Elif Damla

Assoc. Prof.

At the beginning of the 21st century, we witnessed how society was fragmented (Jenks, 2007), modern institutions were divided (Giddens, 2010a, 2010b), and nationstates transformed into archipelago-states composed of minorities and diasporas as a result of modern migration movements. We see blurred connections related to the formations of identity and belonging (Bauman, 2015), how organized modernity collapsed (Wagner, 2005), how global and local started to interact (Khonder, 2004; Robertson, 1995), and how this interaction gave birth to new spaces (Appadurai, 1996). This fragmented and atomized world found its place in the debates of modernism, postmodernism and globalism, and after a while, music sociology started to deal with musical activities, practices and tastes in various geographies within the context of their specific conditions and singularities. This shift of focus gave way to new concepts and theoretical frameworks in music sociology literature, such as music scenes (Cohen, 1999), micromusics (Slobin, 1992, 1993), music milieu (Webb, 2007), and musique mineure (Cler &amp; Messina, 2007). There is no doubt that the appearance of new concepts and theoretical frameworks was supported by the criticism or even rejection of existing theoretical frameworks (Bennett, 2004, p. 223), and by the fact that they fell short of analyzing small and local units that were becoming more effective in musical life. On the other hand, by the 1990s the dynamics that shape cultural life had changed. The philanthrocapitalism model (Bishop &amp; Green, 2009; Edwards, 2008) predicting a paradigm shift in sponsorship from state to private sector (Wu, 2005) was accepted and applied more widely. By the 2000s, it became obvious that cultural life at the beginning of the new century was oscillating between big corporations, business organizations, non-governmental organizations, independent organizations, and all kinds of micro organizations and communities; the need for new theoretical tools for analyzing this multi-dynamical system became more obvious than ever before. However, it should be noted that there is no single or centralized system that controls the cultural flow in the 21st century, as well as no single analytical system that can help comprehend this world (Slobin, 1992, pp. 1–5). Indeed, none of the above-mentioned concepts or frameworks claims to analyze the whole system or its parts; such a comprehensive analytical system does not appear possible anymore due to multiple singularities of small and local units. Therefore, the music sociology literature of the last two decades is full of new concepts and theoretical frameworks. Most of them are limited to a few studies; on the other hand, only a few of them are embraced and developed by different researchers. Although all of them agree on the priority and significance of ethnographic methods and in situ experiences to reveal singularities of small and local units, there seems to be no consensus on the definition of these units, or on how such a unit interacts with other units. Some of the researchers who use these concepts and frameworks took a city, a neighborhood, or a community that gathers in a certain venue as a small or local unit, and attempted&nbsp;to reveal its inner social, economic and industrial relationships; while others focused on the individual as the smallest unit or on the units that resisted industrial relations. It means that although these new concepts and theoretical frameworks grow out of a similar kind of objection to the existing frameworks, they inevitably separate from each other due to the difference in their analytical objects. For example, in the early 1990s, after academic studies adopted the concept of scene, which has been used by musicians and music journalists for a long time to describe a group of musicians, promoters, and fans that gather around particular music genres (Bennett, 2004, p. 223), it became a theoretical framework in global, mobile, and trans-local contexts with the studies of Sara Cohen (1991), Will Straw (1991), and Barry Shank (1994), and opened new methods for analyses of small and local units. Straw and Geoff Stahl used the concept this way: “scene memberships are not necessarily restricted according to class, gender or ethnicity, but may cut across all of these” and they “encompass a much more diverse range of sensibilities and practices than subculture” (Bennett, 2004, p. 225). However, as the concept was adopted by different researchers and used in studies on youth cultures and translocality, it lost its emphasis on single localities and local singularities, and became too fluid and flexible (Hesmondhalgh, 2005). Similar to the initial idea of the concept of scene, micromusics, termed by Mark Slobin, refers to the small musical units within big music-cultures, especially musics of communities shaped by deterritorialization (1992; 1993). Slobin points out that the tendencies, activities, and formations of migrant and diaspora communities do not only affect the community itself but also bigger populations in a broader sense (1991, p. 1), and thus create a diasporic interculture, on which the concept of scene stays silent. Slobin’s approach also emphasizes that without considering migrant and diaspora communities, the fragmented and atomized world cannot be fully understood. Another concept that both criticizes the concept of scene and offers an alternative to it is music milieu by Peter Webb. According to Webb, an individual’s lifeworld is composed of momentary milieu, which refers to a “relatively stable environment and disposition of the individual to the world,” and milieu structure, which refers to “the current and transitory content of the actual environment (…) through the individual’s order of values” (Webb, 2007, p. 31). Thus, he accentuates the individual, the individual’s choices, and the interaction between stable and temporary experiences. In this sense, his “small unit” is the individual, and the network around him is composed of various kinds of connections, relations, and collective activities. On the other hand, Jérôme Cler’s concept of musique mineure, borrowed from littérature mineure by Deleuze and Guattari, refers to the edges of the periphery and single practices within complicated structures; in other words, musique mineure is like sidetracks on which every kind of hegemonic mechanism is refused (2007). Nevertheless, Cler’s aim is not to offer an analytical model with this concept; on the contrary, it is to point to the fields ignored by both music sociology and ethnomusicology, to break down the dichotomy between global and local, and to show that cultural life is not only determined by global and local worlds or by their interaction. The concept of niche, which has long been used in evolutionary biology, ecology, and economics with respect to migration studies, focuses on the explanation of the change and transformation of an entity, and aims to offer an interactive concept for the entity-environment relationship. The “mixed embeddedness” approach of the concept is also useful to understand how migrant and diaspora communities become organized in particular ways and how they shape their cultural activities, since the approach focuses on the internal and external networks of the individual and its community, laws, regulations, governmental and non-governmental organizations, and on the effect of changing the habitat in which they live. In conclusion, it seems that music sociology, when it tries to understand a fragmented and atomized world, not only becomes richer in terms of concepts and theoretical frameworks, but also becomes more fragmented and atomized than ever before. Some new concepts and theoretical frameworks lose their sharpness when they are embraced and adopted by different researchers; nevertheless, each one of them consolidates the notion that the world in the 21st century is becoming more homogenous and standardized while it is fragmented and atomized at the same time.

The New Concepts of the Little, Divided, and Atomized World in the Sociology of Music

Bilen

Assist. Prof.

Sociology of music mediates cultural activities related to music and society and interlaces the two. Combining the disciplines of musicology and sociology, sociology of music analyzes the economic, cultural, and social dimensions of music and their relationship with society through sociological forms of imagery in three stages; namely history, anthropology, and criticism. This discipline focuses on social behavior and interaction. As a commodity with an exchange value, music influences musical experiences in societies during industrialization, thereby overlapping the field of sociology. Therefore, any alternative that could be proposed in place of “sociology of music” is open to discussion but it would still be a concept of sociomusicology. This concept resembles both the relationship between sound and word as a declaration of an idea and the defense of an ideal and the relationship between individual and society. It is almost like a situation of inseparable togetherness. By definition, sociomusicology is both the academic sub-branch of sociology that deals with music and of musicology, which studies social aspects of musical behavior and the role of music in society. The discipline refers to the analysis of music as a social phenomenon or to social aspects of music. Social functions and references of music stem from social conditioning and play a significant role in music’s contribution to cultural change. Music affects and reflects many aspects of society, including politics, religion, current affairs, and popular culture. Consequently, the sociology of music (sociomusicology) is positioned between sociology and musicology and is a discipline that focuses on the relationship between music and the people that create, perform, and use music. Sociomusicology and approaches to music deal with the functions of codes in musical expression, almost all forms of which are determined by communication within social life. The communication element in music enables an agreement between society and sound, the signing of a semantic music contract, and the laying of groundwork for strategic possibilities and partnerships. Sociomusicology as a concept is expected to help us to understand the aesthetic and artistic qualities of special music styles born out of the cultural, political, and social structures of an era, and to define their social preconditions and importance. Sociology, while nurturing and enriching the nature of music, inevitably tends to subordinate it. Meanwhile, sociology of music acts as a counterweight to sociology, and tries to find a place within this overarching discipline. However, if sociology is constantly looking to expand its authority, musical meaning also needs to readjust itself. I propose sociomusicology in an effort to update and use a sociological concept with a focus on musicology, which was previously used as an alternative to the term ethnomusicology. With a more musical language and from a historical and theoretical perspective, sociomusicology can propose its acknowledgment and participation in the illuminated field with a redefined and independent clarifying terminology, thanks to a social structure made up of collective representations, resulting from science and intelligence. Music is not a field of art that can only be explained by the result of correlations between an increasing number of subjects,&nbsp;including composer and performer, which emerge during social change, and the works of art they create. Music also requires knowledge and interpretation of social symbols and forms. These symbols and meanings are born out of social definitions. Composers can manifest themselves and their inner world as a way of dealing with cultural objects. During processes of autonomy in sociology and fields of art, sociology of music carries out a scientific study of the relationship between music and society, especially with conceptual analyses or theoretical foundations. It also earns a social footing to music with the contribution of to social trends. Music therefore makes substantial symbolic gains, creates an effect of togetherness, and filters thoughts and acts on the basis of sociological inquiries through structuring (aesthetic, logical, and musical). It also blends the product, medium, and expectation with sounds. Considering these factors that competently and continually sustain the vibrancy of cultural and artistic production, we find that musical space is influenced by social determinations. An artist is compelled to be a creator in order to become the subject of their own creation under the hegemony of collective consciousness. The artist may conflict with the world of values and psychological conclusions, which may be a point of discussion. Sociological components of music do not only explain the ways in which sounds, tessituras, notations, and keys are created but also explains ideas borne out of cultural experiences in this field, emotions and their relationship with the language of music, and various themes, behaviors and styles used during rehearsal and performance and how they are conceptualized for cognitive acts. Meanings find validity in context. Needless to say, cultural meanings, as well as the comprehension of cultural accumulation, like tones of a major scale and its related minor scale, are diffused to related society and can be evaluated by people of a musical background with multidisciplinary perspectives who are accustomed to reflecting on music. Georg Simmel makes a distinction among his contemporaries and scientists after him with his intellectual interests and immeasurable contribution to sociology. He is one of the most important founders of sociology; he enabled its emergence as a standalone discipline in the early 20th century. He made a name for himself in social sciences literature as the “founder” of modern sociology. David Frisby argues that Simmel described and reconstructed the theory of modernity and considers him the first sociologist of modernity. His fields of study include, but are not limited to, conflict in modern culture, individuality and culture, urbanization, alienation due to modernization and metropolitan life, and the problems of social reciprocation. Simmel studies social classes and movements in modern industrial societies from a different perspective, evaluating cultural foundations from various view points within a modern capitalist economic system. Simmel holds an exclusive position in German and European sociology. He constructed a sociological perspective on philosophy with his own methods, highlighting metaphysical ways of thinking through the importance of discussing the social content of music as it relates to sociological references. He offers a simple (theory-based) classification on the role music plays&nbsp;in social life, elucidation, and styles of music. He also emphasizes that in order to correctly evaluate art’s social context, one must understand the technical aspects of the musical medium and be aware of the social processes surrounding it. Simmel’s examples demonstrate the importance of sociological investigation into how social actors acquire musical qualities and how they earn a special definition in social terms. This special definition is also related to the varieties of social arrangements that influence social systems and therefore might influence musical forms of expression. Simmel reflected on the cultural meaning of music and considered it a basis of speech. Speech, just like music, exists through interaction, and Simmel regards it as a manifesto of social relations. This is because types of interaction or social forms exist on subjective terms. Simmel’s significance in the sociology of music stems from his initiative to analyze the meaning of musical interactions through a sociology that focuses on emotions as opposed to the tradition of classical sociology. He describes music within a life-form dualism and a form on its own, a criterion that affects and defines social life. Interaction in Simmel’s epistemological and methodological foundations can be defined as mutual effects of different units which reappear as a methodological tool for Simmel in other theoretical subjects he deals with. This paper explains the historical perspectives in the sociology of music [sociomusicology], and compares ideas on the sociology of music by other sociologists and scholars, with a focus on Georg Simmel.

Historical Perspectives in the Universe of Music Sociology [Sociomusicology] and Georg Simmel

Uğur

As an art form, a symbol of the cultural or communal space, and a representation of self and identity, music has always been subjected to sociological and anthropological studies. Despite some minor differences in the methodology and the philosophical orientation of these two disciplines, there has been an increasing convergence concerning their main interest in the multifaceted relations between individuals and the society they inhabit. Thus, sociology and social anthropology have conceptually come much closer. The proximity between the two disciplines has especially grown from the second half of the 20th century, with the advent of new communication technologies and because of the irrevocable influence of globalization. Accordingly, the post-industrial mechanisms of musical production, as well as the postmodern approach to musical reception, have fundamentally altered the nature of the “unfamiliar other” within music cultures. The main focus of contemporary studies on music now seems to revolve around an undetermined other. The imperial and colonial roots of social anthropology aroused scholarly interest in the discovery of the components of newfound lands. From food and everyday life rituals to music and dances, there grew an interest in the culture of “native” people who were, most of the time, considered to be primitive and in need of a “civilizing process.” Ethnomusicology, as a sub-discipline of social anthropology, was inevitably influenced by this attitude at the beginning and gave birth to a series of studies including organology, taxonomy, and the classification of the music of the “far away other” that needed to be “discovered.” Early ethnomusicological works, therefore, adopted the methods of comparative musicology. Studies on music cultures acquired an interdisciplinary character during the 1950s after Kunst coined the term “ethnomusicology.” Yet, the emerging interest in non-western music, and in particular, in the music of the so-called primitive communities and that of Eastern civilizations, was still unable to create a clear understanding of the scope of this discipline. Benchmarks such as the collimating question of Blacking (1973) concerning the level of musicality of man, and the commonly held model of Merriam (1964) on the three analytical levels of anthropology of music, ensured that socially driven musical behavior has gradually become the main focus of the discipline in the decades that have followed the initial period of ethnomusicology. Along this path, the position of “the other” and music of external cultures became more ambiguous during the post-colonial era, as the social actors started to experience a deterritorialization and become more uprooted than ever before. Bhabha’s (1994) “mimicry man” and Spivak’s (2010) “subaltern” are the two key concepts which may help to understand the ambivalence, the hybridity and the vagueness of the concept of the other. To put it in a different way, the seemingly simple question, “whose music is it?” has now become a confusing challenge. Concomitantly, contemporary theories including symbolic and interpretative anthropology, rallied to the analysis&nbsp;of the actor’s socially driven musical behavior. For instance, Turner’s concept of “communitas,” “social and cultural drama,” and “liminoid” are of great help to music anthropologists who seek to interpret the portrayal of the other within the multiple meanings and representations of a particular music culture. The sociology of music, on the other hand, has long been interested in the study of music cultures within industrialized, urbanized, and modernized societies. The modus operandi of music sociologists features, first and foremost, the collectivity behind a musical performance. The mechanism of the production, distribution and consumption of music from the macro perspective has thus been a major research object. Yet, the interest in the analysis of the nature, the levels and the patterns of social interactions during a musical performance requires the adaptation of a micro perspective, akin to the anthropology of music. This extensive scope has allowed contemporary music sociologists to develop broader and more inclusive concepts, such as Small’s (1999) “musicking” or Bennett’s “music scene.” Likewise, audience analysis has been detailed another fundamental theme of this discipline. For instance, Adorno’s (1994) “typology of listeners” describes a range that includes the jazz expert and the culture consumer to the emotional listener. The list has been expanded by newer and more flexible typologies such as Peterson’s (1992) “omnivore listeners”. Popular music studies have also gained a more expandable character during the postAdorno period when a more nuanced critical standpoint was developed for the evaluation of highbrow and lowbrow musical preferences. Clear-cut groupings for the social stratification of taste in music have started to lose their integrity due to the allegedly unifying force of the popular music sphere where the notion of the other is “skillfully covered.” Nevertheless, the standardized musical forms, techniques, and songs designed particularly for consumption create a high level of alienation and reification, where the listener continuously oscillates between the I and the Other. Thus, musical pieces within the problematic categories of “world music” and “subcultural music” have now become a commodity for international music markets that know how to make use of their authenticity and the manner in which their marginality can be commercialized. Our world today is characterized by a high level of interconnectedness, where the driving mechanism of post-industrial production leaves almost no space for the autonomic existence of a local cultural fragment. It is getting harder to speak of a “far away music culture” in which the notion of a totally unfamiliar other exists. Consequently, the overlapping scope of the sociology and the anthropology of music have been enlarged especially on account of the increasing interest in transcultural music communities within complex urban soundscapes. Still, despite the one-click-away accessibility of millions of musical pieces by means of new communication technologies, the increasing impersonality and anonymity seems to bring about, this time, “the death of the other.”

Sociological and Anthropological Perspectives on the Notion of “The Other” in Studies on Music Cultures

Nuran

Prof.

Music and society have complex social bonds. In addition to the internal characteristics of music, the flowing and changing features of social aspects emphasize the need to discuss the major issues within the sociology of music, and to define certain problems. The purpose of this article is to evaluate the major turning points in arabesk music in recent years by underlining the main themes in the sociology of music that lead to the emergence of new insights about the themes within the framework of the sociological and methodological agenda produced by evaluation tracks. In Turkish society in the 1950s, there was a unique way of living called “the arabesk culture,” which can be sociologically and anthropologically observed in the forms of music, daily rituals, and even in political attitudes. Arabesk music was accompanied by a unique mentality, or way of thinking and feeling, which became part of the Turkish mainstream popular culture, and it deserves to be investigated not only as a way of life, but also as a method of expression about the world. An in-depth cultural analysis reveals that the sociological phenomenon called “arabesk” transcends description as a mere sentimental mood or cultural artifact of a migration process; on the contrary, it has become a significant cultural value for many people from various social backgrounds. This paper also attempts to offer a cultural reading to gain an understanding of the intertwining of culture and society, in the sense that the formation and the mediation of cultural meanings can provide a map to decipher the positions and roles of major actors, ideological scripts of media texts, and rhetorical choices of popular cultural icons. “Arabesk” is not only a cultural form; it also describes a condition which refers to a unique mentality, a form of thinking, and a way of life, all of which are produced and reproduced by living practices of many people experiencing different worlds. In other words, the “arabesk” cultural condition is a significant cultural reference for many people within a wide range of settings, and the lyrics are formulated in such a way as to depict a tension between cultural forms of Western and non-Western lifestyles. The arabesk cultural condition is also related to understanding ambivalent elements in identities of different natures; that is, city dwellers in Turkey have identities that combine rural, traditional, and semi-urban characteristics. “Arabesk” is also a cultural artifact stemming from the process of creating an otherness in the lifeworld of Turkish society. The “arabesk” cultural code is a product of a complex sociological transformation, ostensibly marked by a rapid migration from rural areas to various urban settings, starting in the 1950s, and leading to the formation of a class of migrants unable to identify themselves with the urban culture, its practices and the lifestyle to which they were exposed. In general, the lyrics included themes such as sorrow, love, passion, separation, resignation to fate, and resentment. Arabesk music and its performers became well-known in popular culture, and there have been different forms of the arabesk music that are popular not only with the newly urbanized, but also with those already defined as urbanites from different segments of the society. The gecekondu culture has been differentiated and transformed to such an extent that new trends in the music industry made access to music widely available. This picture helps us to understand the ways in which individuals who follow Müslüm Gürses, an Arabesk cult figure since 1970s, desire to be recognized as equals, and to be protected by “Müslüm,” defined as their “father.” Although the followers of Müslüm Gürses were labelled “illiterates” due to their tendency to internalize sentimentality instead of material and rational objectives, they reject a cultural position which projects their deprivation from material demands in such a highly “unjust and unfair world.” Being accepted into the cult-like subculture of Müslüm’s followers has been signified through various different rituals and practices, such as cutting or blading their bodies during concerts as a reference to or sign of being accepted as a member of the so-called group. Some fans involved in such rituals during the concerts seem to be seeking recognition within their own subculture, as well as within the wider society. In this context, the body also becomes a signifier in a world within which one is left with nothing else. The icon of Müslüm Gürses has been transformed by the culture industry since the 1990s. He was seen in famous brand commercials, took part in live music shows, and even produced an album with pop music artists, indicating the extent to which a local/ national cultural celebrity could transform into a well-known figure appreciated by the global cultural industry. His authenticity was questioned as a result of his growing popularity created by the market. His music and his presence have been interpreted as having more authentic value than various pop music artists, a development which was not welcomed by his followers, who instead preferred to focus on the glorification of his masculinity and his father-like nature. In summary, the analyses formulated in this study are based on a reading which attempts to investigate cultural forms epitomized through arabesk. Instead, of attaching concepts stemming from the Western theories about a situation we have observed unfolding, I opt to develop an understanding of the ways in which individuals make sense of the world, interpret their habits, and consider it worth investigating the unique way of thinking that this process creates. The cultural forms here are accepted as symbols which help to construct maps of meanings for the daily routines of individuals influenced by arabesk music. The cultural analysis in this paper aims at offering an interpretation of the arabesk condition in general, and, in particular, its role in constructing meaning in everyday life.

