Elif Damla

Assoc. Prof.

At the beginning of the 21st century, we witnessed how society was fragmented (Jenks, 2007), modern institutions were divided (Giddens, 2010a, 2010b), and nationstates transformed into archipelago-states composed of minorities and diasporas as a result of modern migration movements. We see blurred connections related to the formations of identity and belonging (Bauman, 2015), how organized modernity collapsed (Wagner, 2005), how global and local started to interact (Khonder, 2004; Robertson, 1995), and how this interaction gave birth to new spaces (Appadurai, 1996). This fragmented and atomized world found its place in the debates of modernism, postmodernism and globalism, and after a while, music sociology started to deal with musical activities, practices and tastes in various geographies within the context of their specific conditions and singularities. This shift of focus gave way to new concepts and theoretical frameworks in music sociology literature, such as music scenes (Cohen, 1999), micromusics (Slobin, 1992, 1993), music milieu (Webb, 2007), and musique mineure (Cler &amp; Messina, 2007). There is no doubt that the appearance of new concepts and theoretical frameworks was supported by the criticism or even rejection of existing theoretical frameworks (Bennett, 2004, p. 223), and by the fact that they fell short of analyzing small and local units that were becoming more effective in musical life. On the other hand, by the 1990s the dynamics that shape cultural life had changed. The philanthrocapitalism model (Bishop &amp; Green, 2009; Edwards, 2008) predicting a paradigm shift in sponsorship from state to private sector (Wu, 2005) was accepted and applied more widely. By the 2000s, it became obvious that cultural life at the beginning of the new century was oscillating between big corporations, business organizations, non-governmental organizations, independent organizations, and all kinds of micro organizations and communities; the need for new theoretical tools for analyzing this multi-dynamical system became more obvious than ever before. However, it should be noted that there is no single or centralized system that controls the cultural flow in the 21st century, as well as no single analytical system that can help comprehend this world (Slobin, 1992, pp. 1–5). Indeed, none of the above-mentioned concepts or frameworks claims to analyze the whole system or its parts; such a comprehensive analytical system does not appear possible anymore due to multiple singularities of small and local units. Therefore, the music sociology literature of the last two decades is full of new concepts and theoretical frameworks. Most of them are limited to a few studies; on the other hand, only a few of them are embraced and developed by different researchers. Although all of them agree on the priority and significance of ethnographic methods and in situ experiences to reveal singularities of small and local units, there seems to be no consensus on the definition of these units, or on how such a unit interacts with other units. Some of the researchers who use these concepts and frameworks took a city, a neighborhood, or a community that gathers in a certain venue as a small or local unit, and attempted&nbsp;to reveal its inner social, economic and industrial relationships; while others focused on the individual as the smallest unit or on the units that resisted industrial relations. It means that although these new concepts and theoretical frameworks grow out of a similar kind of objection to the existing frameworks, they inevitably separate from each other due to the difference in their analytical objects. For example, in the early 1990s, after academic studies adopted the concept of scene, which has been used by musicians and music journalists for a long time to describe a group of musicians, promoters, and fans that gather around particular music genres (Bennett, 2004, p. 223), it became a theoretical framework in global, mobile, and trans-local contexts with the studies of Sara Cohen (1991), Will Straw (1991), and Barry Shank (1994), and opened new methods for analyses of small and local units. Straw and Geoff Stahl used the concept this way: “scene memberships are not necessarily restricted according to class, gender or ethnicity, but may cut across all of these” and they “encompass a much more diverse range of sensibilities and practices than subculture” (Bennett, 2004, p. 225). However, as the concept was adopted by different researchers and used in studies on youth cultures and translocality, it lost its emphasis on single localities and local singularities, and became too fluid and flexible (Hesmondhalgh, 2005). Similar to the initial idea of the concept of scene, micromusics, termed by Mark Slobin, refers to the small musical units within big music-cultures, especially musics of communities shaped by deterritorialization (1992; 1993). Slobin points out that the tendencies, activities, and formations of migrant and diaspora communities do not only affect the community itself but also bigger populations in a broader sense (1991, p. 1), and thus create a diasporic interculture, on which the concept of scene stays silent. Slobin’s approach also emphasizes that without considering migrant and diaspora communities, the fragmented and atomized world cannot be fully understood. Another concept that both criticizes the concept of scene and offers an alternative to it is music milieu by Peter Webb. According to Webb, an individual’s lifeworld is composed of momentary milieu, which refers to a “relatively stable environment and disposition of the individual to the world,” and milieu structure, which refers to “the current and transitory content of the actual environment (…) through the individual’s order of values” (Webb, 2007, p. 31). Thus, he accentuates the individual, the individual’s choices, and the interaction between stable and temporary experiences. In this sense, his “small unit” is the individual, and the network around him is composed of various kinds of connections, relations, and collective activities. On the other hand, Jérôme Cler’s concept of musique mineure, borrowed from littérature mineure by Deleuze and Guattari, refers to the edges of the periphery and single practices within complicated structures; in other words, musique mineure is like sidetracks on which every kind of hegemonic mechanism is refused (2007). Nevertheless, Cler’s aim is not to offer an analytical model with this concept; on the contrary, it is to point to the fields ignored by both music sociology and ethnomusicology, to break down the dichotomy between global and local, and to show that cultural life is not only determined by global and local worlds or by their interaction. The concept of niche, which has long been used in evolutionary biology, ecology, and economics with respect to migration studies, focuses on the explanation of the change and transformation of an entity, and aims to offer an interactive concept for the entity-environment relationship. The “mixed embeddedness” approach of the concept is also useful to understand how migrant and diaspora communities become organized in particular ways and how they shape their cultural activities, since the approach focuses on the internal and external networks of the individual and its community, laws, regulations, governmental and non-governmental organizations, and on the effect of changing the habitat in which they live. In conclusion, it seems that music sociology, when it tries to understand a fragmented and atomized world, not only becomes richer in terms of concepts and theoretical frameworks, but also becomes more fragmented and atomized than ever before. Some new concepts and theoretical frameworks lose their sharpness when they are embraced and adopted by different researchers; nevertheless, each one of them consolidates the notion that the world in the 21st century is becoming more homogenous and standardized while it is fragmented and atomized at the same time.

Küçük, Parçalı ve Atomlaşmış Dünyanın Müzik Sosyolojisindeki Yeni Kavramları

Bilen

Assist. Prof.

