Şahabettin

Assist. Prof.

This study aims to investigate the utterance and meaning properties of augmented (mezîd) verbs expressing reflexivity (mutâva‘at) in the Arabic Language. In this study, dictionary definitions of the word ‘mutâva'at’, reflexivity measures of triliteral (sülâsi) verbs, augmented (mezîd) verbs expressing reflexivity (mutâva‘at), usage characteristics of the verbs expressing reflexivity, the opinions of grammarians about reflexivity and comparison of the verbs stating reflexivity with intransitive and passive verbs will be examined in the light of examples from the Qur’an, Arabic poetry and proverbs.Verbs play a significant role in Arabic grammar. Expressing judgment with verb sentences forms the basis of expressing thoughts in Arabic. Arab grammarians, from the time of Sîbeveyhî to the present day, have given special importance to verb patterns and their meanings whether they are mücerred (pure) verbs or mezîd (augmented) verbs. Understanding Arabic texts correctly and translating them appropriately in Turkish is closely related to knowing verb measures and their meanings. In grammar books, verbs have been dealt with under various sub-titles. Active-passive (ma‘lûm-meçhûl), transitive-intransitive (müte‘addî-lâzım), soundweak (sahîh-mu‘tel) and declinable-indeclinable (mutasarrıf-câmid) can be given as examples of these titles. Another important sub-topic of verbs is augmented (mezîd) verbs and their meanings. Verbs in Arabic are divided into two parts depending on whether their letters are original or not. The first category is pure (mücerred) verbs all letters of which are original, and the second one is augmented (mezîd) verbs to which letters are attached. In the Arabic language there are different meanings that augmented verbs express and reflexivity is one of them. Verbs which carry the meaning of reflexivity were used both in religious texts and in Arabic poetry and proverbs during the time before Islam (Câhiliyya).This study uses the scanning method, one of the data collection methods, to analyze and evaluate the collected data, and the views of the Arab grammarians on the subject were included. In order to better understand the subjects, the Qur'an, Arabic poetry and proverbs were quoted. In our preliminary research, it was found that there was no academic study on verbs expressing reflexivity in Arabic. Thus, we decided to prepare this study under the title of “Verbs Expressing Reflexivity in Arabic Language” to close this gap, even if only slightly.In the Arabic language, “infi‘âl” is the basic measure in terms of reflexivity. The measure of “infi‘âl”, which is one of the augmented verbs, is always intransitive and it never takes a direct object (mef‘ûlün bih). While other augmented verbs express other meanings beside reflexivity, the measure of “infi‘âl” only expresses reflexivity. In the Arabic language, there&nbsp;also some other augmented measures expressing reflexivity. Verbs that express reflexivity are not a different notation of intransitive verbs since there are also some transitive verbs with the meaning of reflexivity which take a direct object. However, intransitive verbs can never receive direct objects. Verbs that express reflexivity are divided into two in terms of transitiveness. The first category is that of reflexive (mutâvî‘) verbs that are always intransitive and the other is that of reflexive verbs which are transitive. Other augmented verbs stating reflexivity are also intransitive most of the time.&nbsp;While the topic of verbs is covered along with nouns and letters in grammar books, some books are dedicated only to verbs like the example of Kitâbu fa‘altü ve ef‘altü of Ebû İshâk ez-Zeccâc. In the words of Ibn Hisham, the meaning of reflexivity (mutâva‘at) is that the first of the two verbs creates an effect and the agent of the second verb accepts this effect. Agents of the verbs that express reflexivity have the meaning of object (mef‘ûl). In other words, agents of the verbs expressing reflexivity are not real agents which create an effect because these agents do not describe an action, state or occurrence, but on the contrary they are affected by the action.As a basic fact of grammar taught by Arab grammarians, verbs expressing the meaning of reflexivity are not regular. Radıyüddîn al-Esterâbâdî also says that the use of augmented verbs is irregular, and that those things that are heard from the Arabs should be taken as a basis when deciding which pure triliteral verb comes in which augmented verb measure.&nbsp;Arab grammarians included the style of reflexivity in their works and explained their conditions and features of their usage by giving examples from verse and poetry. There is no significant difference of opinion among the grammarians on the subject of reflexivity. The first grammarian who dealt with reflexivity was Sîbeveyhî. Later grammarians followed in his footsteps. Definitions of reflexivity given by later grammarians such as Radıyyüddîn elEsterâbâdî ve İbn Hişâm el-Ensârî were clearer and more precise, and their way of dealing with the issue was more systematic. Verbs expressing reflexivity are active in terms of utterance and passive with regard to meaning. Some grammarians, such as Sîbeveyhî, evaluate the verbs that express reflexivity in the same category as passive verbs in terms of meaning.

Augmented Verbs Expressing Reflexivity (Mutâva‘at)  in the Arabic Language

@JOURNAL_BOX_FEATURED

Mahmut

Assist. Prof. Dr.

&nbsp;The purpose of this article is to examine the critical views of a modest author who moved from ilmiye class to qalamiyya class, ezamining practices in the first months of the Second Constitutional Era through, his treatise titled İslâmlık Elden Gidiyor. In this way, it will be revealed how a young writer with religious sensitivities, who went through both religious and secular education processes of the period, was at the beginning of his civil service life and who also produced literary works, was affected by the Second Constitutional Monarchy environment and its practices, and how he viewed controversial issues.&nbsp;Ali Fuad was the son of the regent (nâib) Mehmed Şükrü Efendi (1850-1919), a member of the ilmiye class. Although it is not known for certain, it is understood that he was born in Istanbul in the last quarter of the 19th century and that he passed through the religious and secular education processes of his period. He began his civil service career as a clerk in the Adana Province Registrar’s Office (1906). Later, he was appointed as a clerk at the Directorate of the Registry of Konya Province. In the spring of 1908, he traveled to Istanbul to pursue his request for promotion and to become the director of correspondence (tahrirat) in any place.&nbsp;Although he was appointed as the director of correspondence, he could not leave Istanbul because of his mother’s illness. During this period, he began producing literary works and published his treatise İslâmlık. Between 1909 and 1920, he worked as a director of correspondence, letter carrier, and district governor in places such as Divaniye, Devrek, Gelibolu, Diyarbakır, Çermik and Suşehri. After returning to İstanbul, he published his memoirs in periodicals by editing them into short stories. He brought some of these narratives together in his book, Mustafa Kemal Paşa and Köse Hoca, which was published in 1923. Although this work contains remarkable information and comments on the administrative, social, moral, and literary affairs of the Second Constitutional Monarchy and the National Struggle periods, it did not receive the attention in academic history and literature writing that it deserves, and it was even attribute to Ali Fuat Cebesoy, Ali Fuat Türkgeldi, and Ali Fuat Bilgen. In this article, this mistake has been corrected, and Ali Fuad’s life story has been revealed with the information and documents used for the first time. The treatise on Islam has also been re-published in Latin letters and analyze and criticize.&nbsp;It can be said that the treatise İslâmlık was one of the first, perhaps the first, works to criticize the conditions created by the Second Constitutional Monarchy from religious, ethical, and social perspectives. Although the cover of the treatise does not indicate when it was published, it is understood that it was published in the last days of 1908 or early 1909, based on the signs of its content. Considering that treatises and books criticizing the period in terms of religious, moral and social aspects started to be published a few years after the declaration of the Second Constitutional Monarchy, the importance of the treatise can be better understood.&nbsp;Ali Fuad explicitly stated that he had published his work with the approval of the Şeyhülislam. This shows that he differentiated himself from the crude criticisms directly projected at the regime and the Şeyhülislam, which could be summarize in the oppositional or rebellious attitudes of the period, which could be summarized as "we want şeriat". In this sense, the discourse of "İslâm is being lost" differs from the discourse of "we want şeriat". Moreover, the fact that the author was not subjected to any prosecution during and after 31 March and that he served in different regions of the state as the director of correspondence/district governor confirms this.&nbsp;It should be noted that the treatise İslâmlık is problematic in terms of language, expression, fiction, and word-sentence structure. This situation may be related to both the author’s inexperience and the treatise’s sloppy typesetting. However, considering both the title and the issues in the content of the treatise, it should be beyond dispute that this is an important work.&nbsp;It can be easily said that the treatise does not oppose the constitutional regime itself, nor is it theoretically opposed to popular conceptions of civilization, modern science and the progress of the period. The areas that the treatise opposes and criticizes focus on the point that these modern concepts and institutions are "misunderstood" and "misapplied". It is underlined that current practices harm İslâm and the state, which is considered an integral part of it.