The Transformation of Arabesk Music within the Framework of the Sociology of Music

Ömer Can

Globalization and localization dialectically has articulated the relation between traditional and the modern and has paved the way for popular music types that are produced in line with the zeitgeist. Without doubt, one of these music types is the concept of the New Ankaralı Music, which has always been on the agenda in Turkey in recent years. The main purpose of this study is to assess this music type, which began to produce its first samples in the early 1980s and which has become an important object of popular culture over the past ten years by surpassing local boundaries in terms of its musical foundations as well as socio-cultural dynamics. The fact that this approach, which is conceptualized as Ankaralı music, is based on certain determining factors comes to the forefront as one topic that must be addressed in this study. Indeed, it is necessary that this topic be explained in detail, because Ankaralı music possesses indicators that evoke certain musical notions in the mind in terms of etic and emic (traditional dance of Ankara, spoon dance) and a unique sensual design under the title of Ankara sound. Furthermore, it refers to a discourse of Ankaralı that is male-dominant in an ideological context, and finally, it takes place within a certain historical adventure with new entertainment locations and rituals that are based on ancient traditions. In its shortest definition, the music of Ankara is a new concept which is shaped amid the traditional and the modern within a certain geographical area. It is influenced by both traditional and popular culture, which is a manifestation of modern life, and which is open to global articulation and hence to change and innovation. While this music type has its roots in local music traditions of Ankara and its peripheral geography (the music tradition of Seymens, the folk music of Ankara and the music tradition of the Central Anatolia), it continues to develop through production forms based on popular culture. One part of Ankaralı music is rooted in an ancient tradition, while another part of it depends on a form of interaction with current popular culture music forms. Of course, this structure is a natural outcome of the cultural relationship between the traditional and modern, and is directly related to the dialectics of center-periphery, as conceptualized by Hannerz (1998). In this sense, Ankaralı music corresponds to the meanings ascribed to music by lower income residential areas as compared to the Ankara city center, which is equally distant to the rural and the urban areas - not spatially but with respect to lifestyle. It is also a cultural projection of the peripheral life that is formed based on the center-periphery dynamics. All these events gave rise to a music centered on Ankara, which can be clearly defined today. It has its unique musical and oral discourse, can produce locations based on historical inclinations, and develops new rituals and practices. Although Ankaralı music is a product of periphery dynamics in demographic terms, it is an urban music in its essence, and it partially reflects city life. While this music type that emerged from slum culture brings forward its proximity to Arabesk music, it is not a coincidence that a new type of urban folklore appears around Ankara in a period during which the meaning of Arabesk changed. It is inevitable that the urban population mostly from Central Anatolia and the districts around Ankara and settling in the periphery, and those who define themselves as Ankaralı, would express themselves with this music. Another justification for Ankaralı music is that it depends on some practices based on historical inclinations. For instance, it is possible to connect the historical foundations of the locations in which this music is produced to music assemblies that were performed in and around Ankara, such as cümbüş and muhabbet. Indeed, the current data indicate that the Seymens of Ankara had a kind of entertainment called cümbüş, which they secretly performed in accordance with a certain hierarchical order, style, and discipline, and which involved elements such as alcohol consumption, women, music, and dance. The rapid modernization and urbanization process that Ankara underwent with the foundation of the Republic inevitably removed the traces of the cümbüş tradition from the city center. This entertainment practice was replaced with modern venues such as music halls and night clubs as of the 2000s. Today, there are tens of venues performing Ankaralı music in the triangle of Ulus, Maltepe and Cebeci. The association of venue and sound has an important place in the formation of Ankaralı music. Indeed, this music type has a distinguishable sensual design beyond its history, discourse, cultural venues, and entertainment practices, and all these factors contribute to the emerging tonal construct. In this respect, Ankaralı music needs to be designated as a local sound manifestation in the musicological context. While the display areas of this structure, conceptualized as “Ankaralı sound”, is doubtlessly formed by instrument elements and vocal styles, we can see that elektrosaz, a type of instrument that works with electronic amplification, comes to the forefront as a designator of authenticity in the Ankaralı music. Along with elektrosaz, percussion instruments like kaşık (spoons), bells, darbuka, bendir, bongos, tef, and keyboards, which provide harmonization, are instrument groups that complete the Ankaralı sound. Of these sound components, percussion instruments construct the traditional aspect of Ankaralı music, whereas the keyboards, which form the harmonic framework, represent music’s modern side. Elektrosaz, on the other hand, has a symbolic meaning as an indicator of the dialectic relation that this music type has formed between the traditional and the modern. However, live musical performances based on a context of scene underlie this local sound concept. Here, while the notion of scene plays a significant role in understanding Ankaralı music, it is inevitable to look at the groups of people with shared values, organizations, and behaviors that cluster around this music practice and the relationship of production and consumption of the music constructed in this scope from the framework of the “local scene”. Indeed, urban venues such as night clubs and music halls in which the Ankaralı music is constructed today are outcomes of the collective consciousness that requires a large number of people to work as a team, as stated by Becker (2013). Further, all these collective conventions are carried out by actors such as the musicians, the women dancers, the owners of the venues, the staff, and the audience. Doubtlessly, the figure of the musician is the driving force of this joint activity. The data obtained show that the development of Ankaralı music within a specific cultural location is shaped by the habits of musicians in a Bourdieu’s sense. It can be said that especially the&nbsp;performance practices that Ankara musicians carry out in these locations and their performance techniques, styles, and repertoires are associated with direct historical inclinations they have, and that their cultural capital is based on tradition. Another factor that reproduces Ankaralı music in the environment of the local scene is entertainment practices, and the woman figure stands out in this dimension. Indeed, the performances that women dancers carry out on stage in these venues and the entertainment rituals that appear at the same time are an important determinant of strategies for making music. There is effective communication, on the stage, between the women dancers and the musicians throughout the performance. In particular, the high-pitched darbuka can lead the dance by changing rhythmic combinations according to the movements of the dancer, and the women actors can consolidate a whole musical performance. Again, an entertainment ritual taking place through the woman dancer on the stage and the consumers/audience is directly related to music. This practice, which has been conceptualized in Ankara jargon as “çök”, depends on a traditional understanding of entertainment that was performed in the past in indoor environments in and around Ankara, and in which music and dance were intertwined. In these environments in which Ankaralı music is constructed, taking the dance floor with the women is a significant indication of prestige for the audience and it is an important source of income for all these venues. The most distinct feature of this entertainment practice within the context of music is that it diversifies the repertoire of Ankaralı music. Indeed, this ritual, which is performed throughout the night in a cyclical manner, is accompanied by music pieces from different styles. In this sense, it is possible to mention five types of repertoire components, named bozlak, traditional dance music, muhabbet-oturak music types, Central Anatolian folk songs, eclectic dance music, and ankarabesk. In conclusion, Ankaralı music is not a culture of disharmony that brings a traditional atmosphere to the city or turns its back on the urban culture; on the contrary, it is a practice which accepts that there is a problem of meaning determined by urban dynamics, brings about a response to it, and carries a consciousness of harmony and tradition with this response. This music is also actualized through the discourse of Ankaralı as an indicator of identity. However, the identity of Ankaralı emphasized here indicates the masses who came into this city from the peripheral settlements and identified themselves with this city. They embraced being an Ankaralı as a tool of upper identity, rather than defining the capital Ankara, which is an indication of the modernization of the Republic. This indication will certainly bring with it the contrast of the old and new Ankaralı music cultures. Definitely, musical pieces with a “moral-didactical-spiritual” discourse, which are often encountered in the “old Ankaralı” music culture, have been replaced with a more “humorous-earthly-immoral” discourse in the new Ankaralı music culture. In spite of this serious shift in discourse, although the old and the new traditions resemble each other particularly in terms of melodic structures, it is an undeniable fact that the biggest influence on the melodic choices has been popular culture.

The Definition of the New Ankaralı Music

Ozan

This study examines the birth of Anatolian Pop music in Turkey in a holistic manner, and it is also based on the conviction that a simple, unilateral interpretation of musical phenomena is insufficient. Therefore, this study necessarily involves an interdisciplinary approach. However, it must be noted that an interdisciplinary approach also involves the danger of reducing sociology to music; conversely it also involves the danger of reducing musical phenomena to sociological conventions. Therefore, this study also discusses the ways in which a sociological analysis of music must be conducted. This study draws from the Bourdieusian sociological theory of art, and it involves the analysis of structural history; interactive fields—politics and music, in this context; musical phenomena; and the structures and agencies that influenced music in Turkey in the 1960s. Anatolian Pop could be classified as a distinctive type of protest music. However, much like other kinds of music, protest music cannot be defined in an exact manner. Therefore, it is important to consider different dynamics to situate and analyze Anatolian Pop as an alternative musical form. For example, Anatolian Pop singers opposed the kind of music that was popular and considered legitimate in Turkey in the 1960s: arrangement music. Arrangement music was typically based on translations of wellknown French, Italian, or Spanish songs. In fact, their opposition to arrangement music constituted an important aspect of the protest music they pioneered in Turkey. On the other hand, the Anatolian Pop movement was also more than a musical movement. It involved the discovery of a cultural identity based on eclectic musical ideas. First, this study reviews the basic concepts of Bourdieusian sociological theory. Pierre Bourdieu, a popular French sociologist, is known for the emphasis he placed on historical analysis and structure, and, for this reason, many consider him a structural constructivist. The following concepts of Bourdieusian sociological theory are salient in the context of this study: the notions of “field” and “habitus”; the different forms of capital (cultural, social, economic and symbolic); social space; the relationship between structure and agency, doxa, and illusio; the autonomous and heteronomous principles that govern artistic production; and the main strategies involved in a given field, such as conservation, succession, or subversion. According to Bourdieu, “fields” represent the setting and social positions of power relations. Bourdieu also argued that the boundaries of a field, such as the boundaries of music for instance, are fluid in nature. Therefore, a field mainly serves as a site for change. Moreover, changes in the structure of power relations directly or indirectly affect the construction of their respective fields. Second, this study focuses on Turkish politics during the 1960s. Since the 1960 coup, Turkey has continued to witness several types of coups and takeovers. The 1960 coup marked the beginning of a new political era: it resulted in the adoption of a Constitution&nbsp;in 1961, which is widely regarded as the most democratic Constitution in Turkish history. Not only did it guarantee fundamental rights and freedoms it also had positive effects on artistic and cultural production. It also signified the demise of the oppressive political environment of the 1950s. The birth of Anatolian Pop in the 1960s, therefore, was not merely accidental or spontaneous. The emergence of a favorable political environment played a key role in shaping autonomous art in Turkey during this period. The political climate in Turkey in the 1960s was essentially characterized by its libertarian stance. As a result, Turkish music came to be influenced by foreign music to a certain extent. At the same time, protest music as well as folk music and Rock and roll gained popularity in the US. In addition, the Beat Generation influenced various counterculture movements during the same period and beyond. Most music companies that operated in Turkey in the 1960s were originally formed in other countries. Companies such as Capitol, Columbia, Odeon, Sahibinin Sesi, Pathe, Grafson, and Foniti, are relevant examples in this context. Most of these companies sought to introduce foreign songs in Turkey. Odeon, however, had a different approach; the company focused on local musicians, and it also produced new Turkish songs. “Bak Bir Varmış Bir Yokmuş” (Once Upon A Time), released by Odeon, is considered to be the first formal Turkish pop song. However, it must be noted that this song was only an arrangement of Bob Azzam’s “C’est écrit dans le ciel.” Nonetheless Bak Bir Varmış Bir Yokmuş was widely appreciated by the people in Turkey. Therefore, it could be said that the 1960s, especially the mid-1960s, was a period during which new rules began to govern Turkish music. Some Turkish musicians obeyed these rules without questioning. In other words, it could be said that they adapted to the changing doxa. Moreover, Turkish Pop was the most dominant characteristic of this new doxa. It was also considered rational and pragmatic for Turkish musicians to adopt elements of Turkish Pop. In fact, even prominent musicians, such as Özdemir Erdoğan, adopted elements of Turkish Pop during this period. On the other hand, those who did not obey the new rules paved the way for synthesizing Turkish folk and rock. Cem Karaca, a prominent Turkish rock musician, defined this fusion of Turkish folk and rock as “National Turkish Music.” Subsequently, Moğollar’s Taner Öngür coined the term “Anatolian Pop,” and the term was mainly used to explain musical intentions. This new genre symbolized a counter stance and challenged the dominant rules of, what, as per Bourdieusian terminology, may be called the “music field.” In a very short span of time, Anatolian Pop became one of the key elements of the Turkish music industry. The following factors drove the rise of this new type of music: increased touring opportunities, increased number of music contests (such as The Golden Microphone), the libertarian essence of the 1961 Constitution, and the increasing cultural capital, which enabled the audience to appreciate Anatolian&nbsp;Pop. Moreover, musicians frequently switched and swapped Anatolian Pop bands, and although this increased competition, it also paved the way for collaboration. It is also worth mentioning that a significant number of Anatolian Pop musicians were graduates of distinguished Turkish high schools, such as Robert College and Galatasaray High School. They were typically born into middle-class or rich families. As a result, they also possessed high amounts of cultural capital. They were also proficient in foreign languages, especially French and English. These factors enabled them to follow and appreciate Western music. It is also interesting to note that most of the Anatolian Pop musicians were males. Few female musicians, such as Rana Alagöz and Hümeyra, achieved the same level of popularity. Local sounds came into prominence during this period, and an “art for art’s sake” approach also became popular. Therefore, it can be said that, during the 1960s, Turkish music was characterized by the emergence of unique traditions and internal dynamics, which is most notably exemplified by the emergence of Anatolian Pop. The Turkish government also supported local music, and this also influenced Anatolian Pop.

The Roots of Protest Music in Turkey in the 1960s: A Bourdieusian Analysis of Anatolian Pop

Ayşe

Res. Assist.

Although research exists today about the origins of the Tango, which is popular in various countries of the world, research about the relationship of the dance with the music is still inadequate. The activities called milonga, where tango dancers come together and dance, show the influence of music on this performance. The focus of this study is the DJs who are responsible for the music selection played during the dancers’ performance in the milongas and who have become an indispensable part of these performances over the past 10 years. The study presents information about the origins and development of tango obtained from our literature study on the history of tango. We also examine the process of diffusion of tango dance and music in Turkey. The second pillar of the study is based on the structural analyses of milonga made according to field survey data obtained in Istanbul between April and October 2016 using a participatory observation method. This field survey included regular and festival milongas organized by the tango schools active in Istanbul as well as by organizers who are not attached to any schools. The last section is dedicated to our narration of the information obtained during semi-structured personal interviews with 6 different tango DJs. The source persons were selected by taking the factor of experience into consideration: they have each been performing tango for more than 5 years and performing as DJs for at least 3 years. Although the interviewed source persons were from distinct age and professional groups, they share the common characteristic of having played in various cities in Turkey and in milongas, festivals, and marathons abroad. After the field study and interviews, in accordance with the target specified in this study, our goal was to determine the causes of the nearly daily increasing diffusion of tango DJ’ing that has become a new area of performance in recent years in Turkey and in the world, and to understand the function of the DJ in milongas. Tango synthesizes distinct kinds of dance. At the origins of tango, which is accepted to have emerged as a product of the sub-culture in Buenos Aires, there are numerous dance styles, including 19th century pas de deux (waltz, polka, torch songs, mazurka and Scottish dance) and milonga, which is a dance with Argentinian and Uruguay origins; there are also distinct dance styles such as habanera, tango Andaluz (Andalusian tango), maxixe (Brazilian dance), tango rioplatense (Argentinian dance from the Rio de la Plata region), milonga (Spanish troubadour style), and tangos de negros (tangos of the African slaves) in its composition. Tango was been associated with prostitution since women danced with men for money during the popular festivals organized in Buenos Aires during the second half of the 1800’s. Women working in the brothels also performed the tango. Developed under the influence of the academies established during the last&nbsp;quarter of the century for educational purposes, tango ceased to be a product of the sub-culture and was accepted by vast masses together with the establishment of tango orchestras and its being performed in dancing houses, halls, and theaters. Thanks to film and sound recordings about tango made at the beginning of the 20th century, the dance attracted the French, which made it widespread in Paris. Tango spread to different countries and was accepted by the other classes in Argentina after the prestige it gained in Europe and especially in Paris. It is at the beginning of the 20th century when tango dance started to diffuse from Europe to the USA, Japan, and Turkey from its center; namely, Paris. Tango came to be known in Turkey as a kind of music thanks to the records coming from Argentina and France due to the widespread use of gramophones and phonograph records. Today there are schools providing tango education in various Turkish cities such as Istanbul, Ankara, Izmir, Eskişehir, Kocaeli, Adana, Samsun, Antalya and Muğla, and milongas are organized regularly by these schools or by independent organizers. The activities called milonga, where people who perform tango come together and dance, are organized at various venues such as dance schools, hotels and historical buildings, and they are separated into two types: routine milongas and festival milongas. The routine milongas are activities that are usually organized by dance schools on certain evenings of the week, every week. These evenings, which are usually organized at an apartment where education also takes place, are hosted by the school educators or by organizers at various venues, and maintain a continuous participation of amateur and professional tango dancers in order to dance and socialize. The festivals, which are organized once a year and last for two or more days, are large organizations which contain evening and daytime milongas, workshops, and tango shows. The milongas involve a socially shared time period and they are held in places where the tango performer makes the first step toward the related social environment. Here, dancers, educators, and organizers have the chance to introduce themselves to other people in the tango community. During this introduction process, milonga, which is experienced through dance, is a kind of a rite of passage for the dancers. The most important criterion for the dancers to sustain their existence within the tango community is their continuity of participation in the milongas. One of the most important actors of the milongas, which include a complete performance venue together with the activity space, light and sound set up, influence of the organizers, costume preferences of the dancers, dance floor factor, and elements of dance and music, are the DJs. The DJs who have performed during the milongas in Turkey for nearly 10 years fulfill a need that emerged&nbsp;in the area of tango over time and fills a new task area based on this need. The DJs play an active role in the participation of the tango dancers in the organized activities. While during the first years, selections of milonga music were made by the organizers or by the dance educators, by chance, this task was transferred to the DJs since 2006–2007. The DJs are especially invited to the milonga activities, and in time, a milonga flow has been accepted which is constituted by grouping the songs in tango, milonga, and waltz into a certain pattern. Today, although some smaller nuances are seen, the milonga flow is stable in a general sense, and it is constituted by cortinas, which are intermedius for resting and changing partners and tandas constituted by the successive sequence of the song groups according to certain rules. The tango DJs build the milonga flow and conduct the influence of the music on the dancers and consequently the flow of the activity together with the music they have selected. The DJs we met are inseparable from the milongas today; they have the social status of opinion leaders, which also influences the milonga preferences of the social and professional dancers. The question as to how they conduct such an evening has its answer in the intellectual infrastructure underlining their music selections. The process of constituting the music they play during the milonga, which lasts for almost four hours, the modifications they make during the activity while observing the dancers, and the atmosphere of the environment are all under the initiative of the DJs. The DJ’s basic task is to take the advancing of the milonga, the number of the people participating in the evening, and the dancing level of the dancers into consideration and make changes to the prepared list if needed. The internal harmony of the tandas is determined according to criteria such as the song composers, playing orchestra, the soloists, and the recording date of the sound. The DJs have a kind of filtering function during the milonga by making the music selection, and they shape the performance by eliminating the appropriate pieces among all tango music and by transmitting certain tunes to the dancers. The DJs function as threshold watchers of the milonga and read body and space based on their observations during the activity; they conduct and control the crowd and the time. The performance production which emerges as a result of all this directs the communication with the dancers in the rotation.

Tango DJs: The Gatekeepers of Milonga

Nevin

In a world of migration and transnationality the question of “roots and belongings” can be a confusing question. Music plays an important role in the formation of migrant identities and transnational ties, and as a response to the “tone-deafness” of anthropology to music, this study digs into music and identity in the context of migration, through German-Turkish young women’s experiences of classical Turkish music. The second and third generation of migrant communities, who move from “immigrants” to “settled population”, inevitably experience different identification processes because they are at the intersection of the home country and the host country. The diasporic musics signal multiplicity rather than “a state of being stuck between two stools.” This study is an effort to understand the importance of the “home country” and its traditional musics in the experiences of youth with migration histories. Another reason for focusing this research on a traditional genre was that the young people engaging in this genre do not pose a threat to society in terms of cultural representation. As compared to the abundant literature on genres like rap and hip-hop among migrant youth, this study tries to give a voice to a “muted” genre by referring to the “invisibility” of the majority culture. For this purpose, an ethnographic research was conducted for three months among the classical Turkish music choirs in Berlin in 2009. As several of the interlocutors were German citizens, it was difficult to identify them as Turkish on national level. However, it was also difficult to identify them as German as they all had ties with Turkey. To escape an essentialist fallacy, the migration story was taken as the central point and the young women are referred to as German-Turkish throughout the article. The interlocutors were aged between 12 and 27 years, were unmarried with one exception, and were all learning classical Turkish music in choirs. Identity is a concept of multiple disciplines, and it has evolved from a single and holistic term to a flexible and multi-dimensional understanding, leaving its place in international literature to “belongings”. Similarly to other concepts such as “processual identity,” “positionalities,” and “intersectionality,” belongings also refer to a variety of experiences and “fluid and fluctuating” identifications. Identity and belongings are both used in this study as they involve the memories of the “home country” and the “host country,” and people’s experiences of themselves and of others. Transnationality as a concept also signals a multiplicity of identifications; it explains the state of being both here and there, and feeling of being “at home” in different cultures. Theoretical approaches to identity and transnationality assure that the musical experiences of the German-Turkish young women can be understood as transnational. A broad literature focusing on the musical experiences of GermanTurkish youth is available, and their “sitting on a third chair” can be emphasized, as the German-Turkish youth have not been as Germanized as the nation-state wants&nbsp;them to be, but they have not stuck to the Turkishness of their parents either. This third culture comes out in their musical productions in a glocal sense, especially in rap and hip-hop. But it should be pointed out that research on the experiences of music and identity among migrant youth generally leaves behind issues of gender, which cannot be ignored in a study on classical Turkish music that is mainly performed by women in the German-Turkish context. By classical Turkish music, I refer to the genre that was a crucial part of the Ottoman urban life, which has a variety of vocal and instrumental forms spreading across about 500 makams and 80 usuls. This is sometimes acknowledged as Ottoman music, art music, or merely “musiki,” and the history of its performance in Germany among amateur choirs dates back to the 1970s. The data for this study were collected in a three-month ethnographic research mainly in Berlin in 2009. The classical Turkish music circles focused on were Konservatorium für türkische Musik Berlin and Spandau Türk Sanat Müziği Korosu. Benefiting from methodological approaches of “construction of the field,” “multi-sited ethnography,” and “grounded theory,” I integrated semi-structured interviews and expert interviews into the research. In addition to the data collection, as part of the observation of participation, I attended the weekly practices of the amateur choirs, took part in the organization of a concert at Rundfunk Berlin-Brandenburg hall, sang in one concert, and played the part of a journalist in the final play of the Spandau choir. The data is analyzed into different sub-groups of definitions of the home country, experience in classical Turkish music, relationship with Turkey, Turkishness by levels of language, religion and nationality, and contestation of belongings. In the first sub-group, it is striking that many young women define their home country in two parts: the Turkish town their parents belong to and the German city they were born in. The start of their experience in classical Turkish music is usually associated with a different motivation than the music itself, such as requirements for studying logopedics or being neighbors with the choirmaster. Concerning the relationships with Turkey, many young women spend their summers there, even traveling with the choir to perform in concerts. In regard to Turkishness, there are examples of comparing Turks with other nationalities, especially on an emotional basis and attaching Turkishness to linguistic and religious elements. Although Turkishness is holistically revered among the young women (despite the despised features attributed to Turkishness, such as tardiness and inappropriate behavior in public), the language of communication among them is usually German. The choirmaster of the conservatory, Nuri Karademirli (d. 2013), felt the need to warn his choir about extra-musical issues before a performance in front of an international audience. He used a Turkish saying (Kol kırılır yen içinde kalır.) for referring to the micro-culturally acceptable mistakes and preferred a German sentence&nbsp;(Es geht um uns.) for emphasizing his intolerance for mistakes within transnational representations. This linguistic duality was a miniature example of the variety of belongings and the contestation in between. Another expression by Nuri Hoca when referring to the German-Turkish people, concerning the contestation of belongings, was half in German and half in Turkish: deutsche Türk. The contestation of revered Turkishness and despised Turkishness not only shapes the everyday experiences of German-Turkish young women but also their taste in music and their differentiation of Turkish citizens visiting Germany from GermanTurkish people. As a researcher from Turkey, I received appreciation from many interlocutors, and the main reason behind this was that I was studying abroad and they felt unable to do this due to the fear of racism. The effort of negotiating the tension between different belongings comes out in the performance of classical Turkish music, which as a genre helps the German-Turkish young women distinguish themselves from German youth and at the same time remain socially integrated in general. Despite being well integrated into German society, their concerns about acceptance create another tension, which is, in their opinion, relieved when performing classical Turkish music. Nevertheless, the genre they perform cannot become the genre they listen to or they share with their friends, which makes the source of relief yet another source of tension. This tension was apparent in the repertory of the conservatory choir, in which a German lied was favored more than a Turkish şarkı, although they are chronologically and musically similar. Another example was in the final play at the Spandau choir at the end of the season, which involves a cultural interaction of Turkish people from different parts of Turkey in Café Neva, where their weekly practices took place. Throughout the play, the characters were in conflict around a variety of topics (signaling the contestation of a variety of belongings) but they danced the halay together at the end of the play. All in all, the intersection between migration, transnationality, youth, femininity, and different tastes brings about the tension of the multi-dimensionality of belongings. Music, both as relief from the tension of contested belongings and as a source of tension, results in a reflection of contestations in the meanings attached to classical Turkish music in the eyes of German-Turkish young women.

