Halit

Prof. Dr.

In this study, I examine the use and function of the patronage system by and among scholars during the Mamluk dynasty through the example of Ibn Hajar al-Asqalānī and Ibn Khidr al-Qusūrī, one of his main disciples and lifelong devotees. Based on tabaqāt, biographic and autobiographic sources of the period, as well as the extant manuscripts of Ibn Hajar’s works that were copied during his lifetime, I examine how Ibn Khidr, who was a very important figure of the time in Ibn Hajar’s circle but who has been practically forgotten today, helped his master in various matters and was protected by his master in return. My aim is to show that Ibn Hajar was a very successful organizer who was thus able to achieve great accomplishments both in his administrative and scholarly activities through his perfect operation of the patronage and substitution system, while at the same time making an appraisal of Ibn Khidr and his hardly recognized efforts.When addressing patronage relations in scholarly life during the Mamluk dynasty (648- 923/1250-1517), the primary focus is on wealthy individuals such as sultans, amirs, and prominent merchants who supported the ulama by establishing foundations, providing direct financial support, or appointing the ulama to certain positions. At first glance, the members of the ulama protecting one another does not attract as much attention, despite the fact that this was an important type of patronage that ensured the continuation of scholarly activities. However, when the right environment and the right people are present, the ulama’s protection of one another was a type of relationship that could yield more beneficial results than those with other influential people.With the aim of examining the various dimensions of patronage relations among scholars during the Mamluk dynasty through an example, this study focuses on the relationship between Ibn Hajar al-Asqalanī (d. 852/1449), probably the most famous figure of the period, and Ibn Khidr al-Qusūrī (d. 852/1448), one of his foremost students and lifelong devotee. As will be explained in detail below, Ibn Khidr was a very important figure of his time, despite now being practically unknown, and he is not mentioned as much as he deserves. Although his name has been brought up in some contemporary studies on Ibn Hajar and Fath al-Bārī and his place in the eyes of his teacher has been pointed out, because Ibn Khidr was not the focus of these studies, his person and service to Ibn Hajar cannot be said to have been sufficiently scrutinized. My aim is not to make a reassessment of the already limited contemporary literature on this&nbsp;subject, but rather to show that Ibn Hajar was a very successful organizer who was thus able to achieve great accomplishments both in his administrative and scholarly activities by operating the patronage and substitution system perfectly, while simultaneously giving Ibn Khidr the value he deserves. By getting to know Ibn Khidr, who seems to have consciously chosen to remain in Ibn Hajar’s shadow, one can better understand the duration of the relationship that had begun between the two scholars as teacher and student, the stages it passed through over time, its value as a patronage relationship, its place in the eyes of other scholars of the period, its meaning in terms of how it mutually benefited both of them, its material and spiritual returns, and its reflections in their works. Providing information about Ibn Hajar’s life is considered unnecessary, as I assume that he is already known to the reader.The first group of sources I use here predominantly are the manuscript copies of some of Ibn Hajar’s works, in particular Fath al-Bārī and Hady al-Sārī, which were copied when both scholars were alive (i.e. pre-852/1449). The glosses, gloss records, samāʿ and muqābala records, and ijāzas of these manuscripts contain remarkable data on Ibn Khidr. As for the two mentioned works, Ibn Khidr played a very important role in the writing of Fath al-Bārī and in the reading and reproduction of Hady al-Sārī. In particular, Ibn Khidr’s contribution to Fath al-Bārī should be carefully analyzed in terms of the role played not only by him but also by his colleagues. The second group of sources involve the biographies, autobiographies, and tabaqāts written by scholars such as Shams al-Dīn al-Sahāwī (d. 902/1497) and Burhan al-Dīn al-Biqāʿī (d. 885/1480), who knew the two names personally. Without the information provided by al-Sahāwī, who was a student of both Ibn Hajar and Ibn Khidr, to see Ibn Khidr in today’s printed literature and to recognize his importance would be almost impossible.

Devoted to the Master: The Case of Ibn Hajar and Ibn Khidr as an Example of Patronage Among Scholars During the Mamluk Dynasty

Muharrem

Assoc. Prof. Dr.

This article examines the practice of coerced divorce oaths by the executive officers (ehl-i örf) in Ottoman society, alongside the legal remedies recommended by muftīs to nullify such oaths. Within the Hanafi tradition, it is widely acknowledged that divorce oaths retain validity even when made under duress. Recognizing the potential for abuse by those in positions of authority, jurists have devised remedies as safeguards against this exploitation, particularly by political figures. Anatolia and Rumelia, where strict adherence to Hanafi madhhab became prevalent in the latter half of the 16th century, serve as prime areas for observation. The thousands of fatwās issued by muftīs who served in these regions between the 16th and 18th centuries provide a rich source of data for analysis. These fatwās describe how executive officers transformed divorce oaths into tools of coercion, leveraging them for various purposes, both legitimate and illegitimate. Instances include extorting money or property, evading legal repercussions, and manipulating interpersonal debt relations. Moreover, divorce oaths were utilized to control public discourse, suppress dissent, enforce compliance with government mandates, and coerce payments from taxpayers. They compel individuals to swear divorce oaths to ascertain the presence of political agitators, subversives, or bandits in the neighborhoods, villages or towns, or to galvanize public sentiment against banditry. Additionally, they demand that individuals take such oaths to ensure their presence at specific locations or meetings. The objective is not always to fulfill a specific task or obligation through divorce oaths. At times, executive officers deliberately engineer circumstances conducive to the violation of coerced divorce oaths, with the aim of precipitating divorces. It is evident that executive officers employ divorce oaths for both legitimate and illegitimate purposes. Despite having coercive means at&nbsp;&nbsp;their disposal, their inclination to exploit the religious significance of divorce oaths may stem from their perceived weakening authority. The issues reflected in the fatwā collections indicate that many individuals subjected to divorce oaths under executive duress sought assistance Ottoman muftīs. They sought guidance on effective remedies or sought validation of the legal efficacy of the remedies they employed.Ottoman muftīs issued fatwās affirming the validity of divorce oaths imposed by executive officers under duress, even in cases where they clear victimization occurred. However, procedural constraints within the fatwā process and directives from the central government limited their ability to issue fatwās aligned with alternative madhhab opinions. Nevertheless, they proposed formulas intended as tricks or remedies to shield individuals from executive coercion. According to these formulas, if a person who is coerced into swearing a divorce appends “in shā’a Allah” (if Allah wishes) immediately after the divorce pronouncement, audibly enough for himself, the divorce will be nullified, and the marriage remains intact. Similarly, a person taking a divorce oath to avoid litigation due to injustices inflicted by executive officers does not breach his oath if he grants power of attorney for the case or presents his situation to the judge. In a case where an individual whom the executive officers made to swear three divorces under duress, divorces his wife and violates his oath after the waiting period is over, he can remarry his wife. Furthermore, if the individual’s intent behind using the word “divorce” is to provide false information or confession, or if he uses ambiguous language intending a meaning other than divorce, the divorce will not be granted. Again, if a husband limits a general expression in his oath with his personal intent, the divorce will not take place. Moreover, if a person swears a divorce to compel or refrain from a specific action under duress, the divorce is postponed until he either fulfills or abandons the action. Although it is understood that some individuals in Ottoman society were aware of and utilized these strategies, measuring their effectiveness against executive abuses remains challenging. Employing these strategies requires a deep understanding of legal intricacies and courage to confront authority. Importantly, most strategies are not considered by the court if no witnesses are present. Nevertheless, numerous fatwās in collections indicate that the formulas were widely used and effective in Ottoman society. The formulas served as a counterbalance to the established jurisprudence of the madhhab, which could cause grievance, such as the opinion that considers the divorce oath under duress as valid. They prevented many marriages from dissolving untimely and unnecessary, reduced the practice of tahleel marriages, and served to protect the right to property. This article, a study of legal history, provides evidence from fatwā collections to support these findings.&nbsp;

The Muftīs’ Remedies Against Coerced Divorce Oaths by Executive Officers in Ottoman Society (16th-18th Centuries)