Sociology of music mediates cultural activities related to music and society and interlaces the two. Combining the disciplines of musicology and sociology, sociology of music analyzes the economic, cultural, and social dimensions of music and their relationship with society through sociological forms of imagery in three stages; namely history, anthropology, and criticism. This discipline focuses on social behavior and interaction. As a commodity with an exchange value, music influences musical experiences in societies during industrialization, thereby overlapping the field of sociology. Therefore, any alternative that could be proposed in place of “sociology of music” is open to discussion but it would still be a concept of sociomusicology. This concept resembles both the relationship between sound and word as a declaration of an idea and the defense of an ideal and the relationship between individual and society. It is almost like a situation of inseparable togetherness. By definition, sociomusicology is both the academic sub-branch of sociology that deals with music and of musicology, which studies social aspects of musical behavior and the role of music in society. The discipline refers to the analysis of music as a social phenomenon or to social aspects of music. Social functions and references of music stem from social conditioning and play a significant role in music’s contribution to cultural change. Music affects and reflects many aspects of society, including politics, religion, current affairs, and popular culture. Consequently, the sociology of music (sociomusicology) is positioned between sociology and musicology and is a discipline that focuses on the relationship between music and the people that create, perform, and use music. Sociomusicology and approaches to music deal with the functions of codes in musical expression, almost all forms of which are determined by communication within social life. The communication element in music enables an agreement between society and sound, the signing of a semantic music contract, and the laying of groundwork for strategic possibilities and partnerships. Sociomusicology as a concept is expected to help us to understand the aesthetic and artistic qualities of special music styles born out of the cultural, political, and social structures of an era, and to define their social preconditions and importance. Sociology, while nurturing and enriching the nature of music, inevitably tends to subordinate it. Meanwhile, sociology of music acts as a counterweight to sociology, and tries to find a place within this overarching discipline. However, if sociology is constantly looking to expand its authority, musical meaning also needs to readjust itself. I propose sociomusicology in an effort to update and use a sociological concept with a focus on musicology, which was previously used as an alternative to the term ethnomusicology. With a more musical language and from a historical and theoretical perspective, sociomusicology can propose its acknowledgment and participation in the illuminated field with a redefined and independent clarifying terminology, thanks to a social structure made up of collective representations, resulting from science and intelligence. Music is not a field of art that can only be explained by the result of correlations between an increasing number of subjects,&nbsp;including composer and performer, which emerge during social change, and the works of art they create. Music also requires knowledge and interpretation of social symbols and forms. These symbols and meanings are born out of social definitions. Composers can manifest themselves and their inner world as a way of dealing with cultural objects. During processes of autonomy in sociology and fields of art, sociology of music carries out a scientific study of the relationship between music and society, especially with conceptual analyses or theoretical foundations. It also earns a social footing to music with the contribution of to social trends. Music therefore makes substantial symbolic gains, creates an effect of togetherness, and filters thoughts and acts on the basis of sociological inquiries through structuring (aesthetic, logical, and musical). It also blends the product, medium, and expectation with sounds. Considering these factors that competently and continually sustain the vibrancy of cultural and artistic production, we find that musical space is influenced by social determinations. An artist is compelled to be a creator in order to become the subject of their own creation under the hegemony of collective consciousness. The artist may conflict with the world of values and psychological conclusions, which may be a point of discussion. Sociological components of music do not only explain the ways in which sounds, tessituras, notations, and keys are created but also explains ideas borne out of cultural experiences in this field, emotions and their relationship with the language of music, and various themes, behaviors and styles used during rehearsal and performance and how they are conceptualized for cognitive acts. Meanings find validity in context. Needless to say, cultural meanings, as well as the comprehension of cultural accumulation, like tones of a major scale and its related minor scale, are diffused to related society and can be evaluated by people of a musical background with multidisciplinary perspectives who are accustomed to reflecting on music. Georg Simmel makes a distinction among his contemporaries and scientists after him with his intellectual interests and immeasurable contribution to sociology. He is one of the most important founders of sociology; he enabled its emergence as a standalone discipline in the early 20th century. He made a name for himself in social sciences literature as the “founder” of modern sociology. David Frisby argues that Simmel described and reconstructed the theory of modernity and considers him the first sociologist of modernity. His fields of study include, but are not limited to, conflict in modern culture, individuality and culture, urbanization, alienation due to modernization and metropolitan life, and the problems of social reciprocation. Simmel studies social classes and movements in modern industrial societies from a different perspective, evaluating cultural foundations from various view points within a modern capitalist economic system. Simmel holds an exclusive position in German and European sociology. He constructed a sociological perspective on philosophy with his own methods, highlighting metaphysical ways of thinking through the importance of discussing the social content of music as it relates to sociological references. He offers a simple (theory-based) classification on the role music plays&nbsp;in social life, elucidation, and styles of music. He also emphasizes that in order to correctly evaluate art’s social context, one must understand the technical aspects of the musical medium and be aware of the social processes surrounding it. Simmel’s examples demonstrate the importance of sociological investigation into how social actors acquire musical qualities and how they earn a special definition in social terms. This special definition is also related to the varieties of social arrangements that influence social systems and therefore might influence musical forms of expression. Simmel reflected on the cultural meaning of music and considered it a basis of speech. Speech, just like music, exists through interaction, and Simmel regards it as a manifesto of social relations. This is because types of interaction or social forms exist on subjective terms. Simmel’s significance in the sociology of music stems from his initiative to analyze the meaning of musical interactions through a sociology that focuses on emotions as opposed to the tradition of classical sociology. He describes music within a life-form dualism and a form on its own, a criterion that affects and defines social life. Interaction in Simmel’s epistemological and methodological foundations can be defined as mutual effects of different units which reappear as a methodological tool for Simmel in other theoretical subjects he deals with. This paper explains the historical perspectives in the sociology of music [sociomusicology], and compares ideas on the sociology of music by other sociologists and scholars, with a focus on Georg Simmel.

Müzik Sosyolojisi [Sosyomüzikoloji] Evreninde Tarihsel Perspektifler ve Georg Simmel

Uğur

As an art form, a symbol of the cultural or communal space, and a representation of self and identity, music has always been subjected to sociological and anthropological studies. Despite some minor differences in the methodology and the philosophical orientation of these two disciplines, there has been an increasing convergence concerning their main interest in the multifaceted relations between individuals and the society they inhabit. Thus, sociology and social anthropology have conceptually come much closer. The proximity between the two disciplines has especially grown from the second half of the 20th century, with the advent of new communication technologies and because of the irrevocable influence of globalization. Accordingly, the post-industrial mechanisms of musical production, as well as the postmodern approach to musical reception, have fundamentally altered the nature of the “unfamiliar other” within music cultures. The main focus of contemporary studies on music now seems to revolve around an undetermined other. The imperial and colonial roots of social anthropology aroused scholarly interest in the discovery of the components of newfound lands. From food and everyday life rituals to music and dances, there grew an interest in the culture of “native” people who were, most of the time, considered to be primitive and in need of a “civilizing process.” Ethnomusicology, as a sub-discipline of social anthropology, was inevitably influenced by this attitude at the beginning and gave birth to a series of studies including organology, taxonomy, and the classification of the music of the “far away other” that needed to be “discovered.” Early ethnomusicological works, therefore, adopted the methods of comparative musicology. Studies on music cultures acquired an interdisciplinary character during the 1950s after Kunst coined the term “ethnomusicology.” Yet, the emerging interest in non-western music, and in particular, in the music of the so-called primitive communities and that of Eastern civilizations, was still unable to create a clear understanding of the scope of this discipline. Benchmarks such as the collimating question of Blacking (1973) concerning the level of musicality of man, and the commonly held model of Merriam (1964) on the three analytical levels of anthropology of music, ensured that socially driven musical behavior has gradually become the main focus of the discipline in the decades that have followed the initial period of ethnomusicology. Along this path, the position of “the other” and music of external cultures became more ambiguous during the post-colonial era, as the social actors started to experience a deterritorialization and become more uprooted than ever before. Bhabha’s (1994) “mimicry man” and Spivak’s (2010) “subaltern” are the two key concepts which may help to understand the ambivalence, the hybridity and the vagueness of the concept of the other. To put it in a different way, the seemingly simple question, “whose music is it?” has now become a confusing challenge. Concomitantly, contemporary theories including symbolic and interpretative anthropology, rallied to the analysis&nbsp;of the actor’s socially driven musical behavior. For instance, Turner’s concept of “communitas,” “social and cultural drama,” and “liminoid” are of great help to music anthropologists who seek to interpret the portrayal of the other within the multiple meanings and representations of a particular music culture. The sociology of music, on the other hand, has long been interested in the study of music cultures within industrialized, urbanized, and modernized societies. The modus operandi of music sociologists features, first and foremost, the collectivity behind a musical performance. The mechanism of the production, distribution and consumption of music from the macro perspective has thus been a major research object. Yet, the interest in the analysis of the nature, the levels and the patterns of social interactions during a musical performance requires the adaptation of a micro perspective, akin to the anthropology of music. This extensive scope has allowed contemporary music sociologists to develop broader and more inclusive concepts, such as Small’s (1999) “musicking” or Bennett’s “music scene.” Likewise, audience analysis has been detailed another fundamental theme of this discipline. For instance, Adorno’s (1994) “typology of listeners” describes a range that includes the jazz expert and the culture consumer to the emotional listener. The list has been expanded by newer and more flexible typologies such as Peterson’s (1992) “omnivore listeners”. Popular music studies have also gained a more expandable character during the postAdorno period when a more nuanced critical standpoint was developed for the evaluation of highbrow and lowbrow musical preferences. Clear-cut groupings for the social stratification of taste in music have started to lose their integrity due to the allegedly unifying force of the popular music sphere where the notion of the other is “skillfully covered.” Nevertheless, the standardized musical forms, techniques, and songs designed particularly for consumption create a high level of alienation and reification, where the listener continuously oscillates between the I and the Other. Thus, musical pieces within the problematic categories of “world music” and “subcultural music” have now become a commodity for international music markets that know how to make use of their authenticity and the manner in which their marginality can be commercialized. Our world today is characterized by a high level of interconnectedness, where the driving mechanism of post-industrial production leaves almost no space for the autonomic existence of a local cultural fragment. It is getting harder to speak of a “far away music culture” in which the notion of a totally unfamiliar other exists. Consequently, the overlapping scope of the sociology and the anthropology of music have been enlarged especially on account of the increasing interest in transcultural music communities within complex urban soundscapes. Still, despite the one-click-away accessibility of millions of musical pieces by means of new communication technologies, the increasing impersonality and anonymity seems to bring about, this time, “the death of the other.”