The Relation between Music and Identity in the Context of Migration: The Case of German-Turkish Young Women

İsmail

Prof. Dr.

Call for Papers Special Issue on “Subjectivities in the Digital Economy”

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Istanbul University Journal of Sociology. Call for Papers-June 2025

Mehmet

Opening Pathways out of Homelessness

Ali Kamil Başar, “Governor of the Homeless”: “There was a very good atmosphere of solidarity and cooperation in the ‘Home for the Homeless’.”

Lynette

Paula

“If I get an ID card then maybe I might be able to find a job and move forward…” Barriers to exiting homelessness in Croatia

Hakan

Res. Assist. Dr.

BackgroundHomelessness represents a complex, multifaceted issue confronting modern societies, affecting a wide range of individuals due to inadequate housing, lack of social support, and various socio-economic factors. Beyond the obvious lack of stable housing, homelessness involves diverse challenges such as mental health issues, substance abuse, and social exclusion (Crane et al., 2006). Therefore, the strategies to address homelessness must be equally comprehensive, incorporating multidimensional approaches that aim to provide long-term solutions. These strategies must also address the socio-economic, psychological, and interpersonal dimensions of homelessness to achieve sustainable outcomes for affected individuals.One of the key strategies employed to combat homelessness is street work, which involves direct engagement with individuals living on the streets. Street work is crucial because it enables service providers to identify the immediate needs of homeless individuals, offer support, and create tailored interventions that address both their urgent and long-term requirements (Bodelan, 2016). This approach is particularly valuable because it allows service providers to meet homeless individuals where they are, literally and metaphorically, and develop relationships based on trust and understanding. However, recent research highlights that former homeless individuals may serve as a unique and underutilized resource in street work. Their lived experiences equip them with a profound understanding of street life, enabling them to empathize deeply with those currently experiencing homelessness and communicate more effectively (Watson &amp; Cuervo, 2017). Former homeless individuals can leverage their experiences to serve as guides, role models, and motivational figures for those still on the streets, facilitating their transition to stable housing. However, while the potential for former homeless individuals to contribute positively to homelessness interventions is significant, their involvement in such efforts also presents challenges and risks. This study aims to explore the specific roles that former homeless individuals can play in combating homelessness, the characteristics that make them suitable for these roles, and the risks associated with their participation in street work.MethodThis qualitative study seeks to answer the central research question: “How can former homelessness be utilized as a resource in combating homelessness?” The research focuses on understanding the characteristics of former homeless individuals, the specific roles they can play in street work, the potential risks they face, and the most effective ways to harness their contributions. Given the exploratory nature of this research, a qualitative methodology was deemed most appropriate, as it allows for an in-depth exploration of participants’ lived experiences and perspectives (Yıldırım &amp; Şimşek, 2018).The study involved conducting in-depth interviews with 11 participants who had professional or voluntary experience working in homelessness services. These participants were selected based on two criteria: their prior experience of homelessness and their current or past involvement in homelessness interventions, either as volunteers or professionals. The data were collected using a semi-structured interview format, allowing for flexibility in exploring participants’ experiences while ensuring that key topics were covered. The interviews were analyzed thematically, identifying key themes related to the roles, challenges, and contributions of former homeless individuals in street work.ResultsThe thematic analysis revealed several key findings regarding the roles of former homeless individuals in street work and the potential risks they face. First, the study found that former homeless individuals possess a deep and nuanced understanding of the dynamics of street life, which enables them to empathize with current homeless individuals in ways that service providers without such experiences may struggle to do. This insight allows them to anticipate the needs of those still living on the streets and engage in communication that is both effective and sensitive to the challenges these individuals face. Additionally, former homeless individuals were found to be well-equipped to serve as role models and guides for current homeless individuals. Their successful transitions from homelessness to stable housing provide them with credibility and relatability, enabling them to offer both practical guidance and motivational support. Their lived experiences allow them to demonstrate to others that overcoming homelessness is possible, instilling hope and motivation in those still struggling.However, the study also identified several risks associated with involving former homeless individuals in street work. The most significant risk is re-traumatization, as returning to the streets—an environment that once caused them great distress—may trigger past emotional and psychological pain. The experience of homelessness is inherently traumatic, involving exposure to violence, neglect, and instability (Goodman et al., 1991). Thus, even after securing housing, former homeless individuals may carry deep psychological scars. Engaging in street work, particularly when working directly with current homeless individuals, may exacerbate these scars, leading to emotional setbacks.Another potential risk is that former homeless individuals may struggle to manage their desire to help, leading them to overstep boundaries in their relationships with&nbsp;current homeless individuals. The strong empathy they feel for those still on the streets may cause them to blur the lines between professional support and personal involvement, which could compromise the effectiveness of their interventions and lead to emotional burnout (Breyer, 2020). Moreover, there is a risk that former homeless individuals may project their own experiences onto others, assuming that the path they followed out of homelessness is the only valid approach. This can result in a lack of flexibility and sensitivity to the diverse needs and experiences of current homeless individuals.Finally, there is the potential for abusing, where former homeless individuals might misuse their position to prioritize personal gain over the well-being of those they aim to help. In some cases, individuals may exploit their past experiences of homelessness to gain social or financial advantages, undermining the integrity of the support they provide. This risk is particularly pronounced in situations where former homeless individuals are not adequately supported or monitored, as the power dynamics between them and the homeless individuals they work with can be easily manipulated (Potter, 2006).To mitigate these risks, the study suggests that the involvement of former homeless individuals in street work should be carefully managed. It is recommended that their role in such work not be based solely on having secured housing but also on their psychosocial recovery. Moreover, former homeless individuals should receive training in psychological resilience, communication skills, and crisis management before engaging in outreach work. Continuous support should be provided to them throughout their involvement in street-level work to ensure they are emotionally and mentally equipped to handle the challenges. The study also suggests that former homeless individuals can contribute in roles beyond direct street outreach. They could serve as consultants to those working in the field, helping professionals better understand the dynamics of street life. Additionally, they could play an active role in raising public awareness about homelessness, leveraging their personal experiences to educate and inform the broader community.Conclusion﻿The experiences of former homeless individuals offer a valuable resource in the fight against homelessness. Their empathy, communication skills, and deep understanding of street life can make them highly effective in helping current homeless individuals. However, their involvement in street work must be managed carefully to prevent the risks associated with re-traumatization, boundary violations, and exploitation. By providing appropriate training, ongoing support, and carefully defined roles, former homeless individuals can make a unique and meaningful contribution to homelessness interventions, helping to build trust, motivate change, and offer hope to those still struggling on the streets.

The Power of Experience: Utilizing Former Homelessness as a Resource to Combat Homelessness

Musa

The Role and Importance of Shelters in Overcoming Homelessness

Cengizhan

Yusuf

Homelessness is a global phenomenon affecting individuals from a biopsychosocial perspective (Genç et al., 2022). According to the UN Human Rights Commission Report and the UNECE (2018) panel results, there are approximately 100 million homeless individuals worldwide. This number accounts for more than 2% of the global population (UNECE, 2018, pp. 2-3). Jiménez-Lérida et al. (2023) reported that over 20% of the global population lacks proper or adequate housing. Additionally, 1.6 billion people live under inadequate conditions in slums or institutions under state protection (Metro Denver Homeless Initiative, 2015, pp. 3-13).&nbsp;Homeless individuals are a disadvantaged social group experiencing numerous problems simultaneously and multidimensionally (Aynacı, 2024, p. 51). The challenging processes they endure necessitate the implementation of various intervention programmes and combat strategies for homelessness. Services for the homeless are divided into preventive (early intervention) and protective (rehabilitative, restorative) services.Preventive services focus on identifying risk situations and supporting individuals at risk of homelessness before it occurs through various interventions, while protective services involve providing shelter, rehabilitation, and support to individuals after homelessness has occurred (Aynacı, 2024, pp. 80, 82). Preventive services may include reducing housing costs, applying tax reductions, providing discounts on health services, and offering assistance to family members (Shinn, 2004, p. 458). Protective services include providing soup kitchens, vocational training, counselling services, addiction education programmes/diagnosis and treatment, and personal care assistance (Evans, 2011, p. 26).Another dimension of protective service pertains to shelter-related services (Bekaroğlu-Doğan, 2020, p. 27). These services involve providing overnight care and meeting the needs of the homeless in various shelter institutions. Types of shelters include emergency shelters, temporary/permanent/supportive housing, paid accommodation, and gymnasiums (Harvey, 1999, p. 277). Shelters are often the first&nbsp;institutions that come to mind when discussing homelessness. They offer a place for the homeless to sleep, provide meals, showers, personal care, and protect them from street dangers while offering opportunities for social interaction with other homeless individuals (Aynacı, 2024, p. 83).Shelters are categorised into three types: “night shelters,” “day centres” / “drop-in centres,” and “full-day shelters/hostels” (Aynacı, 2024, p. 83). Each type of shelter has distinct characteristics and dynamics. Although these shelters provide various services to the homeless, the increasing number of homeless individuals has prompted discussions about shelter services.In recent years, shelter services for the homeless have been a prominent topic of discussion in the literature. The main focus of these discussions is whether priority should be given to housing models (Housing First model) or rehabilitation models (Staircase model) and what should be included in these models (McNaughton, 2008, p. 88; Roman &amp; Berg, 2004, p. 343). While these questions improve institutional models for the homeless, they do not offer specific solutions or inquiries about shelters. The content and development of services in shelters, which are the first institutions associated with institutional models for the homeless, are considered crucial for the psychosocial well-being of the homeless.The aim of this research is to explore the experiences of the homeless with shelters and to provide social work recommendations for shelters and the homeless based on the findings. The study employs a qualitative research method and an interpretive phenomenological design. The population of the study consists of homeless individuals in Kocaeli, Turkey, while the sample group comprises 30 homeless individuals selected through purposive sampling. Semi-structured interviews were conducted using a semistructured interview form and technique. The sample includes individuals with various types of homelessness: those still living on the street, those living in shelters, those who returned to shelters after overcoming homelessness, and those who went directly to shelters upon becoming homeless. In the study, all individuals are categorised as homeless regardless of their previous living conditions. Each of these individuals, regardless of living on the street, had different experiences with shelters.The main research question of the study is: “What are the experiences of the homeless with shelters?” Additionally, the study seeks to answer the following questions:<ul><li>Through which intermediaries have the homeless been placed in shelters?</li><li>What difficulties do the homeless encounter in shelters?</li><li>What are the expectations of the homeless from shelters?</li></ul>The research was conducted in accordance with the “08” number permission obtained from the Social and Human Sciences Ethics Committee of Sakarya University, Turkey, dated June 7, 2023. The data collection tool was a semi-structured interview form created by the researcher, and the analysis techniques were descriptive and content analysis. Audio recordings from the interviews were transcribed, and parts of the data such as words, sentences, or paragraphs were coded. Subsequently, concepts were categorised, and related concepts were grouped into categories. Similarly, related categories were analysed under a broader theme. The study identified three main themes: “intermediaries,” “difficulties,” and “expectations.” The findings are summarised as follows:&nbsp;<ul><li>Homeless individual access shelter facilities through various means, including referrals from other homeless individuals, social network actors, shelter employees, security personnel, and personal applications. The role of other homeless individuals in disseminating information about shelters indicates social networks and social capital patterns within the homeless community. These practises can also be interpreted as the outcomes of a homelessness subculture. The involvement of social network actors in guiding homeless individuals to shelters reflects societal sensitivity towards homelessness. Furthermore, the role of shelter employees and/or security personnel, such as police and municipal officers, in facilitating access to shelters highlights the implementation of demand-driven social services. Personal applications by homeless individuals indicate an awareness of their rights and citizenship.</li><li>The challenges faced by homeless individuals in shelters include issues related to rules, staff attitudes and behaviours, adaptation difficulties, material provisions, lack of standards, technical problems, and accessibility. Rules within institutions are often restrictive for street homeless individuals, limiting their perceived freedom and deterring them from using shelters. Negative attitudes and behaviours exhibited by shelter staff contribute to feelings of worthlessness among homeless individuals, reinforcing the marginalisation they experience in society and within their personal lives.</li><li>Among the homeless population, there are individuals who struggle to adapt to others in the shelter. Those who previously enjoyed above-average living standards were often hesitant to live in shelters and tend to stigmatise other homeless individuals, perceiving them as inferior. This stigmatisation leads to communication breakdowns and an inability to adapt to the shelter environment. Additionally, some homeless individuals, due to concerns over safety and selfcontrol, perceive shelters as insecure and avoid them altogether.&nbsp;</li><li>The quantity and quality of materials provided to the homeless often result in cleanliness and hygiene issues over time. Inadequate hygiene conditions lead&nbsp;to a loss of self-confidence, acceptance of uncleanliness, and social adaptation problems, ultimately paving the way for social exclusion.</li><li>The lack of standardised practises among shelters affects the level of satisfaction with the services provided and the motivation of homeless individuals to overcome homelessness. The reasons for these inconsistencies include variations in resources across countries, cities, and regions; the absence of standard social policies targeting homelessness; and insufficient theoretical and practical knowledge among public personnel regarding homelessness.</li><li>Homeless individuals’ expectations from shelters include psychosocial support, healthcare services, hygiene and cleanliness, social activities, and sustained institutional support.</li><li>The harsh conditions of homelessness adversely affect the biopsychosocial health of homeless individuals. Consequently, they require a psychosocial support unit where they can express themselves, communicate openly, and receive professional assistance, as well as a healthcare unit to address urgent health needs, provide treatments, and dispense medication. Homeless individuals believe that these units would enhance their biopsychosocial well-being.</li><li>Psychosocial support units play a critical role in empowering individuals, providing proper guidance, fostering personal and societal trust, encouraging community participation, and facilitating self-actualisation. Among homeless individuals, physical health is closely linked to mental health. Feelings of physical inadequacy negatively impact self-esteem and prevent homeless individuals from realising their potential.</li><li>Among the most significant challenges faced during homelessness are issues related to cleanliness and hygiene. These include the general cleanliness of shelters, the cleanliness of homeless individuals’ bodies and clothing, and the maintenance of rooms and beds, all of which shape their expectations regarding hygiene in shelters.</li><li>The social activity expectations of homeless individuals aim to address their psychosocial and mental needs. They desire shelters to organise periodic social activities tailored for them, as such activities are perceived as mitigating the negative emotions and thoughts experienced during homelessness.</li><li>Homeless individuals who are elderly, suffer from chronic illnesses, have limited or no income, possess weak or non-existent family ties, lack caregivers, are unable to work, or have low future aspirations exhibit very low or no motivation to escape homelessness. These individuals often expect a sustained shelter life, as their basic needs are met, and their future expectations remain minimal.</li></ul>Based on the findings of the study, the following recommendations are proposed regarding the content, scope, and operation of shelters:&nbsp;<ul><li>Homeless individuals should be approached not merely as applicants but with a value-oriented and humane perspective, ensuring that their basic human needs are not overlooked. Shelters should be transformed into empowering mechanisms that have a positive impact on the lives of homeless individuals.</li><li>Shelters should be established not on the outskirts or peripheral areas of cities but in locations where homeless individuals can meet their psychosocial needs. When designing shelters, the profiles of homeless individuals should be considered, prioritising horizontal architecture over high-rise buildings. Although the high value of central urban areas in metropolitan cities may pose challenges for local governments, shelter locations should facilitate the active participation of homeless individuals in society.</li><li>The internal and external structures of shelters (e.g., walls, rooms, cabinets) should be monitored regularly, and necessary repairs and renovations should be carried out in case of deterioration. In addition, routine cleaning and pest control in shelters are crucial for institutional identity and hygiene.</li><li>In cases where homeless individuals lack a registered address, the shelters should ensure that the necessary processes are initiated to help them access their rights. Moreover, informational materials should be provided to enhance their awareness of rights and citizenship.</li><li>Dedicated units should be established within shelters to address the psychosocial and spiritual needs of homeless individuals as well as their healthcare requirements. Professional personnel should staff these units.</li><li>Shelters should employ a multidisciplinary team of professionals, including social workers, psychologists, counsellors, sociologists, spiritual advisors, and healthcare personnel. Each staff member should perform intervention plans and programmes tailored to homeless individuals in line with their professional roles and multidisciplinary.</li><li>To support the social integration of homeless individuals, volunteer activities and workers should be incorporated into shelter services, with voluntary participation encouraged. The role of prosocial communication in shelter services should be emphasised. The presence of volunteers in shelters can have a dual benefit, positively affecting not only homeless individuals but also enhancing the services and the well-being of shelter staff.</li><li>Professionals working in shelters should know social work theories and practises, be culturally competent, and be informed about anti-stigmatising social work practises. Additionally, they should enhance their verbal and nonverbal communication skills and avoid negative attitudes, behaviours, and communication patterns towards homeless individuals.</li><li>Shelters should establish workshops in suitable areas where homeless individuals can participate in social activities and develop life skills. The progress of homeless individuals who acquire skills in these workshops should be monitored, and shelters should act as intermediaries to prepare them for reintegration into life. Periodic social activities and events organised outside the shelter by shelter management are also deemed important for empowering homeless individuals. Such initiatives can positively contribute to behaviour, emotional, and cognitive changes and to the processes of community integration and social inclusion.</li><li>To facilitate the employment of homeless individuals, shelters should collaborate with NGOs, public employment agencies (e.g., İŞKUR), and similar institutions to support the inclusion of employable homeless individuals in the workforce. Those seeking education should be directed to vocational training programmes. Expanding the successful collaboration practises observed in various cities across the country to a national level would yield more favourable outcomes in both the employment process and its subsequent monitoring.</li><li>Homeless individuals who do not meet the entry requirements for shelters should not be immediately excluded from the shelter system. Instead, after assessing their needs, they should be referred to appropriate institutions capable of providing the necessary care.</li></ul>

Shelter Experiences of the Homeless People: “One Wants To Feel Cared For”