Nail

Abū Zakariyyā Yahyā b. Sharaf Muhyī al-Dīn al-Nawawī (631-676/1234-1277) was one of the leading scholars of the 13th century CE (7th century AH) and had acquired competence in various branches of Islamic sciences, especially fiqh and hadith. He gained a well-deserved reputation that has grown since his lifetime to the present day. Al-Nawawī wrote many works in various genres related to a number of different disciplines. His best known and most widely read books today are those on hadith. Al-Takrīb and Irshād, which he wrote on the Mustalah al-hadith, Riyād al-Sālihīn and al-Azkār, which are considered among the most reliable examples of the hadith compilation genre, and Sahīh al-Muslim’s commentary Minhāj, one of the leading books in the commentary literature, have become classics and been widely read and followed for centuries. Al-Nawawī’s works on Islamic substantive law manifest themselves as various types of texts written around the leading furūʿ fiqh texts of the Shāfi‘ī school of law. Al-Nawawī produced many texts in the form of commentaries, nukat, ta‘līq, and treatises, and was one of the main actors involved in the Shāfi‘ī school of law’s transition from an earlier school to a later one. During the Mutakaddimīn period, Shāfi‘īsm was divided into two sub-schools in parallel with the geographical extent of its spread, and the conflicts between them gradually deepened over time. Al-Nawawī also worked on texts that represented the two wing s of the school, as well as on books with highly representational power. In addition to the books by al-Ghazālī and al-Rāfiʿī, which represent the Khorasan branch of the school (tarīqa al-Khorasāniyyīn), his studies on the books by al-Shirāzī, which represent the Irāqī branch of the school (tarīqa al-Irāqiyyīn), have made significant contributions to Shāfi‘īsm.Among al-Nawawī’s many works that have transformed the literature of the school, the one that stands out in various aspects and is perhaps the most important is the commentary he had begun to write called al-Majmū‘ on al-Shirāzī’s al-Muhazzab. As the name suggests, although this commentary was based on a Shāfi‘ī text that he considered a comprehensive book on substantive law, he did not confine it to this school but instead presented comprehensive content in an effort to address the views of almost all jurists and schools, including the first generations of ulamā (salaf). Thanks to the method he had developed and successfully applied in this work, al-Nawawī brought new expansions to writings on furūʿ fiqh commentaries. He&nbsp;&nbsp;took important steps to add new dimensions to textual commentary that are now classical in content and method and that have long been adopted and followed by jurists of all schools. The information he added to the book from fields related to fiqh, such as hadith and biographical dictionaries of the ulamā (tabakāt), as well as the comparative evaluations presented in this direction, require that the work should be seen as a book that represents more than Shāfi‘īsm. In evaluating the hadith narrations that serve as evidence of religious norms, al-Nawawī attempted to bring together the data of hadith scholarship and the information produced in the field of biographical dictionaries with the problems of substantive law, thus bringing important additions to the commentary activity. These expansions were compatible with the new tendencies in Islamic scholarly writing after the Mongol invasion and the Crusades and were effective over authors of the later period of Islam (mutaʿahhirūn), guiding the authors of the Shāfi‘ī school in particular. Parallel to the scholarly notions that became widespread during the Mamluk period, this method of writing paved the way for al-Nawawī to indirectly influence authors of other schoolsAl-Nawawī began the book with a long introduction in which he explained the method he would follow regarding the commentary and presented important evaluations by opening many headings on various topics. In addition to the information he provided and the analyses he made over the Shāfi‘ī literature, he also addressed important topics related to the etiquette and qualifications for issuing religious opinion (ādāb al-fatwā), the processes of education, the etiquette of teacher-student relations, and especially his evaluations of al-Shīrāzī and al-Muhazzab. Al-Nawawī’s writing of the first version of his work, in which he had initially followed a broad and detailed commentary style, left off at the beginning of the topics of worship before adopting a more intermediate style of writing. A copy of the first version of the book is now available, which was worked on up until the end of the heading “Hayd”. The second version was left unfinished because of his method and his desire to keep the scope wide, with al-Nawawī only being able to write the commentary up to the title of “Ribā” in the chapter “al-Buyūʿ”, which comes after the subjects of worship. Afterward, many Shāfi‘ī authors attempted to complete the work. The only commentator whose work has survived to the present day is Taqī al-Dīn al-Subkī (d. 756/1355), who belonged to one of the leading scientific families of the Mamluk period. Al-Subkī completed the heading of “Ribā” that alNawawī had left unfinished, as well as the remaining heading in the “al-Buyūʿ” chapter, but he too was unable to complete the commentary. The remaining part of the work was annotated and completed by Muhammad Najīb al-Mutī‘ī (d. 1985), one of the late Egyptian scholars, thus bringing to an end a history of more than seven centuries.&nbsp;

Al-Nawawī’s Incomplete Magnum Opus:  al-Majmū‘ Sharh al-Muhazzab

Betül

Res. Assist.

Şeyma

Elif

Nevrin

Assist. Prof.

The Damascus Documents in the Museum of Turkish and Islamic Arts (TIEM) is a collection of manuscripts that had been transferred from Damascus to Istanbul in the early 20th century. This collection mostly consists of Qur’anic manuscripts and contains relatively fewer texts on fiqh, tafsir, hadith, Qiraat, theology, grammar, history, amulets, and prayer texts, as well as documents that shed light on the history of the region and daily life, such as letters, sales contracts, marriage contracts, appointment documents, foundation records, pilgrimage power of attorney, and some texts from the Bible written in Arabic. Due to the wide variety of manuscripts, this collection is of great importance for manuscript research, especially for the study of muṣḥaf. How this collection had been formed can be revealed by elucidating upon the history of the building in which it had been preserved, Qubbat al-Khazna. Qubbat al-Khazna is in the courtyard of the Umayyad Mosque in Damascus and is a sheltered structure that has been used for different functions throughout history and in which a large collection of manuscripts had been accumulated. Whether this building had been a modern library, a huge archive, or just a repository is unclear, and the subject of this article aims to reveal the history of this building and the how the manuscript collection preserved therein had been formed.Since the early 20th century, much research has been conducted on the Qubbat al-Khazna and its collection of manuscripts, particularly on the Damascus Documents. The first research on Qubbat al-Khazna focused on the non-Islamic manuscripts. The German scholar Bruno Violet (d. 1945) first studied in the Qubba in 1901 and published articles on some of the manuscripts found inside the Qubba. However, Hermann von Soden (d. 1914) was the one who officially announced the collection to European academia. The most comprehensive study to date on both the history of the Qubbat al-Khazna and the contents of the Damascus Documents was published in 2020 edited by Rambach D’Ottone et al. and titled “Towards a History of the&nbsp;&nbsp;Qubbat al-Khazna Corpus of Manuscripts and Documents.”Initially functioning as a bayt al-mal [house of money] in which the state’s income and expenditure records were kept, this building was later used to store documents pertaining to the mosque’s endowment. Later, when the Qubba was realized to have been unaffected by fires, it was transformed into a repository for valuable documents. This collection of documents survived many disasters such as fires and earthquakes during the many years it was kept in the Qubba.In recent centuries, the collection has attracted the attention of European manuscript collectors, and for this reason, some artifacts have been removed from the Qubba on various occasions. This is confirmed by the presence of manuscripts in libraries around the world that appear to have come from the Qubba. Manuscripts were also lent with official authorization from the Ottoman administration. This process began in the early 1900s when German researchers became interested in the Christian manuscripts in the Qubba and conducted research there. When this initiative proved inadequate, the proposal was made to have some manuscripts be taken to Berlin for a short period of time to be photographed, and the Ottomans accepted this proposal. However, Abdul Hamid II took some measures to guarantee the return of the manuscripts, which included the preparation of a deed, the issuance of a receipt for the return of the manuscripts, and limited permission to photograph just for documenting the manuscript inventory. The costs of photographing the manuscripts were covered by Abdul Hamid II’s private funds. In the end, the Christian manuscripts that had been lent to Germany were returned to the Ottoman Empire.Toward the end of World War I, the increasing difficulty of preserving the manuscripts in Qubbat al-Khazna prompted the Ottomans to move to protect them. As a result, the manuscripts were brought to Istanbul in 1917, one year before the fall of Damascus, and were accompanied by the army. The fact that this collection currently preserved in the Museum of Turkish and Islamic Arts under the name the Damascus Documents constitutes the largest portion of the manuscripts from Qubbat al-Khazna shows the Ottomans to have realized their aim of protecting these precious contents. Nevertheless, the fact that some manuscripts had been lent to Germany to be photographed and the good relations between the Ottoman Empire and Germany have led to claims that Abdul Hamid II had gifted some of these manuscripts to the German side. However, this claim not only contradicts archival documents and witness testimonies but is also incompatible with the importance the Ottoman Empire showed toward the documents.As a result, the research has shown that the most prominent feature of Qubbat al-Khazna is that it is a sheltered structure that had preserved Qur’anic manuscripts almost like a safe. In this respect, the Qubba is understood to have been a kind of archive containing manuscripts. The current research has also revealed the actions the Ottoman Empire took to protect a manuscript archive under its domain, as this collection wasn’t brought to Istanbul until after the emergence of the conditions of war, the result of which being that most of the manuscripts in this collection have survived to the present day.&nbsp;