Müzik Kültürleri İncelemelerinde “Öteki” Kavramı Üzerine Sosyolojik ve Antropolojik Yaklaşımlar

Nuran

Prof.

Music and society have complex social bonds. In addition to the internal characteristics of music, the flowing and changing features of social aspects emphasize the need to discuss the major issues within the sociology of music, and to define certain problems. The purpose of this article is to evaluate the major turning points in arabesk music in recent years by underlining the main themes in the sociology of music that lead to the emergence of new insights about the themes within the framework of the sociological and methodological agenda produced by evaluation tracks. In Turkish society in the 1950s, there was a unique way of living called “the arabesk culture,” which can be sociologically and anthropologically observed in the forms of music, daily rituals, and even in political attitudes. Arabesk music was accompanied by a unique mentality, or way of thinking and feeling, which became part of the Turkish mainstream popular culture, and it deserves to be investigated not only as a way of life, but also as a method of expression about the world. An in-depth cultural analysis reveals that the sociological phenomenon called “arabesk” transcends description as a mere sentimental mood or cultural artifact of a migration process; on the contrary, it has become a significant cultural value for many people from various social backgrounds. This paper also attempts to offer a cultural reading to gain an understanding of the intertwining of culture and society, in the sense that the formation and the mediation of cultural meanings can provide a map to decipher the positions and roles of major actors, ideological scripts of media texts, and rhetorical choices of popular cultural icons. “Arabesk” is not only a cultural form; it also describes a condition which refers to a unique mentality, a form of thinking, and a way of life, all of which are produced and reproduced by living practices of many people experiencing different worlds. In other words, the “arabesk” cultural condition is a significant cultural reference for many people within a wide range of settings, and the lyrics are formulated in such a way as to depict a tension between cultural forms of Western and non-Western lifestyles. The arabesk cultural condition is also related to understanding ambivalent elements in identities of different natures; that is, city dwellers in Turkey have identities that combine rural, traditional, and semi-urban characteristics. “Arabesk” is also a cultural artifact stemming from the process of creating an otherness in the lifeworld of Turkish society. The “arabesk” cultural code is a product of a complex sociological transformation, ostensibly marked by a rapid migration from rural areas to various urban settings, starting in the 1950s, and leading to the formation of a class of migrants unable to identify themselves with the urban culture, its practices and the lifestyle to which they were exposed. In general, the lyrics included themes such as sorrow, love, passion, separation, resignation to fate, and resentment. Arabesk music and its performers became well-known in popular culture, and there have been different forms of the arabesk music that are popular not only with the newly urbanized, but also with those already defined as urbanites from different segments of the society. The gecekondu culture has been differentiated and transformed to such an extent that new trends in the music industry made access to music widely available. This picture helps us to understand the ways in which individuals who follow Müslüm Gürses, an Arabesk cult figure since 1970s, desire to be recognized as equals, and to be protected by “Müslüm,” defined as their “father.” Although the followers of Müslüm Gürses were labelled “illiterates” due to their tendency to internalize sentimentality instead of material and rational objectives, they reject a cultural position which projects their deprivation from material demands in such a highly “unjust and unfair world.” Being accepted into the cult-like subculture of Müslüm’s followers has been signified through various different rituals and practices, such as cutting or blading their bodies during concerts as a reference to or sign of being accepted as a member of the so-called group. Some fans involved in such rituals during the concerts seem to be seeking recognition within their own subculture, as well as within the wider society. In this context, the body also becomes a signifier in a world within which one is left with nothing else. The icon of Müslüm Gürses has been transformed by the culture industry since the 1990s. He was seen in famous brand commercials, took part in live music shows, and even produced an album with pop music artists, indicating the extent to which a local/ national cultural celebrity could transform into a well-known figure appreciated by the global cultural industry. His authenticity was questioned as a result of his growing popularity created by the market. His music and his presence have been interpreted as having more authentic value than various pop music artists, a development which was not welcomed by his followers, who instead preferred to focus on the glorification of his masculinity and his father-like nature. In summary, the analyses formulated in this study are based on a reading which attempts to investigate cultural forms epitomized through arabesk. Instead, of attaching concepts stemming from the Western theories about a situation we have observed unfolding, I opt to develop an understanding of the ways in which individuals make sense of the world, interpret their habits, and consider it worth investigating the unique way of thinking that this process creates. The cultural forms here are accepted as symbols which help to construct maps of meanings for the daily routines of individuals influenced by arabesk music. The cultural analysis in this paper aims at offering an interpretation of the arabesk condition in general, and, in particular, its role in constructing meaning in everyday life.