Mustafa

This study explores homelessness, a widespread social issue in many global contexts, through the lens of charity, a core tenet of Turkish-Islamic culture. Specifically, it examines the role of mosques in addressing homelessness, given their significant presence in social life. Traditionally, state institutions and NGOs have led efforts to prevent and address social problems. However, mosques have historically played a central role in the everyday lives of Muslims, not only as places of worship but also as community centres addressing social challenges. In modern times, mosques are often viewed mainly as spaces for religious rituals, and their broader social functions have received less attention.&nbsp;Homelessness, often defined simply as a lack of shelter, is a far more complex issue. It is typically framed as a problem of poverty and housing shortage, but this view overlooks its deeper social, psychological, and economic dimensions. Homelessness reflects broader societal inequalities, including social exclusion, which deprives individuals of not only a home but also the social and psychological security that comes with it. As the number of homeless individuals grows globally and sociological perspectives on homelessness continue to evolve, there is a need for a more nuanced understanding of its multi-faceted nature.Social exclusion, a key sociological concept, helps frame homelessness in a broader context. It refers to processes that marginalise individuals or groups from social, economic, political, and cultural participation. This marginalisation manifests through economic deprivation, discrimination, and limited access to resources and opportunities. In the case of homelessness, social exclusion is both a cause and a consequence. People who are often marginalized experience homelessness due to their exclusion from housing, employment, and social services. Once on the streets, this exclusion deepens, further isolating homeless individuals from society and entrenching them in poverty. Homelessness is not only the absence of a home but also the absence of social support and a sense of belonging, which is vital to well-being.The relationship between social exclusion and homelessness creates a vicious cycle. Homelessness further isolates individuals, cutting them off from essential services, jobs, and social networks. This marginalisation increases their vulnerability, leading to deeper poverty and social isolation. From a sociological perspective, addressing homelessness requires more than just providing shelter; it involves reintegrating individuals into society, restoring their dignity, and reconnecting them with supportive networks and institutions. Mosques, with their strong tradition of charity (hayırseverlik) in Turkish-Islamic culture, play a critical role in this reintegration process.Charity has been central to the Turkish-Islamic culture, deeply embedded in religious teachings and social practises. The Quran and Hadith emphasise the moral obligation&nbsp;to assist those in need, reflecting a wider ethic of communal responsibility. Acts of charity are not seen as mere individual generosity but as religious duties that maintain social cohesion. Historically, mosques have been at the centre of these charitable activities. Beyond their religious functions, mosques also provide social services, education, and community welfare. The institution of waqf (endowment) historically funded many charitable initiatives, including housing and services for the homeless.Despite this history, the modern role of mosques in addressing homelessness has been a subject of debate. Some critics argue that mosques today are too focused on religious rituals and less engaged in broader social functions. However, there are notable examples of mosques that continue to address homelessness. This study focuses on four mosques in Istanbul —Kadıköy, Beyoğlu, Fatih, and Eyüpsultan (Ayvansaray)— that have taken concrete steps to support homeless individuals. Through interviews with the imams of these mosques, this research examines their motivations, perspectives on homelessness, and the solutions they propose.The study’s findings reveal that these mosques hold significant potential in addressing homelessness, particularly through their close ties to the community. The imams interviewed cited religious teachings, especially the concept of seeking “Allah’s approval,” as their primary motivation for helping the homeless. This religious motivation influences both their charitable activities and their understanding of the root causes of homelessness. The imams emphasised that homelessness is not only an economic issue but also a moral and social one that requires a comprehensive solution that addresses both material needs and social reintegration.The study also highlights the protective role that mosques play in safeguarding homeless individuals from the dangers of street life. Homelessness exposes individuals to various physical, emotional, and psychological risks, including violence, exploitation, and mental health challenges. The imams described how mosques serve as safe spaces for the homeless, offering not just shelter but also a sense of community and belonging. In this way, mosques function as spaces of social inclusion, countering the forces of exclusion that often accompany homelessness. This reintegrative role is crucial, as it helps meet the immediate needs of the homeless while supporting their long-term reintegration into society.In addition, the study underscores the role of the Directorate of Religious Affairs (Diyanet) in supporting mosque-based initiatives to address homelessness. The Diyanet, as the official religious authority in Turkey, plays a crucial role in coordinating and backing charitable activities in mosques. The imams interviewed noted that the Diyanet provides institutional support and guidance, helping ensure that mosque-based homelessness initiatives are organised and sustainable. This institutional support is essential for the long-term success of such efforts, allowing mosques to expand their impact and reach.In conclusion, this study highlights the sociological importance of mosques in addressing homelessness. While state institutions and NGOs are vital in combating homelessness, mosques offer a unique form of social capital that can complement these efforts. The trust that imams hold within their communities, along with the religious imperative to serve those in need, positions mosques as key actors in addressing homelessness. By using this social capital and leveraging the networks within mosque communities, these initiatives can contribute to more sustainable and effective solutions to homelessness.&nbsp;Recognising the social trust that imams hold in contemporary Turkey can also help address other social problems. Mosques, as community-centred institutions with a strong tradition of charity, can be revitalised to tackle pressing issues such as homelessness. By harnessing this potential, the Turkish society can foster a more inclusive and supportive approach to homelessness, rooted in the principles of charity, social inclusion, and communal responsibility.

A Philanthropic Approach to Combating Homelessness: The Role of the Mosques in İstanbul

Şevket

Assist. Prof. Dr.

The Homeless, the Imams, and the Transformation of the Mosque: The Case of Istanbul Hz. Kaab Mosque

Newman

Gender(ed) Pathways and Exits Out of ‘Street’ Homelessness in Tshwane, South Africa?: A Transformative Social Policy Perspective

Hüseyin

Post-Disaster Homelessness: The 6th February 2023 Turkey Earthquake and Malatya Case

Assoc. Prof. Dr.

Housing Instability and Roma Children’s Educational Engagement: Perspectives from Teachers and Volunteers

Şener

Öğretim Görevlisi Dr.

Adem

Purpose of the Study: The ground of this research is to explain the experience of immigration in a divided public space through the relationships between daily life performances and space. The main purpose of the study is to understand the daily life experiences and performances of Turkish immigrants living in bachelor rooms in Amsterdam.&nbsp;Theoretical Background of the Study: Individuals living in bachelor rooms, which constitute the subject of the study, are evaluated in the context of “hidden homelessness” within the temporal classification. There are different definitions for the concept of hidden homelessness. Hidden homelessness includes individuals who do not have their own home and who live with acquaintances or who live in places that are not suitable for living (Erickson, 2004, p. 204). Hidden homeless people are a group of people who continue their lives in crowded places with their relatives, in bachelor rooms or by working daily jobs with others, who have an active social life, and who are hidden because they cannot access state support because they live in unsuitable places (Özdemir, 2010, p. 79; Woolrych, Gibson, Sixsmith, &amp; Sixsmith, 2015, pp. 238-239).Turkish immigrants living in bachelor rooms are considered to represent “others” in a divided public space and to be a part of the hidden homeless population. Considering that many of the community members work as illegal workers, it is possible to say that we are faced with a homeless mass that is difficult to determine numerically. While Turkish immigrants come to Amsterdam with the hope of finding a job that will provide financial security, they also draw a typology that is “nowhere” outside the space. It was observed that the participants tried to protect their own spaces even though they live in bachelor rooms and are demographically “non-existent”. The fact that they defined the rooms they live in as “tourist houses” instead of the adjective “bachelor” during the study reveals how complex this protective instinct is. Although “tourist houses” are generally used to describe the places where people stay when they go on holiday for touristic purposes, the concept is defined in this study as a concept that defines hidden homelessness. Thus, immigrant spaces defined as “bachelor rooms” in Turkey have evolved to represent the places where people who go to Amsterdam and carry their sociology on their backs stay to meet their shelter needs. The fact that people staying here are described as “tourists” has become a situation that has normalized the name of the place. Although it may seem like a different and softer discourse, people living here struggle with the difficulties brought by their immigrant identity and show various performances to exist in daily life.The Model and Problematics of the Study: This study aims to find an answer to the basic research question, “How do people living in bachelor rooms in Amsterdam, the Netherlands, participate in daily life?” The difference of this study from other studies is that it tries to determine whether bachelor&nbsp;rooms can be modelled as an example of hidden homelessness through Turks living abroad. Although bachelor rooms find a place in the literature as an example of hidden homelessness, the fact that it is not a subject that has been studied constitutes the problem of the study. In addition, it is important both to determine the general framework of hidden homelessness and to understand where bachelor rooms stand in this determination.&nbsp;Methodology of the Study: Within the scope of the research purpose, to create a chain of evidence, firstly theoretical information was obtained by examining the documents in the literature and then interviews were conducted based on the open-ended semi-structured interview technique with the participant observation method. For this purpose, within the scope of the study considered as an example of “hidden homelessness”, interviews lasting an average of 45-60 minutes were conducted with 8 participants using the convenience sampling technique to continue in-depth interviews living in the Sloterdijk Neighborhood, which is approximately 5 km away from the Amsterdam Center. As a result of the field study, the data obtained from the 55-page document was finalized using the thematic content analysis technique.&nbsp;Results and Discussion: All participants in the study are male. The hidden homelessness phenomenon, which is one of the assumptions of this study, has also emerged in a male-dominated context. Accordingly, the subject of bachelor rooms in Amsterdam is male and when we talk about performances, it is possible to say that daily life is constructed by male immigrants. Establishing limited relationships in daily life due to not knowing the language and staying away from social opportunities are practices that ground bad feelings. The least relations of the participants are with official institutions and citizens of other countries living in the Netherlands and coming from outside Turkey. The lack of relations with official institutions is because most immigrants are illegal, i.e. tourists. It is also seen that those who live here with permission and residence permits have very limited relations with official institutions. The fact that participants do not have any social relations with citizens of other countries is generally related to the social networks established by the immigration experience. Accordingly, citizens of each country prefer to spend more time in their own circle of trust, that is, with their own citizens. It was observed that the participants’ involvement in a common public sphere with residents in Amsterdam was limited. For participants, home, neighbourhood and workplace are the most trusted areas. In this context, it was determined that being both an immigrant and a foreigner affected the participants’ performance in their daily lives. Although the neighbourhood where the participants live is densely populated by Turks, it has been observed that they do not leave this area due to the feeling of insecurity, and it has been determined that this has turned into a group dynamic among the community members. In addition, the fact that the Turks here do not tend to continue a neighbourhood culture like in their homeland and that the people they have contact with are limited are other conclusions of the study. In addition to a busy work schedule, spending time outside&nbsp;is a situation of concern for them, as being caught by the police for any reason will result in their deportation. The difference from other immigrant Turks in Europe is that the “homes” here, as living spaces, contain temporary relationships and interactions. Therefore, it is not possible to talk about a certain continuity for the participants in their daily life performances. In addition, the state of restriction in many respects creates psychological pressure on the individual. For most of the community members, being in the Netherlands feels good spiritually, but it has been observed that they still experience a deep longing for their homeland. In conclusion, the bachelor rooms, or rather the tourist house in the context of the results of the study, have shown that they are a model of hidden homelessness.

Bachelor Room as a Space of Hidden Homelessness: Everyday Life Performances of Turkish Immigrants in Amsterdam

Burak

BackgroundHomelessness, as a complex and multidimensional social problem, arises through the interaction of economic, social and psychological factors. Homeless individuals experience serious difficulties in meeting their basic needs due to the lack of a permanent home and are dragged into social marginalisation. The services provided for the homeless in Turkey generally remain at the level of social assistance and cannot provide long-term and permanent solutions. Temporary housing and food assistance are provided by local governments during the winter months, but these services are far from providing comprehensive solutions to the root causes of homelessness. On the other hand, non-governmental organisations (NGOs) are trying to fill this gap and make important contributions to meeting basic needs such as housing, food, and clothing. However, these services are demonstrably unsustainable and inadequate, failing to ensure the social integration of homeless individuals. In the current situation, it is important to assess the extent to which both public services and the services provided by NGOs respond to the needs of homeless individuals and the accessibility of these services from the perspective of direct beneficiaries. This research aims to analyse the interactions of homeless individuals with service providers to reveal the effectiveness and shortcomings of services, thus contributing to the development of social policies and practises related to homelessness.MethodIn this research, a qualitative research approach was adopted to understand the interactions of homeless individuals with institutions and service providers. Using the phenomenological method, the subjective experiences and perceptions of the participants were examined in depth. During the data collection process, face-to-face interviews were conducted with 13 homeless individuals living in Istanbul using the snowball sampling technique. We conducted the interviews by recording with a digital voice recorder in environments where the participants felt comfortable. We collected the obtained data using a semi-structured interview form and a socio-demographic information form. We analyzed the interviews by encoding, categorizing, and thematizing the verbatim transcribed recordings. Using the descriptive content analysis method, the data obtained were interpreted within the framework of 4 determined themes.ResultsThe relationships of homeless individuals with local governments, non-governmental organisations and public institutions were examined under four main themes: types of&nbsp;corporate services, adequacy of corporate services, attitudes and behaviours of service providers, and expectations from corporate services.1. Types of Corporate ServicesVarious structural and legal obstacles shape the relationships of homeless individuals with public institutions. Most of the participants stated that the services offered by public and voluntary institutions are limited and are usually limited to temporary assistance only. The benefits they receive through the governor’s office and district municipalities are often insufficient due to residence problems and are criticised by the participants. The relationships of homeless individuals with non-governmental organisations also occupy an important place. NGOs usually attract attention by having the capacity to provide more flexible and faster services, but the services offered are similar, and not enough diverse services are provided. The participants emphasise the inadequacy of the assistance provided by NGOs and expressed their expectations for the solution to this situation.2. Adequacy of Corporate ServicesMost of the homeless individuals who participated in the study stated that public assistance was insufficient. The lack of residence complicates the process of obtaining assistance and creates serious obstacles to meeting the basic needs of individuals. While the opinion that the assistance received from non-governmental organisations is more functional stands out, the participants also stated that these assistance are not fair.3. Attitudes and Behaviours of Service ProvidersThe relationships of homeless individuals with security guards can be fraught with negative experiences. Some participants stated that they encountered inconsistent and negative attitudes of security guards, while others had positive experiences. On the other hand, the relations with civil society employees were evaluated as more constructive and reassuring.4. Expectations from the Corporate ServicesThe expectations of homeless individuals cover various areas such as safe housing, access to health services, employment and educational support. The participants demanded that the state provide more permanent solutions for homeless individuals and emphasise that public organisations should play a more effective role in this regard. Also, the beliefs of NGOs that they should come together and develop larger projects also come to the fore decently.As a result, the inadequacies of the current social service system and the expectations of participants shape the relationships of homeless individuals with institutional services. This situation reveals the need for more inclusive and sustainable solutions to the problem of homelessness.Conclusion﻿The problem of homelessness is increasing for various reasons such as social problems, psychological problems and poverty, and it deeply affects the lives of homeless individuals. Although local and central governments in Turkey provide limited services to meet the basic needs of the homeless, the lack of legal legislation and service models that do not offer continuity make these efforts insufficient. In the research, the relationships that homeless individuals have established with public institutions and non-governmental organisations and their expectations from these services have been discussed. While the participants emphasised the inadequacy of public services, they stated that non-governmental organisations provide faster and more effective services. However, the assistance provided by NGOs does not offer permanent solutions either. As a result, the problem of homelessness has a multidimensional structure, and to solve this problem, it is necessary to develop sustainable service models in cooperation with the public and civil society. The experiences and expectations of homeless individuals should be considered in the creation of effective policies.

Homelessness and the Institutional Ecosystem: Accessibility and Adequacy of Socioeconomic Support Services

Halenur

Homeless individuals strive to survive under inhumane conditions while being marginalized and excluded by society. In the literature, theories explaining the causes of homelessness on an “individual” basis often emphasise holding individuals responsible for their situations and deeming them guilty. As a result, homeless individuals are frequently subjected to stereotypical labels such as alcoholic, aggressive, or vagrant. On the other hand, it associates homelessness with the notion that individuals are needy, deprived, or inadequate, independent of their faults or responsibilities. Some homeless individuals who experience social exclusion may attribute their situation to themselves, holding themselves responsible for their circumstances. Conversely, some homeless people may believe that they deserve their current situation because of alcohol or substance abuse (Erbay, 2019, s. 43). The feeling of being excluded from society gradually produces a disconnected, insecure, and lost identity. Bauman describes the foreigner as an eternal vagrant, always homeless and with no hope of ever belonging. Due to the risk factors associated with the foreigner, they are perceived as a threat and are often regarded as something to be avoided. (Kanbir, F., 2012; s. 12). Homelessness, despite being visible on almost every street corner, is a prevalent issue that many in society are unaware of. To provide sustainable and constructive solutions to this issue, it is crucial to first identify the underlying factors contributing to the problem and raise awareness about it. This study contributes to the literature by providing findings on the life experiences of homeless individuals and the psychosocial effects of homelessness. It also offers suggestions for potential solutions to the issues identified in this field.MethodThe findings of the study were obtained by conducting in-depth interviews within the framework of phenomenological design, one of the qualitative research methods, following a literature review. Phenomenology is a qualitative research method used to explain how people experience a phenomenon by expressing their understanding, feelings, perspectives, and perceptions of a particular concept (Rose, Beeby, &amp; Parker, 1995, p. 1124). In this direction, the phenomenon of the research was chosen as homelessness, so that the research aims to understand the reasons behind the homelessness problem, to establish cause-effect relationships between the causes that trigger this problem and to reflect the effects of the problem in a holistic way. The researcher was actively involved in a civil society organization that exclusively worked on homelessness between 2019 and 2024. During this period, she took responsibilities such as monitoring and coordinating the activities carried out for the homeless individuals, determining the needs of the homeless individuals in line with their demands, and ensuring that the homeless individuals can reach the necessary service&nbsp;points and access the services they need. The experiences gained in this process have been anonymized and used within the scope of the article and are included in the findings when necessary. The researcher’s direct interaction with the people within the scope of the research and transferring field observations can contribute to understanding the context of the research and analysing the data (Yıldırım &amp; Şimşek, 2013, p. 43).ResultsThere is a clear relationship between the duration of homelessness and the likelihood of reintegration into society. A person who has recently become homeless has a higher potential to escape homelessness. However, individuals with long-term experiences of homelessness often attempt to return to stable housing, but these efforts are often unsuccessful due to a lack of adequate support from their surroundings. The results reveal that most individuals who have experienced homelessness for more than four years tend to display a sense of hopelessness, focusing solely on getting through each day rather than planning for the future. After the research, it was recommended that more efforts should be made to understand the life dynamics of homeless individuals. Additionally, it was suggested that greater work should be done to raise public awareness about homelessness by sharing the life experiences of homeless individuals through various media channels. İn terms of employment, individuals face obstacles such as lack of access to clean clothes, showers and a safe place to sleep, all of which are essential for maintaining consistent employment. Many homeless individuals have distanced themselves from their homes because of family conflicts brought on by gambling, alcohol addiction, or unemployment. It has been observed that some choose the streets after fleeing their homes, which should provide a sense of security, due to abuse experienced during childhood. Although not apparent in the early stages, as substance use becomes chronic, it begins to damage their societal roles and social relationships. Accompanied by feelings of helplessness, they isolate themselves from society, and as street life progresses, they may become involved in crime or be subjected to exploitation. The high prevalence of psychiatric and substance use disorders among homeless individuals may be both a cause and consequence of homelessness (Acar, B., Bozkafa, H., Vural, B., Önal, S. 2022). Therefore, considering factors like criminal records, health issues, disabilities and inconsistent work histories, there is a need to develop vocational programmes tailored to address these employment barriers for homeless individuals. Homeless individuals face serious health problems due to factors such as living in unhygienic environments, irregular sleep, poor nutrition, and substance and alcohol abuse. This not only harms the individual’s own health but also carries a risk of transmission, potentially leading to the spread of diseases and becoming more public health risks and issues. Alongside the problem of homelessness, these individuals experience more health problems compared to those with stable housing and encounter&nbsp;numerous barriers in accessing healthcare services. Against homelessness and the risk of homelessness, sustainable and rehabilitation-focused permanent solutions tailored to local conditions should be developed. In this process, not only individual interventions are needed to alleviate the effects of homelessness but also comprehensive strategies aimed at transforming societal structures. These strategies should be designed to provide broader and more effective solutions to the problems of homelessness, encompassing all segments of society. The interviews revealed that although homeless individuals may feel marginalised and alienated, they find strength through interactions with organisations such as NGOs and individuals from their surroundings who show them care and inquire about their well-being. At this point, the role of civil society in the integration of homeless individuals into the community could be enhanced.

A Qualitative Research on the Psychosocial Effects of Homelessness: The Case of Beyoğlu, İstanbul

Esra

Homelessness, a severe social problem, is often misrepresented and stigmatised. Those without homes—which could mean living with relatives temporarily, in crowded spaces, or even on the streets—need more robust support, particularly in places like Turkey, where there are thousands of homeless individuals. Despite the temporary aid such as temporary shelter and clothing support during the winter months provided by the government and NGOs, comprehensive programmes to prevent and alleviate homelessness are minimal. Understanding the societal view of homelessness is intertwined with the cultural importance of a “home.” In Turkish culture, a home is much more than just a place of shelter—it is the heart of the family identity and social bonds, rendering social, emotional, and symbolic significance. It is a space for traditional practises that foster family connections. The definitions and understanding of homelessness impact the approach towards solutions. It is crucial to acknowledge that the prejudices faced by homeless individuals compound their hardships.Analysing discussions on homelessness requires grasping the cultural significance of what we consider home. For a comprehensive understanding of the breadth of societal policies and the narratives surrounding homelessness, we must appreciate the diverse nuances associated with the notion of home. The Turkish culture illustrates how intricately the ideas of home and family are woven together. Home is seen as the bedrock of the familial ethos, epitomising the essence of social connections. It integrates a range of social transactions and tangible practises like sharing meals as a family, visiting relatives, partaking in holiday celebrations, preserving traditional home setups, enjoying Sunday breakfasts together, and sharing evening television viewing experiences, each of which strengthens the family bonds. The home is more than just a secure sanctuary; it is imbued with profound societal, emotional, and symbolic connotations. The emotional capital and social significance of space play a critical role in individuals’ lives. Various categories of homelessness and associated research methodologies directly shape the way we approach this issue and design strategies to address it. The definitions of homelessness subsequently set the scale of the problem and the attendant policies. Further complicating this issue is the prejudice faced by people without homes, which greatly influences their lived experience of homelessness.Discourse theory serves as a methodological tool for exploring overarching perceptions and representations. It sees language as inextricably linked to societal dynamics, power structures, and ideologies. Such ideologies, beliefs and notions justify, produce and reproduce themselves via language. The current study seeks to decipher discourses concerning homelessness in Turkey to identify key narratives on the issue. This will illuminate why assistance for the homeless remains minimal and why there appears to be no forthcoming strategy for a comprehensive social policy to alleviate the issue.&nbsp;The findings illustrate that homelessness is frequently seen as a personal challenge. This reflects findings from studies around the globe, yet in Turkey, homelessness is overly personalised through stigmatisation or by pathologizing those without a home. The strong connections between homelessness and the absence of a home are worth mentioning. In Turkish society, the deep ties between the ideas of home and family influence how those without homes are understood and seen. The homeless in Turkey have very limited and insufficient access to social support and services. Across the nation, the aid provided to the homeless, such as shelter during winter, minimal financial help, clothing, and food, encompasses all the available assistance. Homelessness is primarily seen as the person’s own issue and this belief is largely held; therefore, no wide-ranging policy has been established to tackle what is seen as an individual problem.&nbsp;This study effectively illustrates the complex connection between our social identity and the social groups to which we belong, with a special focus on the issue of homelessness. The investigation’s consequences highlight how the state of homelessness becomes an identity in itself, shaped through individualised, normalised, criminalised, objectified, and emotional discourses. These five discourse recurrently portray homeless individuals.The research unveils the discouraging truth that homelessness is not sufficiently acknowledged as a societal issue in Turkey. Instead, it is turned into a personal matter, tied to individual specific situations and private troubles. Such depictions imply that homelessness is detached from structural elements such as economic conditions, job shortages, migration, and the informal job market. These significant causative factors of homelessness are, unfortunately, frequently disregarded.The critical discourse methodology applied in this study concludes that our social identities are crafted through the dichotomy of “us” and “the other.” Homeless individuals are typically categorised as ‘the others’—those dissimilar from us. The condition of homelessness is often attributed to the unique circumstances of ‘the other’, with society and institutional bodies failing to make sufficient efforts to address this issue, which is frequently framed as an individual problem. The dominant narrative surrounding this topic is persistently perpetuated through media outlets and public institutions, thereby achieving a level of normalcy. What is key to remember is that these dialogues are generated by non-homeless individuals, which results in the perpetuation of portraying the homeless as “the other.”In the field of poverty studies, public perceptions are often made between those deemed deserving of assistance and those who are not, a principle that applies equally to the homeless population in Turkey. Determining whether a homeless individual is deserving of aid largely hinges on specific circumstances. During severe weather&nbsp;conditions, all homeless individuals are considered deserving of social support. However, certain groups, such as homeless families, frequently receive prioritised attention to help them escape their current living conditions. Emergency aid measures and support systems are readily available for these families and are often highlighted in emotionally charged discourses. By approaching relevant organisations, necessary assistance can be secured for these families, with appeals for public support through media platforms being a common method. Yet, a deeper examination of prevalent discussions reveals a lack of consideration for structural issues such as poverty, population migration, ineffective social policies, economic downturns, insufficient social services for former convicts, and employment challenges as causes of homelessness. This oversight indicates a neglect of fundamental structural factors, highlighting a key reason why social policies and services designed to address homelessness are notably lacking in Turkey. Homelessness is beyond the capacity of individuals to overcome independently; it is a significant societal issue requiring institutional focus. However, the current representations of the homeless mitigate the societal and institutional responsibilities associated with this social problem.