Defense of Religion in the Second Constitutional Monarchy  Period: Nâibzâde Ali Fuad and His Epistle İslâmlık Elden Gidiyor

Muhammed

Assoc. Prof. Dr.

The linguistic exegesis movement began to develop in the late second and early third centuries. In the works written during this period, the linguistic features of the Qur’ān were analyzed, especially the expressions and verses that were difficult to understand. From the same years onwards, questions were raised regarding the miraculous nature of the Qur’an (i‘jāz), and various works were written on the subject. ‘Abd al-Qāhir al-Jurjānī (d. 476/1078-79) theorized this claim by saying that i‘jāz of the Qur’ān is in its verse structure. Zamakhsharī (d. 538/1144) adapted this theory to exegesis in his work al-Kashshāf. Zamakhsharī’s al-Kashshāf was a turning point in linguistic exegesis and established a tradition. Al-Bayḍāwī’s Anwār al-tanzīl is one of the most famous tafsīr based on al-Kashshāf. Systematic sharḥ writing in the field of tafsīr began with the sharḥs on al-Kashshāf and turned into a tradition with the sharḥs on Anwār al-tanzīl. Al-Bayzāwī’s tafsīr became the work on which the most sharḥ were written in the Ottoman tafsīr tradition.In the tradition of sharḥ, commentators served as guides for constituent texts by explaining the words, concepts, and expressions used by the author in the main text, clarifying obscure phrases, and contributing to the reader’s comprehension of these texts. Commentaries have various functions: In these works, the commentators elaborate on issues that the author did not elaborate on, present the reasons for the determinations made in the work, and analyze objections that may be directed against these determinations. The commenters, who also evaluated the analyzed opinions in terms of the author’s school affiliations and the internal consistency of the work, endeavored to reflect the author’s views objectively and enabled the deciphering of implicit presuppositions. When all these aspects are considered, it is seen&nbsp; &nbsp;that sharḥs add value to the tradition of Islamic thought and science and offer a framework to prove scholarly intellectual innovations and depth. However, in modern times, the period of sharḥ has been criticized by some scholars as a process of introversion, rumination, intellectual rupture, and scholarly narrowing.&nbsp;One of the most essential works in the field of linguistic exegesis within the Ottoman exegetical heritage is Irshād al-ʿaḳl al-ṣalīm ilā mezāya al-Qitāb al-qarīm by Abūssuūd Efendi (d. 982/1574). In the introduction to his tafsīr, Abūssuūd Efendi states that he compiled his work from the tafsīr works of Zamakhsharī and Bayzāwī. However, Irshād al-ʿaḳl al-ṣalīm has features that can comprehended solely through careful analysis. This is not only a synthesis of Kashshāf and Anwār al-tanzīl, but also contains information from the commentaries on these two texts. It also contains implicit references, hidden signs, and allusions.&nbsp;The problematic aspect of this research is based on the criticisms of the sharḥ literature in the modern period and the claim that Abūssuūd’s tafsīr is not original. In this study, it is predicted that Abūssuūd wrote his tafsīr by taking into account the knowledge accumulated in the sharḥs, and that he brought the scholarly depth acquired during the period of the sharḥs to the tafsīr, thus constituting a very important place in terms of the tradition of tafsīr writing in the Ottoman period. This claim implies a paradigmatic shift in the Ottoman tafsīr writing tradition. In this study, the first verse of Sūrah al-Baqarah was chosen as the sample. This is because this verse comprises hurūf al-muqatta. “Hurūf al-muqattaa is a complex theoretical issue with various aspects to consider. It involves discussions about the intelligibility of speech, the Quran’s challenge to people through its verses, and its impact on them.” The most detailed analysis of the hurūf al-muqattaa is usually found in the first verse of Sūrah al-Baqarah. These features make the hurūf al-muqattaa an important example that should be consulted to trace the fictional and theoretical similarities and divergences of the texts of Zamakhsharī, Bayzāwī and Abūssuūd. In this context, this study first analyzes how Zamakhsharī and al-Bayzāwī interpreted this verse through discourse analysis, then discusses the discussions in the sharḥs that are thought to have influenced Abūssuūd’s text through discourse and process analysis, and finally analyzes Abūssuūd’s text through discourse and content analysis.&nbsp;This study, conducted within the framework of the first verse of Sūrah al-Baqarah, has shown that Abūssuūd clarified the ambiguous issues in his tafsīr, constructed a terminological structure in accordance with his preferred view, and identified the main themes and super subheadings. In this context, it can be said that the most unique aspect of Irshād al-ʿaḳl al ṣalīm, which contains implicit references to the information in the sharḥs, is that it brings the vertical knowledge gained in the sharḥ tradition to the horizontal plane. This means that the efforts made in understanding and analyzing Zamakhsharī and al-Bayḍāwī’s determinations during the sharḥ period, which some scholars consider stagnant, are directly related to the words of the verse and are included in the literature.

