Hanafî penal tradition, it is understood that habitual criminals can be heavily punished directly by the public authority on the grounds that they are working to disrupt society. This idea has evolved over time. In this context, Hanafî jurists state that those who commit crimes such as sodomy, killing someone by strangling, or robbery for the second time can be sentenced directly to death by public authority. This understanding can potentially include some crimes that disrupt society even if they are not habitual. Indeed, some Hanafî jurists state that a thief can be sentenced directly to death by the public authority on the grounds that he/she is attempting to disrupt society, whether or not the crime is habitual. From this perspective, even if the crime has been committed only once, it is regarded as repetitive because it deeply disturbs public interest.In the classic Ottoman law books, many references are made to the non-fixed heavy penalty concept of Hanafî. However, elements such as tekerrur, fesâd, and siyâsa, which constitute this understanding, are generally not mentioned together in the articles of law. In most cases, the term siyâsa alone is considered sufficient to imply the basis on which the punishment from the Hanafî tradition is based. This term, which often refers to severe penalties such as death or amputation in the law books, does not impose fines, and is generally related to penalties for habitual criminals who are believed to have attempted to disrupt society. Some articles of the law state that the offense should be habitual to receive heavy punishment, and this condition implicitly includes the rest of the formula. If the perpetrator is a habitual criminal, he or she will be penalized directly by the public authority for working toward the deterioration of society. For instance, some provisions of law order the execution of anyone who has stolen a few times and hand amputation&nbsp;for those who make it a habit to stab somebody or pick somebody’s pocket, and nose amputation for those who habitually corrupt women-men relations. In these provisions, the Ottoman lawmakers seem to be inspired by the concept of Hanafî repetition.&nbsp;In some articles of law, we see that the Ottoman rulers severely punish non-habitual criminals directly according to their own will. They use the death penalty for some crimes besides fixed ones without mentioning repetition. For example, they order hanging for wrongdoers who enter a shop or a house for the purpose of theft, who burn a shop or house deliberately, and who print counterfeit money. It is understood that these wrongdoers are considered habitual criminals for damaging the public interest and that they are to be included in the non-fixed heavy penalty formula. However, it should be noted that this inclusion may open the door to arbitrary and oppressive siyâsa, which some jurists are concerned.

Non-fixed Heavy Penalty Formula from Hanafi Tradition to Classical Ottoman Kanuns