Representation and Perception of the Homeless in Turkey: A Study of Discourse Analysis

Fatma

Temmuz

Nowadays, the frequency and effects of natural events such as climate change, fire, flood, earthquake, etc. are increasing in relation to each other, and therefore the subject of disaster has attracted the attention of many disciplines. Considering this interest, this article is a review study focusing on how the interpretations, meanings, and connotations of disaster direct social dynamics from a critical sociology perspective. The aim of the study is to examine the concepts of disaster and natural disaster by following the discussions within the hazards paradigm, the vulnerability paradigm and critical approaches and to try to support the claim that disasters are not natural but social phenomena. For this purpose, it is first shown how discourse produces knowledge and meaning, how discourse, which is surrounded by ideology, is shaped by social institutions and how it can make one type of knowledge visible while concealing others. It is then emphasised that the discourse inherent in language determines which words/terms are chosen, and that language can thus, on the one hand, construct meaning and, on the other, erroneously support oppressive social norms.Disaster cannot be understood separately from society and culture, because historically, different meanings have been attributed to disaster in every culture and belief. The fact that it is understood together with natural phenomena has deepened the belief that disasters have astrological and divine causes. Over time, the expert knowledge that accompanies explanations of physical phenomena largely replaced this belief. Since disaster research has developed in the West and found the opportunity to be researched in the West, it is a field in which Western terminology dominates to a great extent. Today, researchers from many countries are trying to contribute to the field of disaster, but Western terminology continues to dominate the field. This is controversial because there are no words in other languages that can fulfil the nuances of English and the meaning may change. Along with the debates, the terms and definitions used have changed over time. In this study, to trace the historical process, the sociological literature on disasters is utilised and the change of meaning accompanying the definitions of disasters in two main paradigms and the criticisms directed to these paradigms are traced.The hazards paradigm developed in the United States in the 1950s, shaped by the Cold War, and dominated early disaster sociology. In order to observe the civilian reactions to a nuclear attack, the United States of America encouraged the research conducted during this period. With expert knowledge, the focus is more on civil defence and first response. Within the hazards paradigm, disaster is defined as a violent natural external factor and the population is considered passive beings despite this violence. Later researchers criticised the hazard paradigm for considering disasters as limited by time and space. Criticisms of the hazards paradigm led to the popularisation of the vulnerability paradigm in the 1980s.The vulnerability paradigm emphasised that the hazard-centred approach should be abandoned and argued that disaster is not related to geographical processes but to poverty, inequality and other related factors. With this approach, the definition of disaster has also changed and it is stated that disaster cannot be mentioned unless vulnerabilities and hazards interact. In this period, concepts such as vulnerability, resilience and risk began to accompany disaster research, and disaster sociology broke away from the positivist tradition. According to the vulnerability paradigm, while the hazard may be natural, the disaster is social. In the case of different groups, the same hazard may turn into a disaster in one group and not in the other, depending on which group is vulnerable. Depending on the circumstances, one group may be more vulnerable than another. Women, blacks, the poor, the homeless, etc. can become more vulnerable when they do not have access to the regular resources and means of protection available to members of the upper classes. Therefore, vulnerability points to how inequality is distributed within society. However, the rulers can label some groups as vulnerable and use the resulting situation for their own interests. In this study, the first focus of the discussions gathered under a separate heading as critical approaches is on the production of the vulnerability of some groups with the discourse of vulnerability. According to critics, sovereigns first make a part of the population vulnerable and then develop aid policies that work in their own interests within the discourse of tropicality, developmentalism or vulnerability. In most cases, these policies are far from serving the actual population at risk. Vulnerability will only be called vulnerability when there is something against it, when it has a cause. Communities need the distribution of food and shelter to survive. When the conditions are not equalised, vulnerabilities are created.Disaster policies and the discourse of naturalness attributed to disasters can conceal the real causes, just like developmentalism and tropicality. Critical researchers support their claim that natural disasters are not natural by emphasising that populations are made vulnerable by social, political and economic relations. The concept of natural disasters paves the way for labelling one part of the world as dangerous for the rest. In this way, various interventions are legitimised that are far from being in the best interest of those in real need. On the other hand, the questioning of the naturalness of disaster is continued by emphasising that in many cases, the danger that is considered a disaster for one part of the world does not mean the same for another.&nbsp;When the definitions of natural disasters are examined in this study, it is seen that people and institutions are positioned in a war against nature and it is evoked that institutions and people have little to do when it comes to strong nature. Nevertheless, the concept of “natural disaster” continues to be used by the media, decision makers, and researchers. The term “natural disaster” continues to be used to distinguish between natural and man-made hazards or to increase its popularity. However, this basically&nbsp;harbours two risks: Nature, which is constructed as dangerous, being a force that can only be dealt with by a state with experts, and the development of a disaster industry dominated by the free market.Researchers who argue that natural disasters are not natural also face various criticisms. The first is that the occurrence of disasters cannot be predicted and prevented with modern technology, and therefore it is inconvenient to attribute blame to nature. However, in this criticism, disaster is handled as a physical phenomenon, contrary to what is supported in the study. The second criticism is that human beings are also a part of nature and therefore there is no harm in using the concept of “natural disaster”. However, this criticism also renders social sciences meaningless as a whole. The last criticism comes from those who argue that a distinction should be made between natural hazards such as earthquakes and man-made hazards such as nuclear explosions. However, this distinction ignores the fact that disaster is a social phenomenon.Instead of using the concept of “natural disaster”, critical researchers have also made different suggestions for its use. The concept of a socio-natural disaster to express the intersection of a natural hazard and a socially constructed disaster is one of these suggestions. There are researchers who completely reject the use of the term disaster, regardless of whether it is natural or social, and propose to use the concept of risks, and there are also researchers who propose to use only the concept of disaster without adding naturalness to disaster.In disaster research, just like in the social sciences, not all concepts have clear definitions. However, the concepts chosen and used may paradoxically lead to the concealment of social problems or trivialisation by remaining in the background. Adopting a critical perspective and participating in new discussions will contribute to the development of the field by adopting a critical perspective in order to expand definitions in order to address and examine locality, culture and social structure in research and to reveal hidden meanings.&nbsp;

Can Disasters Be Unnatural? A Sociological Discussion on the “Naturalness” of Disasters

Gözde

Fundamental debates about the subject in the social sciences have been evaluated and discussed with different conceptualizations, considering different social and individual dynamics. The newest of these discussions in social sciences for a while is German philosopher of Korean descent Byung-Chul Han’s conceptualisation of performance. Han conceptualises today’s subject as performance and today’s social structure as a performance society. Digital information technologies, as both a result and a cause of our neoliberal system, have been evaluated as an essential factor in the emergence of performance conceptualisation. However, it is not expressed as the sole reason for the concept. The performance subject and society are faced with a crisis of reality. The social dimensions of the crisis have been reflected in the individual’s world of thought and, accordingly, in their attitudes and behaviours, helping the neoliberal system produce strong arguments to create itself. The impact of the dynamics produced by the structure on the individual has resulted in the individual exploiting himself more than ever before. The success-oriented system transforming the individual into a performance subject has also transformed the structure into a performance society. Therefore, a solid structure-agency dialectic has emerged. Han analysed this emerging situation in detail using different social typologies.&nbsp;All social typologies that Han claims to reveal the concept of performance refer to social structures that systematically complement each other, emerge from each other, and do not contradict each other. First, transparency means that the individual reaches an inherent point in the system. The basic necessity of this is to eliminate the roughness and negativity that are a part of human nature and simultaneously eliminate the cult value in things. The persistent tendency towards the positive, the struggle to eliminate the negative, and the lack of cult values pave the way for an environment of rapid exposure and revelation. The easy accessibility of the individual to what exists within him/herself means that behavioural and spiritual guidance is also easy. This state, which describes a situation inherent in the system for the subject, has produced a tired society in which the will is disabled and the movement of emotion and thought disappears. The fact that the person-giving the order and the person executing the order are the same individuals damages the subject’s consciousness and emotional movement. Han states that in a society of transparency, the slave-master dialectic changes form, and the order coming from the master and the slave and the execution of the action are the product of the same person. However, the subject’s constant confrontation with these orders and the attitudes and behaviours of implementing them have led to the emergence of a narcissistic and depressive personality. The performance subject was narcissistic and depressive. As a member of the fatigue society, the performance subject is indexed to success. Therefore, the subject of performance is the late-modern animal 2 labour. Han redefined the conceptualisation used by Arendt according to today’s subject.&nbsp;The late-modern animal latrons subject protects her ego by indexing herself to performance and higher levels of the active and excludes herself from the passive. Moreover, the performance subject is a homo-liber subject. Homoliber is a conceptualisation contrasted with Arendt’s concept of homosacer. Homoliber is an expression of the master–slave dialectic. Homoliber describes the individual who is dominant over himself. All these conceptualizations formed the framework of Han’s fatigue society. The fatigue that the individual feels to achieve what s/he desires and the desire to remove the systematic pain caused by fatigue has turned today’s subjects into subjects addicted to antidepressants. Ultimately, the individual has transformed from part of the fatigue society to part of the palliative society. The individual who cannot tolerate pain and pain faces the mental problems of being deprived of pain. Han draws attention to the importance of pain for the individual’s world of emotion and meaning. This loss of meaning in today’s subject has caused the individual to be defined by the conceptualisation of performance.Another characteristic feature that reveals the subject of performance is power relations. Han stated that the neoliberal devices that indicate society’s performance deprive the individual of basic facts such as the other, negative, and eros, which are a part of his nature. Essentially, the absence of these facts has put the performance subject into a crisis of freedom and turned the individual into an object of the system. Having lost the other, the performance subject becomes a part of the same ones, devoid of communication. Han evaluates one of the biggest problems of today as the subject of not making room for others in their life. In a place where there is sameness, the subject has become an output of stereotypes, devoid of meaning and lost in the self-cycle. In addition, the more the performance subject reduces negativity, the higher the productivity level will be. However, trying to increase productivity is a significant cause of fatigue. Finally, the absence of eros deprived the performance subject of his ability to think deeply. The depressive and narcissistic performance subject, whose quantified characteristics have turned into numbers and who propagates non-existent freedom by being trapped in the ego cycle, has become a member of the performance society with all these features. However, although Han’s approaches to today’s subject and society are appropriate, we should not ignore the fact that he displays a wholesale approach towards all social groups.Today’s social structure and the individual have sociological differences that cannot be evaluated only by conceptualising performance. Although Han’s assessments of today’s subject are correct, those who give up on a lifestyle focused on success and performance constitute another group in society. Social suicide, which is the main subject of the study, represents individuals who have lost their effort and power to be a subject of performance. At the same time, the concept attempts to define individuals who wish to remain outside the system. Therefore, social suicide is the result of the &nbsp;strong desire for arguments that are part of human nature, such as the other, the negative, and eros, which reveal the subject of performance. The social suicide subject describes individuals who withdraw from public and social relations, where the performance subject struggles to exist, and who do not perform any performance through social networks. In this respect, the subject of social suicide is the performance subject of a period. The living space is still a performance society but does not show any performance. This article defines the subject of social suicide as distance and the act of being. While evaluating today’s subject, Han overlooked the next stage of the performance subject. Although some studies regard this concept as social loneliness, social isolation and hikikomori for specific reasons, particular essential distinctions show that the conceptualisation of social suicide has a unique structure.&nbsp;

Social Suicide: The Social Evolution of the Performance Subject

Onur

Nesip

Hasan

IntroductionThe welfare of the society is related to the distribution of social resources among the members of the society. Questions about how social resources and services should be distributed among individuals are connected with the concept of social justice (Çoban Kaynak, 2017). John Ryan, an American Catholic priest, was the first one using the concept of social justice (Han ve Demirbilek, 2022). Ryan was also the first to use the concept of minimum wage. According to Ryan (1945), social justice is the regulation of the relations between individuals and the society for maintaining the collective good. In short, social justice can be expressed as the fair distribution of blessings and burdens in society. In this context, the presence of a social opinion that there is a fair share in the society is an indicator of the existence of social justice (Bell, 2007; Sunal, 2011).Smith (2018) stated that concepts such as social cohesion, equality and fairness come to the fore in ensuring social justice and that the concept of social justice can be approached from different points of view. At this point, it can be said that since individuals are not equal at the beginning, equal distribution of resources can maintain inequality among individuals, but distribution of resources at different levels (fairly) in line with the needs of individuals can eliminate the inequality among individuals over time (Smith, 2018). However, social justice is a concept that expresses more than the distribution of resources among individuals and emphasises community rather than individuality (Turhan, 2007).When the literature is examined, it is seen that the concept of social justice in education is tried to be explained by associating it with concepts such as multiculturalism, justice, equality and democratic society (Tomul, 2009). However, the difficulty in defining the concepts of justice and social justice is also seen in the definition of the concept of social justice in education. In general, social justice in education can be achieved if each individual has an education that is appropriate to his or her abilities and needs. (Polat, 2007). Social justice in education aims to reduce or eliminate the negative effects of individual differences on the success of students in the educational processes (Ocak &amp; Yamaç, 2011). Bates (2006) positioned social justice at the centre of educational processes and argued that social justice should also be at the centre of educational administration practises.When institutions are managed according to the principles of social justice, they are more adopted by people and people’s commitment to the institution increases. This is also true for universities. The higher education period is one of the most important phases of students’ life. The higher education period is not only a learning process but also a common living place where students experience and learn life as adults, have a profession, and interact with people from different cultures and environments. This common living place should be managed fairly and the resources should be shared fairly among the students. This can be possible with the establishment of social justice in all processes at the universities. Elimination of the negativities that may be caused by social injustice can only be possible with a good understanding of the concept of social justice.&nbsp;In a literature review of the available measures of social justice perception, it is noted that, although a limited number of scales have been developed to assess this perception, none of them appear to be intended to examine the social justice perceptions of university students towards their university. (Cırık, 2015; Demirdağ, 2017; Karacan, Bağlıbel &amp; Bindak, 2015; Turhan, 2007). For this reason, there is a need for a valid and reliable measurement tool to be used in scientific studies on the subject. In line with this need, this research aims to develop a valid and reliable measurement tool to determine the social justice perceptions of university students towards their university.MethodThis study was carried out with an exploratory sequential design in a mixed method in which qualitative and quantitative research methods were used together. In the exploratory sequential design, after the qualitative data are collected and analysed, the quantitative stage of the research is carried out based on the qualitative data (Creswell &amp; Plano Clark, 2018).&nbsp;The study was carried out with the data collected from two different samples. The first sample of the study consists of 602 and the second sample consists of 591 undergraduate and associate degree students studying at different faculties and colleges of Bingöl University. While determining both samples, convenient sampling method was used as it provides convenience in time, cost and data collection process (Büyüköztürk, Kılıç Çakmak, Akgün, Karadeniz, &amp; Demirel, 2014).&nbsp;&nbsp;In the development process of the items, the theoretical background of the concept of social justice was determined by examining the similar studies in the literature (Bell, 2007; Boyles, Carusi, &amp; Attick, 2009; Connell, 1993; Çetin, 2015; Çoban Kaynak, 2017; Demirbilek, Atila &amp; Korkmaz, 2021; Polat, 2007; Schulz, 2007; Todd, 2015; Torres Harding, Siers, &amp; Olson, 2012). In addition to these studies, other measurement tools aimed at determining the perception of social justice were examined (Cırık, 2015; Demirdağ, 2017; Karacan, Bağlıbel, &amp; Bindak, 2015; Ludlow, Enterline, &amp; CochranSmith, 2008; Torres Harding et al., 2012). Considering these studies, practises that could contribute to social justice in universities were determined and these were used&nbsp;in the preparation of the draft scale items. After the literature review, a draft scale consisting of 68 items was prepared. This form was simplified with expert reviews, and a final form consisting of 34 items was reached.&nbsp;Exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses were used to test the construct validity of the scale, and Cronbach’s alpha internal consistency coefficients were calculated for reliability.FindingsThe construct validity of the scale was first tested with exploratory factor analysis. Exploratory factor analysis was performed with 34 items and a sample of 602 students. The KMO and Bartlett tests were performed to check the sampling adequacy (KMO = .976; x2 = 19611.249; df = 561; p = .000). As a result of the factor analysis, a structure consisting of 19 items in three factors was reached, and these three factors explained 71.30% of the variance regarding the perception of social justice. The factor loadings of the items ranged from .58 to .87, the communalities of the items were between .58 and .83, and the item-total correlation values were between .54 and .82. These three factors were named as “equality”, “fairness” and “support”.As a result of the confirmatory factor analysis performed with the data of 591 students, the goodness of fit indices for the scale were reached as x2 /df = 3.942, p = .000, RMR = .08, SRMR = .04, GFI = .91, AGFI = .88, NFI = .94, NNFI = .95, CFI = .95, RMSEA = .06. When the achieved values are compared with the reference values for the goodness of fit indices in the literature, it can be said that the scale has high construct validity.&nbsp;The reliability of the scale was examined with Cronbach’s Alpha internal consistency coefficients calculated using both exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses data. The Alpha coefficients of the entire scale and its dimensions were calculated between .88 and .96. In this respect, these Alpha coefficients can be inferred as evidence of the scale’s reliability.ConclusionThis research aims to develop a valid and reliable scale to measure the social justice perceptions of university students towards their university. As a result of the analyses, significant results were reached regarding the validity and reliability of the scale. As a result, the Social Justice in Universities Scale was found to be a valid and reliable measurement tool that can be used to measure university students’ social justice perceptions regarding their universities.&nbsp;The increase in the scale scores is interpreted as the students’ perception of social justice is increasing, and the decrease in the scale scores is interpreted as the students’ perception of social justice is diminishing. There is no reverse-scored item or dimension in the scale.