Abū al-Suʿūd (Ebüssuʿūd) Efendi’s Tafsīr with its Style and  Content from Ḥāshiya to Tafsīr: In the Context of the First Verse  of Sūrah al-Baqara

İmam

The problem of free will in human actions is a controversial issue between the Hanafī/ Māturīdī tradition and the Ash‘ari tradition. Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī (d. 606/1210), who reconstructs Ashʿarite theology with the language and concepts of Avicennian philosophy, argues that the actions of the people are under compulsion (jabr). In his argument to support this claim, al-Rāzī centers on the concept of “murajjiḥ” and argues that human action exists necessarily depending on the chain of causality. In this chain of causality, the human act necessarily comes into existence through the motivations (dāʿīs), which al-Rāzī characterizes as murajjiḥ, while motivations are created by the power of God, the ultimate murajjiḥ. According to al-Rāzī, human will (irāda) is necessarily determined by these dāʿīs. This argument, which al-Rāzī uses to prove his claim of jabr, sets the agenda of Hanafī theologians and jurists in the post-classical period. Shams al-Dīn al-Samarqandī (d. 702/1303) and Sadr al-Sharīʿa (d. 747/1346), who were among the first thinkers in Transoxiana to reexamine the scholarly legacy of the Hanafī tradition in theology and legal theory with the concepts and issues of Avicennian philosophy and classical logic, criticized al-Rāzī’s argument in their works.&nbsp;Although there are several studies in the modern literature dealing with al-Rāzī’s and Sadr al-Sharīʿa’s approaches to the acts of people, there is a need for a study that deals with al-Samarqandī’s views on this issue in connection with these two thinkers’ ideas. This article aims to address a gap in the literature by examining the continuity and change in the criticism of al-Rāzī’s argument within Hanafī circles. It will also demonstrate how the Hanafī tradition in Transoxiana engaged with the Ashʿarite tradition during the post-classical period through discussions on free will.&nbsp;In this article, I argue that the two Hanafī thinkers, Shams al-Dīn al-Samarqandī and Sadr al-Sharīʿa, respond to the concepts and issues of Avicennian philosophy and classical logic in different ways to the challenge of al-Rāzī’s argument of jabr. While al-Samarqandī criticizes al-Rāzī's jabr argument by adopting the hierarchical chain of causality that leads to divine &nbsp;determinism, Sadr al-Sharīa‘s criticism is based on the concept of “the complete cause (al-illā al-tāmma)” and the idea of “the ontological category of state (al-ḥāl)” which he considers to be included in the complete cause. In his argument, al-Samarqandī considers human will and power as the proximate cause of action and God‘s power as the remote cause of the action in the hierarchical chain of causality, thus arguing that human power has an effect on human action as much as God’s power. Thus, he prefers the approach of Abū İsḥāk al-Isferāyīnī (d. 418/1027), one of the early Ashʿarites, who accepted both God and human power as efficient causes of action. On the other hand Sadr al-Sharī’a, in his criticism, goes one step further than his predecessor and tries to refute the premises of the jabr argument of al-Rāzī. Sadr al-Sharīʿa in his counter-argument called “four premises (al-muqaddimāt al-arba‘)” breaks the chain of causality that leads to necessity by including “the noncausal states (al-ḥāl)”, such as human will, in the complete cause of human action. In addition, contrary to al-Rāzī’s claim, he argues that motivations (dāʾīs), do not necessarily determine the choice of human will in actions. With this approach, Sadr al-Sharīa seems to prefer the view of the classical Māturīdī tradition, which attributes the efficient cause of human action exclusively to God but recognizes a role for human beings, which is referred to as “kasb”.

The Problem of Free Will in the Post-Classical Period of the  Hanafī Tradition: Samarqandī’s and Sadr al-Sharī‘a’s Criticisms  of al-Rāzī

“Don’t You Ever Say a Word About Him!”: Ḥadīth  Scholars and Censorship in Early Islamic History

Ayşe

&nbsp;Islamic science literature on Ahl al-Sunna and Shīʿa was formed depending on sectarian doctrines. It is possible to follow this clearly through hadith sources. When we look at the Shīʿite hadith works, we see that, unlike the Ahl al-Sunna, the words of the Imāms are also accepted as hadith. On the other hand, unlike Shī‘a, according to Sunnī thought, the Companions played an important role in transmitting hadith. When the chains of Sunnī and Shīʿite narrations are examined, these two basic differences are clearly observed. Although Sunnī and Shīʿite scholars adopt different methods on many issues, such as the acceptance, rejection, and authenticity criteria of narrations, there is a group of common narrations in the hadith literature of the two schools.&nbsp;These narrations are very important because they reveal the issues on which the schools agreed upon and the size of this alliance. However, more importantly, these narrations provide information about the early periods of hadith history. At this point, the common narrators in both Sunnī and Shīʿite isnāds of common narrations rise to prominence. Because it is possible to obtain information about the hadith transitions between the two schools based on the evaluations of Sunnī and Shīʿite scholars regarding common narrators. The texts of common narrations are also important in terms of revealing whether the hadiths were changed within the framework of sectarian views. This article aims to show what proportions of common narrations exist in the hadith sources of Ahl al-Sunna and Shīʿa, and on which hadiths these two schools agree and differ from each other. Additionally, the article will show how, where, when, and through whom narrations are transferred between Ahl al-Sunna and Shīʿa.&nbsp;In recent times, there have been studies examining common narrations. The most important of these studies are the books prepared by Taqrīb al-Madhāib projects operating in Egypt and Kuwait to bring the two schools closer to each other. Common hadiths in these studies are narrations about a subject in both Sunnī and Shīʿite literature. Therefore, it is not possible to accurately make evaluations of the common narrations in the hadith works of the two schools based on these works. In these studies, there is no discussion of how common narrations were transferred from one school’s hadith circle to another.&nbsp;Unlike previous studies, this article investigates hadiths with similar texts in the books of Sunnī and Shīʿite scholars, spesicifically focusing itself to Usūl section of Kulaynī’s al-Kāfī. In this study, it was determined that 406 out of 3798 hadiths were found to be common. This&nbsp; shows that the common narrations in the hadith sources of the two schools are around 10%. In addition, it was observed that the common narrations were mainly about hadiths regarding morality. Another issue discussed in this paper is the isnād characteristics of common narrations. The most important element in the chains is the common narrators, as they are connected to the scientific circles of Ahl al-Sunna and Shīʿa. Because of the information about the common narrators in both Sunnī and Shīʿite rijāl works, it is possible to make inferences about the period and region in which these people participated in the narration activity. Essentially, this gives an idea about when, where, and through which names individuals the transfer of information between Sunnī and Shīʿite circles occurred. However, the biographical material about common narrators also provides information about the period when a hadith scholar’s circle was open to narrators from both schools. Based on these details about common narrators, it is possible to determine when the hadith circles of the two schools separated from each other or gained independent identity.&nbsp;Finally, this article provides information about the textual features of common hadiths. When the texts of these narrations were examined, it was observed that there were no serious textual differences between the Sunnī and Shīʿite texts. However, this situation changes, especially regarding critical issues for Ahl al-Sunna and Shīʿa, such as imāmate and walāyah. Significant changes such as addition and reduction occurres in the texts of these narrations that are the subjects of the Sunnī and Shīʿite conflict. As a result, it has been determined that common narrations were transferred from one school circle to another in the 2nd/8th century. The transfer of hadiths between Sunnī and Shīʿite circles mainly occurred in Kūfah. According to this research, the people who transferred these hadiths from one circle to another are Shīʿite oriented, weak, liar, unknown, and crypto narrators.