In our age, as a result of the phenomena of technology, individuality, and globalization, the divorce rate is rapidly increasing despite the change in family structure. Divorce can cause various psychological effects such as trauma. Therefore, the divorced individuals and their children need psychological and social support.&nbsp;With a divorce, if both members are adaptable, it can either prevent the divorce from happening or be a factor that affects an amicable divorce; detecting divorce enhancing or inhibiting factors is an important issue.As in many other areas, religion or religiousness play an important role in the continuation of marriage and divorce. This drove the reasons investigated in our study for what causes a divorce. Divorced individuals were asked questions about the effect of religiousness in the process of marriage and divorce. This research will contribute to the field of marriage and divorce in terms of eliminating the lack of adequate study of the religiosity factor.&nbsp;Our study conducted interviews with 20 divorced people, including ten women and ten men. The majority of the participants we interviewed were middle aged adults with a high level of education, who spent most of their lives in Istanbul, and who participated in certain professions. Female participants, in particular, needed jobs to make a living during or after the divorce.Based on the findings, we cannot say to remove the high educational level as a factor of divorce. In fact, it is effective for women to display a more decisive attitude toward divorce.Most participants chose to get married based on the emotional factors “appearance” (8 people), “love to be/to like” (8 people). Also “being religious” (6 persons) and “not suitable for families” (4 people) criteria were significant. According to this, being religious is among the criteria sought in marriages.We can say that these two options, which are connected with each other, such as exterior appearance and being in love, are not functional in maintaining the marriage in terms of the marriage criteria and that it is more important to approach marriage from a logical point of view.According to participants at the beginning of a divorce, the research results of “deception/ deceived” (9 people) were at the top of the list. The second reason is “indifference” (6 people). This was followed by “communication” (5 people), “irresponsibility” (5 people), and “economic reasons” (5 people). “Psychological violence” (4 people), “physical strength” (4 people), “disrespect” (3), and “jealousy” (3) are also among the causes of divorce. The deception angle, after women had been deceived, led them choosing “irresponsibility” (5 people) as a major cause of divorce, and men chose “indifference” (4 people).&nbsp;The reasons for divorce that emerged in our research show parallels with other research. According to participants, divorce does not depend on a single cause; we see a negative situation could cause different problems. Also, disrespectful communication problems in couples and the emergence of situations such as irresponsibility, poor communication within the family, and being unable to relate to one another are other reasons. According to this, spouses did not spend time together, and the lack of pleasure in performing activities together may be among the reasons behind the conflicts within the family.For the majority of the participants, more attention should be given to the premarital period rather than the prevention of marriage or divorce. According to them, first of all, people should get to know each other and their families better. The biggest regret from the majority of the participants is that they married quickly, without getting to know the other side and their family. In the process of divorce, individuals expected more functional mediation than their relatives. The participants expected more help from their relatives.When we asked the interviewers whether religiousness had any function in the attitudes of spouses and their divorce, they emphasized that they were generally more moral than religious. This situation shows that the spouses who promote themselves as religious do not turn their words into behaviors, and they exhibit unethical behavior in family life. Accordingly, based on the opinions of respondents, those who said that they mostly defined themselves as religious, had a piety factor in the moral dimension of marriage and divorce, which had an important function in terms of the experience.&nbsp;Conflicting words and behaviors are seen before and after marriage, causing people to become disillusioned and breaking the feelings of trust that spouses have toward each other. Therefore, deception is the most important cause of divorce. In considering the moral sense of priorities from each of the spouses, honesty, loyalty, and respect are expected. After sacrifice and altruism, moral values such as responsibility and compassion come to the fore. However, it is also important to know the attitudes of the people who were looking for these criteria against their former spouses. Therefore, bilateral negotiations need to be conducted with divorced people, and work done with qualitative research on religiosity will be useful.

The Role of the Religiosity Factor in Relation to Marriage Experiences and Divorce Process