Development of the Scale of Social Justice Perception in Universities: Validity And Reliability Study

Yüksel

This study aims to examine the contradictions and potentials of street social work practices carried out in urban public spaces, particularly those arising from neoliberal urbanization trends, through the lens of Lefebvre’s concepts of “the production of space” (2014) and “the right to the city” (2016).Street social work, characterized by low-threshold and advocacy-based practices, seeks to engage clients in public urban spaces with the goals of harm reduction, connection, and outreach. The social worker takes the initiative, actively seeking out clients (Diebeacker, 2020; Andersson, 2013; Gibson, 2011; Dynamo International, 2009). By emphasizing low-threshold, harm-reduction objectives, and flexibility, this practice moves away from the power and authority traditionally associated with social work. Instead, it centers the autonomy (self-determination) and dignity of the client. Moreover, the client-centered nature of street social work, combined with its demand-driven methodological requirements, acknowledges the struggles faced by marginalized groups—such as the homeless, migrants, sex workers, and drug users—not as individual misfortunes or personal choices, but as outcomes of social inequalities rooted in structural barriers. From this perspective, street social work can be seen as more than a method of outreach; it is a radical approach that upholds the ethical principles of social work in the field, positioning it as a crucial tool for achieving social justice and protecting the rights of disadvantaged populations.A distinctive feature of street social work is its use of space. The “space of intervention is the environment in which the client lives” (Galuske, 1998, p. 245), often in urban public spaces. In street social work, the various life worlds encountered in public urban spaces are experienced continuously, making it impossible to understand street social work without comprehending the dynamics of these spaces. Urban public spaces, as material and emotional environments where social boundaries and relations are negotiated, are often sites of conflict over the behaviors, ideologies, and values of different social groups (Gibson, 2011). In this regard, public urban spaces are spaces of power, domination, and struggle. Over the past three decades, neoliberalism’s hegemonic influence has been a defining factor in shaping the character and use of these spaces. Commercialization, privatization, securitization, and policies limiting access to urban public spaces have emerged as central regulatory strategies within neoliberal urban policies.All these strategies target individuals’ behaviors in urban public spaces, allowing some social activities while restricting others. This directly affects how the street population and other marginalized groups experience urban public spaces and, consequently, shapes the methodologies and everyday experiences of street social workers (Gibson, 2011, pp. 142-143). However, referring to Lefebvre, the transformation of urban public spaces under neoliberal conditions can be viewed as a political conflict zone. Urban public spaces are not static constructs but spaces where access, violation, resistance,&nbsp;and struggle continuously play out (Lefebvre, 2008; 2014; 2016). The “others” and the street population, rather than passively accepting what neoliberal urban transformation strategies impose on them, can manipulate urban public space and fight for the right to the city through new “tactics” developed in daily life (de Certeau, 2008) or by creating “social infrastructures” (Simone, 2004; 2015).Neoliberal urban trends related to commercialization, privatization, securitization, and access restrictions have profoundly impacted the nature of street social work. Two main challenges arise in this context. The first involves the adverse effects of neoliberal urban transformation strategies on the everyday life experiences of the street population and their right to the city. The second challenge relates to the professional ethical dilemmas arising from the instrumentalization of street social work within the discourse of security and order.Methodologically, the primary contradiction of street social work, designed as a strategy for outreach and connection, emerges from regulations either aimed at designing urban public space or directly governing the behaviors of street populations. The most evident consequence of these regulations for the street population is mobility and invisibility. While mobility renders the goals of street social work—access, relationshipbuilding, and availability—nearly impossible, invisibility distances the street population from the social conscience.The second ethical challenge in street social work relates to its dual role as a public practice. Social workers are often caught between the obligation to implement state policies and the mission to advocate for the rights of vulnerable groups. While social work seeks to promote social justice, it must also operate within state mechanisms constrained by neoliberal policies. Like law enforcement, street social workers can be positioned to align with policies governing the regulation of urban public spaces. This creates a tension within street social work, placing it between the duty to maintain public order and the responsibility to advocate for individuals and groups victimized by this order. Thus, as a public practice, social work is caught between serving as an instrument of social control and acting as a champion of social justice, leading to various challenges in practice.Ethical issues in street social work are tied to space, knowledge production, the goals of practice, and the professional roles of street social workers. To adhere to professional ethical principles, street social workers must continuously critically examine these contradictory positions and assess them through reflexive practices. In this way, it becomes possible to develop a social work practice that does not reproduce social inequalities and asymmetric power relations in public urban spaces.Lefebvre’s spatial triad, the production of space, and the right to the city provide street social workers with significant theoretical and conceptual frameworks in this critical&nbsp;and reflexive process. These frameworks offer the opportunity to evaluate the practice from different perspectives, its potentials, and contradictions, guiding the realization of the emancipatory potential of street social work. Lefebvre’s ideas on space and the right to the city create opportunities for street social workers to develop supportive and emancipatory practices. With such an approach, street social work can influence not only physical spaces but also social discourse and political processes, thereby contributing to broader and more sustainable social changes.By working directly in public spaces where disadvantaged groups live, street social work can create an independent space of intervention despite restrictive state policies. On the one hand, street social workers support individuals by meeting their immediate needs, helping them survive. On the other hand, they defend the rights of these individuals, giving voice to those excluded from or marginalized by the system. From the perspective of Lefebvre’s concept of the “right to the city,” street social work advocates for these groups’ rights to exist and transform urban space, creating a site of resistance against the spatial injustices produced by the neoliberal order. In this sense, street social work has the potential to both erode mechanisms of social control and to recreate urban space in a more equal and just manner (Finn &amp; Jacobson, 2003). However, activating this potential is only possible through a critical, reflexive, and self-reflective approach.

Street Social Work, Neoliberal Urbanism, and the Production of Space: Methodological Challenges, Ethical Contradictions, and Potentials

Hicran

In this study, which aims to define housing as a social security tool to overcome homelessness, homelessness is seen as both a social risk and a human rights violation that limits access to the social security system. At the heart of this approach is the extreme commodification of labour through precarious jobs and housing through high-interest mortgages. This is because extreme commodification has brought with it plans for subsequent dispossession through housing capitalism. This makes society, especially people on fixed incomes who have no other source of livelihood than their labour, vulnerable to the risk of homelessness. In addition, while the right of homeless people to access social security services is the same as that of everyone else, their limited access to job security and regular employment opportunities presents clear difficulties and additional support assistance in accessing these services. Even in the exercise of the right to information, bureaucratic procedures requiring address declaration, submission of documents or the use of e-Government applications from the application process onwards create obstacles for homeless people to access data on their social security rights and obligations. In view of this problem, the functionalization of housing as a public right in the social security system can be considered a prerequisite for adequate housing and the elimination of the risk of homelessness.If we examine the background of the problem in Türkiye, we see that the planned development movement was initiated with the Republican period, the population in the cities increased with the development moves, and although land planning was attempted to respond to the urbanisation process and the need for housing, this could not be achieved at the targeted level. While the need for new settlement areas has made the construction sector the locomotive of the economy, the subsequent unplanned construction has paved the way for urban inequalities, with slums on one side and luxury residences on the other. In a linear pattern to unplanned construction, a period of permanent inequalities has begun in terms of opportunities to use social security and housing rights between those who have access to full-time and registered employment and those who do not. This picture has deepened poverty and precariousness for those who try covering their living expenses and high rent debts with the minimum wage or pension they earn.Looking at practises around the world that define housing within the social security system, the ‘housing first’ approach and the ‘treatment first’ approach come to the fore. Examples of good practise where the housing-first approach makes a significant difference in ending homelessness permanently attract attention. Depending on the social, cultural and economic conditions, it can be observed that the strategies adopted by countries to combat homelessness are diverse, including voluntary and civic initiatives, and are aimed at meeting the complex support needs of the homeless people. Policies aimed at overcoming prejudices and discriminatory attitudes towards homeless people seem to focus on social responsibility for sustainable recovery by investing in&nbsp;social awareness and sensitization. In general, it can be seen that governments are trying to address the issue of homelessness through efforts to improve new and existing collaboration between local providers and housing providers.Although governments in Türkiye have adopted policies and legal arrangements to ensure the functionality of the right to housing in the social security system, it is difficult to say that comprehensive and permanent solutions have been achieved in managing the risk of homelessness. Housing subsidies, public housing and migrant houses have enabled the integration of settlements that can be called social housing in urban areas at affordable prices, but the steps taken have not developed into a stable housing policy. In recent years, it can be seen that housing areas have been renewed within the framework of urban transformation practises, but the new projects built for high-income groups in order to provide capital flow do not contain a solution against the risk of homelessness and deepen the risk with mortgage debt, high rents and fees. For this reason, it is necessary to develop rights-based policies that guarantee everyone’s access to permanent independent housing in urban life within the social security system by prioritising variables such as unemployment, disability, chronic illness, low income and informal employment in managing the risk of homelessness.&nbsp;The starting point of these policies is that central and local government service units eliminate the risks that can lead to the loss of rights by defining procedural steps that structure the application and follow-up processes for beneficiaries who declare themselves homeless, according to their needs. People living in shelters, temporary accommodation centres and on the streets may be entitled to income, pension or drug treatment services including rights arising from insured relatives or from the period of employment, but which the homeless person is deprived of due to lack of sufficient information. Removing this deprivation (e.g. by activating a widow’s orphan’s pension or health insurance) is a step that can significantly improve the homeless person’s life. In this direction, social security institutions should lead this step by conducting field studies and developing practises that support access to the right to social security. As a practical suggestion, it can also be considered to offer options to homeless people who are below a certain limit in terms of the number of days of premium payment or the amount of premium payment through community benefit work programmes to complete the missing days or pay the premium debt. In this way, serious and lasting improvements can be made in the life of a homeless person who will have a pension and health care. With these concrete action steps and undoubtedly many more, in the Republic of Türkiye, which has entered its second century, housing shouldbe one of the instruments of a settlement order that enables everyone to exercise their right to shelter under conditions befitting human dignity and that subjectivises and liberates human beings. One way to make this order possible is to be able to read and establish the linear relationship between housing and social security policies.

Housing as a Social Security Instrument to Overcome Homelessness

Meriç

It is possible to speak of the existence of a middle-class backlash in contemporary societies, which Mills diagnosed in the USA in the 1950. Mills (1969, p. 249) explained this decline in middle-class power, which he defined as the “status proletarianization” of the white-collar strata, in terms of the structural changes in working life at the time, such as rationalization, the decline in the importance of white-collar workers’ education and experience, the decline in their incomes relative to the working class and their incorporation into the unemployed class, and the expansion of the middle-class labor market. Similar conditions seem to apply to the Turkish middle class today. Despite definitional problems, the middle class in Türkiye is estimated at 10-15 million people, and their living conditions are becoming more difficult by the day. In particular, low- and middle-income groups, whose purchasing power has decreased and who do not own a home, face the problem of housing precarity. In terms of housing costs, Türkiye is now above the European and OECD averages.&nbsp;Although housing, a fundamental human right, has become precarious in a way that includes the middle class in a volatile economic atmosphere, the (new) middle class has received less attention in recent urban studies than the lower or upper classes (McEwan, 2021). When it is studied, it is presented as a success story as a class that invades the city, displacing lower income groups and gentrifying or even discriminating against other social groups (Atkinson, 2006; Saraçoğlu, 2009; Şen, 2011). This study aims to fill this gap in research on the middle class by exploring housing precarity and the possibility of homelessness, the structural changes that underlie them, and ways out of them. In studies of homelessness in Türkiye, issues such as social services, (Acar et al., 2022; Balun &amp; Şişman, 2022; Doğan &amp; Pekasıl, 2021; Kanlı &amp; Efe, 2021; Yeter, 2018), urban renewal as a process of “de-housing” (Baydar &amp; Karakız, 2018, p. 154) and different homeless groups such as the elderly or middle-aged men (Gürel, Karaman &amp; Yaman, 2024; Kaya Kılıç &amp; Aslantürk, 2019) come to the fore. However, the issue of housing inadequacy and precariousness of the middle class has not been thoroughly investigated.&nbsp;This paper accepts homelessness not as a situation, but as a dynamic process (Lee, Shinn &amp; Culhane, 2021) and looks at its before and after in terms of the middle class. This study, inspired by personal housing experiences, firstly situates the problem of the housing precarity of the declining middle class in the international literature. The study collects academic work on housing precarity, the middle class and homelessness. A total of 82 documents are used, including 29 English articles, which have been refined according to relevance, date and number of citations from Web of Science; 12 Turkish articles from Google Scholar; company data and statistical news bulletins (6); newspaper news and columns (16); and encyclopedia entries, congress presentations, book articles and books (19). The information gathered from these documents is analyzed thematically.&nbsp;Precarity is a human condition that is not limited to housing, but affects many social spheres, such as working life. This concept, which generally means “a general, pervasive ontological condition of vulnerability, displacement, and insecurity”, is in some ways associated with capitalism and its neoliberal phase (Kasmir, 2018). In the first quarter of the twenty-first century, a “precarity turn” has been spoken of, particularly in the field of labor geography (Bergan, Gorman-Murray &amp; Power, 2021, p. 1208). However, the concept of housing precarity is a more recent use (Debrunner, Hofer, Wicki, Kauer &amp; Kaufmann, 2024). Clair, Reeves, McKee &amp; Stuckler (2019, p. 16) define housing precariousness as “a state of uncertainty which increases a person’s real or perceived likelihood of experiencing an adverse event, caused (at least in part) by their relationship with their housing provider, the physical qualities, affordability, security of their home, and access to essential services”.&nbsp;The meaning of housing, classically conceived as “long-term and stable tenure, a site of reprieve from work, and a location of privatized family relationships” (Bergan et al., 2021, p. 1217) and an important place in people’s lives as a living space that provides well-being, life satisfaction and quality (Bobek, Pembroke &amp; Wickham, 2021), is changing rapidly in today’s conditions. At the same time, a shift towards tenancy in traditional homeowner societies is being observed (Kemp, 2015; Waldron, 2023). Waldron (2023, p. 181) explains “generation rent”, i.e., people being trapped in tenancy more and for longer, and the associated expansion of the rental market with the commodification and financialization of housing after the 2000s, changing the tacit middle-class social contract based on home ownership. The result of all this is what Bobek et al. (2021) call as “non-linear housing careers” (Bobek et al., 2021, p. 1365), i.e., prolonged tenancy, not leaving or returning to the family home, known as “boomerang children” or “parasite singles” (Bobek et al., 2021, p. 1367), and horizontal or downward housing mobility such as house sharing.&nbsp;The works that deal with housing precarity within the system do not question the ideal of home ownership on which middle class dreams (e.g., the suburban house, the car and the nuclear family as in the American dream) are based, dependent on meritocracy and provided by the capitalist system. The works that approach the issue by challenging the neoliberal city of the capitalist system, which causes housing precarity along with many other problems, look for housing concepts and types outside the systemic proposals. In doing so, these studies adopt more collective (communal), solidarity-based, care-oriented, anarchist or feminist approaches, leaving the liberal framework aside. House sharing, which is presented as an alternative in some studies, is criticized as a product of the system in others. This contradiction shows that sharing alone may not be sufficient to create an anti-capitalist housing alternative. Some commonalities found in the literature include themes such as the rise of renting over home ownership, people’s growing search for a housing alternative, and a critique of the victimization of the displaced and the homeless. This study contributes by pointing to the potential of concepts of the urban commons (Stavrides, 2018), the feminist city (Kern, 2020) and social infrastructure (Latham &amp; Layton, 2022) as supporting mechanisms in the search for alternative housing.&nbsp;Finally, as an exit strategy suggestion for the issues of homelessness and housing, which have increasingly become a site of power relations and contestation between family and other groups, the study suggests that the counter-argument be properly framed, the data properly interpreted, housing activism and social housing production expanded.&nbsp;

An Essay on Exit Scenarios from the Housing Precarity Feeding Middle Class Homelessness Fears

“Homeless” is a person who has no home and/or a fixed, regular and suitable place to stay. Homeless people live in streets, terminals, under bridges, hospitals, parks, shelters or with friends/acquaintances (Aynacı, 2024, p. 30). The Arabic term “bîmekân” and the Persian term “hane-harab” are concepts used to describe homelessness, encompassing meanings such as “spaceless” and “dwelling-less” (Ottoman Turkish Dictionary, 2023). European Federation of National Organisations Working with the Homeless [FEANTSA] has classified the homeless according to the criteria of exclusion by dividing them into social, physical and legal dimensions and has described them as “roofless” (çatısız), “houseless/shelter people/secondary homeless” (konutsuz), “individuals living in inadequate” (yetersiz) and/or “insecure housing” (güvensiz) (FEANTSA, 2005). However, there are different types of homeless according to the duration of homelessness (temporary, cyclical and/or chronic homeless), the cause of homelessness (internal and/or external homeless), the characteristics of the homeless (children, youth, women, men, elderly, migrant homeless) and the place of residence (street and/or shelter homeless).Research on homelessness dates back to the early 19th century. Engels’ (1845) Condition of the Working Class in England is seen as a reference source for homeless people and homeless shelters. In Park, Burges &amp; McKenzie The City (1967), one of the representatives of the Chicago School, homelessness was defined as a social problem. The second half of the 20th century (1960-1970) was the period when homelessness research intensified. In this period, individual inadequacies in homelessness were focused on and social policies for homelessness were developed and public and non-governmental organizations were established (Hope &amp; Young, 1986, p. 170).Nowadays, many disciplines and professions provide services to disadvantaged and vulnerable groups. Social work, which is one of these disciplines, produces programs to eliminate the problems they experience, increase their functionality and empower them with the services it provides to homeless people (International Federation of Social Work [IFSW], 2014). The fact that homelessness as a phenomenon is a social problem and homeless people as a disadvantaged group are deprived of their rights, their individual and social functionality is weakened and they have to deal with many problems at the same time makes social work relational to homeless people (Çabuk &amp; Atamtürk, 2023, p. 11).The natural relationship between the homeless and social work requires the examination and criticism of the studies conducted in this field and the dissemination of scientific studies. The aim of this research is to make a bibliometric analysis of the&nbsp;studies on the concept of “homeless” in the field of social work. In this way, it will be revealed how the studies on the concept of homeless have followed a course from past to present. As part of the originality of the research, a search was first carried out in all fields using ‘homeless*’ in the Web of Science (WoS) database, which yielded a total of 27,552 studies. Then, the ‘All Fields’ option was selected and a joint search was made with the words ‘homeless*’ + ‘bibliometric analysis’. Five studies (Mbabil Dok-Yen et al., 2023; Picado-Valverde et al., 2023; Aliyeva, 2020; Calvo et al., 2019; Okano, 2019) were accessed and it was found that these studies were not included in the social work category. The fact that there is no study based on mapping the concept of homelessness within social work as a discipline can be considered as an original aspect of this research. The research questions identified for the data set mapped in order to achieve the main objective of the research are as follows:1. Keyword analysis:1.1. What are the most frequently used keywords?1.2. Which keywords are used together?1.3. What is the frequency of use of keywords by year?2. Country analysis:&nbsp;2.1. Which countries have the most publications? 2.2. What is the publication frequency of countries by year? 2.3. Which are the most cited countries? 2.4. What is the citation frequency of countries by year?3. Institution/university analysis: ,3.1. Which institutions/universities publish the most? 3.2. Which are the most cited institutions/universities? 4. Author analysis: 4.1. Who are the most published authors? 4.2. What is the publication frequency of the authors by year? 4.3. Who are the most cited authors? 5. Article analysis: 5.1. Which are the most cited articles? 5.2. Which themes did the articles focus on?In designing the research, the four stages of bibliometric research identified by Öztürk (2021, p. 35) (determination of the purpose, creation of the data set, analysis and visualization, interpretation of the results and findings) were used. The unit of&nbsp;analysis for this research comprises scientific studies retrieved from the WoS database. The dataset of the research was created on 15.03.2024. The following systematic steps were employed to curate the research dataset:Step 1: The word “homeless” was typed into the WoS search engine and the symbol “*” was added to the end of the word. These symbols are called “wildcards”. With wildcards, suffixes or words that come at the end of the searched words are also included in the search. For example, when “homeless*” was entered into the search engine, words such as “homelessness”, “homeless youth”, “homeless people”, “homeless services”, “chronic homelessness” were also searched.Step 2: A search with the keyword ‘homeless*’ using ‘All Fields’ and the SSCI, SSCI-Expanded, ESCI and AHCI indices yielded 27,552 results. Within these studies, scientific publications such as articles, books, book chapters, conference abstracts, meeting abstracts were found. When articles were selected from these scientific publications, the number decreased to 21,627.Step 3: Among the articles, the field of ‘social work’ was selected and the number of 2710 was reached. Those 2710 articles (as of 15 March 2024) were defined as the data set to be subjected to bibliometric analysis. The bibliometric analyses conducted as part of this study were systematically mapped, yielding the following key findings:<ul><li>Homelessness as a field of study and homeless people as a disadvantaged group are natural subjects of study and groups in the discipline of social work. Although homelessness studies in social work do not show a regular increase, they have been carried out since the 1980s. Since 2014 there has been a significant increase in research. The increased visibility of homelessness and the increase in the number of homeless people has led to an increase in homelessness research in the field of social work. In particular, the number of research studies on homelessness has increased significantly with the publication of COVID-19 in 2019.&nbsp;</li><li>“Mental health”, “housing”, “homeless youth”, “poverty”, “foster care”, “housing first”, “substance abuse”, “women”, “substance use” and “qualitative research” are the most common keywords used in the studies. Mental health, housing/shelter, substance abuse, substance use and poverty stand out as themes related to the reasons for homelessness and the difficulties experienced by homeless people. Social group-oriented studies of homeless youth and homeless women are studies of a specific group. The frequent use of the word qualitative in research means that qualitative research is more likely to be used in studies of homeless people.&nbsp;</li><li>The frequency of use of keywords varies between years. While the words mental illness, substance abuse, alcohol addiction, children, child abuse, street youth&nbsp;were in the forefront between 2012-2014, the words foster care, shelter and quality of life were used more frequently between 2014-2016. In 2016-2018 there is a trend towards social support, housing and supportive housing. Similarly, in 2018-2020, words such as housing first, permanent housing support, housing insecurity, housing instability and homeless services came to the fore. In particular, the frequent repetition of similar words in the 2014-2020 period shows that housing services for homeless people are often studied. After 2020, homelessness was associated with the words COVID-19, Corona virus, pandemic, and homeless people were mentioned with the topics burnout, secondary trauma stress and food insecurity.</li><li>The countries with the highest number of publications and citations are the USA, Canada and the UK, respectively. The most important reason for the high number of publications and citations in these countries is that homelessness is defined as a social problem and the number of homeless people is high. These countries have contributed to the formation and enrichment of the homelessness literature. In addition, in recent years, there has been an increase in homelessness research in European countries such as Australia, Spain, the Netherlands, Portugal, Norway and Wales.</li><li>Leading institutions in homelessness research, such as the University of Toronto, the University of Denver, and the University of Southern California, have consistently produced the highest number of publications. The high number of publications and citations of the universities is due to the fact that the authors who have published and cited the most on homelessness work at these universities and the high number of homeless people in the cities where these universities are located. The authors who have published and cited the most on homelessness and the publications produced by universities and the citations they receive overlap with each other.</li><li>The three most cited works are Pecora et al. (2006), “Educational and employment outcomes of adults formerly placed in foster care: Results from the Northwest Foster Care Alumni Study”, Kuhn &amp; Culhane’s (1998) “Applying cluster analysis to test a typology of homelessness by pattern of shelter utilization: results from the analysis of administrative data” and Kendall-Tackett (2002), “The health effects of childhood abuse: Four pathways by which abuse can influence health” (The health effects of childhood abuse: Four pathways by which abuse can influence health”.</li><li>Pecora et al. (2006) focused on the impact of foster care on adult functioning in their study and mentioned that negative foster care experiences can cause homelessness. They emphasized that the two most important components that&nbsp;will prevent homelessness are positive experiences and the ability to have independent life preparation skills. Kuhn &amp; Culhane (1998) focused on the themes of preventive and protective services for the homeless. Accordingly, they emphasized that preventive and resettlement assistance for transient homeless people, temporary housing and residential treatment for episodic homeless people, and supported housing and long-term care programs for chronic homeless people would yield more effective results. Kendall-Tackett (2002) found that childhood abuse puts people at risk of depression and posttraumatic stress disorder, participating in harmful activities, experiencing difficulties in relationships, and having negative beliefs and attitudes towards others, each of which increases the likelihood of developing health problems and are interrelated. The three most cited works focused on themes such as child/youth homelessness and foster care services for the homeless. These themes emerged in line with the most used keywords.</li><li>As a result of the research, it was seen that the most frequently used themes in the analyzed articles were the challenges experienced by homeless people (housing, mental health, mental illness, substance abuse, poverty), homeless social groups (homeless children, homeless youth, homeless women) and services for homeless people (foster care, housing support, housing first, shelter). Especially in the last 10 years, there has been an interest in foster care services for the homeless (shelter, staircase model, housing-first). On the other hand, themes such as recovery from homelessness and formerly homeless people and the number of studies with experimental methods are very few.</li></ul>