The Ancient Archive Forming the Damascus Documents Collection: Qubbat al-Khazna and its History

M. Akif

Assist. Prof. Dr.

The model of good governance in the mainstream (Ahl al-Sunna) Islamic political thought embodies a dual commitment to both power limitation and consolidation, a nuanced equilibrium observed across historical and contemporary societies, including Western societies. However, in contemporary retrospective analyses of the Ahl al-Sunna tradition, a prevalent tendency emerges to depict the Islamic political model as solely endorsing power, centralized authority, and autocratic governance, often neglecting the crucial aspect of power limitation. Contrary to this misrepresentation, this article evaluates a critical examination of mainstream Islamic political thought centered on the principle of “tawhid.” Through this lens, we debunk this misconception and illustrate how political power in Islam is inherently limited ontologically, epistemologically, legally, and morally.Central to Islamic political theory is the principle of tawhid, which serves as the primary limit on power at a theoretical level. Tawhid signifies the absolute transcendence of God alongside His supreme sovereignty over the universe. This transcendence underscores the ontological distinction between the Absolute Creator and the relative creatures. Accordingly, no individual, institution, or entity other than Allah can partake in divinity, and there can be no ontological equivalence between Allah and any other being. In Islamic doctrine, God remains unassimilable to relative creatures through concepts such as “incarnation” or “avatarhood,” and conversely, creatures cannot transcend their ontological limitations to resemble God in a manner.The second aspect of tawhid pertains to Allah’s absolute and uninterrupted sovereignty over the universe. This sovereignty is manifested in the perpetual dependence of the created universe, including its components on the eternal and everlasting God for existence and sustenance. Thus, beyond the physical laws governing the universe, the social, legal, and moral laws shaping the human world also fall under God’s sovereignty and will.Considering this understanding, the principle of tawhid serves to limit political power ontologically, epistemologically, legally, and morally. As emphasized by political and sociological scholars, the establishment of political power cannot rely solely on physical force. The legitimacy of political power often hinges on the establishment of a symbolic framework that validates acts of governance and obedience. Throughout history and across various cultures, this legitimacy has frequently been achieved through attributing divinity&nbsp;&nbsp;to rulers and government. However, human nature recognizes the necessity to limit political power. Consequently, in these same societies and cultures, the divine attribution of political power was limited by a corresponding divine understanding of justice.However, in Islamic thought, the principle of tawhid ensures that divinity is exclusively attributed to Allah, thereby inherently discouraging the attribution of divinity to the government and rulers. Consequently, rulers’ attempts to consolidate their authority with theological references are theologically thwarted. Additionally, in Islam, the authority to discern truth is not categorically limited to a single person or group; rather, all believers are theoretically empowered to access truth. This safeguard against the epistemological exploitation of political power that prevents the emergence of privileged clergy within Muslim societies. Furthermore, justice in Islam transcends mere abstract virtue, evolving into a meticulously detailed legal system. This intricacy enhances the efficacy of justice application and fortifies it against abuses of power.In Islamic governance, the consolidation of power is supported not by theology but by Islamic law. Within Islamic thought, sovereignty, i.e., the authority to legislate, is vested in God alone. Neither the emir nor the sultan, scholars, the state as a legal entity, or society as a whole can claim sovereignty. Thus, Shari’a, the divine law, serves as the transcendent legal and moral framework that predates and surpasses any Islamic political or social unit. Rulers are not positioned as authorities above the law; rather, they are subject to its dictates like any other individual. Divine law serves as both a founding principle and a source of legitimacy, establishing itself as the supreme authority within any given sociopolitical entity.Finally, another factor that limits political power in Islamic thought is the moral order. Over centuries, this moral framework, shaped in alignment with the life and teachings of the Prophet Muhammed and the scholarly writings that followed, has played a crucial role in defining the position and role of political power within the broader divine order. A highly sophisticated system of values has delineated the boundaries of political power, establishing its place and status within a larger framework of principles.&nbsp;&nbsp;

Limitations of Power in Islamic Political Thought

Abdurrahman

Envisioning a Consultative Umma: An Introduction to  Namık Kemal’s Constitutional Imaginary

İlknur

The Ottoman Empire prepared the Mecelle to function as the civil code to complete the commercial code. Mecelle prohibited the customer from selling a purchased item before receiving it, and left the responsibility for damages to the seller up until the point the item was delivered. Due to this arrangement, the Mecelle was frequently criticized both during and after its implementation. The focus of criticism is that, although the Mecelle immediately transfers ownership of goods to the customer in a sales contract, it leaves the responsibility for damages to the seller until delivery. In other words, The Mecelle’s regulations regarding property and damage liability are presented as a legal contradiction. Although the responsibility for damages belongs to the seller until delivery, the benefits belong to the customer.Meanwhile, the French Civil Code puts forth no legal obstacle for an undelivered good to be subject to a new sale, leaving the responsibility for damage only to the customer from the moment of sale. Ownership of goods is transferred to the customer at the moment the sales contract is signed. This link the French Civil Code establishes between the transfer of ownership and liability for damages is accepted as legally consistent and is always highlighted when criticizing the Mecelle. After the Mecelle, the Code of Obligations (1926), which is based on the Swiss Civil Code and was entered into force as the law of independent debts, transfers ownership of goods to the customer at the moment of delivery. The responsibility for damages to goods belongs to the customer from the moment the contract is signed. In this arrangement, customers have to bear all economic risks and loss of value for goods they do not yet own, control, or can interfere with. On the other hand, the seller does not have to bear any risk or loss of the goods being sold once the contract has been signed; however, property regarding the goods is protected until the moment of delivery. As can be seen, the Code of Obligations has made the exact opposite conditions than the Mecelle in terms of transfer of ownership and damage liability provisions regarding sales contracts. In this way, regulations protect sellers’ commercial activities while in return opening the door to serious problems that may be accrued by the customer. As a matter of fact, the next Turkish Code of Obligations (2011) abandoned the previous regulations, which were found to be extremely harmful to the customer, and left the responsibility for damage to the seller alongside any benefits from the goods. In other words, the Mecelle’s regulations that protect customers from liability for damages until delivery has returned.Abul’ula found the fact that only the Mecelle was subjected to heavy criticism to be strange, despite the existence of various Western laws that have opposite provisions in terms of ownership and responsibility for damages. The Code of Obligations (1926), which came into force after the Mecelle, can be presented as a dramatic example of this determination. In the background of the Western-based criticisms directed at the Mecelle, the occurrence of economic results is quite likely to be achieved through legal practice rather than any concern for harmony between provisions. When remembering how the provisions of the French Civil Code, which supports liberal, secular, and absolute property, were instrumentalized and imposed on other nations, the Mecelle can be considered to have become a target due to its potential for resisting the pragmatist aims of the Western states that are trying to turn Ottoman lands into a profitable market. When encountering the Mecelle, which tried to reflect fiqh principles into legal practice and protected the financial rights of both the customer and the seller for this purpose through sensitive criteria by balancing them with the duties and responsibilities in a contract, Ottoman lawyers idealized the arrangement of the French Civil Code that focused on ownership, and over time the provisions of the Mecelle became marginalized. Provisions that prevent the sale of undelivered goods and left the responsibility for damages to the seller are obvious examples of what happened in this process. This article examines the process of the Mecelle being shelved as an old law in the context of the right of disposition before delivery and the issue of damage liability by focusing on the amendments to the Mecelle and on the legal regulations of the French Civil Code. The study finishes by attempting to determine the effect the French Civil Code had on the efforts of the Mecelle Amendment Commissions.&nbsp;