Hafize Şule

Christian Zionist ideas have been embraced by many presidents in American politics, but the power of Christian Zionism in American politics became clear after Donald Trump was elected in November 2016. He recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel, which had been a long-term ambition of the American Christian Zionists and Jewish Zionists. In this study, Christian Zionists and their theo-political approach will be discussed. In addition, the active participation in politics among evangelical Protestants with an emphasis on their prioritising of Jews and Israeli policies in American politics will be examined. This topic, which can be linked not only to the field of sociology of religion but also to all fields of social sciences, is important for understanding the debates and social poles in American society, as well as for making sense of the determinants of US policy, especially toward the Middle East. The reason behind the US-based Israeli policies in the Middle East has a theological and ideological justification.&nbsp;In this descriptive work, I will seek answers to the questions of “who are the Christian Zionists?”, “what constitutes the roots and fundamental doctrines of Christian Zionism?” and “how do Christian Zionists view world politics?” In this context, I will draw attention to the fact that Zionism is not only a concept related to Judaism and that there have been many non-Jewish Christian Zionists in the past and many who are still actively present in the American administration. My work sets out the conceptual framework of Christian Zionism as a theo-political ideology and sheds light on the historical background of the subject; It also aims to clarify how the ideology in question has gained power and become an effective discourse within American Protestantism. In this context, the study will trace the imperialist policies of the British Empire on Ottoman lands in the first half of the 19th century when Christian Zionism first emerged; then, the main elements of the Christian Zionists’ ideological and theological approaches to social and political processes, the extent of how Jews benefitted will be discussed, and their effects on American politics will also be pointed out.Christian Zionism has, in general, evolved from evangelical and fundamentalist Christians. This approach adopts the reading of The Bible with a literal, premillennial approach and takes Biblical eschatology crucial. In order to understand the Christian Zionists’ support for Israel and their insistence on directing American policies, it is necessary to consider the pre-millennial dispensationalism that centered on Jews and the doctrines of the End Times. Pre-Millennial dispensationalism is the fundamental doctrine of Christian Zionists. In addition, Christian fundamentalists are based on the literal (literalism) reading of the scripture. While giving Jews a central place in the doctrine of the End Times, they have a very negative attitude towards Muslims.&nbsp;In general terms, the term “Christian Zionist” is given to a constituent of the most influential apocalyptic beliefs of today’s American society, which emerged in Britain in&nbsp;the 19th century, later coming to the US in the middle of the same century. Christian Zionism, which proposes rather radical ideas, is widespread among American Protestants. According to the results of a 2013 poll conducted by the Pew Research Center, 82% of the white evangelical Protestants in the United States believe that Israel was given to the Jews by God; whereas this rate is only 40% among Jews. In general, 44% of Americans believe that God gave Israel to the Jews. When the period and the environment in which Christian Zionism emerged are evaluated, it is possible to see that the ideologies that were formed on the basis of the activities of British imperialism in the Middle East were transformed into religious discourse. Christian Zionism, which formed an important ideological basis for British imperialism in the first period of its emergence, provides an ideological basis for American imperialism today. It is also an important part of the Israeli lobby in the US.The enduring teachings of the Christian Zionists, who have gained more influence in recent American politics compared to previous periods, have reached the point of power to be able to affect US foreign policy. Trump’s decision to recognize Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and his declarations that Golan Heights belong to Israel are closely related to the theological teachings of Christian Zionism. The fact that a group with a radical theo-political ideology in the US is so effective in politics and state administration raises questions about American secularism. The important question of whether there is a reversal from American secularism –given the current developments in spite of the Constitution of America, where religion and state affairs are clearly separated- should be focused on in the coming years.

Christian Zionism in the US: Its Roots, Founding Principles and Its Influence in American Politics

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darulfunun ilahiyat is the academic publication of Istanbul University, Faculty of Theology and is an open access, peer-reviewed, scholarly journal published biannually in June and December. It was founded in 1925.

darulfunun ilahiyat publishes studies dealing with the different aspects of religion in independent and interdisciplinary fields and theoretical and applied sciences.

In this scope, darulfunun ilahiyat covers religion, alongside the faith and behavior of its practitioners, as a system of belief and society with papers that are able to perform the following: (i) Address human and social sciences; (ii) Develop original theoretical and conceptual advances; (iii) Examine different and new research methods; (iv) Present comparative studies using case studies.

(I)         Address human and social sciences;
(II)         Develop original theoretical and conceptual advances;
(III)        Examine different and new research methods;
(IV)        Present comparative studies using different example cases.

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darulfunun ilahiyat

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darulfunun ilahiyat aims to publish articles dealing with different aspects of religion in independent and interdisciplinary fields and theoretical and applied sciences.darulfunun ilahiyat focuses on religion, faith and behaviors of its practitioners and religion as system of belief and society. The journal expects the articles to (i) Address human and social sciences; (ii) Develop original theoretical and conceptual advances; (iii) Examine different and new research methods; (iv) Present comparative studies using case studies.Within this range, the issues listed below are given particular priority:Islamic culture and civilization&gt; The interpretation and education of religious and Islamic sciences in the contemporary world&gt; The formation and transfer of religious identity&gt; Public life in various faith groups, and religion in a multicultural environment&gt; Interactions between the individual, religion, and societyIn addition to qualified, original, theoretical, and applied research, darulfunun ilahiyat also publishes book reviews, research notes, meeting abstracts and translatory-commentarial papers from classical languages.