Müzik Sosyolojisi Açısından Arabesk Müziğin Dönüşümü

Ömer Can

Globalization and localization dialectically has articulated the relation between traditional and the modern and has paved the way for popular music types that are produced in line with the zeitgeist. Without doubt, one of these music types is the concept of the New Ankaralı Music, which has always been on the agenda in Turkey in recent years. The main purpose of this study is to assess this music type, which began to produce its first samples in the early 1980s and which has become an important object of popular culture over the past ten years by surpassing local boundaries in terms of its musical foundations as well as socio-cultural dynamics. The fact that this approach, which is conceptualized as Ankaralı music, is based on certain determining factors comes to the forefront as one topic that must be addressed in this study. Indeed, it is necessary that this topic be explained in detail, because Ankaralı music possesses indicators that evoke certain musical notions in the mind in terms of etic and emic (traditional dance of Ankara, spoon dance) and a unique sensual design under the title of Ankara sound. Furthermore, it refers to a discourse of Ankaralı that is male-dominant in an ideological context, and finally, it takes place within a certain historical adventure with new entertainment locations and rituals that are based on ancient traditions. In its shortest definition, the music of Ankara is a new concept which is shaped amid the traditional and the modern within a certain geographical area. It is influenced by both traditional and popular culture, which is a manifestation of modern life, and which is open to global articulation and hence to change and innovation. While this music type has its roots in local music traditions of Ankara and its peripheral geography (the music tradition of Seymens, the folk music of Ankara and the music tradition of the Central Anatolia), it continues to develop through production forms based on popular culture. One part of Ankaralı music is rooted in an ancient tradition, while another part of it depends on a form of interaction with current popular culture music forms. Of course, this structure is a natural outcome of the cultural relationship between the traditional and modern, and is directly related to the dialectics of center-periphery, as conceptualized by Hannerz (1998). In this sense, Ankaralı music corresponds to the meanings ascribed to music by lower income residential areas as compared to the Ankara city center, which is equally distant to the rural and the urban areas - not spatially but with respect to lifestyle. It is also a cultural projection of the peripheral life that is formed based on the center-periphery dynamics. All these events gave rise to a music centered on Ankara, which can be clearly defined today. It has its unique musical and oral discourse, can produce locations based on historical inclinations, and develops new rituals and practices. Although Ankaralı music is a product of periphery dynamics in demographic terms, it is an urban music in its essence, and it partially reflects city life. While this music type that emerged from slum culture brings forward its proximity to Arabesk music, it is not a coincidence that a new type of urban folklore appears around Ankara in a period during which the meaning of Arabesk changed. It is inevitable that the urban population mostly from Central Anatolia and the districts around Ankara and settling in the periphery, and those who define themselves as Ankaralı, would express themselves with this music. Another justification for Ankaralı music is that it depends on some practices based on historical inclinations. For instance, it is possible to connect the historical foundations of the locations in which this music is produced to music assemblies that were performed in and around Ankara, such as cümbüş and muhabbet. Indeed, the current data indicate that the Seymens of Ankara had a kind of entertainment called cümbüş, which they secretly performed in accordance with a certain hierarchical order, style, and discipline, and which involved elements such as alcohol consumption, women, music, and dance. The rapid modernization and urbanization process that Ankara underwent with the foundation of the Republic inevitably removed the traces of the cümbüş tradition from the city center. This entertainment practice was replaced with modern venues such as music halls and night clubs as of the 2000s. Today, there are tens of venues performing Ankaralı music in the triangle of Ulus, Maltepe and Cebeci. The association of venue and sound has an important place in the formation of Ankaralı music. Indeed, this music type has a distinguishable sensual design beyond its history, discourse, cultural venues, and entertainment practices, and all these factors contribute to the emerging tonal construct. In this respect, Ankaralı music needs to be designated as a local sound manifestation in the musicological context. While the display areas of this structure, conceptualized as “Ankaralı sound”, is doubtlessly formed by instrument elements and vocal styles, we can see that elektrosaz, a type of instrument that works with electronic amplification, comes to the forefront as a designator of authenticity in the Ankaralı music. Along with elektrosaz, percussion instruments like kaşık (spoons), bells, darbuka, bendir, bongos, tef, and keyboards, which provide harmonization, are instrument groups that complete the Ankaralı sound. Of these sound components, percussion instruments construct the traditional aspect of Ankaralı music, whereas the keyboards, which form the harmonic framework, represent music’s modern side. Elektrosaz, on the other hand, has a symbolic meaning as an indicator of the dialectic relation that this music type has formed between the traditional and the modern. However, live musical performances based on a context of scene underlie this local sound concept. Here, while the notion of scene plays a significant role in understanding Ankaralı music, it is inevitable to look at the groups of people with shared values, organizations, and behaviors that cluster around this music practice and the relationship of production and consumption of the music constructed in this scope from the framework of the “local scene”. Indeed, urban venues such as night clubs and music halls in which the Ankaralı music is constructed today are outcomes of the collective consciousness that requires a large number of people to work as a team, as stated by Becker (2013). Further, all these collective conventions are carried out by actors such as the musicians, the women dancers, the owners of the venues, the staff, and the audience. Doubtlessly, the figure of the musician is the driving force of this joint activity. The data obtained show that the development of Ankaralı music within a specific cultural location is shaped by the habits of musicians in a Bourdieu’s sense. It can be said that especially the&nbsp;performance practices that Ankara musicians carry out in these locations and their performance techniques, styles, and repertoires are associated with direct historical inclinations they have, and that their cultural capital is based on tradition. Another factor that reproduces Ankaralı music in the environment of the local scene is entertainment practices, and the woman figure stands out in this dimension. Indeed, the performances that women dancers carry out on stage in these venues and the entertainment rituals that appear at the same time are an important determinant of strategies for making music. There is effective communication, on the stage, between the women dancers and the musicians throughout the performance. In particular, the high-pitched darbuka can lead the dance by changing rhythmic combinations according to the movements of the dancer, and the women actors can consolidate a whole musical performance. Again, an entertainment ritual taking place through the woman dancer on the stage and the consumers/audience is directly related to music. This practice, which has been conceptualized in Ankara jargon as “çök”, depends on a traditional understanding of entertainment that was performed in the past in indoor environments in and around Ankara, and in which music and dance were intertwined. In these environments in which Ankaralı music is constructed, taking the dance floor with the women is a significant indication of prestige for the audience and it is an important source of income for all these venues. The most distinct feature of this entertainment practice within the context of music is that it diversifies the repertoire of Ankaralı music. Indeed, this ritual, which is performed throughout the night in a cyclical manner, is accompanied by music pieces from different styles. In this sense, it is possible to mention five types of repertoire components, named bozlak, traditional dance music, muhabbet-oturak music types, Central Anatolian folk songs, eclectic dance music, and ankarabesk. In conclusion, Ankaralı music is not a culture of disharmony that brings a traditional atmosphere to the city or turns its back on the urban culture; on the contrary, it is a practice which accepts that there is a problem of meaning determined by urban dynamics, brings about a response to it, and carries a consciousness of harmony and tradition with this response. This music is also actualized through the discourse of Ankaralı as an indicator of identity. However, the identity of Ankaralı emphasized here indicates the masses who came into this city from the peripheral settlements and identified themselves with this city. They embraced being an Ankaralı as a tool of upper identity, rather than defining the capital Ankara, which is an indication of the modernization of the Republic. This indication will certainly bring with it the contrast of the old and new Ankaralı music cultures. Definitely, musical pieces with a “moral-didactical-spiritual” discourse, which are often encountered in the “old Ankaralı” music culture, have been replaced with a more “humorous-earthly-immoral” discourse in the new Ankaralı music culture. In spite of this serious shift in discourse, although the old and the new traditions resemble each other particularly in terms of melodic structures, it is an undeniable fact that the biggest influence on the melodic choices has been popular culture.

Yeni Ankaralı Müziğinin Tanımı Üzerine

Ozan

This study examines the birth of Anatolian Pop music in Turkey in a holistic manner, and it is also based on the conviction that a simple, unilateral interpretation of musical phenomena is insufficient. Therefore, this study necessarily involves an interdisciplinary approach. However, it must be noted that an interdisciplinary approach also involves the danger of reducing sociology to music; conversely it also involves the danger of reducing musical phenomena to sociological conventions. Therefore, this study also discusses the ways in which a sociological analysis of music must be conducted. This study draws from the Bourdieusian sociological theory of art, and it involves the analysis of structural history; interactive fields—politics and music, in this context; musical phenomena; and the structures and agencies that influenced music in Turkey in the 1960s. Anatolian Pop could be classified as a distinctive type of protest music. However, much like other kinds of music, protest music cannot be defined in an exact manner. Therefore, it is important to consider different dynamics to situate and analyze Anatolian Pop as an alternative musical form. For example, Anatolian Pop singers opposed the kind of music that was popular and considered legitimate in Turkey in the 1960s: arrangement music. Arrangement music was typically based on translations of wellknown French, Italian, or Spanish songs. In fact, their opposition to arrangement music constituted an important aspect of the protest music they pioneered in Turkey. On the other hand, the Anatolian Pop movement was also more than a musical movement. It involved the discovery of a cultural identity based on eclectic musical ideas. First, this study reviews the basic concepts of Bourdieusian sociological theory. Pierre Bourdieu, a popular French sociologist, is known for the emphasis he placed on historical analysis and structure, and, for this reason, many consider him a structural constructivist. The following concepts of Bourdieusian sociological theory are salient in the context of this study: the notions of “field” and “habitus”; the different forms of capital (cultural, social, economic and symbolic); social space; the relationship between structure and agency, doxa, and illusio; the autonomous and heteronomous principles that govern artistic production; and the main strategies involved in a given field, such as conservation, succession, or subversion. According to Bourdieu, “fields” represent the setting and social positions of power relations. Bourdieu also argued that the boundaries of a field, such as the boundaries of music for instance, are fluid in nature. Therefore, a field mainly serves as a site for change. Moreover, changes in the structure of power relations directly or indirectly affect the construction of their respective fields. Second, this study focuses on Turkish politics during the 1960s. Since the 1960 coup, Turkey has continued to witness several types of coups and takeovers. The 1960 coup marked the beginning of a new political era: it resulted in the adoption of a Constitution&nbsp;in 1961, which is widely regarded as the most democratic Constitution in Turkish history. Not only did it guarantee fundamental rights and freedoms it also had positive effects on artistic and cultural production. It also signified the demise of the oppressive political environment of the 1950s. The birth of Anatolian Pop in the 1960s, therefore, was not merely accidental or spontaneous. The emergence of a favorable political environment played a key role in shaping autonomous art in Turkey during this period. The political climate in Turkey in the 1960s was essentially characterized by its libertarian stance. As a result, Turkish music came to be influenced by foreign music to a certain extent. At the same time, protest music as well as folk music and Rock and roll gained popularity in the US. In addition, the Beat Generation influenced various counterculture movements during the same period and beyond. Most music companies that operated in Turkey in the 1960s were originally formed in other countries. Companies such as Capitol, Columbia, Odeon, Sahibinin Sesi, Pathe, Grafson, and Foniti, are relevant examples in this context. Most of these companies sought to introduce foreign songs in Turkey. Odeon, however, had a different approach; the company focused on local musicians, and it also produced new Turkish songs. “Bak Bir Varmış Bir Yokmuş” (Once Upon A Time), released by Odeon, is considered to be the first formal Turkish pop song. However, it must be noted that this song was only an arrangement of Bob Azzam’s “C’est écrit dans le ciel.” Nonetheless Bak Bir Varmış Bir Yokmuş was widely appreciated by the people in Turkey. Therefore, it could be said that the 1960s, especially the mid-1960s, was a period during which new rules began to govern Turkish music. Some Turkish musicians obeyed these rules without questioning. In other words, it could be said that they adapted to the changing doxa. Moreover, Turkish Pop was the most dominant characteristic of this new doxa. It was also considered rational and pragmatic for Turkish musicians to adopt elements of Turkish Pop. In fact, even prominent musicians, such as Özdemir Erdoğan, adopted elements of Turkish Pop during this period. On the other hand, those who did not obey the new rules paved the way for synthesizing Turkish folk and rock. Cem Karaca, a prominent Turkish rock musician, defined this fusion of Turkish folk and rock as “National Turkish Music.” Subsequently, Moğollar’s Taner Öngür coined the term “Anatolian Pop,” and the term was mainly used to explain musical intentions. This new genre symbolized a counter stance and challenged the dominant rules of, what, as per Bourdieusian terminology, may be called the “music field.” In a very short span of time, Anatolian Pop became one of the key elements of the Turkish music industry. The following factors drove the rise of this new type of music: increased touring opportunities, increased number of music contests (such as The Golden Microphone), the libertarian essence of the 1961 Constitution, and the increasing cultural capital, which enabled the audience to appreciate Anatolian&nbsp;Pop. Moreover, musicians frequently switched and swapped Anatolian Pop bands, and although this increased competition, it also paved the way for collaboration. It is also worth mentioning that a significant number of Anatolian Pop musicians were graduates of distinguished Turkish high schools, such as Robert College and Galatasaray High School. They were typically born into middle-class or rich families. As a result, they also possessed high amounts of cultural capital. They were also proficient in foreign languages, especially French and English. These factors enabled them to follow and appreciate Western music. It is also interesting to note that most of the Anatolian Pop musicians were males. Few female musicians, such as Rana Alagöz and Hümeyra, achieved the same level of popularity. Local sounds came into prominence during this period, and an “art for art’s sake” approach also became popular. Therefore, it can be said that, during the 1960s, Turkish music was characterized by the emergence of unique traditions and internal dynamics, which is most notably exemplified by the emergence of Anatolian Pop. The Turkish government also supported local music, and this also influenced Anatolian Pop.