Bibliometric Analysis of Articles on the Concept of “Homeless” in Social Work with VoSviewer

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The Future of Digital Education: Artificial Intelligence, the Metaverse, and the Transformation of Education

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João

Retracted Article: The Role of Polycentric Governance, Public- Private-Civil Partnerships, and Citizen Science as Developed by the C2IMPRESS Project in Building Disaster Resilient Societies

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Mutfak Üçgeni

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Alexander

Tradition, Morality and Solidarity in Durkheim’s Theory

Çağrı

Since the 1950s, environmental sociology is hardly accepted despite existing social-environmental issues. These problems have been generated by the rapid industrialization and urbanization causing pollution in the post-war era. Environmental sociology was established in the 1970s when environmental problems gained public attention and the environmental movement emerged. The theories of sociologists Durkheim, Weber, who introduced the rationalization concept, and Marx, who introduced the theory of metabolic rift, were welcomed in environmental sociology. However, Durkheim was criticized that his methodological dictum was excluding society-environment interaction. There are two explanations for the association between Durkheim and societyenvironment interaction. On the one hand, the industrialism of his era caused the exclusion of environment from sociology. On the other hand, Durkheim’s works have significant references to environment that indicate a potential for environmental sociology. This paper aims to examine Durkheim’s sociological approach in terms of society-environment interaction. First, the foundation of environmental sociology is summarized. Then, both examples showing the exclusion of environment and societyenvironment interactions in Durkheim’s studies are shown. The paper concludes with the assessment of Durkheim’s contribution to current environmental sociology challenging ecological crisis that threatens society. Although the first years of sociology were marked by geographical and biological determinism, sociologists favoring a “world view” of development, progress, and modernism in later years ignored environment as an issue (Hannigan, 2006). After a century, when environmental problems had surfaced and threatened industrialized Western societies, environmental concerns and movement were accepted in society and from the cultural perspective. Two pioneers of environmental sociology, Dunlap and Catton (1978) criticized human exceptionalism paradigm of causing the exploitation of nature and Durkheim’s methodological dictum (Madappalli, 2016). The paradigm assumes nature as an endless resource and that the human progress is limitless, while human existence is unique as a result of its developed culture (Catton &amp; Dunlap, 1978) that “covers the dependence of human societies to biophysical environment” (Rice, 2013, p. 238). However, environmental problems and restrictions in the 1960s shook this paradigm and Durkheim’s methodological dictum that reportedly ignored society-environment interaction. Hence, environmental parameters were included in sociological researches. In fact, the New Ecological Paradigm (NEP) scale, developed by environmental sociologists, introduced “environmental facts” against the social facts of Durkheim. The paradigm aims to consider the effects of&nbsp;environmental problems like resource scarcity on main sociological research issues like stratification (Catton &amp; Dunlap, 1978). Hence, environmental sociologists, by using the New Ecological Paradigm, challenge Durkheim’s methodological dictum by accepting the effect of environment on society (Dunlap &amp; Catton, 1979). Durkheim was criticized for excluding the impact of the environment on sociology with his methodological dictum. Sociology, a social discipline excluding environment (Foster, 1999, p. 367), was positioned out of “psychology, biology, economics, and geography” by Marx, Weber, and Durkheim, the three fathers of sociology (Buttel, Dickens, Dunlap, &amp; Gijswijt, 2002, p. 5). However, Marx and Weber were applauded for their concepts, the metabolic rift and rationality, in environmental sociology, unlike Durkheim who was criticized for his methodological dictum that was believed to be against the use of biophysical parameters in sociology (Lidskog, Mol, &amp; Oosterveer, 2015). Durkheim defined social facts only with other social facts, ignoring the biophysical environment (Dunlap, 2016), and implied examination of social systems without using environmental parameters (Norgaard, 1997, p. 159). Durkheim developed a social reductionism to resist biological reductionism (Benton, 1991, as cited in Konak, 2010). Hence, traditional sociology following Durkheim’s approach excluded biophysical environment (Hoyen, 2013). To objectify society within a scientific discipline (Durkheim, 2016, pp. 58, 59, 168), Durkheim defended the use of social facts and collective consciousness against biology and psychology (Hannigan, 2006, p. 5), that social facts can only be explained by social facts (Buttel, 2002) that have power over individuals and are different from non-human and organic facts (Durkheim, 2016). As a result, the methodological dictum made Durkheim and sociologists ignore biological and physical parameters (Dunlap, 1997; Dunlap &amp; Catton, 2007). The exclusion of physical reality by Weberian and Durkheimian authors (Ritzer 1975; Choldin 1978, as cited in Dunlap &amp; Catton, 2007) should be seen as a constructive approach in the early years of sociology (Buttel, 2002). The exclusion of environment was dominant and environmental parameters were ignored in other subdisciplines like rural sociology until the 1970s; these subdisciplines are the foundation of environmental sociology (Dunlap &amp; Martin 1983, as cited in Dunlap, 2002). Durkheim implied the static position of nature throughout history while society changes and evolves (Durkheim, 2010; Gross, 2000; Jarvikoski, 1996). Durkheim separated the concept of evolution, originated from ecology and biology, from nature and integrated it into the social sphere (Durkheim, 2014). Furthermore, he put a sharp distinction between human society and animals, as they lack of morality and collective consciousness (Durkheim, 2010) and they are static unlike human societies (Durkheim, 2014). Although sociological theorists Durkheim, Weber, and Marx did not directly examine society-environment interaction; their studies indirectly included this issue (Hannigan, 2006, p. 5). Hence, Durkheim should be comprehended through the extensive framework of human-nature systems instead of narrow anthropocentricism (Rosa &amp; Richter, 2008). In fact, Durkheim did not deny the importance of biological and physical parameters in sociology (Jarvikoski, 1996). Moreover, Durkheim followed the example of natural science during the exploration of social reality (Durkheim, 2016). Despite a strong and common prejudice in traditional sociology, Durkheim’s studies involve many references to the environment. However, the methodological dictum of Durkheimian scholars reinstructed sociology (Catton, 2002), resulting in Dunlap and Catton, two founders of environmental sociology, strongly criticizing the Durkheimian theory. Contrarily, the limited prevalence of social facts and the emphasis on the environmental parameters in Durkheim’s studies are important objections to their critique (Rosa &amp; Richter, 2008). Çelebi (2007, p. 159) highlighted the importance of the balance between population and land as social facts that affect society. Durkheim considered the effects of the position of sun and the condition of the atmosphere to people, and his social morphology notion had other environmental insights like the use of land (Gross, 2000). He also implied the coevolution of nature and society in his work of Pragmatism and Sociology (Foster, 1999). According to him, nature is not the reverse of society, but a part, the highest representation, and complex form of nature (Durkheim 2010; Jarvikoski, 1996). Moreover, Durkheim (2016) implied similarities between “physical environment” and society and defined society as part of nature. Durkheim often referred to nature in his classical study of totemism. Tribe members lean toward plants, animals, and rocks in understanding their society. They imitate animals in their religious rituals. Safety and domination of nature make up their religion (Durkheim, 2010). Durkheim often used biological terms like species, population density, and resource scarcity in his explanation of social evolution and solidarity concepts (Buttel, 2002). He implied that division of labor exists in all living organisms, and transfers society from nature (Durkheim, 2014). On the other hand, his notion of competition and division of labor undermined environmental concerns like pollution and resource scarcity in urbanization (Lenski, 1984, as cited in Buttel &amp; Humprey, 2002). This paper aims to examine Durkheim’s sociological approach in terms of societyenvironment interaction. The construction process of sociology as a distinct discipline excluded environmental parameters. However, urbanization and industrialization in the 1950s have caused environmental concerns and movements in Western societies.&nbsp;The foundation of environmental sociology was challenged in the 1970s by the methodological dictum of Durkheim. Although some of his studies strongly separate society from environment like social facts, he often referred to environmental concepts like population, balance, organism, and resource scarcity. Durkheim also implied metabolic interaction between society and environment, and that society is a complex part of nature.

Society-Environment Interaction in Durkheim: Exclusion of Social Facts versus Environmental Potential

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Eric

Durkheim and the Nation

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From Holism to Participation: Three Phases in Durkheim’s Work

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Published by the Istanbul University Department of Sociology, İstanbul University Journal of Sociology has held an important place in the development of sociology as a scientific discipline in Turkey. 

First published in 1917, İstanbul University Journal of Sociology was the first sociology journal written in Turkish. In its roughly 100-year history, the journal has become the most pioneering and prominent publication within the discipline. The publication languages of the journal are Turkish, English, French and Germany. The print version of the journal has been stopped as of 2022; the publication continues as an electronic only journal.

İstanbul University Journal of Sociology is an open-access, double-blind peer-reviewed, international journal focusing on the publication of research and studies covering all aspects of the social. The journal’s goal is to aid and facilitate both international and interdisciplinary scientific communication, to strengthen the links between scientific research and society in Turkey, and to stimulate and enhance the quality of debate. Representing an interdisciplinary forum for the exchange of recent data and expert opinions, it reflects the importance of a comprehensive approach to resolving the social problems in Turkey.
İstanbul University Journal of Sociology publishes peer-reviewed research reports on sociology, bringing together research conducted within a variety of different disciplines. Articles include theoretical, philosophical, political essays, research papers, research on social behaviors, and historical research related to any social activity. In addition to original research, the journal features both articles and book reviews.
Studies that clearly contribute to the current knowledge of sociology are given priority. Scholarly commentaries on topical issues and systematic reviews are also encouraged.

All expenses of the journal are covered by the Istanbul University. Processing and publication are free of charge with the journal. There is no article processing charges or submission fees for any submitted or accepted articles. http://istanbul.edu.tr:8080/en/journal/iusd/information/policies                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                        

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The journal’s goal is to aid and facilitate both international and interdisciplinary scientific communication, to strengthen the links between scientific research and society in Turkey, and to stimulate and enhance the quality of debate. Representing an interdisciplinary forum for the exchange of recent data and expert opinions, it reflects the importance of a comprehensive approach to resolving the social problems in Turkey. İstanbul University Journal of Sociology publishes peer-reviewed research reports on sociology, bringing together research conducted within a variety of different disciplines. Articles include theoretical, philosophical, political essays, research papers, research on social behaviors, and historical research related to any social activity. In addition to original research, the journal features both articles and book reviews.

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The journal is committed to upholding the highest standards of publication ethics and pays regard to Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing published by the <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, the <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, the <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a>, and the <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> on <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a> The subjects covered in the manuscripts submitted to the Journal for publication must be in accordance with the aim and scope of the Journal. Only those manuscripts approved by every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Changing the name of an author (omission, addition or order) in papers submitted to the Journal requires written permission of all declared authors.Plagiarism, duplication, fraud authorship/denied authorship, research/data fabrication, salami slicing/salami publication, breaching of copyrights, prevailing conflict of interest are unethical behaviors. All manuscripts not in accordance with the accepted ethical standards will be removed from the publication. This also contains any possible malpractice discovered after the publication. Plagiarism Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. If plagiarism/self-plagiarism will be found authors will be informed. Editors may resubmit manuscript for similarity check at any peer-review or production stage if required. High similarity scores may lead to rejection of a manuscript before and even after acceptance. Depending on the type of article and the percentage of similarity score taken from each article, the overall similarity score is generally expected to be less than 15 or 20%. Double Blind Peer-Review After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by the editors-in-chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope. The editor provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles and hands over the papers matching the formal rules to at least two national/international referees for evaluation and gives green light for publication upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.

Policies

The journal is an open access journal and all content is freely available without charge to the user or his/her institution. Except for commercial purposes, users are allowed to read, download, copy, print, search, or link to the full texts of the articles in this journal without asking prior permission from the publisher or the author. This is in accordance with the <a href="https://www.budapestopenaccessinitiative.org/read" target="_blank">BOAI</a> definition of open access.The open access articles in the journal are licensed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.en" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) license.

All expenses of the journal are covered by the Istanbul University. Processing and publication are free of charge with the journal. There is no article processing charges or submission fees for any submitted or accepted articles.

Authors publishing with the journal retain the copyright to their work licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/" target="_blank">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/</a>) and grant the Publisher non-exclusive commercial right to publish the work. CC BY-NC 4.0 license permits unrestricted, non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

Editor should consider publishing correction if minor errors that do not effect the results, interpretations and conclusions of the published paper are detected. Editor should consider retraction if major errors and/or misconduction that invalidate results and conclusions are detected.Editor should consider issuing an expression of concern if there is evidence of research or publication misconduct by the authors; there is evidence that the findings are not reliable and institutions of the authors do not investigate the case or the possible investigation seems to be unfair or nonconclusive. The guidelines of <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/flowcharts/complete-set-english" target="_blank">COPE</a> and <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/" target="_blank">ICJME</a> are taken into consideration regarding correction, retractions or expression of concern.RetractionJournal follows <a href="https://publicationethics.org/sites/default/files/retraction-guidelines-cope.pdf" target="_blank">COPE’s Retraction Guidelines</a> in case of retraction. The editor has the right to retract an article if: <ul><li>There is clear evidence that the findings are unreliable; either as a result of a major error (e.g. miscalculation or experimental error), or as a result of fabrication (e.g. of data) or falsification (e.g. image manipulation).</li><li>It contains plagiarised content. </li><li>It has been published elsewhere without proper attribution. </li><li>It contains material or data without authorisation for use.</li><li>There is copyright infringement or there is some other serious legal issue.</li><li>It reports unethical research. </li><li>There is evidence that the peer-review process is compromised or manipulated.</li><li>The author(s) failed to disclose a significant competing interest (also known as a conflict of interest) that, in the opinion of the editor, would have unduly influenced the interpretation of the work or the recommendations of the editors and peer reviewers.</li></ul>In case of retraction the following steps are followed:<ul><li>Retraction notice including article title is published in a subsequent issue of the journal. The retraction notice is paginated and listed in the table of contents. </li><li>A link is provided between the retraction notice and the original article in the electronic version. </li><li>The online article is preceded by a page containing the retraction notice; the reader can then proceed to the article itself.</li><li>The original article remains unchanged, except for a watermark on the .pdf on each page stating that it has been &#34;retracted”.</li></ul>Article Removal for Legal ReasonsIn the following circumstances, except the metadata (title and authors), the text of the article is removed and a page informing that the article has been removed for legal reasons replaces the article. <ul><li>The article is found to be defamatory or to infringe the legal rights of others, and retraction is not deemed to be an adequate solution.</li><li>The article has been, or is reasonably likely to be the subject of a court order.</li><li>There is a significant risk to public health. </li></ul>

To guarantee that all papers published in the journal are maintained and permanently accessible, articles are stored in Dergipark which serves as a  national archival web site and at the same time permits LOCKSS to  collect, preserve, and serve the content.Additionally, authors are encouraged to self-archive the final PDF version of their articles in open electronic archives with  that conform to standards of Open Archives Initiative (<a href="https://www.openarchives.org/" target="_blank">https://www.openarchives.org/</a>). Authors should provide a link from the deposited version to the URL of IUPress journal website.

The Artificial Intelligence Policy, prepared in light of developments in artificial intelligence (AI) and practices in scholarly publishing, sets out the editorial and ethical principles that authors, reviewers, and editors should follow when using such technologies. The following sources have been considered in the preparation of the AI policy:Committee on Publication Ethics <a href="https://publicationethics.org/guidance/cope-position/authorship-and-ai-tools" target="_blank">(COPE) - Authorship and AI tools</a>; International Committee of Medical Journal Editors <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/browse/roles-and-responsibilities/defining-the-role-of-authors-and-contributors.html#four" target="_blank">(ICMJE) - Artificial Intelligence (AI)-Assisted Technology; World Association of Medical Editors  (WAME) Chatbots, Generative AI, and Scholarly Manuscripts</a><a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/browse/roles-and-responsibilities/defining-the-role-of-authors-and-contributors.html#four"></a>AI-assisted technologies (such as large language models [LLMs], chatbots, or image generators) can develop and produce a wide variety of content, including text, images, audio, and synthetic data. When used ethically and safely, these capabilities can increase productivity and foster innovation, but when used without human guidance, they pose risks such as inaccurate and biased results, omissions and errors in citations, deficiencies in protecting privacy and intellectual property rights, and potential violations of authors' and publishers' rights. IUPress adopts the following core principles to avoid these risks in the use of AI:  <ul><li>Details of any AI used in the production of content (including but not limited to text, figures, images, and code) must be declared and clearly explained in the appropriate section of the paper (as an acknowledgement and/or in the methods section). </li><li>No AI tool may be listed as an author in any scientific paper. </li><li>Authors are responsible for the accuracy, completeness, and originality of their work, even if AI is used in any way; they are responsible for the proper referencing and attribution of others' ideas, data, words, or other materials. </li><li>Reviewers and editors must not upload submitted work, in whole or in part, to any generative AI application.</li></ul>In the editorial processes of IUPress publications, tools are available to assist editors in identifying AI-generated content. On the other hand, it is common to use AI tools that provide suggestions for improving and enhancing readability, language, and grammar, and such AI tools can be used in IUPress publications under the supervision of editors and authors.

Artificial Intelligence Policy

<ul><li>Authors are required to declare if they have used AI-assisted technologies (such as large language models [LLMs], chatbots, or image generators) in the creation of their submitted work. </li><li>Authors should explain, both in the cover letter and in the appropriate section of the submitted paper (as a footnote and/or in the methods section), which AI tool and which version of it they have used and for what purpose. </li><li>Authors should also indicate how they used the AI tool and how they assessed the validity of the results obtained using this technology, and what aspects of the paper, manuscript content, data or supporting files were influenced by the use of the AI tool or were generated by AI.</li><li>It is the authors' responsibility to ensure the accuracy, validity and appropriateness of content and citations generated by AI-assisted technologies and to eliminate potential errors, inconsistencies and biased results. </li><li>Authors should always check the original sources to eliminate possible plagiarism, recognising that there is a potential for plagiarism in texts produced with AI-assisted technologies. They should confirm that they have checked and that the sources are original.  </li><li>AI-assisted tools (such as ChatGPT) cannot be listed as authors because they cannot be responsible for the accuracy, integrity, and originality of the work, and these responsibilities are essential to authorship. Therefore, authors are responsible for all material involving the use of AI-assisted technologies. Authors should ensure that all statements in the article that state the hypotheses, interpretations, conclusions, limitations, and implications of the study represent their own opinions.  </li><li>Studies created by authors using AI tools in the following ways, which substitute for the basic researcher's and author's responsibilities, violate the principles of scientific publishing and publication ethics, and such studies are not eligible for inclusion in publications: </li></ul><ul><ul><li>&#65279;Generation of text or code without rigorous review, </li><li>Generation of synthetic data to replace missing data without a robust methodology, </li><li>Creation of any inaccurate, synthetic content, including abstracts or supplementary materials, </li><li>Creation and manipulation of images and figures (pictures, graphs, data tables, medical images, image snippets, computer codes and formulae) or original research data (enhancing, hiding, moving, removing or adding a particular feature within an image or figure) using AI.&#65279;</li></ul></ul>

It is essential to maintain confidentiality in the peer review process and not to share or use the reviewed work in this process. <a href="https://publicationethics.org/sites/default/files/ethical-guidelines-peer-reviewers-cope.pdf" target="_blank">(COPE – Ethical Guidelines for Peer Reviewers</a>)<ul><li>Reviewers should not upload a manuscript or part of a manuscript submitted to them for review to generative AI tools or large language models to assist in the review, evaluation or decision-making process, as uploading content to such AI tools by reviewers violates the authors' privacy and property rights.  </li><li>Reviewing a scientific paper is a responsibility that can only be undertaken by human beings. The critical thinking and original evaluation required for peer review is beyond the scope of this technology, and there is a risk that the technology will produce inaccurate, incomplete or biased conclusions about the paper. The peer review report and decision letters should reflect the personal assessment of the reviewers and editors of the submitted content. The reviewer is responsible and accountable for the content of his/her report. </li><li>AI tools may be used in a limited way to improve the quality of the language of the peer review report (for translation or language editing) in the context of peer review. If such use is made, the reviewer must declare the use when submitting the report. </li><li>Reviewers who suspect inappropriate or undisclosed use of generative AI in a submission should report their concerns to the editor.</li></ul>

Editors are obliged to ensure that the confidentiality of the manuscripts submitted to the journal is maintained during the evaluation process, and it is essential that the peer-reviewed work is not shared or used outside the parties involved in that process. (COPE - Code of Conduct and Best Practice Guidelines for Journal Editors) <a href="https://publicationethics.org/files/Code_of_conduct_for_journal_editors_Mar11.pdf" target="_blank">(COPE – Code of Conduct and Best Practice Guidelines for Journal Editors)</a>.<ul><li>Editors should not upload a submitted article, or any part of it, to generative Artificial Intelligence tools or Big Language Models to assist in the review, evaluation or decision-making process, as this may violate authors' privacy and property rights. </li><li>Managing the editorial review of a scientific article implies responsibilities that can only be attributed to humans. Generative AI or AI-assisted technologies should not be used by editors to assist in the evaluation or decision-making process of an article, as the critical thinking and original evaluation required for this task is beyond the scope of this technology and there is a risk that the technology will produce inaccurate, incomplete or biased conclusions about the article. The editor is responsible and accountable for the editorial process, the final decision and its communication to the authors.</li><li>Editors should not use generative AI tools to compose decision letters or abstracts of unpublished research. </li><li>Editors may use generative AI tools to help find appropriate reviewers.</li><li>If editors suspect the use of generative AI in a submitted manuscript or a submitted referee report, they should conduct an editorial review of the matter and consider the policy.</li></ul>

İstanbul University Journal of Sociology is committed to upholding the highest standards of publication ethics and pays regard to Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing published by the <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, the <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, the <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a>, and the <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> on <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a>All submissions must be original, unpublished (including as full text in conference proceedings), and not under the review of any other publication synchronously. Authors must ensure that submitted work is original. They must certify that the manuscript has not previously been published elsewhere or is not currently being considered for publication elsewhere, in any language. Applicable copyright laws and conventions must be followed. Copyright material (e.g. tables, figures or extensive quotations) must be reproduced only with appropriate permission and acknowledgement. Any work or words of other authors, contributors, or sources must be appropriately credited and referenced.Each manuscript is reviewed by one of the editors and at least two referees under double-blind peer review process. Plagiarism, duplication, fraud authorship/denied authorship, research/data fabrication, salami slicing/salami publication, breaching of copyrights, prevailing conflict of interest are unnethical behaviors.All manuscripts not in accordance with the accepted ethical standards will be removed from the publication. This also contains any possible malpractice discovered after the publication. In accordance with the code of conduct we will report any cases of suspected plagiarism or duplicate publishing.