A Comparison of the Mecelle and the French Civil Code in the  Context of the Pre-Delivery Right of Disposition and Damages  Provisions

Hasan

The subject of this study is the institution for educating lawyers known as the Muallimhâne-i Nüvvâb, which was founded in 1855 as the first structure different from the madrasah education system in the history of Ottoman legal education.This study seeks to answer the following questions: What were the reasons behind the emergence of the Muallimhâne-i Nüvvâb? What kind of curriculum did the school have? How was it different from the madrasah education system in terms of training lawyers? What effect did it have on the new law schools in the Ottoman State?The changes the Ottoman State experienced in its political, military, social, and economic fields during the 19th century also affected the field of law. Laws enacted in different fields throughout that century, the new legal needs that arise as a particular result of close relations with Western states, and the regulations in the administrative and financial structure that had been introduced by the Tanzimat directly affected the field of law. Concerning these developments, muhassillik [income collection] assemblies were established to have a say in the how provinces, shires, sanjaks, and districts were managed. The jurisdiction of reasoning and negotiation in matters such as administration, tax, and punishment were given to these assemblies.These developments paved the way for the nizâmiye [guardhouse] courts and prepared the groundwork for diversifying both the types of trials and courts. The diversification of courts in terms of form and procedure led to the segmentation of legal fields and their executors (i.e., judges and lawyers), and naturally to the diversification of legal education during this process. In this context, intense regulation activities were carried out in the 19th century regarding the status of the kadi who’d been carrying out the legal affairs of the state and of the naibs, who were the kadis’ representatives. In a sense, the state was attempting to ensure that lawyers as the executors of the changing new legal order also were adapting to this change.The changes in the field of law necessitated a reconsideration of legal education in the next stage. Thus, the Muallimhâne-i Nüvvâb was established in 1855 as the first structure in the history of Ottoman legal education that was different than the madrasah education system. In the history of legal education, the Muallimhâne-i Nüvvâb was an important and pioneering institution in that it had the title of the first law school to be opened in the field of the judiciary due to having law lessons in its curriculum, as well as its practices related to court affairs.When looking at the documents regarding the establishment of the Muallimhâne-i Nüvvâb, the prominent aspects of the new law school can be expressed as follows. First of all, the establishment of the school came to the agenda to meet the increasing need for judges and the proliferation of new legal fields, as the measures aimed at increasing the quality of the existing regents had not produced the desired result. Secondly, having the ability to make a judgment on an issue had been considered sufficient for being selected to attend the school. Thirdly, the school drew attention for the short time required for receiving an education there.At the same time, the Muallimhane-i Nüvvab had largely taken over the madrasas’ task of educating lawyers, especially for those who’d never received or could not complete a madrasa education. In the second half of the 19th century, the Muallimhâne-i Nüvvâb had enough human resources to take control of the nizâmiye courts, which had been founded alongside the shari’a courts for a long time. While the framework regarding the education to be given in this school was drawn first, it focused on learning fiqh and fatwa books and gaining their practical aspects with regard to reasoning. In the understanding of the madrasa education, a student who would become a lawyer (i.e., enter the tarik-i kaza) was expected to have higher qualification levels. On the other hand, a picture had been drawn for this new school, one in which practical education was predominant while the schedule was concise. However, the addition of different areas of law, especially the new laws and regulations such as the Mecelle that emerged in the process, to the curriculum of Muallimhane-i Nüvvab as a course resulted in a rich schedule that was to be expected from a law school.The Muallimhâne-i Nüvvâb met the state’s need for jurists for about 69 years, alongside the Mekteb-i Hukuk-ı Şahane and the madrasas. In this regard, the Muallimhâne-i Nüvvâb came to the fore for the law schools that would later open for training the lawyers who would both serve in civil courts as well as learn the newly formed legal acquis. It came to the fore as a leading institution in the field of law due to the education curriculum that was applied at the school and its professional institutional character in the field of law.The influence the Muallimhâne-i Nüvvâb had reached not only within the Ottoman borders but also to the Ottoman geography in the Balkans. The Muallimhane-i Nüvvab made its name on the historical scene as a school modeled on raising the manpower Muslims in Bosnia and Bulgaria needed regarding sharia issues. The Muallimhâne-i Nüvvâb will undoubtedly receive the value it deserves in the history of legal education as a result of future monographic studies to be carried out on the school.

Muallimhane-i Nüvvab: The Pioneering New Law School That  Differed from the Madrasa Education in the Ottoman State

Zeynep

In contemporary Iran, various religious celebrations and mourning characterize the daily life of the followers of the Shīʿa sect. Although a few of these religious ceremonies have been practiced for centuries, others have recently been incorporated into the religious calendar. The most important of these recently institutionalized ceremonies is the ayyām-e fāṭimiyya, which commemorates the death &amp; martyrdom of the daughter of Prophet Muḥammad, Fāṭima al Zahrāʾ. On these special days, many Iranian cities hold mourning assemblies, and processions march through the streets. This mourning is notable in terms of its prevalence in the modern period and the power of Karbalāʾ ceremonies to shape the Shīʿite culture. In addition, this emphasis on Fāṭima requires a rethinking of the position of women in Iranian society and the Shīʿite culture. This study aims to provide an overview of the history of the mourning of Fāṭima and its religious origins and impact on debates on the ideal Muslim woman in the light of available data and to take a step toward filling the gap in the literature.In the Sunnī and Shīʿite traditions, Fāṭima was venerated as the daughter of the Prophet, and many hadith and siyar books narrated her virtues. However, for the Shī‘a sect, Fāṭima is a founding and legendary figure. Although Karbalāʾ was a critical turning point in the formation of Shīʿite consciousness, disputes over the land of Fadak during the pre-Karbalāʾ period and Fāṭima’s refusal to pledge allegiance to Abu Bakr are crucial to the formation of the political perception of Shīʿite memory. Fāṭima’s experiences and death at the end of her life are traumatizing for the Shī‘a. Although various narrations about Fāṭima’s death exist, popular accounts of her being subjected to violence by ‘Umar and dying as a result of this violence lead to the understanding of her death as a martyrdom. Although the anniversary of Fāṭima’s&nbsp;&nbsp;death was initially marked in the official Iranian calendar as Fāṭima’s death, the word death was replaced with martyrdom in 1378 AH (1999 AD). In this process, the issue of whether Fāṭima died a natural death or due to an attack has been reopened to debate with reference to historical sources and the issue of taqrīb al-madhāhib. In response, many scholars have written articles on the subject. Lebanese scholars Muḥammad Ḥusayn Faḍlallāh (d. 2010) and Sayyid Ja‘far Murtaḍā al-‘Āmilī (d. 2019) are two of these scholars.In Shī’ī popular piety, the existing historical evidence has long pointed to the place of mourning for Fāṭima and her allegedly miscarried son Muḥsin. However, conducting a clear identification of the historical origins of this mourning for Fāṭima is difficult. To the best of our knowledge, the first examples of mourning similar to that in the present day were witnessed during the Qajar period. The incorporation of this mourning into the official calendar and its widespread adoption across the country has been relatively recent and has dated back to the period after the Islamic Revolution in Iran. With the special efforts of clerics, such as Ayatollah Wahīd al-Khorasānī (b. 1921) and Ayatollah Javād al-Tabrīzī (d. 2006), and the declaration of this day as an official holiday, the mourning for Fāṭima has rapidly developed. In this process, it was intended to commemorate ayyām-e fāṭimiyya in a manner similar to the mourning rituals of ‘āshūrā’. In this context, rawḍakhānī assemblies were organized in homes and mosques, cultural programs were organized in schools and official institutions, and mourning practices, such as wearing black and avoiding weddings and entertainment, were requested. Seemingly, a replica of the first 10 days of Muḥarram is being practiced, and a new Muḥarram is being introduced into religious culture in Iran these days. This notion is reflected in the fact that the ayyām-e fāṭimiyya is referred to as ‘āshūrā’-ye fāṭimī and ‘āshūrā’-ye dowwom.As a result, reading and evaluating the mourning for Fāṭima as part of a wide-reaching Muḥarram mourning culture would be appropriate. In the modern period, in addition to the mourning for Fāṭima, various religious agendas have been incorporated into the Shīʿite calendar. For example, new days of mourning in recent times, such as the martyrdom of Ḥusayn’s daughter Ruqayya and the death of ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib’s wife ’Umm al-Banīn, have been produced, and special programs have been held on these days, especially by the youth. Ceremonies that commemorate the martyrdom of Muslim b. Aqīl, which have recently emerged under the name ayyām-e muslimiyya, can be considered in the same context. Evidently, Muḥarram ceremonies have created the Shīʿite culture of mourning, and the boundaries of this culture have gradually developed and exceeded the boundaries of the mourning of Karbalāʾ.&nbsp;