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Editor should consider publishing correction if minor errors that do not effect the results, interpretations and conclusions of the published paper are detected. Editor should consider retraction if major errors and/or misconduction that invalidate results and conclusions are detected.Editor should consider issuing an expression of concern if there is evidence of research or publication misconduct by the authors; there is evidence that the findings are not reliable and institutions of the authors do not investigate the case or the possible investigation seems to be unfair or nonconclusive. The guidelines of <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/flowcharts/complete-set-english" target="_blank">COPE</a> and <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/" target="_blank">ICJME</a> are taken into consideration regarding correction, retractions or expression of concern.

To guarantee that all papers published in the journal are maintained and permanently accessible, articles are stored in Dergipark which serves as a  national archival web site and at the same time permits LOCKSS to  collect, preserve, and serve the content.Additionally, authors are encouraged to self-archive the final PDF version of their articles in open electronic archives with  that conform to standards of Open Archives Initiative (<a href="https://www.openarchives.org/" target="_blank">https://www.openarchives.org/</a>). Authors should provide a link from the deposited version to the URL of IUPress journal website.

darulfunun ilahiyat is committed to upholding the highest standards of publication ethics and pays regard to Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing published by the <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, the <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, the <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a>, and the <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> on <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a>All parties involved in the publishing process (Editors, Reviewers, Authors and Publishers) are expected to agree on the following ethical principles.All submissions must be original, unpublished (including as full text in conference proceedings), and not under the review of any other publication synchronously. Each manuscript is reviewed by one of the editors and at least two referees under double-blind peer review process. Plagiarism, duplication, fraud authorship/denied authorship, research/data fabrication, salami slicing/salami publication, breaching of copyrights, prevailing conflict of interest are unnethical behaviors.All manuscripts not in accordance with the accepted ethical standards will be removed from the publication. This also contains any possible malpractice discovered after the publication. In accordance with the code of conduct we will report any cases of suspected plagiarism or duplicate publishing.

Ethics

The journal adheres to the highest standards in research ethics and follows the principles of international research ethics as defined below. The authors are responsible for the compliance of the manuscripts with the ethical rules.-    Principles of integrity, quality and transparency should be sustained in designing the research, reviewing the design and conducting the research.-    The research team and participants should be fully informed about the aim, methods, possible uses and requirements of the research and risks of participation in research.-   The confidentiality of the information provided by the research participants and the confidentiality of the respondents should be ensured. The research should be designed to protect the autonomy and dignity of the participants.-    Research participants should participate in the research voluntarily, not under any coercion.-    Any possible harm to participants must be avoided. The research should be planned in such a way that the participants are not at risk.-    The independence of research must be clear; and any conflict of interest or must be disclosed.-    In experimental studies with human subjects, written informed consent of the participants who decide to participate in the research must be obtained. In the case of children and those under wardship or with confirmed insanity, legal custodian’s assent must be obtained.-    If the study is to be carried out in any institution or organization, approval must be obtained from this institution or organization.-    In studies with human subject, it must be noted in the method’s section of the manuscript that the informed consent of the participants and ethics committee approval from the institution where the study has been conducted have been obtained.