Türkiye’de 1960’larda Müzik Alanı ve Protest Müziğin İlk Nüveleri: Anadolu Pop Akımı

Ayşe

Res. Assist.

Although research exists today about the origins of the Tango, which is popular in various countries of the world, research about the relationship of the dance with the music is still inadequate. The activities called milonga, where tango dancers come together and dance, show the influence of music on this performance. The focus of this study is the DJs who are responsible for the music selection played during the dancers’ performance in the milongas and who have become an indispensable part of these performances over the past 10 years. The study presents information about the origins and development of tango obtained from our literature study on the history of tango. We also examine the process of diffusion of tango dance and music in Turkey. The second pillar of the study is based on the structural analyses of milonga made according to field survey data obtained in Istanbul between April and October 2016 using a participatory observation method. This field survey included regular and festival milongas organized by the tango schools active in Istanbul as well as by organizers who are not attached to any schools. The last section is dedicated to our narration of the information obtained during semi-structured personal interviews with 6 different tango DJs. The source persons were selected by taking the factor of experience into consideration: they have each been performing tango for more than 5 years and performing as DJs for at least 3 years. Although the interviewed source persons were from distinct age and professional groups, they share the common characteristic of having played in various cities in Turkey and in milongas, festivals, and marathons abroad. After the field study and interviews, in accordance with the target specified in this study, our goal was to determine the causes of the nearly daily increasing diffusion of tango DJ’ing that has become a new area of performance in recent years in Turkey and in the world, and to understand the function of the DJ in milongas. Tango synthesizes distinct kinds of dance. At the origins of tango, which is accepted to have emerged as a product of the sub-culture in Buenos Aires, there are numerous dance styles, including 19th century pas de deux (waltz, polka, torch songs, mazurka and Scottish dance) and milonga, which is a dance with Argentinian and Uruguay origins; there are also distinct dance styles such as habanera, tango Andaluz (Andalusian tango), maxixe (Brazilian dance), tango rioplatense (Argentinian dance from the Rio de la Plata region), milonga (Spanish troubadour style), and tangos de negros (tangos of the African slaves) in its composition. Tango was been associated with prostitution since women danced with men for money during the popular festivals organized in Buenos Aires during the second half of the 1800’s. Women working in the brothels also performed the tango. Developed under the influence of the academies established during the last&nbsp;quarter of the century for educational purposes, tango ceased to be a product of the sub-culture and was accepted by vast masses together with the establishment of tango orchestras and its being performed in dancing houses, halls, and theaters. Thanks to film and sound recordings about tango made at the beginning of the 20th century, the dance attracted the French, which made it widespread in Paris. Tango spread to different countries and was accepted by the other classes in Argentina after the prestige it gained in Europe and especially in Paris. It is at the beginning of the 20th century when tango dance started to diffuse from Europe to the USA, Japan, and Turkey from its center; namely, Paris. Tango came to be known in Turkey as a kind of music thanks to the records coming from Argentina and France due to the widespread use of gramophones and phonograph records. Today there are schools providing tango education in various Turkish cities such as Istanbul, Ankara, Izmir, Eskişehir, Kocaeli, Adana, Samsun, Antalya and Muğla, and milongas are organized regularly by these schools or by independent organizers. The activities called milonga, where people who perform tango come together and dance, are organized at various venues such as dance schools, hotels and historical buildings, and they are separated into two types: routine milongas and festival milongas. The routine milongas are activities that are usually organized by dance schools on certain evenings of the week, every week. These evenings, which are usually organized at an apartment where education also takes place, are hosted by the school educators or by organizers at various venues, and maintain a continuous participation of amateur and professional tango dancers in order to dance and socialize. The festivals, which are organized once a year and last for two or more days, are large organizations which contain evening and daytime milongas, workshops, and tango shows. The milongas involve a socially shared time period and they are held in places where the tango performer makes the first step toward the related social environment. Here, dancers, educators, and organizers have the chance to introduce themselves to other people in the tango community. During this introduction process, milonga, which is experienced through dance, is a kind of a rite of passage for the dancers. The most important criterion for the dancers to sustain their existence within the tango community is their continuity of participation in the milongas. One of the most important actors of the milongas, which include a complete performance venue together with the activity space, light and sound set up, influence of the organizers, costume preferences of the dancers, dance floor factor, and elements of dance and music, are the DJs. The DJs who have performed during the milongas in Turkey for nearly 10 years fulfill a need that emerged&nbsp;in the area of tango over time and fills a new task area based on this need. The DJs play an active role in the participation of the tango dancers in the organized activities. While during the first years, selections of milonga music were made by the organizers or by the dance educators, by chance, this task was transferred to the DJs since 2006–2007. The DJs are especially invited to the milonga activities, and in time, a milonga flow has been accepted which is constituted by grouping the songs in tango, milonga, and waltz into a certain pattern. Today, although some smaller nuances are seen, the milonga flow is stable in a general sense, and it is constituted by cortinas, which are intermedius for resting and changing partners and tandas constituted by the successive sequence of the song groups according to certain rules. The tango DJs build the milonga flow and conduct the influence of the music on the dancers and consequently the flow of the activity together with the music they have selected. The DJs we met are inseparable from the milongas today; they have the social status of opinion leaders, which also influences the milonga preferences of the social and professional dancers. The question as to how they conduct such an evening has its answer in the intellectual infrastructure underlining their music selections. The process of constituting the music they play during the milonga, which lasts for almost four hours, the modifications they make during the activity while observing the dancers, and the atmosphere of the environment are all under the initiative of the DJs. The DJ’s basic task is to take the advancing of the milonga, the number of the people participating in the evening, and the dancing level of the dancers into consideration and make changes to the prepared list if needed. The internal harmony of the tandas is determined according to criteria such as the song composers, playing orchestra, the soloists, and the recording date of the sound. The DJs have a kind of filtering function during the milonga by making the music selection, and they shape the performance by eliminating the appropriate pieces among all tango music and by transmitting certain tunes to the dancers. The DJs function as threshold watchers of the milonga and read body and space based on their observations during the activity; they conduct and control the crowd and the time. The performance production which emerges as a result of all this directs the communication with the dancers in the rotation.