Common Narrations in the Ahl al-Sunnah and Shīʿa -Specific to  Usūl al-Kāfī for Kulaynī-

Fatih

&nbsp;Following the execution of Fażlallāh Astarābādī by Mīrānshāh in 796/1394, a considerable number of caliphs and disciples were left behind, possessing intellectual background to ensure the continued survival and transmission of his works to future generations. The most significant and comprehensive work of Fażlallāh is undoubtedly the Jāvdānnāma. In his Kursīnāma, Fażlallāh’s caliph ‘Alī al-A’lā states that in 788/1386, the secret of the Quran emerged from Fażlallāh and that the main book, Jāvdānnāma, was written. This was initially composed in a disorganized manner on various rolls of paper. Following his death, he made some annotations and markings to facilitate the organization of these papers. Fażlallāh himself named the book Jāvdānnāma, a designation explained by the Quranic assertion that those who desire the face of Allah ‘will remain there eternally’ (ادبأ اهيف نيدلاخ). In other words, this book leads to the knowledge of eternity, where everything perishes, and only His face remains.Jāvdānnāma-ye Kabīr is primarily written in the Gurgan dialect of Persian, which is no longer spoken and is mixed with standard Persian. The fact that this work was written over a long period of time and under different physical conditions has led to the existence of long and monolithic chapters as well as short sections, memorable notes, and fragmentary sentences.Three works in world literature have been written in this dialect, all related to Hurufism. In addition, all of these works contain sentences written in standard Persian and Gurgan dialect. These works are Fażlallāh’s Jāvdānnāma-ye Kabīr and Muhabbatnāma, and Fażlallāh’s disciple Sayyid Ishāq’s Mahramnāma.Jāvdānnāma-ye Kabīr contains a total of eight circular figures, each drawn on a different page and accompanied by notes written inside them. The notes are in Persian and the Gurgan dialect of Persian, and include Arabic verses and hadiths. This article aims to elucidate the significance of these circular drawings. A close reading of four distinct manuscripts of Jāvdānnāma-ye Kabīr has enabled the identification of all eight circular figures, which are presented here with Arabic translations. The article then introduces the Ḥurūfī doctrine and discusses how medieval and early modern Ḥurūfīs, especially Hamza Bey, interpreted and discussed these figures. Finally, the article discusses the traditional medieval cosmology and places the circular drawings in their proper context.&nbsp;Hamza Bey is the only Ḥurūfī author who has commented on these figures. Our knowledge of Hamza Bey is somewhat limited, but it is recorded that he died in 1033/1623. In addition the terms “Hamza Bey” and “Hamza Efendi” were used to refer to him, his Turkish commentaries suggest that he lived in the Ottoman geography. Hamza Bey represents the final link in the chain of succession, which began with Fażlallāh’s caliph ‘Alī al-A’lā and continued through Mīr Fāżılī, Mīrzā Dastburīda Muhammad and Jāwidī. Similar to his master Jāwidī, Hamza Bey composed commentaries on Fażlallāh’s works. He wrote two distinct commentaries on Jāvidānnāma. The first commentary is represented by three copies (Millet Library, Ali Emiri Persian, no. 1046, in the margin of the copy of Jāvidānnāma; Basel University Library, Tschudi, M VI 70, ff. 1b-148a; Basel University Library, Tschudi, M VI 71, ff. 68b-169b) and the second commentary is represented by a single copy (Basel University Library, Tschudi, M VI 71, ff. 68b-169b).	&nbsp;This article illustrates how Fażlallāh integrated traditional medieval cosmology with Hurufism philosophy. Through these circular drawings, Fażlallāh and his disciples clearly position human beings at the center of their beliefs and supported this belief through an interpretation of cosmology. Neither the circular drawings themselves nor their interpretations have been published or subjected to in-depth study. The interpretation of these circular drawings not only provides a more solid foundation for future research on Hurufi doctrines but also offers a novel perspective on the study of traditional medieval cosmology.

Cosmology in the Drawings of Fażlallāh Astarābādī’s Jāvdānnāma

&nbsp;Al-Ghazālī’s life has always aroused excitement, from the time he lived until today. He wrote his life story at the end of his life. However, in his short autobiography, he also overshadowed many issues. Ghazali, in al-Munqiz, al-Ghazālī does not mention his teachers, his socio-political environment, his family, or the events of the time. After leaving Baghdad, he lived a life of seclusion during his travels to cities such as Damascus, al-Khalīl and Jerusalem. After returning to his hometown, Al-Ghazālī described himself as a recluse, except for “the events of the time” and “the affairs of children”. According to his own narrative, al-Ghazālī led a reclusive life. However, his letters compiled under the title “Fadhā’il al-anām” present a different picture. These letters provide important information about al-Ghazālī’s period of seclusion and his theo-political relations during that time.&nbsp;Al-Ghazālī’s period of seclusion, as discussed in this article, refers to the time from his departure from Baghdad in Dhilqa’dah 488/1095 until his death. Al-Ghazālī remained secluded until his death and did not return to the Nidhāmiyya muderriship in Nishāpur until eleven years later. He was compelled to take up this position, rather than doing so voluntarily. He also mentioned that his return did not signify a true return. He stated that while he was “previously explaining the science that earned people high positions”, he was now “explaining the science that makes people abandon high positions”. Moreover, this process did not last long, and he returned to his hometown, Tus, after a few years. Al-Ghazālī’s period of seclusion can be divided into four parts: From Baghdad to Baghdad: The Period of Seclusion with Traveling, Tus: The Period of Settled Life of Reclusion, and Nishapur: The Return to the Teaching and the Event of the Trial and the Second Period of Tus and his Death.&nbsp;During his time in seclusion, al-Ghazālī did not refrain from attending social events or engaging in individual educational activities. In particular, he took an active interest in the troubles of the people, warned the governors, and wrote letters to the rulers informing them of the troubles of the people. He patronized the dervishes residing in his khangāh and advised the rulers of the state to appoint some of his students to positions they deserved.Based on Fedhā’il al-anām and other sources, the following conclusions have been drawn in this article: Although al-Ghazālī did not name them, some individuals were influential in his life. It is possible to mention the influence of Shaykh Ardishīr b. Abū Mansūr al-ʿAbbādī in his decision to leave Baghdad and embrace the Sufi way of life or pursue a path of seclusion. Again, Abu al-Fath Nasr al-Maqdisī, the muhaddith-jurist and ascetic who met with him in Damascus, influential in al-Ghazālī’s subsistence on his own labor and not receiving help from state officials. After leaving Baghdad, al-Ghazālī did not break away from science and the scholarly environment where he went. The concept of seclusion for al-Ghazālī included three points mentioned in his oath in al-Khalīl. These points include not taking money from rulers, not attending official ceremonies (this includes not being in a managerial position), and avoiding debate and bigotry. During his seclusion period, al-Ghazālī established close relations with dervishes. He had a khangāh in his hometown, Tus, and he watched over the dervishes who stayed there. His approach, which was more distant to sūfis in the Iḥyāʾ, evolved into closer contact in his letters.