It is authors’ responsibility to ensure that the article is in accordance with scientific and ethical standards and rules. And authors must ensure that submitted work is original. They must certify that the manuscript has not previously been published elsewhere or is not currently being considered for publication elsewhere, in any language. Applicable copyright laws and conventions must be followed. Copyright material (e.g. tables, figures or extensive quotations) must be reproduced only with appropriate permission and acknowledgement. Any work or words of other authors, contributors, or sources must be appropriately credited and referenced.All the authors of a submitted manuscript must have direct scientific and academic contribution to the manuscript. The author(s) of the original research articles is defined as a person who is significantly involved in “conceptualization and design of the study”, “collecting the data”, “analyzing the data”, “writing the manuscript”, “reviewing the manuscript with a critical perspective” and “planning/conducting the study of the manuscript and/or revising it”. Fund raising, data collection or supervision of the research group are not sufficient roles to be accepted as an author. The author(s) must meet all these criteria described above. The order of names in the author list of an article must be a co-decision and it must be indicated in the <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/E42C1612F8C548D7BE0C447D9008E553" target="_blank">Copyright Transfer Form</a>. The individuals who do not meet the authorship criteria but contributed to the study must take place in the acknowledgement section. Individuals providing technical support, assisting writing, providing a general support, providing material or financial support are examples to be indicated in acknowledgement section.All authors must disclose all issues concerning financial relationship, conflict of interest, and competing interest that may potentially influence the results of the research or scientific judgment.When an author discovers a significant error or inaccuracy in his/her own published paper, it is the author’s obligation to promptly cooperate with the Editor to provide retractions or corrections of mistakes.

Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, sexual orientation, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors. He/She provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles for publication and ensures that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential before publishing.Editor-in-Chief is responsible for the contents and overall quality of the publication. He/She must publish errata pages or make corrections when needed.Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers. Only he has the full authority to assign a reviewer and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal.Reviewers must have no conflict of interest with respect to the research, the authors and/or the research funders. Their judgments must be objective.Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees must be ensured. In particular situations, the editor may share the review of one reviewer with other reviewers to clarify a particular point.

Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by editor-in-chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope.The editor hands over the papers matching the formal rules to at least two national/international referees for double-blind peer review evaluation and gives green light for publication upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.

Peer Review

Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, sexual orientation, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors. He/She provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles for publication and ensures that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential before publishing.Editor-in-Chief is responsible for the contents and overall quality of the publication. He/She must publish errata pages or make corrections when needed.Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers. Only he has the full authority to assign a reviewer and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal.Reviewers must have no conflict of interest with respect to the research, the authors and/or the research funders. Their judgments must be objective.Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees must be ensured. In particular situations, the editor may share the review of one reviewer with other reviewers to clarify a particular point.

Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by editor-in-chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope.  Editor-in-chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, sexual orientation, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors and ensures a fair double-blind peer review of the selected manuscripts.The selected manuscripts are sent to at least two national/international external referees for evaluation and publication decision is given by editor-in-chief  upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.Editor in chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal.Reviewers’ judgments must be objective. Reviewers’ comments on the following aspects are expected while conducting the review.-    Does the manuscript contain new and significant information?-    Does the abstract clearly and accurately describe the content of the manuscript?-    Is the problem significant and concisely stated?-    Are the methods described comprehensively?-    Are the interpretations and consclusions justified by the results?-    Is adequate references made to other Works in the field?-    Is the language acceptable?Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees is important.