Milonganın Eşik Bekçileri: Tango DJ’leri

Nevin

In a world of migration and transnationality the question of “roots and belongings” can be a confusing question. Music plays an important role in the formation of migrant identities and transnational ties, and as a response to the “tone-deafness” of anthropology to music, this study digs into music and identity in the context of migration, through German-Turkish young women’s experiences of classical Turkish music. The second and third generation of migrant communities, who move from “immigrants” to “settled population”, inevitably experience different identification processes because they are at the intersection of the home country and the host country. The diasporic musics signal multiplicity rather than “a state of being stuck between two stools.” This study is an effort to understand the importance of the “home country” and its traditional musics in the experiences of youth with migration histories. Another reason for focusing this research on a traditional genre was that the young people engaging in this genre do not pose a threat to society in terms of cultural representation. As compared to the abundant literature on genres like rap and hip-hop among migrant youth, this study tries to give a voice to a “muted” genre by referring to the “invisibility” of the majority culture. For this purpose, an ethnographic research was conducted for three months among the classical Turkish music choirs in Berlin in 2009. As several of the interlocutors were German citizens, it was difficult to identify them as Turkish on national level. However, it was also difficult to identify them as German as they all had ties with Turkey. To escape an essentialist fallacy, the migration story was taken as the central point and the young women are referred to as German-Turkish throughout the article. The interlocutors were aged between 12 and 27 years, were unmarried with one exception, and were all learning classical Turkish music in choirs. Identity is a concept of multiple disciplines, and it has evolved from a single and holistic term to a flexible and multi-dimensional understanding, leaving its place in international literature to “belongings”. Similarly to other concepts such as “processual identity,” “positionalities,” and “intersectionality,” belongings also refer to a variety of experiences and “fluid and fluctuating” identifications. Identity and belongings are both used in this study as they involve the memories of the “home country” and the “host country,” and people’s experiences of themselves and of others. Transnationality as a concept also signals a multiplicity of identifications; it explains the state of being both here and there, and feeling of being “at home” in different cultures. Theoretical approaches to identity and transnationality assure that the musical experiences of the German-Turkish young women can be understood as transnational. A broad literature focusing on the musical experiences of GermanTurkish youth is available, and their “sitting on a third chair” can be emphasized, as the German-Turkish youth have not been as Germanized as the nation-state wants&nbsp;them to be, but they have not stuck to the Turkishness of their parents either. This third culture comes out in their musical productions in a glocal sense, especially in rap and hip-hop. But it should be pointed out that research on the experiences of music and identity among migrant youth generally leaves behind issues of gender, which cannot be ignored in a study on classical Turkish music that is mainly performed by women in the German-Turkish context. By classical Turkish music, I refer to the genre that was a crucial part of the Ottoman urban life, which has a variety of vocal and instrumental forms spreading across about 500 makams and 80 usuls. This is sometimes acknowledged as Ottoman music, art music, or merely “musiki,” and the history of its performance in Germany among amateur choirs dates back to the 1970s. The data for this study were collected in a three-month ethnographic research mainly in Berlin in 2009. The classical Turkish music circles focused on were Konservatorium für türkische Musik Berlin and Spandau Türk Sanat Müziği Korosu. Benefiting from methodological approaches of “construction of the field,” “multi-sited ethnography,” and “grounded theory,” I integrated semi-structured interviews and expert interviews into the research. In addition to the data collection, as part of the observation of participation, I attended the weekly practices of the amateur choirs, took part in the organization of a concert at Rundfunk Berlin-Brandenburg hall, sang in one concert, and played the part of a journalist in the final play of the Spandau choir. The data is analyzed into different sub-groups of definitions of the home country, experience in classical Turkish music, relationship with Turkey, Turkishness by levels of language, religion and nationality, and contestation of belongings. In the first sub-group, it is striking that many young women define their home country in two parts: the Turkish town their parents belong to and the German city they were born in. The start of their experience in classical Turkish music is usually associated with a different motivation than the music itself, such as requirements for studying logopedics or being neighbors with the choirmaster. Concerning the relationships with Turkey, many young women spend their summers there, even traveling with the choir to perform in concerts. In regard to Turkishness, there are examples of comparing Turks with other nationalities, especially on an emotional basis and attaching Turkishness to linguistic and religious elements. Although Turkishness is holistically revered among the young women (despite the despised features attributed to Turkishness, such as tardiness and inappropriate behavior in public), the language of communication among them is usually German. The choirmaster of the conservatory, Nuri Karademirli (d. 2013), felt the need to warn his choir about extra-musical issues before a performance in front of an international audience. He used a Turkish saying (Kol kırılır yen içinde kalır.) for referring to the micro-culturally acceptable mistakes and preferred a German sentence&nbsp;(Es geht um uns.) for emphasizing his intolerance for mistakes within transnational representations. This linguistic duality was a miniature example of the variety of belongings and the contestation in between. Another expression by Nuri Hoca when referring to the German-Turkish people, concerning the contestation of belongings, was half in German and half in Turkish: deutsche Türk. The contestation of revered Turkishness and despised Turkishness not only shapes the everyday experiences of German-Turkish young women but also their taste in music and their differentiation of Turkish citizens visiting Germany from GermanTurkish people. As a researcher from Turkey, I received appreciation from many interlocutors, and the main reason behind this was that I was studying abroad and they felt unable to do this due to the fear of racism. The effort of negotiating the tension between different belongings comes out in the performance of classical Turkish music, which as a genre helps the German-Turkish young women distinguish themselves from German youth and at the same time remain socially integrated in general. Despite being well integrated into German society, their concerns about acceptance create another tension, which is, in their opinion, relieved when performing classical Turkish music. Nevertheless, the genre they perform cannot become the genre they listen to or they share with their friends, which makes the source of relief yet another source of tension. This tension was apparent in the repertory of the conservatory choir, in which a German lied was favored more than a Turkish şarkı, although they are chronologically and musically similar. Another example was in the final play at the Spandau choir at the end of the season, which involves a cultural interaction of Turkish people from different parts of Turkey in Café Neva, where their weekly practices took place. Throughout the play, the characters were in conflict around a variety of topics (signaling the contestation of a variety of belongings) but they danced the halay together at the end of the play. All in all, the intersection between migration, transnationality, youth, femininity, and different tastes brings about the tension of the multi-dimensionality of belongings. Music, both as relief from the tension of contested belongings and as a source of tension, results in a reflection of contestations in the meanings attached to classical Turkish music in the eyes of German-Turkish young women.

Göç Bağlamında Müzik ve Kimlik İlişkisi: Türk-Alman Genç Kadınlar Örneği

İsmail

Prof. Dr.

Yazı Çağrısı “Dijital Ekonomide Öznellikler” Özel Sayısı

MAKALE ÇAĞRISI-ÖZEL SAYI

Sosyoloji Dergisi 2025 Haziran Sayısı Yazı Çağrısı

Şeyda

“Günümüzde Claude Lévi-Strauss”

Claude

Mutfak Üçgeni

“Yeryüzünde Bir Parantez: Philippe Descola ile Söyleşi”

Frédéric

Preparing cities for future pandemics. A Lévi-Straussian analysis of the H5N1 avian influenza in Hong Kong, Istanbul and New York in 2005

Gözde

Assist. Prof. Dr.