Contribution to the Biography of al-Ghazālī: Al-Ghazālī’s  Seclusion Life in the Light of His Letters

İrfan

The appointment of four judges in Egypt under the Fāṭimid State in 525/1131, two of whom were from Shīʿa and two from Sunnī schools of law, has drawn the interest of researchers due to its significance for both Fāṭimid socio-political history and Islamic jurisprudence. Our anonymous local source, noting this information approximately 50 years after the event, described it as an unprecedented occurrence in the Islamic nation. Although there is no mention of any restriction on judges regarding cases brought before them, their equal authority in matters of inheritance is emphasized. This is particularly noteworthy because some fundamental rulings of inheritance law where Shīʿa and Sunnī doctrines diverge are closely linked to the Fāṭimid concept of imāmate. However, historical sources concerning the period during which this event occurred are limited. Consequently, this information, which provides significant insights into the Fāṭimid judicial system, the implementation of Shīʿa law in the predominantly Sunnī Egyptian society, and the socio-political situation, becomes even more interesting and intriguing. Allouche examined the subject comprehensively and attempted to analyze in detail the political motives behind the appointments, the status and identities of the appointed judges. Later authors referred to Allouche’s article, but no alternative assessments were proposed. According to Allouche, the primary political motive behind these appointments was as follows: This appointment was&nbsp;&nbsp;part of Ibn al- Afḍal’s (d. 526/1131) actions to declare the end of the Fāṭimid caliphate and the shift in the state’s ideology. Specifically, the Ismāʿilī monopoly in the judiciary was abolished. Ibn al-Afḍal took advantage of the political uncertainty that arose due to the death of Caliph Āmir (d. 524/1130) and the absence of a known male heir. He imprisoned ʿAbdulmajīd (later Caliph Ḥāfiẓ, 526-544/1132-1149), who had previously declared himself the heir apparent (waliyyu’l-ʿahd), removed his name from the Friday sermon (khutbah), and minted coins in the name of the expected imam, implying a shift in the state’s allegiance to the Twelver Shīʿa to which Ibn al-Afḍal belonged.&nbsp;Allouche considers that each of the four judges, described merely as judges in the source, was actually a chief judge. He bases this on a comparison with the newly established system of the Mamlūk era, made by Ibn Muyassar (d. 677/1278), who transmitted this unique information in his book Akhbar. In Allouche’s view, this interpretation aligns with Ibn al-Afḍal’s political agenda, whose main objective was to equate Imāmī Law, his own madhhab, with the Ismāʿilī Law, thus representing the new ideology of the state with an Imāmī chief judge. However, according to him, this interpretation simultaneously creates some problems that require resolution. Because at the time of the appointment, the previously appointed chief judge, al-Qaysarānī, was still in office. This implies that with the newly appointed four qāḍīs there were five chief judges, two of whom representing Ismāʿilī madhhab, serving simultaneously: al-Qaysaranī, representing the Fāṭimid state’s Ismāʿilī madhhab, and the four judges appointed by Ibn al-Afḍal, representing the Ismāʿilī, Imāmī, Mālikī, and Shāfiʿī madhhabs. Allouche attempted to resolve this problem by suggesting a potential scribal error regarding the names of the judges. He posits that the Imāmī judge mentioned among the four newly appointed might actually be the same person as the existing chief judge, al-Qaysaranī. Thus, Ibn al Afḍal must have reappointed the incumbent al-Qaysaranī as the chief judge representing the Imāmiyya. He believed that the good relations between al-Qaysaranī and Ibn al-Afḍal, as suggested by the information available in the sources, would support this interpretation. However, there are strong arguments against this interpretation, and it seems that Allouche did not sufficiently address the issues arising from this. First, Allouche did not consider that the sources clearly indicated that al-Qaysarānī was actually a Shāfiʿī. For sure, one can argue that numerous instances exist of Sunnīs being appointed to the position of chief judge in the Fāṭimid state. Therefore, it is not impossible that al-Qaysaranī, despite being a Shāfiʿī, served as the Ismāʿilī chief judge for a period and was later appointed as the Imāmī chief judge because of his close ties with the ruling power amidst the political changes. However, a more careful examination of the identities of the other four judges on the list indicates that each of these individuals was more suitable for Ibn al-Afḍal’s political objectives and could not be replaced by al-Qaysaranī. Al-Qaysaranī did not possess the necessary qualifications for the office of qāḍī, as indicated by contemporary sources. His appointment to the position of chief judge before this event was primarily due to his prestigious status as a Cairo elite, rather than his legal expertise. In contrast to al-Qaysaranī’s background, each of the individuals named in the appointment of the four judges was esteemed within their respective religious groups for possessing the qualities of a judge. Viewed in this light, the appointment of these four judges underscores Ibn al-Afḍal’s need for support from the Cairo elites, military groups and broader segments of the population in the delicate situation in which he assumed power, as well as the constraints on his authority. Therefore, the information available in the sources can be interpreted as follows: Following the coup in 525/1131, al-Qaysaranī retained his high-level administrative powers and, in particular, his authority to oversee grievance cases (maẓālim) as the chief judge. The remaining four judges were appointed with the authority to adjudicate civil cases in accordance with their respective madhhabs. Hence, the claim of a scribal error in the information provided by the sources arises from an incomplete and improper reading of the sources. The use of the term qāḍī al-qudāt in the sources in this context is also misleading, as evidenced by examples in which qāḍīs described as chief qāḍī in annals or other historical sources were named in official records as nāib or wakīl of the vizier.

Appointment of Four Judges in Fāṭimid Egypt in 525/1131, A New  Interpretation

İsa

Mehmed Ismet Efendi (d. 1747), a prominent intellectual in the first half of the 18th century, was a distinguished professor in Islamic sciences, a poet and scholar who authored works in Turkish, Arabic, and Persian, an astronomer who conducted studies in astronomy, a well-known calligrapher of his time, and a Ṣūfī master who had authority in five different Ṣūfī orders. In addition to these qualities, he deserves attention for the extensive library he has succeeded in establishing in his household. Focusing on the surviving manuscripts of Mehmed Ismet and his previously neglected probate inventory, this article examines the formation process of the library he managed to establish, the strategies he adopted during this process, and the fate of the library following his death. By focusing on his library, which contained abundant works on Islamic sciences, poetry, and astronomy, this study contributes to ongoing research on Ottoman manuscript culture, book collecting, and Ottoman libraries and determines Mehmed Ismet’s place in Ottoman intellectual history.While examining the formation process of the library, the first claim of the article is that the foundation of Mehmed Ismet’s library was a collection inherited from his father, Ibrāhīm Agha, who was the steward of one of the grand viziers during the reign of Mehmed IV (r. 1648-1687). In addition, it is asserted that Mehmed Ismet managed to successfully expand his library by effectively using substantial wealth and economic power. Moreover, it is demonstrated that Mehmed Ismet’s collection grew with the books and treatises inherited from his brother Osmān Efendi, who died in December 1734 in Kavala, where he was the judge of the city. However, the number of manuscripts inherited from Osmān Efendi seemed extremely limited. The existing literature widely suggests that, except for those belonging to well-established ulema families who were controlling high-ranking offices in official ulema establishments, the wealth accumulation of the eighteenth-century Ottoman ulema was very limited to the extent that they survived with deep economic concerns. Yet, Mehmed Ismet lived in prosperity thanks to the substantial wealth inherited from his family, the gratuities he received from the panegyric poems he presented to high-ranking officials as well as the proceeds from the authored and translated works he did for them, his income from his professorship, his earnings from calligraphy, and the allowance from the pious foundation of Kādīzāde Mehmed Efendi, of which he was a trustee for a while. It is among the theses of the article that he financed the&nbsp;&nbsp;formation of his library with this wealth and, in line with his professional and personal interests, succeeded in establishing a library predominantly containing scholarly works pertaining to Islamic sciences, astronomy, and Sufism.&nbsp;Another claim of this article is that as a skilled calligrapher of his age, Mehmed Ismet benefitted from his reputation when establishing his library. He relied on calligraphy not only to sustain his livelihood but also to reduce the expenses of creating a book collection. Available data demonstrate that he copied 28 books and 93 treatises for his library. Given that the entire collection did not survive to the present day, it can be assumed that the number of scholarly works that Mehmed Ismet duplicated and added to his collection was higher. He particularly enjoyed copying and collecting treatises, classifying and bounding them according to language, subject, and author. It can be argued in this respect that he was in full harmony with the eighteenth-century Ottoman intellectual circles, where treatises and pamphlets were in circulation. Nevertheless, one of the characteristics that distinguished Mehmed Ismet from the remaining book collectors of the period was his desire to expand his library by manipulating his official position. For instance, under the pretext of copying for his own library, he misappropriated 129 books belonging to the book collection of Kādīzāde Mehmed Efendi’s waqf, of which he was a trustee for a period. The fact that 51 of these books contained his ownership records and seventeen bore his personal seal indicates that he might have also embezzled books from other libraries and collections. However, no clear evidence of this possibility has been found.&nbsp;The rich book collection that Mehmed Ismet was able to build by utilizing his personal and familial connections, his wealth, and his skills in calligraphy were expeditiously dispersed in a short time following his death. His books were purchased by his friends and the book collectors of the period, including high-ranking statesmen. This was such a rapid and sudden development that in his probate inventory, which was recorded seventy days after his death, only a few works related to Ottoman, Persian, and Arabic poetry were recorded. This situation contradicts given his skill in writing Turkish, Persian, and Arabic poems. The mention of only fifteen divans in the inventory and the complete absence of literary works by the great figures of classical Ottoman poetry such as Aḥmad Pasha (d. 1497), Nedjātī (d. 1509), Zātī (d. 1546), Fuḍūlī (d. 1556), Khayālī (d. 1557), Nefʿī (d. 1635), Nābī (d. 1712), and Nedīm (d. 1730) are clear indications of the sudden and rapid dispersal of the collection. This situation had prevented his library from being established as a permanent building until now. However, a significant portion of his books have been preserved in various book collections and have survived to date.