1. Aim and ScopeBefore you send your application to darulfunun ilahiyat, please look through the journal’s “<a href="https://iupress.istanbul.edu.tr/en/journal/ilahiyatjournal/information/aim-and-scope" target="_blank">Aim and Scope</a>” page. Studies that fall outside the scope of the journal will not be accepted for the review process.2. Types of SubmissionStudies submitted for publication are first examined by the Journal Manager and Chief Editor in regard to the suitability of their goals, subject, content, presentation style and compliance to the journal’s writing rules. Your work should be between 5000-8000 words, excluding references. The editorial evaluation criteria to be applied to all article types submitted to the journal are listed below:(1) High academic quality (2) Clear expression of theoretical bases (3) Specialist conceptual and or methodological academic contribution (4) Theoretical and or method innovation (5) Careful use of modern methods 2.1. Research Articledarulfunun ilahiyat aims to publish work that reveals fundamental problems in the field of religion and offers solutions to them. Particular attention is paid to: (a) Expression of the theoretical framework on which the research is based (b) Statement of the theoretical and practical contribution that the research makes (c) Contribution to the current knowledge in the religious sciences (d) Presentation of original theses in a coherent manner (e) Presentation of groundwork to approach and methodology 2.2. Research NoteResearch notes aim to share the academic experience gained through research. Research notes, in which researchers can also convey their personal evaluations, should not exceed 2500 words. 2.3. Meeting AbstractMeeting abstract includes evaluations of the contents of a national or international academic meeting and should not exceed 1500 words. The academic contribution of the meeting,should be discussed in a meeting abstract. 2.4. Book ReviewsBook reviews submitted to the journal should not exceed 1500 words. 3. General Format Properties3.1 Font: The font used in the entire manuscript should be Times New Roman, font size 10,5. 3.2 Page Layout: In a A4 paper, page margins for bottom, top, right, and left should be pre-set as 0.98 inch. Text should be justified with no hyphenation breaks in words at the end of a line. Text should be typed as a single-column document. Paragraphs and headings should not be indented, but aligned with the main text. 3.3 Paragraph Format: Paragraph indents should be pre-set in the tabs section as follows: before and after: 6 pt; line spacing: 1.5. 3.4 Word Limit: Submitted manuscripts should be between 5000-8000 words. 3.5 Abstract: Abstract should be between 150-200 words. 3.6 Keywords: 5-8 keywords are required. 3.7 Extended Summary: Extended summary in English is required for non-English articles after acceptance. The extended summary should be between 1000-1500 words.3.8 Main TextPlease look at the [04_main_document.pdf] for an example of how the main text will look. Important Note: The main document you upload should not contain author names or information. Be sure to remove this information from the submitted documentation before uploading. Such information should be included on the Title Page. Quantitative and qualitative studies should include introduction, method, results and discussion sections. Sampling/study group, data collection tools and process subsections are to be stated in method section, model subsection should only be included if an original model is used.3.9. Title PageThe following information should be provided in he Title Page: (i) title of the manuscript (ii) category of the manuscript (iii) full names of the author(s) (iv) institutional information of author(s) (instituiton, city, country) (v) e-mail addresses of author(s) (vi) orcid (vii) Information regarding financing, conflict of interest and acknowledgement 3.10 Tables, Figures and Appendices: Tables, figures, pictures, graphics, and similar aspects should be embedded in the text, and not provided as appendices. Under the Paragraph tab, ensure that the indentation is as follows: before and after: 0; spacing: single. Tables and figures should be left aligned, and the text wrapping feature should be turned off. Appendices: Each appendix should be displayed on a separate page after the references section.3.11. Reference Style:darulfunun ilahiyat complies with CMOS 17 (The Chicago Manual of Style) style 17th Edition for referencing and quoting. For more information: <a href="http://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide.html" target="_blank">http://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide.html</a>3.12. Extended Summary: darulfunun ilahiyat attaches great importance to the dissemination and influence of the articles it publishes with the international public. To this end, works written in Turkish and Arabic are published together with an extended summary in English. The authors are requested therefore to prepare an extended summary for the article. The extended summary should be 1000-1500 words and reflect the main claims in the various parts of the article (i.e., Introduction, Methodology, Results, Conclusion, etc.). 4. Submissions in a Foreign Languagedarulfunun ilahiyat accepts submissions in Turkish, English and Arabic. Submissions received in these languages are evaluated in terms of language proficiency before the referees evaluate them. Those submissions that are judged to be incomprehensible by a referee that is a native language speaker will not be accepted into the review process and will be sent to the author for correction.5. ORCIDIstanbul University gives importance to ensuring an ethical, transparent and fair editorial and referee review process. With the scope of this aim, Istanbul University supports the Open Researcher and Contributor ID (ORCID) platform. To differentiate researchers from each other ORCID matches researchers with their previous work by assigning a digital ID number. In the articles published by the darulfunun ilahiyat the authors are listed with ORCID numbers. Our expectation from writers is that they provide ORCID information during their application. If you currently have no ORCID number, you can obtain it here [<a href="http://orcid.org/register" target="_blank">http://orcid.org/register</a>]. 6. Sending Us the WorkPlease click the link below to submit the work to the darulfunun ilahiyat [<a href="https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/darulfunun" target="_blank">https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/darulfunun</a>]If you encounter any problem in submission please contact <a href="mailto:ilahiyat.editor@istanbul.edu.tr" target="_blank">ilahiyat.editor@istanbul.edu.tr</a>Note: darulfunun ilahiyat does not request any submission fee. 7. The Publication Process7.1. Post-AcceptanceThe acceptance of the work for publication is reported to the corresponding author. The work that the corresponding author has organized according to the relevant reports is reviewed by the Chief Editor or Field Editor. The approved work then undergoes a proofreading and redaction process.7.1.2. OnlineFirstOnlineFirst is the platform where Istanbul University publishes ready-to-print articles online before they go to press. An article on OnlineFirst is published with a DOI (Digital Object Identifiers) number, as Volume and page numbers are still unassigned. The article is removed from the OnlineFirst page when it is published, and is included in the published edition in the website. A study accepting for publication is published as OnlineFirst within approximately 30 days.8. Contact InformationPlease contact the address of e-mail <a href="mailto:ilahiyat.editor@istanbul.edu.tr" target="_blank">ilahiyat.editor@istanbul.edu.tr</a> for your questions regarding darulfunun ilahiyat.