This study is based on the argument that neo-evolutionary sociology, by distancing itself from old deterministic polarizations in the 21st century and adopting a more careful synthesis of biological and sociological data, provides an indispensable methodology for re-examining the dualisms of human-nature and nature-culture. However, a comprehensive theoretical analysis of neo-evolutionary sociology extends beyond the scope of this study and constitutes a distinct research inquiry in its own right. In this context, the relevance of neo-evolutionary sociology is considered exclusively through its intersections with Lévi-Strauss’s inverted anthropological approach, which critiques the Western tendency to evaluate both Western and non-Western societies through the binary opposition of self and other. This approach serves an explanatory function in understanding how neo-evolutionary sociology, which reflects the contemporary reconceptualization of the long-standing relationship between sociology and biology, situates itself within academic discourse. In other words, this study is structured around the objective of substantiating this claim and elucidating the relevant connections in a concrete manner. Throughout the 19th century, Darwin’s theory of evolution, which fundamentally transformed the prevailing definition of humanity, began to exert its influence on sociology as well. It is no coincidence that the founding figures of modern social sciences, particularly in anthropology and sociology, were deeply influenced by evolutionary thought when constructing their theories. However, from the early 20th century onward, this initially welcomed approach gradually acquired negative connotations. Nevertheless, deterministic attempts to explain human nature and society through biological and evolutionary theories continued to be strongly emphasized. A reaction to this perspective was inevitable. Alternative models emerged, seeking to define human beings and the foundations of their social relations primarily through cultural and social determinants. Consequently, within the scientific paradigm of the 20th century, two polarized and equally deterministic camps emerged, each attempting to dismiss the other, thereby obstructing the possibility of a holistic evaluation that incorporates both biological and sociological data. Moreover, the neglect of certain data led to rigid and incomplete assessments, rendering them susceptible to ideological interpretations. From the second half of the 20th century onward, the idea that the relationship between the social sciences and biology could be reconsidered within a non-deterministic framework gained increasing acceptance. This development was further reinforced by the accumulation of new empirical findings in both biology and sociology, which increasingly contradicted the positivist and deterministic scientific paradigms of the 19th century and the first half of the 20th century. In other words, the realization that nature does not consist solely of predictable and identifiable regular laws contributed to the maturation of the idea that humans and societies do not operate according to rigid and unchanging principles. In this regard, employing the methodology of neo-evolutionary sociology to examine the dualisms of nature-culture and human-nature, along with integrating Lévi-Strauss’s anthropological and social perspectives, constitutes a functional effort to concretize these contexts. Lévi-Strauss’s sensitivity to paradigm shifts in the second half of the 20th century, his critique of orthodox models in anthropology, and his proposal of a new perspective provide a dynamic framework that can deepen both constructive and critical thought in contemporary discussions on neo-evolutionary sociology. Lévi-Strauss occupies a unique position within the anthropological tradition due to his unconventional perspective on the modern-primitive and nature-culture dualisms produced by Enlightenment and modern scientific thought. He positions himself at the intersection where Western identity, initially constructed through encounters with non-Western civilizations before the 19th century, was reconstructed in the second half of the 20th century using the same methods but in an inverted manner. His primary aim was to question whether the model of the Western individual and society—constructed as progressive, evolutionary, rational, advanced, knowledgeable, and capable of mastering nature—truly corresponded to the semantic patterns associated with these concepts. Thus, one of the fundamental premises of Lévi-Strauss’s thought is that the distinction between modern and primitive, as well as between nature and culture, is itself a product of the Western human and societal model developed from the 19th century onward. This foundational idea was not exclusive to Lévi-Strauss but became increasingly significant within the social sciences in the second half of the 20th century. Until humans learned to coexist with nature rather than struggle against it, they lived within nature. Humans produce culture through their interaction with nature. Over time, when this culture is positioned in opposition to nature and becomes strong enough to shape human existence, it transforms into a second nature. However, since this second nature is human-made, it inherently contains contradictions. Calling it a second nature does not render it truly natural, as the fundamental characteristic of the first and true nature is its indifference to human affairs. Nature’s indifference to humans is its defining quality, as it liberates human existence from the limitations of artificial structures. Culture, on the other hand, is directly tied to how humans construct reality. It changes dynamically as humans attribute new meanings to it and has no independent agency beyond human influence. Because culture is an artificial nature dependent on human agency, it is perpetually embedded in ideologies, conflicts, and competition. Consequently, the idea that human nature is inherently based on competition and conflict remains functional within naturalist and orthodox evolutionary thought. Lévi-Strauss, as an anthropologist who directly engages with the observer-observed distinction, offers a methodology applicable to all sociological concepts. In particular, his approach provides a useful perspective for the contemporary trend of re-evaluating sociology and biology together within the framework of neo-evolutionary sociology. Unlike past positivist approaches that adhered to evolutionary and universal laws, this contemporary trend represents a more complex and reflexive convergence of sociology and biology, raising the question of whether this intersection symbolizes a new epistemological shift. Thus, reconsidering Lévi-Strauss within this current context allows us to interpret him as a methodological guide in the synthesis of sociology and biology. Lévi-Strauss fundamentally opposed the evolutionary and social Darwinist perspectives that dominated the 19th century and the first half of the 20th century. In this respect, he aligns with the reversal efforts undertaken by neo-evolutionary sociology in the 21st century. While 19th century evolutionary thought was often infused with universal, ideological assumptions, neo-evolutionary sociology seeks to establish itself as a new and productive interdisciplinary branch. Given that this approach aims to escape the determinisms of both evolutionary and social constructionist perspectives, reconsidering Lévi-Strauss within this framework becomes particularly meaningful. The paradigm of evaluating human societies through the lens of development and progress within the framework of modernization has become so dominant that it continues to exert influence even in the 21st century. Similarly, past understandings of biological and sociological evolution legitimized hierarchies between modernized societies and so-called primitive communities by grounding them in the supposedly objective knowledge of modern natural sciences. Neo-evolutionary sociology emerged precisely as a critical response to such ideological and deterministic perspectives, aiming to offer a more holistic synthesis. In this regard, the fundamental concerns and objectives of both perspectives are similar: while Lévi-Strauss critiques the deterministic and ideological narrative of modernization and modernity based on the nature-culture dualism, neo-evolutionary sociology questions the hierarchical structures imposed on societies through a rigid and reductionist link between biology and sociology. Recognizing the significance of these discussions is crucial for the theoretical development of sociology. Rather than avoiding such syntheses due to past deterministic concerns, it is necessary to engage with these issues more closely.

Yeni Evrimsel Sosyoloji Perspektifinden Lévi-Strauss’a Bakmak:  Doğa-Kültür İkiliği