Formation and Dispersion of a Personal Library in the 18th  Century: The Case of Mehmed Ismet Efendi’s Library

İslim

Res. Assist.

An Inquiry on the Idea of Wilāyah from al-Sulamī’s Introduction  to his Tabaqāt al-Sūfiyya

Selman

Review of “Dinin Geleceği” by Ali Köse

Ahmet

Review of “All the Kingdoms of the World: On Radical Religious  Alternatives to Liberalism” by Kevin Vallier

Murat

Review of “2004: De toekomst van islam in Nederland”   by Maurits Berger

Erratum to: Envisioning a Consultative Umma: An Introduction to Namık Kemal’s Constitutional Imaginary

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Serhan

Religion, which means “path, faith, tradition, bond, servitude” in all cultures, is a phenomenon that changes individual and social life with very strong influences. From this point of view, religion plays an important role in the formation of an individual's personality by contributing to their level of consciousness. We can also say that each religion has established a common ‘language of religion’ to form a common perception. In this respect, revelation is a sign this common language of religion and a state of communication in which God himself addresses in a language that humans speak. In other words, the revelation -word of God- that determines an individual's relationship with themselves, their surroundings, and God is presented to human understanding using the Qur'an's own linguistic and stylistic characteristics within the possibilities and limits of the Arabic language. Hence, in order to actualize this addressaddressee dialectic, the Qur'an takes into account the perceptions and concepts of the society it was revealed to and forms a common world view formed by the values of the society such as language, faith, culture, and history. Moreover, it actualizes the most beautiful transformation and change of the individual's mindset and identity by using the Qur'anic Style, which is the language's own style of expression, in verse and language form. Indeed, the correct understanding of the divine word is made possible by taking into account its distinctive Quranic language, its style, and its ikhbari (pronouncement) and inshai (constructive) sentence structures in parallel with its style of expression. In this way, it contains the transitivity in which one can be included in the context of the other from time to time in the course of the Qur'anic style, and it turns into the inshai structure, which is a higher style of the ikhbari form, and drives its addressees to change their actions.&nbsp;This study aims to identify the main subject of Surat Al-Infitar by taking into account the relationship between the addressees and the environment in light of the methods that are unique to the Qur'anic style offered as a linguistic method of understanding the Qur'an and the style of the language of religion that encompasses the whole of the Qur'an. In this sense, our study takes into account the constructional (inshai) structure that plays a role in manifesting&nbsp;and turning the warning (ikhbari) expressions for doomsday -like the sky will break apart, the stars will fall- into action mostly "here-now", beyond the informing of the future apocalypse. Therefore, the study tries to address the surah as a whole within the framework of the specific language structure of the divine word and the Qur'anic style. Thanks to this information that forms the basis of the method of the Qur'anic style, the verse(s) and/or the surah turns the gayb (invisible) sphere like the apocalypse, the judgement day, the hereafter into an active "event" and a new "action" happening "here-now" through the issues of the testimonial sphere of this world in a style that can be understood by all. As it were, the surah creates the comprehension of the truth of the revelation, which is first and foremost the first stage of the God-man relationship, through the reality of the change in the cosmic structure. And it also creates the understanding of "the hereafter with the consciousness of reckoning". Accordingly, it lays the burden of personal responsibility to the individual and it shows how the will and power of the divine truth manifests.&nbsp;In this context, the surah talks about the cosmic changes that took place during the events of doomsday which transforms into kalami action through Allah's taqwini laws and turns this action into morality. The surah begins with "doomsday" scenes that can be described as "the sudden occurrence of an event and/or the beginning of cosmic change" as if to show a new era is about to begin. The word infitar, which gives its name to the Surah, means "splitting, disturbing the existing order, interfering with something". And in this context, it is interpreted as "without knowing its nature, the revelation of the commandments of God to the Earth either through the descent of the Angels or by the greatness of the Lord". In our opinion, these events are aimed at drawing attention to the reality, nature, and possibility of the divine revelation, as well as emphasizing to their addressees that the old corrupt order will be replaced by a new one. As a matter of fact, when we take into account the revelation course of the Qur'an, we see that it conveys its divine message to a society where the majority were illiterate and thought it impossible for Allah to send his divine message to its addressees by means of a human being who also was illiterate. In addition, the context of forward-looking ikhbari statements reveals to us the inshai structure of the issues towards this world. In this sense, the surah builds a religious and moral consciousness through taqwini/qawni verses beyond just giving information. The point that draws attention here is that the qawni verses are both verses themselves, and that they are accepted as signs, prognostics, that is, intellectual evidence of the truth that exists in their own selves. It reflects the greatest evidence for the positioning of the revelation the fact that all beings, including the earth, sky, and man, with their apparent–known features witnessed by themselves are a verse. And it plays a role in the comprehension that they are all parts of the same whole, including this revelation. Moreover, in the minds of the addressees, who thought that it was impossible for Allah to send his message through the Prophet Muhammad Who was ontologically human, the entity to which they ascribe sanctity gains a new meaning and the actions created by this meaning explain the possibility of such revelation.&nbsp;Thus, a&nbsp;consciousness about everything that the Allah-universe relationship represents is created in the addressees and the absolute creative power behind this truth is pointed out. Therefore, the main subject of the surah is the creation of the awareness of the day of reckoning and the understanding of the hereafter, which is put forth with a style that is simultaneous with the possibility of the divine revelation, its nature and its reality.In line with this perspective, our work offers to read the depictions of the doomsday which belongs to the gayb for humans, the topics concerning the hereafter like the awareness of the day of reckoning in inshai form in the context of Qur'anic style. In this respect, our article attempts to understand and explain the effects of the Qur'anic style that are reflected in this world and which turn it into action and morality here and now, not in terms of the “reality and/or awareness of the scenes of the apocalypse”. Of course, this study, taken in the context of the Qur'anic style, is an effort aimed at basing not the style itself but only its method and, in parallel, determining the main idea of the surah.