Ethics

İstanbul University Journal of Sociology adheres to the highest standards in research ethics and follows the principles of international research ethics as defined below. The authors are responsible for the compliance of the manuscripts with the ethical rules.-    Principles of integrity, quality and transparency should be sustained in designing the research, reviewing the design and conducting the research.-    The research team and participants should be fully informed about the aim, methods, possible uses and requirements of the research and risks of participation in research.-    The confidentiality of the information provided by the research participants and the confidentiality of the respondents should be ensured. The research should be designed to protect the autonomy and dignity of the participants.-    Research participants should participate in the research voluntarily, not under any coercion.-    Any possible harm to participants must be avoided. The research should be planned in such a way that the participants are not at risk.-    The independence of research must be clear; and any conflict of interest or must be disclosed.-    In experimental studies with human subjects, written informed consent of the participants who decide to participate in the research must be obtained. In the case of children and those under wardship or with confirmed insanity, legal custodian’s assent must be obtained.-    If the study is to be carried out in any institution or organization, approval must be obtained from this institution or organization.-    In studies with human subject, it must be noted in the method’s section of the manuscript that the informed consent of the participants and ethics committee approval from the institution where the study has been conducted have been obtained.

It is authors’ responsibility to ensure that the article is in accordance with scientific and ethical standards and rules. And authors must ensure that submitted work is original. They must certify that the manuscript has not previously been published elsewhere or is not currently being considered for publication elsewhere, in any language. Applicable copyright laws and conventions must be followed. Copyright material (e.g. tables, figures or extensive quotations) must be reproduced only with appropriate permission and acknowledgement. Any work or words of other authors, contributors, or sources must be appropriately credited and referenced.All the authors of a submitted manuscript must have direct scientific and academic contribution to the manuscript. The author(s) of the original research articles is defined as a person who is significantly involved in “conceptualization and design of the study”, “collecting the data”, “analyzing the data”, “writing the manuscript”, “reviewing the manuscript with a critical perspective” and “planning/conducting the study of the manuscript and/or revising it”. Fund raising, data collection or supervision of the research group are not sufficient roles to be accepted as an author. The author(s) must meet all these criteria described above. The order of names in the author list of an article must be a co-decision and it must be indicated in the <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/ABCAC0D48F9844D0B211AD7D55559C54" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a>. The individuals who do not meet the authorship criteria but contributed to the study must take place in the acknowledgement section. Individuals providing technical support, assisting writing, providing a general support, providing material or financial support are examples to be indicated in acknowledgement section.All authors must disclose all issues concerning financial relationship, conflict of interest, and competing interest that may potentially influence the results of the research or scientific judgment.When an author discovers a significant error or inaccuracy in his/her own published paper, it is the author’s obligation to promptly cooperate with the Editor-in-Chief to provide retractions or corrections of mistakes.

Editor evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, sexual orientation, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors. Editor provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles for publication and ensures that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential before publishing.Editor is responsible for the content and overall quality of the publication and must publish errata pages or make corrections when needed.Editor does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers. Only editor has the full authority to assign a reviewer and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal.Reviewers’ judgments must be objective. Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the Editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the Editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. Unless the authors and editor permit, the reviews of referees cannot be published or disclosed. The anonymity of the referees is important. In particular situations, the editor may share the review of one reviewer with other reviewers to clarify a particular point.

Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by editor-in-chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope.The editor hands over the papers matching the formal rules to at least two national/international referees for double-blind peer review evaluation and gives green light for publication upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.&#65279;

Peer Review

Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors. Editor-in-Chief provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles for publication and ensures that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential before publishing.Editor-in-Chief is responsible for the contents and overall quality of the publication. He/She must publish errata pages or make corrections when needed.Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers. Only he has the full authority to assign a reviewer and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal.Reviewers must have no conflict of interest with respect to the research, the authors and/or the research funders. Their judgments must be objective.Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees must be ensured. In particular situations, the editor may share the review of one reviewer with other reviewers to clarify a particular point.

Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by Editor-in-Chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope.Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors and ensures a fair double-blind peer review of the selected manuscripts.​ The selected manuscripts are sent to at least two national/international external referees for evaluation and publication decision is given by Editor-in-Chief upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims. Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal. Reviewers’ judgments must be objective. Reviewers’ comments on the following aspects are expected while conducting the review.- Does the manuscript contain new and significant information?- Does the abstract clearly and accurately describe the content of the manuscript?- Is the problem significant and concisely stated?- Are the methods described comprehensively?- Are the interpretations and consclusions justified by the results?- Is adequate references made to other Works in the field?- Is the language acceptable?Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees is important.

General Formatting Requirements<a href="http://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/FileHandler2.ashx?f=formatting_guidelines1.pdf" target="_blank">Formatting and content requirements for manuscripts to be submitted to İstanbul University Journal of Sociology </a>Font: The font used in the entire manuscript should be Times New Roman, font size 10. For tables and figures, see below.Page Layout: Page margins for bottom, top, right, and left should be pre-set as 2.5 cm (0.98 inch). Text should be justified with no hyphenation breaks in words at the end of a line. Text should be typed as a single-column document. Paragraphs and headings should not be indented, but aligned with the main text.Paragraph Format: Paragraph indents should be pre-set in the tabs section as follows:before and after: 0.6 nkline spacing: 1.5.Page Limit: Manuscripts prepared in compliance with the guidelines should not exceed 20 pages.Manuscript SectionsTitle: Article titles should be boldfaced and centered. If the study has been submitted before or extracted from a project or a thesis, an asterisk (*) should be placed at the end of the title and an explanation provided as a footnote. (Please refer to the sample).Author (s)’s Names: Author’s names should be written in bold. Authors’ full names, titles, institutional affiliations, postal addresses, and contact details such as e-mail addresses should be mentioned.Abstract: Abstracts should be between150–200 words. No citations should appear in the abstractKey Words: 5–8 words representing the manuscript should be given as keywords.Main Text: Qualitative and quantitative studies should contain the following sections: Introduction, Method, Findings, and Discussion. The Methods section must include Sampling/Study Population, Data Collection Tools,and Procedure as sub-sections if an original research method has been used.Literature reviews should elaborate on the problem, analyze the relevant literature, emphasize the gaps and inconsistencies in the literature, and discuss actions toward solving these problems.Other types of studies can allow slight variations in sections, but they should not contain too many details and sub-sections that could distract readers’ attention and compromise readability.Başlık* Title in TurkishÖz* Öz (Abstract in Turkish) should be between150–200 words. No citations should appear in the “öz”Anahtar Kelimeler* 5-8 Turkish words representing the manuscript should be given as “anahtar kelimeler”Uzun Özet* A 1000-1500 word extended abstract in Turkish that provides the main points of main textReferences: Both in-text citations and references should comply with the APA guidelines as provided in the Publication Manual of American Psychological Association(APA) (6th edition).<ul><li>“Başlık”, “Öz”, “Anahtar Kelimeler” and “Uzun Özet” will be supplied by İstanbul University Journal of Sociology translation office for authors whose native language is not Turkish</li></ul>Tables, Figures, and AppendicesTables and Figures: Tables, figures, pictures, graphics, and similar aspects should be embedded in the text, and not provided as appendices.For tables and figures, use Times New Roman, font size 9.Under the Paragraph tab, ensure that the indentation is as follows:<ul><li>Before and after: 0</li><li>Spacing: Single</li></ul>Tables and figures should be left aligned, and the text wrapping feature should be turned off. Please refer to the sample below for tables.Appendices: Each appendix should be displayed on a separate page after the references section.

Author Guidelines

Before beginning the online submission process please read the Information for Authors and make sure you have the followings available:<a href="http://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/FileHandler2.ashx?f=formatting_guidelines1.pdf" target="_blank">Formatting and content requirements for manuscripts to be submitted to İstanbul University Journal of Sociology</a>Cover letter to the editor<ul type="disc"> <ul type="circle"> <li>The category of the manuscript</li> <li>Confirming that “the paper is not under consideration for publication in another journal”.</li> <li>Including disclosure of any commercial or financial involvement.</li> <li>Confirming that the statistical design of the research article is reviewed.</li> <li>Confirming that last control for fluent English was done.</li> <li>Confirming that journal policies detailed in Information for Authors have been reviewed.</li> <li>Confirming that the references cited in the text and listed in the references section are in line with APA 6.</li> </ul> </ul><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/ABCAC0D48F9844D0B211AD7D55559C54" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a>Permission of previous published material if used in the present manuscript<a href="http://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/FileHandler2.ashx?f=iusd_title.docx" target="_blank">Title page</a><ul type="disc"> <ul type="circle"> <li>The category of the manuscript</li> <li>The title of the manuscript both in the language of the article and in English</li> <li>All authors’ names and affiliations (institution, faculty/department, city, country), e-mail addresses</li> <li>Corresponding author’s email address, full postal address, telephone and fax number</li> <li>ORCIDs of all authors.</li> </ul> </ul>Main Manuscript Document<ul type="disc"> <ul type="circle"> <li>The title of the manuscript both in the language of the article and in English</li> <li>Abstracts (200-250 words) both in the language of the article and in English</li> <li>Key words: 5 words both in the language of the article and in English</li> <li>Extended Abstract (600-800 words) in English (only for articles which are not in English)</li> <li>Main article sections</li> <li>Acknowledgement (if exits)</li> <li>References</li> <li>All tables, illustrations (figures) (including title, description, footnotes)</li></ul></ul><ul type="disc"> </ul>Files to be uploaded separately<ul type="disc"> <li><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/3987D117ECEB471BB87B0B638CAF14C1" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a></li> <li>Permissions obtained for previously published material if used in the present manuscript</li> <li><a href="http://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/FileHandler2.ashx?f=iusd_title.docx" target="_blank">Title page</a></li> <li>Main Manuscript Document</li> </ul><ul type="disc"> <ul type="circle"> <li>The title of the manuscript both in the language of the article and in English</li> <li>Abstracts (200-250 words) both in the language of the article and in English</li> <li>Key words: 5 words both in Turkish and in English</li> <li>Extended Abstract (600-800 words) in English (only for articles which are not in English)</li> <li>Main article sections</li> <li>Acknowledgement (if exists)</li> <li>References</li> <li>All tables, illustrations (figures) (including title, description, footnotes)</li></ul></ul><ul type="disc"> </ul>

İstanbul University Journal of Sociology complies with APA (American Psychological Association) style 6th Edition for referencing and quoting. For more information:-    American Psychological Association. (2010). Publication manual of the American PsychologicalAssociation (6th ed.). Washington, DC: APA.-    <a href="http://www.apastyle.org" target="_blank">http://www.apastyle.org</a>Accuracy of citation is the author’s responsibility. All references should be cited in text. Reference list must be in alphabetical order. Type references in the style shown below.Citations in the TextCitations must be indicated with the author surname and publication year within the parenthesis.If more than one citation is made within the same paranthesis, separate them with (;).Samples:More than one citation;(Esin et al., 2002; Karasar, 1995)Citation with one author;(Akyolcu, 2007)Citation with two authors;(Sayıner &amp; Demirci, 2007)Citation with three, four, five authors;First citation in the text: (Ailen, Ciambrune, &amp; Welch, 2000) Subsequent citations in the text: (Ailen et al., 2000)Citations with more than six authors;(Çavdar et al., 2003)Citations in the ReferenceAll the citations done in the text should be listed in the References section in alphabetical order of author surname without numbering. Below given examples should be considered in citing the references.Basic Reference TypesBooka) Turkish BookKarasar, N. (1995). Araştırmalarda rapor hazırlama (8th ed.) [Preparing research reports]. Ankara, Turkey: 3A Eğitim Danışmanlık Ltd.b) Book Translated into TurkishMucchielli, A. (1991). Zihniyetler [Mindsets] (A. Kotil, Trans.). İstanbul, Turkey: İletişim Yayınları.c) Edited BookÖren, T., Üney, T., &amp; Çölkesen, R. (Eds.). (2006). Türkiye bilişim ansiklopedisi [Turkish Encyclopedia of Informatics]. İstanbul, Turkey: Papatya Yayıncılık.d) Turkish Book with Multiple AuthorsTonta, Y., Bitirim, Y., &amp; Sever, H. (2002). Türkçe arama motorlarında performans değerlendirme [Performance evaluation in Turkish search engines]. Ankara, Turkey: Total Bilişim.e) Book in EnglishKamien R., &amp; Kamien A. (2014). Music: An appreciation. New York, NY: McGraw-Hill Education.f) Chapter in an Edited BookBassett, C. (2006). Cultural studies and new media. In G. Hall &amp; C. Birchall (Eds.), New cultural studies: Adventures in theory (pp. 220–237). Edinburgh, UK: Edinburgh University Press.g) Chapter in an Edited Book in TurkishErkmen, T. (2012). Örgüt kültürü: Fonksiyonları, öğeleri, işletme yönetimi ve liderlikteki önemi [Organization culture: Its functions, elements and importance in leadership and business management]. In M. Zencirkıran (Ed.), Örgüt sosyolojisi [Organization sociology] (pp. 233–263). Bursa, Turkey: Dora Basım Yayın.h) Book with the same organization as author and publisherAmerican Psychological Association. (2009). Publication manual of the American psychological association (6th ed.). Washington, DC: Author.Articlea) Turkish ArticleMutlu, B., &amp; Savaşer, S. (2007). Çocuğu ameliyat sonrası yoğun bakımda olan ebeveynlerde stres nedenleri ve azaltma girişimleri [Source and intervention reduction of stress for parents whose children are in intensive care unit after surgery]. Istanbul University Florence Nightingale Journal of Nursing, 15(60), 179–182.b) English Articlede Cillia, R., Reisigl, M., &amp; Wodak, R. (1999). The discursive construction of national identity. Discourse and Society, 10(2), 149–173. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957926599010002002c) Journal Article with DOI and More Than Seven AuthorsLal, H., Cunningham, A. L., Godeaux, O., Chlibek, R., Diez-Domingo, J., Hwang, S.-J. ... Heineman, T. C. (2015). Efficacy of an adjuvanted herpes zoster subunit vaccine in older adults. New England Journal of Medicine, 372, 2087–2096. http://dx.doi.org/10.1056/NEJMoa1501184d) Journal Article from Web, without DOISidani, S. (2003). Enhancing the evaluation of nursing care effectiveness. Canadian Journal of Nursing Research, 35(3), 26–38. Retrieved from http://cjnr.mcgill.cae) Journal Article wih DOITurner, S. J. (2010). Website statistics 2.0: Using Google Analytics to measure library website effectiveness. Technical Services Quarterly, 27, 261–278. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07317131003765910f) Advance Online PublicationSmith, J. A. (2010). Citing advance online publication: A review. Journal of Psychology. Advance online publication. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/a45d7867g) Article in a MagazineHenry, W. A., III. (1990, April 9). Making the grade in today’s schools. Time, 135, 28–31.Doctoral Dissertation, Master’s Thesis, Presentation, Proceedinga) Dissertation/Thesis from a Commercial DatabaseVan Brunt, D. (1997). Networked consumer health information systems (Doctoral dissertation). Available from ProQuest Dissertations and Theses database. (UMI No. 9943436)b) Dissertation/Thesis from an Institutional DatabaseYaylalı-Yıldız, B. (2014). University campuses as places of potential publicness: Exploring the politicals, social and cultural practices in Ege University (Doctoral dissertation). Retrieved from http://library.iyte.edu.tr/tr/hizli-erisim/iyte-tez-portalic) Dissertation/Thesis from WebTonta, Y. A. (1992). An analysis of search failures in online library catalogs (Doctoral dissertation, University of California, Berkeley). Retrieved from http://yunus.hacettepe.edu.tr/~tonta/yayinlar /phd/ickapak.htmld) Dissertation/Thesis abstracted in Dissertations Abstracts InternationalAppelbaum, L. G. (2005). Three studies of human information processing: Texture amplifica&#173;tion, motion representation, and figure-ground segregation. Dissertation Abstracts International: Section B. Sciences and Engineering, 65(10), 5428.e) Symposium ContributionKrinsky-McHale, S. J., Zigman, W. B., &amp; Silverman, W. (2012, August). Are neuropsychiatric symptoms markers of prodromal Alzheimer’s disease in adults with Down syndrome? In W. B. Zigman (Chair), Predictors of mild cognitive impairment, dementia, and mortality in adults with Down syndrome. Symposium conducted at the meeting of the American Psychological Association, Orlando, FL.f) Conference Paper Abstract Retrieved OnlineLiu, S. (2005, May). Defending against business crises with the help of intelligent agent based early warning solutions. Paper presented at the Seventh International Conference on Enterprise Information Systems, Miami, FL. Abstract retrieved from http://www.iceis.org/iceis2005/abstracts_2005.htmg) Conference Paper - In Regularly Published Proceedings and Retrieved OnlineHerculano-Houzel, S., Collins, C. E., Wong, P., Kaas, J. H., &amp; Lent, R. (2008). The basic nonuniformity of the cerebral cortex. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 105, 12593–12598. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.0805417105h) Proceeding in Book FormParsons, O. A., Pryzwansky, W. B., Weinstein, D. J., &amp; Wiens, A. N. (1995). Taxonomy for psychology. In J. N. Reich, H. Sands, &amp; A. N. Wiens (Eds.), Education and training beyond the doctoral degree: Proceedings of the American Psychological Association National Conference on Postdoctoral Education and Training in Psychology (pp. 45–50). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association.i) Paper PresentationNguyen, C. A. (2012, August). Humor and deception in advertising: When laughter may not be the best medicine. Paper presented at the meeting of the American Psychological Association, Orlando, FL.Other Sourcesa) Newspaper ArticleBrowne, R. (2010, March 21). This brainless patient is no dummy. Sydney Morning Herald, 45.b) Newspaper Article with no AuthorNew drug appears to sharply cut risk of death from heart failure. (1993, July 15). The Washington Post, p. A12.c) Web Page/Blog PostBordwell, D. (2013, June 18). David Koepp: Making the world movie-sized [Web log post]. Retrieved from http://www.davidbordwell.net/blog/page/27/d) Online Encyclopedia/DictionaryIgnition. (1989). In Oxford English online dictionary (2nd ed.). Retrieved from http://dictionary.oed. comMarcoux, A. (2008). Business ethics. In E. N. Zalta (Ed.). The Stanford encyclopedia of philosophy. Retrieved from http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/ethics-business/e) PodcastDunning, B. (Producer). (2011, January 12). inFact: Conspiracy theories [Video podcast]. Retrieved from http://itunes.apple.com/f) Single Episode in a Television SeriesEgan, D. (Writer), &amp; Alexander, J. (Director). (2005). Failure to communicate. [Television series episode]. In D. Shore (Executive producer), House; New York, NY: Fox Broadcasting.g) MusicFuchs, G. (2004). Light the menorah. On Eight nights of Hanukkah [CD]. Brick, NJ: Kid Kosher.

Ensure that the following items are present: ●    Cover letter to the editorü    The category of the manuscriptü    Confirming that “the paper is not under consideration for publication in another journal”.ü    Including disclosure of any commercial or financial involvement.ü    Confirming that last control for fluent English was done.ü    Confirming that journal policies detailed in Information for Authors have been reviewed.ü    Confirming that the references cited in the text and listed in the references section are inline with APA 6.●    <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/ABCAC0D48F9844D0B211AD7D55559C54" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a>●    Permission of previous published material if used in the present manuscript●    <a href="http://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/FileHandler2.ashx?f=titlepage-tjs_637055212739219017.docx" target="_blank">Title page</a>ü    The category of the manuscriptü    The title of the manuscript both in the language of article and in Englishü    All authors’ names and affiliations (institution, faculty/department, city, country),e-mail addressesü    Corresponding author’s email address, full postal address, telephone and fax numberü    ORCIDs of all authors.●    Main Manuscript Documentü    The title of the manuscript both in the language of article and in Englishü    Abstracts (200-250 words) both in the language of article and in Englishü    Key words: 5 words both in the language of article and in Englishü    Extended Abstract (600-800 words) in English for the articles which are not in Englishü    Acknowledgement (if exists)ü    Referencesü    Acknowledgements, grant supports, conflict of interest should be indicated

<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/ABCAC0D48F9844D0B211AD7D55559C54" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/66EE5F4908F44A6FA5B92F4D78957028" target="_blank">Author Form</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/16279B004C2A43C1BF7BBE28181666F7" target="_blank">Title Page</a>

Issue Type	Regular
Editor(s)	İsmail Coşkun
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