Ayyām-e Fāṭimiyya as an Alternative ʿĀshūrāʾ:  The Mourning of Fāṭima in Modern Iran

Nergis

Öğretim Görevlisi

Sahaflar Şeyhizâde Esad Efendi (d. 1848) was one of the most important figures in 19th century Ottoman political and cultural history. After teaching at Mūsile-i Sahn, he held many high-ranking administrative positions, such as Regent of the Judge, Correspondent of the Office of the Sheikh al-Islam, Recorder of Events in the Qadiate of Istanbul, Official Historian, Chief Judge of the Army, Ambassador to Iran, Minister of the Imperial Printing House, Member of the Assembly of Justice, Naqib al-Ashraf, Chief Judge of Rumelia, Member of the Assembly of Education, and Head of the Assembly of Education. In addition to his political and administrative activities, Esad Efendi’s name is remembered for the poems and books he wrote and works he translated. Having been a good collector like his father Ahmed Efendi and his spiritual advisor the Mawlawi Hâlet Efendi (d. 1822), Esad Efendi scrutinized the works he added to his library. In 1846, two years before his death, Esad Efendi donated the books he had collected during his life in a pious endowment. Esad Efendi had served as the official historiographer (vaḳʿanüvîs) of the Ottoman Empire, editor-in-chief of the first official Turkish newspaper Taḳvīm-i Veḳāyiʿ, and ambassador to Iran for over a year in 1835-1836, and his collection of nearly 4,000 bound manuscripts, including important examples of the art of creative composition (inshā), was no coincidence. His collection contains 193 munsheāt books, 33 of which are Persian munsheāts.The art of creative composition (inshā) is the general name given to any kind of writing that aims to demonstrate the power and value of writing. In Dānishnāmey-i Edeb-i Fārisī, the word inshā means to create and bring forth and has three literary meanings: a) a writer who uses eloquence to express their thoughts and feelings through construction, a technique that belongs only to prose; b) in the art of meʿānī, inshā means a statement whose meaning is not likely to be true or false, the opposite of news, a statement that cannot be denied or proven, and a statement through which the speaker or writer does not intend to show something in the real world; and c) in the official and historical context, inshā means a dīvān and vizierate whose duty is to write official and state correspondence. Meanwhile, the etymological meaning of the word munsheāt is to make, to produce, to do, to discover, to conceive, to write, to compose a sentence, to organize a speech, or to begin the construction of a building. In its briefest form, munsheāt means “artful writing” and refers to the drafts a munshī [secretary] writes after receiving instructions. Munsheāt also means a collection of official or unofficial letters written by scribes using literary terms. Munsheāt writing or correspondence, also known as teressül, mekātib, resāil, and nāme-hā, has a special place in Persian culture and literature as one of the techniques of construction. The Dīvān-ı Inshā, or Dīvān-ı Resāil, where the art of construction was intensively used, was an office that prepared official documents on behalf of the ruler and managed government correspondence. The documents produced in this office were gathered together for the training of munshī candidates and thus was where munsheāt compilations were created. Munsheāt compilations often contain samples of official and personal correspondence; sometimes historical, religious, and literary articles; or valuable pieces of poetry or other useful information. Although these compilations share some common features, munsheāt can be classified in terms of content as literary, historical and didactic works; in terms of writing style as compositions and compilations; and in terms of language as Arabic, Persian, or Turkish.Among the 33 Persian munsheāt compilations (mecmuas) in the Esad Efendi Collection of the Süleymaniye Manuscript Library, 11 mecmuas have been previously studied by various scholars (Nos. 1739, 3295/2, 3297, 3298, 3302, 3309, 3329, 3331/5, 3333, 3346, and 3785/26). The remaining 22 compilations in the collection have not yet been fully studied and are registered under the following numbers: 1783, 1888/4, 2733/1, 2808/1, 3319, 3320, 3332, 3339/3, 3353/2, 3369/1, 3369/4, 3371, 3431/14, 3435/1, 3436/7, 3440/1, 3628/7, 3628/9, 3673/14, 3769/21, 3790/30, and 3817/14. These munsheāts can also be divided into two main categories: a) the didactic munsheāts that were written to instruct munshī candidates in the intricacies of the art of creative composition, and b) the munsheāts consisting of official and/or unofficial letters written by various historical figures. After the introduction to the art of creative composition, munsheāts, and munsheāt compilations, this article will discuss the contents of these 22 munsheāts that have not yet been studied in detail, with the aim being to introduce them to the scholarly world.&nbsp;

The Persian Munsheāt Mecmuas in the Esad Efendi Collection of  the Süleymaniye Manuscript Library

Nurullah

A New “Pamphlet” on the Development of the Idea of (Re)public in the Ottoman Empire

Mustafa

A New Edited Book on Hadith Commentary

Muhammed

A Study on What is Islam(ic): Reconceptualizing Islam

Fatih

Securing Soil, Building Harmony: A Review of Malissa Taylor’s Land and Legal Texts in the Early Modern Ottoman Empire

Abdulhadi

An Evaluation on the Turkish Translation of the Memoirs of Amin al- Husseini, the Founder of the Palestinian Independence Movement