Surat Al-Infitar in Terms of Qur’anic Style

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Journal of Islamic Review - İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi is the publication of Institute of Islamic Studies at Istanbul University. It is an open access, scholarly, peer-reviewed journal published biannually in March and September. Manuscripts submitted for publication should be in Turkish, English or Arabic.

The Journal of Islamic Review, is a double-blinded peer-reviewed journal that includes national and international scientific studies that apply disciplinary, interdisciplinary and multidisciplinary methods in the field of Islamic sciences such as Major Islamic Sciences, Philosophy and Religious Sciences, and Islamic History and Arts.

The journal publishes research papers, research notes, book reviews, symposium promotions and manuscripts.   Articles submitted to the Journal of Islamic Review are evaluated according to the double blind review system.

Brief History

With the closure of İstanbul Dârulfünun (University) Faculty of Theology in 1933, the Institute of Islamic Studies, established within the Faculty of Literature, was closed down in 1941, and it was reopened again in 1953 under the direction of its director Zeki Velidi Togan and deputy director Fuat Sezgin. The Institute, whose status was changed to a research center in 1982, became affiliated to the rectorate of Istanbul University in 2018. Despite the change in its status, a peer-reviewed scientific journal has continued to operate within the Institute since its establishment.

The journal was published as “The Journal of the Institute of Islamic Studies” between 1953 and 1982, and as “The Journal of Islamic Studies” between 1982 and 1995 in nine volumes and fourteen different issues. The journal resumed publication in March 2020.

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The Journal of Islamic Review aims to contribute to the accumulation of knowledge in the field of Islamic sciences by publishing studies with scientific qualifications at national and international level.The Journal of Islamic Review is a double-blinded peer-reviewed journal that includes articles in the fields of basic Islamic sciences, Islamic history and thought. The journal prioritizes interdisciplinary, multidisciplinary and Ottoman period-centered studies in these fields.The journal publishes research articles, review articles, research notes, book reviews, symposium/workshop promotions, etc. in Turkish, English and Arabic.

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The journal is committed to upholding the highest standards of publication ethics and pays regard to Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing published by the <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, the <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, the <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a>, and the <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> on <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a> The subjects covered in the manuscripts submitted to the Journal for publication must be in accordance with the aim and scope of the Journal. Only those manuscripts approved by every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Changing the name of an author (omission, addition or order) in papers submitted to the Journal requires written permission of all declared authors.Plagiarism, duplication, fraud authorship/denied authorship, research/data fabrication, salami slicing/salami publication, breaching of copyrights, prevailing conflict of interest are unethical behaviors. All manuscripts not in accordance with the accepted ethical standards will be removed from the publication. This also contains any possible malpractice discovered after the publication. Plagiarism Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. If plagiarism/self-plagiarism will be found authors will be informed. Editors may resubmit manuscript for similarity check at any peer-review or production stage if required. High similarity scores may lead to rejection of a manuscript before and even after acceptance. Depending on the type of article and the percentage of similarity score taken from each article, the overall similarity score is generally expected to be less than 15 or 20%. Double Blind Peer-Review After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by the editors-in-chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope. The editor provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles and hands over the papers matching the formal rules to at least two national/international referees for evaluation and gives green light for publication upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.

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General Principles A maximum of two articles produced from graduate theses can be published in each issue. It is essential that the articles conform to the article format with a new arrangement.An author whose article is published in our journal will not have another article published in the following issue.Ethical PrincipleJournal of Islamic Review - İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi is committed to upholding the highest standards of publication ethics and pays regard to Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing published by the <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, the <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, the <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a>, and the <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> on <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a>Submitted manuscripts must be in accordance with the aim and scope of the journal. Only those manuscripts have not been published before or are not in the evaluation process in another journal and whose content and submission have been approved by each author are accepted for evaluation.Changing the name of an author (omission, addition or order) in papers submitted to the journal requires written permission of all declared authors.Plagiarism, duplication, fraud authorship/denied authorship, research/data fabrication, salami slicing/salami publication, breaching of copyrights, prevailing conflict of interest are unethical behaviors. All manuscripts not in accordance with the accepted ethical standards will be removed from the publication. This also contains any possible malpractice discovered after the publication.

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It is authors’ responsibility to ensure that the article is in accordance with scientific and ethical standards and rules. And authors must ensure that submitted work is original. They must certify that the manuscript has not previously been published elsewhere or is not currently being considered for publication elsewhere, in any language. Applicable copyright laws and conventions must be followed. Copyright material (e.g. tables, figures or extensive quotations) must be reproduced only with appropriate permission and acknowledgement. Any work or words of other authors, contributors, or sources must be appropriately credited and referenced.All the authors of a submitted manuscript must have direct scientific and academic contribution to the manuscript. The author(s) of the original research articles is defined as a person who is significantly involved in “conceptualization and design of the study”, “collecting the data”, “analyzing the data”, “writing the manuscript”, “reviewing the manuscript with a critical perspective” and “planning/conducting the study of the manuscript and/or revising it”. Fund raising, data collection or supervision of the research group are not sufficient roles to be accepted as an author. The author(s) must meet all these criteria described above. The order of names in the author list of an article must be a co-decision and it must be indicated in the <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/1B163C33EBDD4AC68B3BAB7341ABAB15" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form.</a> The individuals who do not meet the authorship criteria but contributed to the study must take place in the acknowledgement section. Individuals providing technical support, assisting writing, providing a general support, providing material or financial support are examples to be indicated in acknowledgement section.All authors must disclose all issues concerning financial relationship, conflict of interest, and competing interest that may potentially influence the results of the research or scientific judgment.When an author discovers a significant error or inaccuracy in his/her own published paper, it is the author’s obligation to promptly cooperate with the Editor to provide retractions or corrections of mistakes.

Manuscripts are pre-evaluated by the editorial board prior to the reviewing process. The editorial board evaluates the manuscripts independently of the ethnicity, gender, nationality, religious beliefs and political philosophy of the authors. In the evaluation, the journal’s areas of interest, journal writing rules, word limit, academic style, language-grammar rules, adequacy of analysis and comments, use of sources and originality of the subject are taken into consideration. Due to the high volume of manuscript submissions, a detailed report is not provided for manuscripts that are returned or rejected as a result of the preliminary evaluation.Plagiarism ScanSubmitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. If plagiarism/self-plagiarism will be found authors will be informed. Editors may resubmit manuscript for similarity check at any peer-review or production stage if required. High similarity scores may lead to rejection of a manuscript before and even after acceptance. Depending on the type of manuscript, the similarity rate is expected to be at most 20%.Double Blind Peer-Review The editor ensures that the manuscripts go through a fair double blind peer-review process, and if the manuscript fulfills the formal requirements, the editor submits the manuscript to at least two external national/international reviewers, and if the reviewers deem it necessary, they approve the manuscript for publication after the requested changes are made by the authors.

Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, sexual orientation, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors. He/She provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted manuscripts for publication and ensures that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential before publishing. Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers. Only he has the full authority to assign a reviewer and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the journal.Editor-in-Chief is responsible for the contents and overall quality of the publication. He/She must publish errata pages or make corrections when needed.Editor-in-Chief sends the manuscripts to at least two national/international external reviewers for evaluation; after the reviewing process, the decision on publication is made by the Editor-in-Chief.Editor-in-Chief guarantees that all information about the manuscripts will remain confidential until the article is published; he/she takes care to keep the identity of the reviewers confidential.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with third parties.In particular situations, the editor may share the review of one reviewer with other reviewers to clarify a particular point.Reviewers should not have any conflicts of interest with the authors and/or financial supporters of the research.

Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by editor-in-chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope.The editor hands over the papers matching the formal rules to at least two national/international referees for double-blind peer review evaluation and gives green light for publication upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.

Peer Review

Reviewers’ judgments must be objective. Reviewers’ comments on the following aspects are expected while conducting the review:<ul><li>Does the manuscript contain new and significant information?</li><li>Does the abstract clearly and accurately describe the content of the manuscript?</li><li>Is the problem significant and concisely stated?</li><li>Are the methods described comprehensively?</li><li>Are the interpretations and consclusions justified by the results?</li><li>Is adequate references made to other Works in the field?</li><li>Is the language acceptable?</li></ul>Reviewers must ensure that all information about submitted manuscripts remains confidential until the manuscript is published and should report to the editor if they detect copyright infringement or plagiarism in the manuscript. If the reviewer does not consider himself/herself competent in the subject matter of the article or feels that he/she cannot provide timely feedback, he/she should inform the editor and ask him/her not to involve him/herself in the reviewing process.

Language The language of the journal is both Turkish, English and Arabic.Manuscript Submission All correspondence will be sent to the corresponding author unless otherwise specified. Manuscpript is to be submitted online via the “Submit a Manuscript” tab at <a href="https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/journal/42/submission/step/manuscript/new" target="_blank">https://dergipark.org.tr/en/pub/iuislamtd</a>Manuscripts should be submitted with a <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/61624BA0385C47C185A24D60988A889E" target="_blank">Title Page</a> specifying the article category and and including information about the manuscript (see Submission Checklist), an electronic text file of the manuscript written in Microsoft Word 2003 and upper versions, and a <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/1B163C33EBDD4AC68B3BAB7341ABAB15" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a> signed by all authors.Manuscript Template and Spelling RulesDue to double blind peer review, manuscript file must not include any information about the author.The manuscripts should contain mainly these components: title, abstract and keywords; sections, references, tables and figures.Double quotation marks should not be used in the title selection to avoid confusion in citation, and single quotation marks or italicization should be preferred if necessary.The abstract must be between 150–250 words and written as one paragraph. Please ensure that abstract reads well and is grammatically correct.Underneath the abstract, 5-8 keywords that inform the reader about the content of the study should be specified.Keywords should be ordered from general to specific and the first letters of the words should be capitalized. See <a href="https://www.isnadsistemi.org/en/guide/isnad2-2/academic-writing/5-keywords/" target="_blank">https://www.isnadsistemi.org/en/guide/isnad2-2/academic-writing/5-keywords/</a>.The main sections of the manuscript (excluding Abstract, References, etc.) should not exceed 9000 words.In the main sections of the manuscript, except for the Introduction and Conclusion, the headings should be numbered sequentially as 1., 1.1.1., 1.1.1.1.Accuracy of citation is the author’s responsibility. All references should be cited in text.The English spelling of proper names and concepts in Arabic, Persian, Turkish and Ottoman Turkish is based on <a href="https://www.isnadsistemi.org/en/guide/isnad2-2/academic-writing/23-transliteration/" target="_blank">The ISNAD Citation Style for Transliteration Alphabet</a>.

Author Guidelines

Research Article: Original research articles are studies that have academic value and present original and scientific results on subjects appropriate to the scope of the journal.Review Article: Articles that describe, discuss and evaluate the latest level of knowledge or topic and are expected to guide future studies.Research Note: Manuscripts in which a topic is discussed in a scope and quality that does not reach the size of an article. Research notes are expected not to exceed 4000 words. Manuscripts in the research note type are not taken into the reviewing process; they are evaluated by the editor and taken into the publication process. A research note does not include a abstract. In addition to the title, the manuscript should include 5-8 keywords.Book Review: Reviews of works published in the last 5 years are prioritized. Book reviews are expected to be prepared by experts in the field. Only introductory and summarized manuscripts are not accepted. In book reviews, an original title separate from the title of the book being reviewed and 5-8 keywords should be determined.Symposium/Workshop Promotion: Manuscripts that include the evaluation of national or international academic meetings. In promotional manuscripts, especially the academic contribution of the meeting should be addressed.

Journal of Islamic Review - İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi complies with ISNAD 2nd Edition (Author-Title System) for referencing and quoting. For more information: <a href="https://www.isnadsistemi.org/en/" target="_blank">https://www.isnadsistemi.org/en/</a> All quotations, including block quotations, should be enclosed in quotation marks; quotations within quotation marks should not be italicized.The titles of the cited sources and the spelling in quotations should be preserved exactly as they are.

Ensure that the following items are present:● Main Manuscript DocumentImportant: Please avoid mentioning the author(s) names in the manuscript<ul><li>The title of the manuscript</li><li>Abstract (150-250 words) </li><li>Keywords: 5-8 words</li><li>Main text sections of the article (should not exceed 9000 words)     </li><li>References </li><li>All tables, illustrations (figures) (including title, explanation, captions)</li></ul>● <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/1B163C33EBDD4AC68B3BAB7341ABAB15" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a> ● Permission of previous published material if used in the present manuscript● <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/61624BA0385C47C185A24D60988A889E" target="_blank">Title Page</a>The category of the manuscript<ul><li>The title of the manuscript</li><li>All authors’ names, affiliations (institution, faculty/department, city, country) and e-mail addresses</li><li>Corresponding author’s email address, full postal address, telephone and fax number</li><li>ORCIDs of all authors</li><li>Grant support (if exists)</li><li>Conflict of interest (if exists)</li><li>Acknowledgement (if exists)   </li></ul>● <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/5F97BA2A57D846F7AC7CC54FF960A15F" target="_blank">Author Contribution Form</a>Important: In case of multiple authors, the contribution of each author should be indicated and signed by the corresponding author.

<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/1B163C33EBDD4AC68B3BAB7341ABAB15" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/61624BA0385C47C185A24D60988A889E" target="_blank">Title Page</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/5F97BA2A57D846F7AC7CC54FF960A15F" target="_blank">Author Form</a>

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Augmented Verbs Expressing Reflexivity (Mutâva‘at) in the Arabic Language

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