Author Guidelines

Although references to review articles can be an efficient way to guide readers to a body of literature, review articles do not always reflect original work accurately. Readers should therefore be provided with direct references to original research sources whenever possible. On the other hand, extensive lists of references to original work on a topic can use excessive space on the printed page. Small numbers of references to key original papers often serve as well as more exhaustive lists, particularly since references can now be added to the electronic version of published papers, and since electronic literature searching allows readers to retrieve published literature efficiently. Papers accepted but not yet included in the issue are published online in the Early View section and they should be cited as “advance online publication”. Citing a “personal communication” should be avoided unless it provides essential information not available from a public source, in which case the name of the person and date of communication should be cited in parentheses in the text. For scientific articles, written permission and confirmation of accuracy from the source of a personal communication must be obtained.Reference Style and Formatdarulfunun ilahiyat complies with CMOS 17 (The Chicago Manuel of Style) style 17th Edition for referencing and quoting. For more information: <a href="http://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide.html" target="_blank">http://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide.html</a>

Ensure that the following items are present:●    Cover letter to the editorü    The category of the manuscriptü    Confirming that “the paper is not under consideration for publication in another journal”.ü    Including disclosure of any commercial or financial involvement.ü    Confirming that the statistical design of the research article is reviewed.ü    Confirming that last control for fluent English was done.ü    Confirming that journal policies detailed in Information for Authors have been reviewed.ü    Confirming that the references cited in the text and listed in the references section are in line with CMOS 17.●    <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/E42C1612F8C548D7BE0C447D9008E553" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a>●    Permission of previously published copyrighted material if used in the present manuscript●    <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/FileHandler2.ashx?f=di_title_page.docx" target="_blank">Title page</a>ü    The category of the manuscriptü    The title of the manuscriptü    All authors’ names and affiliations (institution, faculty/department, city, country), e-mail addressesü    Corresponding author’s email address, full postal address, telephone and fax numberü    ORCIDs of all authors.●    Main Manuscript Documentü    The title of the manuscriptü    Abstract (150-200 words)ü    Key words: 5 to 8 wordsü    Main article sectionsü    Grant support (if exists)ü    Conflict of interest (if exists)ü    Acknowledgement (if exists)ü    Referencesü    All tables, illustrations (figures) (including title, description, footnotes)

<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/A757C4A498B04CFAA7405FCB9F83387D" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form </a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/BE8E906BB56240288B7DD11F7F140BCF" target="_blank">Title Page</a>

Issue Type	Special
Editor(s)	Ayşe Zişan Furat
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