Osman

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Şahabettin

This study aims to investigate the utterance and meaning properties of augmented (mezîd) verbs expressing reflexivity (mutâva‘at) in the Arabic Language. In this study, dictionary definitions of the word ‘mutâva'at’, reflexivity measures of triliteral (sülâsi) verbs, augmented (mezîd) verbs expressing reflexivity (mutâva‘at), usage characteristics of the verbs expressing reflexivity, the opinions of grammarians about reflexivity and comparison of the verbs stating reflexivity with intransitive and passive verbs will be examined in the light of examples from the Qur’an, Arabic poetry and proverbs.Verbs play a significant role in Arabic grammar. Expressing judgment with verb sentences forms the basis of expressing thoughts in Arabic. Arab grammarians, from the time of Sîbeveyhî to the present day, have given special importance to verb patterns and their meanings whether they are mücerred (pure) verbs or mezîd (augmented) verbs. Understanding Arabic texts correctly and translating them appropriately in Turkish is closely related to knowing verb measures and their meanings. In grammar books, verbs have been dealt with under various sub-titles. Active-passive (ma‘lûm-meçhûl), transitive-intransitive (müte‘addî-lâzım), soundweak (sahîh-mu‘tel) and declinable-indeclinable (mutasarrıf-câmid) can be given as examples of these titles. Another important sub-topic of verbs is augmented (mezîd) verbs and their meanings. Verbs in Arabic are divided into two parts depending on whether their letters are original or not. The first category is pure (mücerred) verbs all letters of which are original, and the second one is augmented (mezîd) verbs to which letters are attached. In the Arabic language there are different meanings that augmented verbs express and reflexivity is one of them. Verbs which carry the meaning of reflexivity were used both in religious texts and in Arabic poetry and proverbs during the time before Islam (Câhiliyya).This study uses the scanning method, one of the data collection methods, to analyze and evaluate the collected data, and the views of the Arab grammarians on the subject were included. In order to better understand the subjects, the Qur'an, Arabic poetry and proverbs were quoted. In our preliminary research, it was found that there was no academic study on verbs expressing reflexivity in Arabic. Thus, we decided to prepare this study under the title of “Verbs Expressing Reflexivity in Arabic Language” to close this gap, even if only slightly.In the Arabic language, “infi‘âl” is the basic measure in terms of reflexivity. The measure of “infi‘âl”, which is one of the augmented verbs, is always intransitive and it never takes a direct object (mef‘ûlün bih). While other augmented verbs express other meanings beside reflexivity, the measure of “infi‘âl” only expresses reflexivity. In the Arabic language, there&nbsp;also some other augmented measures expressing reflexivity. Verbs that express reflexivity are not a different notation of intransitive verbs since there are also some transitive verbs with the meaning of reflexivity which take a direct object. However, intransitive verbs can never receive direct objects. Verbs that express reflexivity are divided into two in terms of transitiveness. The first category is that of reflexive (mutâvî‘) verbs that are always intransitive and the other is that of reflexive verbs which are transitive. Other augmented verbs stating reflexivity are also intransitive most of the time.&nbsp;While the topic of verbs is covered along with nouns and letters in grammar books, some books are dedicated only to verbs like the example of Kitâbu fa‘altü ve ef‘altü of Ebû İshâk ez-Zeccâc. In the words of Ibn Hisham, the meaning of reflexivity (mutâva‘at) is that the first of the two verbs creates an effect and the agent of the second verb accepts this effect. Agents of the verbs that express reflexivity have the meaning of object (mef‘ûl). In other words, agents of the verbs expressing reflexivity are not real agents which create an effect because these agents do not describe an action, state or occurrence, but on the contrary they are affected by the action.As a basic fact of grammar taught by Arab grammarians, verbs expressing the meaning of reflexivity are not regular. Radıyüddîn al-Esterâbâdî also says that the use of augmented verbs is irregular, and that those things that are heard from the Arabs should be taken as a basis when deciding which pure triliteral verb comes in which augmented verb measure.&nbsp;Arab grammarians included the style of reflexivity in their works and explained their conditions and features of their usage by giving examples from verse and poetry. There is no significant difference of opinion among the grammarians on the subject of reflexivity. The first grammarian who dealt with reflexivity was Sîbeveyhî. Later grammarians followed in his footsteps. Definitions of reflexivity given by later grammarians such as Radıyyüddîn elEsterâbâdî ve İbn Hişâm el-Ensârî were clearer and more precise, and their way of dealing with the issue was more systematic. Verbs expressing reflexivity are active in terms of utterance and passive with regard to meaning. Some grammarians, such as Sîbeveyhî, evaluate the verbs that express reflexivity in the same category as passive verbs in terms of meaning.

Augmented Verbs Expressing Reflexivity (Mutâva‘at)  in the Arabic Language

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Serhan

Religion, which means “path, faith, tradition, bond, servitude” in all cultures, is a phenomenon that changes individual and social life with very strong influences. From this point of view, religion plays an important role in the formation of an individual's personality by contributing to their level of consciousness. We can also say that each religion has established a common ‘language of religion’ to form a common perception. In this respect, revelation is a sign this common language of religion and a state of communication in which God himself addresses in a language that humans speak. In other words, the revelation -word of God- that determines an individual's relationship with themselves, their surroundings, and God is presented to human understanding using the Qur'an's own linguistic and stylistic characteristics within the possibilities and limits of the Arabic language. Hence, in order to actualize this addressaddressee dialectic, the Qur'an takes into account the perceptions and concepts of the society it was revealed to and forms a common world view formed by the values of the society such as language, faith, culture, and history. Moreover, it actualizes the most beautiful transformation and change of the individual's mindset and identity by using the Qur'anic Style, which is the language's own style of expression, in verse and language form. Indeed, the correct understanding of the divine word is made possible by taking into account its distinctive Quranic language, its style, and its ikhbari (pronouncement) and inshai (constructive) sentence structures in parallel with its style of expression. In this way, it contains the transitivity in which one can be included in the context of the other from time to time in the course of the Qur'anic style, and it turns into the inshai structure, which is a higher style of the ikhbari form, and drives its addressees to change their actions.&nbsp;This study aims to identify the main subject of Surat Al-Infitar by taking into account the relationship between the addressees and the environment in light of the methods that are unique to the Qur'anic style offered as a linguistic method of understanding the Qur'an and the style of the language of religion that encompasses the whole of the Qur'an. In this sense, our study takes into account the constructional (inshai) structure that plays a role in manifesting&nbsp;and turning the warning (ikhbari) expressions for doomsday -like the sky will break apart, the stars will fall- into action mostly "here-now", beyond the informing of the future apocalypse. Therefore, the study tries to address the surah as a whole within the framework of the specific language structure of the divine word and the Qur'anic style. Thanks to this information that forms the basis of the method of the Qur'anic style, the verse(s) and/or the surah turns the gayb (invisible) sphere like the apocalypse, the judgement day, the hereafter into an active "event" and a new "action" happening "here-now" through the issues of the testimonial sphere of this world in a style that can be understood by all. As it were, the surah creates the comprehension of the truth of the revelation, which is first and foremost the first stage of the God-man relationship, through the reality of the change in the cosmic structure. And it also creates the understanding of "the hereafter with the consciousness of reckoning". Accordingly, it lays the burden of personal responsibility to the individual and it shows how the will and power of the divine truth manifests.&nbsp;In this context, the surah talks about the cosmic changes that took place during the events of doomsday which transforms into kalami action through Allah's taqwini laws and turns this action into morality. The surah begins with "doomsday" scenes that can be described as "the sudden occurrence of an event and/or the beginning of cosmic change" as if to show a new era is about to begin. The word infitar, which gives its name to the Surah, means "splitting, disturbing the existing order, interfering with something". And in this context, it is interpreted as "without knowing its nature, the revelation of the commandments of God to the Earth either through the descent of the Angels or by the greatness of the Lord". In our opinion, these events are aimed at drawing attention to the reality, nature, and possibility of the divine revelation, as well as emphasizing to their addressees that the old corrupt order will be replaced by a new one. As a matter of fact, when we take into account the revelation course of the Qur'an, we see that it conveys its divine message to a society where the majority were illiterate and thought it impossible for Allah to send his divine message to its addressees by means of a human being who also was illiterate. In addition, the context of forward-looking ikhbari statements reveals to us the inshai structure of the issues towards this world. In this sense, the surah builds a religious and moral consciousness through taqwini/qawni verses beyond just giving information. The point that draws attention here is that the qawni verses are both verses themselves, and that they are accepted as signs, prognostics, that is, intellectual evidence of the truth that exists in their own selves. It reflects the greatest evidence for the positioning of the revelation the fact that all beings, including the earth, sky, and man, with their apparent–known features witnessed by themselves are a verse. And it plays a role in the comprehension that they are all parts of the same whole, including this revelation. Moreover, in the minds of the addressees, who thought that it was impossible for Allah to send his message through the Prophet Muhammad Who was ontologically human, the entity to which they ascribe sanctity gains a new meaning and the actions created by this meaning explain the possibility of such revelation.&nbsp;Thus, a&nbsp;consciousness about everything that the Allah-universe relationship represents is created in the addressees and the absolute creative power behind this truth is pointed out. Therefore, the main subject of the surah is the creation of the awareness of the day of reckoning and the understanding of the hereafter, which is put forth with a style that is simultaneous with the possibility of the divine revelation, its nature and its reality.In line with this perspective, our work offers to read the depictions of the doomsday which belongs to the gayb for humans, the topics concerning the hereafter like the awareness of the day of reckoning in inshai form in the context of Qur'anic style. In this respect, our article attempts to understand and explain the effects of the Qur'anic style that are reflected in this world and which turn it into action and morality here and now, not in terms of the “reality and/or awareness of the scenes of the apocalypse”. Of course, this study, taken in the context of the Qur'anic style, is an effort aimed at basing not the style itself but only its method and, in parallel, determining the main idea of the surah.

Surat Al-Infitar in Terms of Qur’anic Style

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Journal of Islamic Review - İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi is the publication of Institute of Islamic Studies at Istanbul University. It is an open access, scholarly, peer-reviewed journal published biannually in March and September. Manuscripts submitted for publication should be in Turkish, English or Arabic.

The Journal of Islamic Review, is a double-blinded peer-reviewed journal that includes national and international scientific studies that apply disciplinary, interdisciplinary and multidisciplinary methods in the field of Islamic sciences such as Major Islamic Sciences, Philosophy and Religious Sciences, and Islamic History and Arts.

The journal publishes research papers, research notes, book reviews, symposium promotions and manuscripts.   Articles submitted to the Journal of Islamic Review are evaluated according to the double blind review system.

Brief History

With the closure of İstanbul Dârulfünun (University) Faculty of Theology in 1933, the Institute of Islamic Studies, established within the Faculty of Literature, was closed down in 1941, and it was reopened again in 1953 under the direction of its director Zeki Velidi Togan and deputy director Fuat Sezgin. The Institute, whose status was changed to a research center in 1982, became affiliated to the rectorate of Istanbul University in 2018. Despite the change in its status, a peer-reviewed scientific journal has continued to operate within the Institute since its establishment.

The journal was published as “The Journal of the Institute of Islamic Studies” between 1953 and 1982, and as “The Journal of Islamic Studies” between 1982 and 1995 in nine volumes and fourteen different issues. The journal resumed publication in March 2020.

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The Journal of Islamic Review aims to contribute to the accumulation of knowledge in the field of Islamic sciences by publishing studies with scientific qualifications at national and international level.The Journal of Islamic Review is a double-blinded peer-reviewed journal that includes articles in the fields of basic Islamic sciences, Islamic history and thought. The journal prioritizes interdisciplinary, multidisciplinary and Ottoman period-centered studies in these fields.The journal publishes research articles, review articles, research notes, book reviews, symposium/workshop promotions, etc. in Turkish, English and Arabic.

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TÜBİTAK-ULAKBİM TR Dizin DOAJSOBİADEBSCO Humanities SourceEBSCO Central &amp; Eastern European Academic Source Scopus

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General Principles A maximum of two articles produced from graduate theses can be published in each issue. It is essential that the articles conform to the article format with a new arrangement.An author whose article is published in our journal will not have another article published in the following issue.Ethical PrincipleJournal of Islamic Review - İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi is committed to upholding the highest standards of publication ethics and pays regard to Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing published by the <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, the <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, the <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a>, and the <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> on <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a>Submitted manuscripts must be in accordance with the aim and scope of the journal. Only those manuscripts have not been published before or are not in the evaluation process in another journal and whose content and submission have been approved by each author are accepted for evaluation.Changing the name of an author (omission, addition or order) in papers submitted to the journal requires written permission of all declared authors.Plagiarism, duplication, fraud authorship/denied authorship, research/data fabrication, salami slicing/salami publication, breaching of copyrights, prevailing conflict of interest are unethical behaviors. All manuscripts not in accordance with the accepted ethical standards will be removed from the publication. This also contains any possible malpractice discovered after the publication.

Ethics

The journal adheres to the highest standards in research ethics and follows the principles of international research ethics as defined below. The authors are responsible for the compliance of the manuscripts with the ethical rules.<ul><li>Principles of integrity, quality and transparency should be sustained in designing the research, reviewing the design and conducting the research.</li><li>The research team and participants should be fully informed about the aim, methods, possible uses and requirements of the research and risks of participation in research.</li><li>The confidentiality of the information provided by the research participants and the confidentiality of the respondents should be ensured. The research should be designed to protect the autonomy and dignity of the participants.</li><li>Research participants should participate in the research voluntarily, not under any coercion.</li><li>Any possible harm to participants must be avoided. The research should be planned in such a way that the participants are not at risk.</li><li>The independence of research must be clear; and any conflict of interest or must be disclosed.</li><li>In experimental studies with human subjects, written informed consent of the participants who decide to participate in the research must be obtained. In the case of children and those under wardship or with confirmed insanity, legal custodian’s assent must be obtained.</li><li>If the study is to be carried out in any institution or organization, approval must be obtained from this institution or organization.</li><li>In studies with human subject, it must be noted in the method’s section of the manuscript that the informed consent of the participants and ethics committee approval from the institution where the study has been conducted have been obtained.</li></ul>

It is authors’ responsibility to ensure that the article is in accordance with scientific and ethical standards and rules. And authors must ensure that submitted work is original. They must certify that the manuscript has not previously been published elsewhere or is not currently being considered for publication elsewhere, in any language. Applicable copyright laws and conventions must be followed. Copyright material (e.g. tables, figures or extensive quotations) must be reproduced only with appropriate permission and acknowledgement. Any work or words of other authors, contributors, or sources must be appropriately credited and referenced.All the authors of a submitted manuscript must have direct scientific and academic contribution to the manuscript. The author(s) of the original research articles is defined as a person who is significantly involved in “conceptualization and design of the study”, “collecting the data”, “analyzing the data”, “writing the manuscript”, “reviewing the manuscript with a critical perspective” and “planning/conducting the study of the manuscript and/or revising it”. Fund raising, data collection or supervision of the research group are not sufficient roles to be accepted as an author. The author(s) must meet all these criteria described above. The order of names in the author list of an article must be a co-decision and it must be indicated in the <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/1B163C33EBDD4AC68B3BAB7341ABAB15" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form.</a> The individuals who do not meet the authorship criteria but contributed to the study must take place in the acknowledgement section. Individuals providing technical support, assisting writing, providing a general support, providing material or financial support are examples to be indicated in acknowledgement section.All authors must disclose all issues concerning financial relationship, conflict of interest, and competing interest that may potentially influence the results of the research or scientific judgment.When an author discovers a significant error or inaccuracy in his/her own published paper, it is the author’s obligation to promptly cooperate with the Editor to provide retractions or corrections of mistakes.

Manuscripts are pre-evaluated by the editorial board prior to the reviewing process. The editorial board evaluates the manuscripts independently of the ethnicity, gender, nationality, religious beliefs and political philosophy of the authors. In the evaluation, the journal’s areas of interest, journal writing rules, word limit, academic style, language-grammar rules, adequacy of analysis and comments, use of sources and originality of the subject are taken into consideration. Due to the high volume of manuscript submissions, a detailed report is not provided for manuscripts that are returned or rejected as a result of the preliminary evaluation.Plagiarism ScanSubmitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. If plagiarism/self-plagiarism will be found authors will be informed. Editors may resubmit manuscript for similarity check at any peer-review or production stage if required. High similarity scores may lead to rejection of a manuscript before and even after acceptance. Depending on the type of manuscript, the similarity rate is expected to be at most 20%.Double Blind Peer-Review The editor ensures that the manuscripts go through a fair double blind peer-review process, and if the manuscript fulfills the formal requirements, the editor submits the manuscript to at least two external national/international reviewers, and if the reviewers deem it necessary, they approve the manuscript for publication after the requested changes are made by the authors.

Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, sexual orientation, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors. He/She provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted manuscripts for publication and ensures that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential before publishing. Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers. Only he has the full authority to assign a reviewer and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the journal.Editor-in-Chief is responsible for the contents and overall quality of the publication. He/She must publish errata pages or make corrections when needed.Editor-in-Chief sends the manuscripts to at least two national/international external reviewers for evaluation; after the reviewing process, the decision on publication is made by the Editor-in-Chief.Editor-in-Chief guarantees that all information about the manuscripts will remain confidential until the article is published; he/she takes care to keep the identity of the reviewers confidential.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with third parties.In particular situations, the editor may share the review of one reviewer with other reviewers to clarify a particular point.Reviewers should not have any conflicts of interest with the authors and/or financial supporters of the research.

Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by editor-in-chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope.The editor hands over the papers matching the formal rules to at least two national/international referees for double-blind peer review evaluation and gives green light for publication upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.

Peer Review

Reviewers’ judgments must be objective. Reviewers’ comments on the following aspects are expected while conducting the review:<ul><li>Does the manuscript contain new and significant information?</li><li>Does the abstract clearly and accurately describe the content of the manuscript?</li><li>Is the problem significant and concisely stated?</li><li>Are the methods described comprehensively?</li><li>Are the interpretations and consclusions justified by the results?</li><li>Is adequate references made to other Works in the field?</li><li>Is the language acceptable?</li></ul>Reviewers must ensure that all information about submitted manuscripts remains confidential until the manuscript is published and should report to the editor if they detect copyright infringement or plagiarism in the manuscript. If the reviewer does not consider himself/herself competent in the subject matter of the article or feels that he/she cannot provide timely feedback, he/she should inform the editor and ask him/her not to involve him/herself in the reviewing process.

Language The language of the journal is both Turkish, English and Arabic.Manuscript Submission All correspondence will be sent to the corresponding author unless otherwise specified. Manuscpript is to be submitted online via the “Submit a Manuscript” tab at <a href="https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/journal/42/submission/step/manuscript/new" target="_blank">https://dergipark.org.tr/en/pub/iuislamtd</a>Manuscripts should be submitted with a <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/61624BA0385C47C185A24D60988A889E" target="_blank">Title Page</a> specifying the article category and and including information about the manuscript (see Submission Checklist), an electronic text file of the manuscript written in Microsoft Word 2003 and upper versions, and a <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/1B163C33EBDD4AC68B3BAB7341ABAB15" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a> signed by all authors.Manuscript Template and Spelling RulesDue to double blind peer review, manuscript file must not include any information about the author.The manuscripts should contain mainly these components: title, abstract and keywords; sections, references, tables and figures.Double quotation marks should not be used in the title selection to avoid confusion in citation, and single quotation marks or italicization should be preferred if necessary.The abstract must be between 150–250 words and written as one paragraph. Please ensure that abstract reads well and is grammatically correct.Underneath the abstract, 5-8 keywords that inform the reader about the content of the study should be specified.Keywords should be ordered from general to specific and the first letters of the words should be capitalized. See <a href="https://www.isnadsistemi.org/en/guide/isnad2-2/academic-writing/5-keywords/" target="_blank">https://www.isnadsistemi.org/en/guide/isnad2-2/academic-writing/5-keywords/</a>.The main sections of the manuscript (excluding Abstract, References, etc.) should not exceed 9000 words.In the main sections of the manuscript, except for the Introduction and Conclusion, the headings should be numbered sequentially as 1., 1.1.1., 1.1.1.1.Accuracy of citation is the author’s responsibility. All references should be cited in text.The English spelling of proper names and concepts in Arabic, Persian, Turkish and Ottoman Turkish is based on <a href="https://www.isnadsistemi.org/en/guide/isnad2-2/academic-writing/23-transliteration/" target="_blank">The ISNAD Citation Style for Transliteration Alphabet</a>.

Author Guidelines

Research Article: Original research articles are studies that have academic value and present original and scientific results on subjects appropriate to the scope of the journal.Review Article: Articles that describe, discuss and evaluate the latest level of knowledge or topic and are expected to guide future studies.Research Note: Manuscripts in which a topic is discussed in a scope and quality that does not reach the size of an article. Research notes are expected not to exceed 4000 words. Manuscripts in the research note type are not taken into the reviewing process; they are evaluated by the editor and taken into the publication process. A research note does not include a abstract. In addition to the title, the manuscript should include 5-8 keywords.Book Review: Reviews of works published in the last 5 years are prioritized. Book reviews are expected to be prepared by experts in the field. Only introductory and summarized manuscripts are not accepted. In book reviews, an original title separate from the title of the book being reviewed and 5-8 keywords should be determined.Symposium/Workshop Promotion: Manuscripts that include the evaluation of national or international academic meetings. In promotional manuscripts, especially the academic contribution of the meeting should be addressed.

Journal of Islamic Review - İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi complies with ISNAD 2nd Edition (Author-Title System) for referencing and quoting. For more information: <a href="https://www.isnadsistemi.org/en/" target="_blank">https://www.isnadsistemi.org/en/</a> All quotations, including block quotations, should be enclosed in quotation marks; quotations within quotation marks should not be italicized.The titles of the cited sources and the spelling in quotations should be preserved exactly as they are.

Ensure that the following items are present:● Main Manuscript DocumentImportant: Please avoid mentioning the author(s) names in the manuscript<ul><li>The title of the manuscript</li><li>Abstract (150-250 words) </li><li>Keywords: 5-8 words</li><li>Main text sections of the article (should not exceed 9000 words)     </li><li>References </li><li>All tables, illustrations (figures) (including title, explanation, captions)</li></ul>● <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/1B163C33EBDD4AC68B3BAB7341ABAB15" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a> ● Permission of previous published material if used in the present manuscript● <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/61624BA0385C47C185A24D60988A889E" target="_blank">Title Page</a>The category of the manuscript<ul><li>The title of the manuscript</li><li>All authors’ names, affiliations (institution, faculty/department, city, country) and e-mail addresses</li><li>Corresponding author’s email address, full postal address, telephone and fax number</li><li>ORCIDs of all authors</li><li>Grant support (if exists)</li><li>Conflict of interest (if exists)</li><li>Acknowledgement (if exists)   </li></ul>● <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/5F97BA2A57D846F7AC7CC54FF960A15F" target="_blank">Author Contribution Form</a>Important: In case of multiple authors, the contribution of each author should be indicated and signed by the corresponding author.

<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/1B163C33EBDD4AC68B3BAB7341ABAB15" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/61624BA0385C47C185A24D60988A889E" target="_blank">Title Page</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/5F97BA2A57D846F7AC7CC54FF960A15F" target="_blank">Author Form</a>

Issue Type	Regular
Editor(s)	Osman Sacid Arı
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Journal of Islamic Review

VOLUME 14, ISSUE 1, 2024

Devoted to the Master: The Case of Ibn Hajar and Ibn Khidr as an Example of Patronage Among Scholars During the Mamluk Dynasty

The Muftīs’ Remedies Against Coerced Divorce Oaths by Executive Officers in Ottoman Society (16th-18th Centuries)

Al-Nawawī’s Incomplete Magnum Opus: al-Majmū‘ Sharh al-Muhazzab

The Ancient Archive Forming the Damascus Documents Collection: Qubbat al-Khazna and its History

Limitations of Power in Islamic Political Thought

Envisioning a Consultative Umma: An Introduction to Namık Kemal’s Constitutional Imaginary

A Comparison of the Mecelle and the French Civil Code in the Context of the Pre-Delivery Right of Disposition and Damages Provisions

Muallimhane-i Nüvvab: The Pioneering New Law School That Differed from the Madrasa Education in the Ottoman State

Ayyām-e Fāṭimiyya as an Alternative ʿĀshūrāʾ: The Mourning of Fāṭima in Modern Iran

The Persian Munsheāt Mecmuas in the Esad Efendi Collection of the Süleymaniye Manuscript Library

A New “Pamphlet” on the Development of the Idea of (Re)public in the Ottoman Empire

A New Edited Book on Hadith Commentary

A Study on What is Islam(ic): Reconceptualizing Islam

Securing Soil, Building Harmony: A Review of Malissa Taylor’s Land and Legal Texts in the Early Modern Ottoman Empire

An Evaluation on the Turkish Translation of the Memoirs of Amin al- Husseini, the Founder of the Palestinian Independence Movement

INFORMATION

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