Sylvia

Lévi-Strauss: Reason And Sensibility

Jeferson

The cities of Claude Lévi-Strauss

Yaşar

French anthropologist Claude Lévi-Strauss is one of the most influential figures in the discipline. He is known for his studies on myth and kinship. In his early career, he mainly focused on Native American cultures. In the following years, his work expanded into many areas, from the kitchen to the arts. Even though he never wrote explicitly about the philosophy of science, his various comparisons between modern and so-called “primitive” cultures allowed him to develop an epistemological stance.First, his structural anthropology is characterized by an opposition to hierarchical explanations of cultural differences. Unlike anthropological theories that focus on cultural distances, structural anthropology is more of a theoretical perspective that highlights cultural similarities. By doing so, it reminds us not only that universal standards for hierarchy don’t exist but also that the fundamentals of modern and “primitive” cultures are not so different. This approach underpins the epistemological stance outlined earlier.Most notably,&nbsp;The Savage Mind, published in 1962, is a defense of the so-called primitive way of thinking. In this book, Lévi-Strauss attempts to replace evolutionary perspectives on the relationship between modern and primitive minds with a more horizontal view. The idea that different ways of thinking can be valid simultaneously is a view Lévi-Strauss continued to advocate throughout his life. This claim, however, sparked a lot of criticism.Some argue that Lévi-Strauss undervalued the contributions of science by defending the dignity of the "savage mind." According to Maxim Rodinson, since Lévi-Strauss bwas influenced by cultural relativist fallacy of contemporary anthropology, his stance was unscientific. Edmund Leach also criticizes Lévi-Strauss, arguing that his theory is not consistent with empirical realities. For Leach, Lévi-Strauss is “a poet in a laboratory.” Another scholar places LéviStrauss’s work within a postmodern context, due to his critique of the Western rational mind.&nbsp;However, not everyone agrees that Lévi-Strauss undermined modern science or that he was anti-scientific. Another group of anthropologists highlights how committed he was to the scientific method and the positivist paradigm. Clifford Geertz, for example, argues that no one in the history of anthropology, other than Lévi-Strauss, has so strongly insisted that anthropology is a positive science. Hugo Nutini also praises Lévi-Strauss for his effort to follow developments in the physical sciences to open new paths for cultural anthropology. These differing opinions about Lévi-Strauss’s epistemological stance are contradictory. It seems that for those who try to categorize him narrowly, defending the "savage mind" while remaining committed to modern science seems inconceivable.&nbsp;However, a comprehensive approach to structural anthropology can help resolve this apparent contradiction. In academic discussion, those who focus solely on Lévi-Strauss’s defense of the savage mind often ignore his use of models, mathematical formulations, and his pursuit of certainty in structural anthropology. This represents a limited view. Both elements—scientific rigor and the defense of the savage mind—are present in Lévi-Strauss’s thought.In his early articles, Lévi-Strauss investigated methods to align anthropology with the natural sciences. In&nbsp;“Structural Analysis in Linguistics and in Anthropology”, he presents linguistics as a model discipline with completed scientific development, in contrast to other social sciences. According to Lévi-Strauss, linguistics deserves to be called a "science" and embodies a positivist method. Anthropology, he argues, should strive to reach the same scientific rigor. In another article,&nbsp;“History and Ethnology”, he clearly states that being scientific means striving for certainty. Later, Lévi-Strauss applied these theoretical principles to the field of mythology.In 1955, he wrote&nbsp;The Structural Study of Myth. In these studies, it becomes clear that simplifying complex phenomena is, for Lévi-Strauss, a key feature of scientific theory. While earlier approaches considered myths to be meaningless or disorganized, Lévi-Strauss persistently sought to uncover regularities among different myths from around the world. To find order in the chaos of countless myths, he applied the methods of phonology. Just as phonological units gain meaning only in relation to others, mythological units can similarly be organized through their interrelations. He even illustrated the mathematical relationships between these units using formulas.&nbsp;At the same time, Lévi-Strauss argued that the savage mind is as valid a way of explaining reality as modern science. However, this does not mean they are the same. He claimed that “primitive” cultures also engaged in “observation” and “experiments,” much like modern science, and that both operate according to a basic human drive to seek order in the universe. He distinguishes the savage mind by calling it the “science of the concrete.” While the science of the concrete works like a “bricolage”—based on secondary qualities such as smell, taste, color, and temperature —modern science, based on primary qualities, functions like engineering, relying on pre-constructed models. The outcomes of both epistemes differ. Lévi-Strauss never denies the achievements of modern science. We can dominate nature with the power of modern science. It is evident that neither myth nor magic enables us to do such things; we can drive cars or turn on radios because of modern science. But the key point is that so-called “primitive” people lack this kind of power not because they are incapable, but because they choose not to pursue it.Therefore, Lévi-Strauss argues that all humans possess a universal cognitive capacity that enables cultures to develop distinct forms of knowledge. These forms of knowledge, while varied, are all in harmony with the way nature unfolds and opens itself to human understanding. However, Lévi-Strauss emphasizes that not all cognitive capacities can be developed at the same time.It is therefore consistent that Lévi-Strauss, while remaining faithful to the methods of positive science, also seeks justice for the 'savage mind,' long regarded as its opposite. He does not abandon science while defending the validity of the savage mind. On the contrary, he attempts to enrich modern science by expanding its boundaries to include and understand this alternative way of thinking, instead of dismissing it as meaningless. His approval of modern science’s growing attention to secondary qualities reflects this broader effort. Lévi-Strauss’s epistemological stance is grounded in expanding the boundaries of science, without becoming unscientific or abandoning scientific rigor.

Claude Lévi-Strauss’ta Epistemolojik Genişleme: Bilimsel Kesinlik Arayışı ve Yaban Düşüncenin Savunusu Yan Yana Gelebilir Mi?

Zübeyde

The evolution of scientific methods has significantly reshaped disciplinary boundaries, enabling the integration of mathematics as a foundational tool across the natural sciences, social sciences, and humanities. Particularly after World War II, the pursuit of more systematic and objective analytical approaches led to the widespread adoption of mathematical thinking in the social sciences (Fararo, 2007). In the mid-20th century, social scientists developed a growing interest in systems theory and formal models as they sought to better understand the complexity of social phenomena. This intellectual climate also informed the work of Claude Lévi-Strauss, whose structuralist anthropology prominently incorporated mathematical models and formalist logic. Lévi-Strauss regarded mathematics not merely as a tool for statistical analysis but as a fundamental method for discerning the deep structures that underlie human culture and society. According to him, structural methods, which emerged as a natural outgrowth of modern mathematical advances, would bring rigor and internal coherence to the social sciences and the humanities (Lévi-Strauss, 2012, p. 399). His efforts to position anthropology as a “positive science” capable of generating formal and universal models exemplify this orientation (Tunçbilek, 2024, p. 247). For Lévi-Strauss, mathematics offered a means of analyzing cultural phenomena—such as kinship systems, myths, and rituals—through formal models that revealed the symbolic and relational logic beneath surface-level variations. He referred to this mode of analysis as “human mathematics”, emphasizing its qualitative, structural, and relational nature. Lévi-Strauss’s approach marked a departure from the conventional uses of mathematics in the social sciences, which often prioritized quantification and empirical generalization. Instead, he sought to formalize meaning, analogy, and symbolic structure—dimensions frequently overlooked in positivist paradigms. In his view, despite apparent cultural diversity, human societies exhibit universal patterns that can be expressed mathematically. The purpose of such modeling was not merely to measure or classify but to uncover the latent structure that governs symbolic and social relationships. Thus, his work laid an important foundation for later developments in structurally oriented computational methodologies.Today, Lévi-Strauss’s insights are remarkably prescient in the context of computational social science (CSS), a field that integrates digital tools, large-scale data analysis, and algorithmic modeling to study social processes. The rise of big data analytics has enabled researchers to analyze massive datasets, detecting patterns and correlations that would otherwise remain obscured (Lazer et al., 2009). These methods mirror, in some respects, Lévi-Strauss’s aspiration to reveal hidden structures, although they often lack the theoretical grounding and interpretive depth that characterized his work. In CSS, mathematical models are used to map and predict social behavior, track communication networks, and identify cultural trends. Techniques such as network analysis, natural language processing, and machine learning rely on detecting patterns and structural regularities across vast amounts of data. This operational logic, centered on pattern recognition, shares an affinity with Lévi-Strauss’s structuralist method. However, the epistemological orientation has shifted. Whereas Lévi-Strauss emphasized meaning, context, and symbolic logic, many contemporary approaches prioritize efficiency, scale, and computational optimization. This shift has led to growing critiques of computational approaches in the social sciences. Scholars have raised concerns that big data methodologies often operate with limited theoretical frameworks, leading to empiricism that privileges observable regularities over causal explanation and contextual interpretation. Critics point out that such approaches risk reducing complex, historically situated social phenomena to decontextualized data points and shallow correlations (Seaver &amp; Maurer, 2024). This critique is especially pertinent when data-driven models are applied without sufficient attention to the symbolic and cultural dimensions of social life—areas that Lévi-Strauss considered foundational.&nbsp;In this light, revisiting Lévi-Strauss’s “human mathematics” offers a valuable alternative. Rather than relying solely on pattern identification, his approach insists on embedding those patterns within a broader interpretive and theoretical framework. Structural analysis, in his work, functioned on both the syntactic and semantic levels—connecting formal relationships to cultural meaning. His method sought not only to model structures but also to understand their function and significance within specific cultural and historical contexts. The central question for contemporary social sciences, therefore, is how to synthesize the explanatory power of mathematical modeling with the interpretive depth of qualitative analysis. Achieving such integration requires preserving the discipline’s commitment to theoretical rigor while also engaging with the methodological innovations of the digital era. This need is increasingly reflected in a new generation of research that seeks to bridge computational and interpretive approaches. Examples of this synthesis can be found in a range of contemporary methodologies. Mohr’s formal analysis of institutional meaning structures, for instance, adapts structuralist principles to study organizational fields through computational methods. Lev Manovich’s “cultural analytics” project employs algorithmic tools to explore patterns in visual culture, treating images and aesthetics as structured data without sacrificing cultural nuance. Likewise, Nelson’s computational grounded theory reconstructs qualitative theory-building using digital tools while maintaining an interpretive foundation. All these approaches resonate with Lévi-Strauss’s conviction that mathematical models must serve not just to describe surface patterns, but also to illuminate the underlying symbolic and relational structures that give those patterns meaning.This convergence of digital humanities and computational social science is generating a new analytical paradigm— one that brings together the cultural meaning-making of the former with the formal abstraction and scalability of the latter. These emerging frameworks offer a promising response to critiques of both traditional and digital methodologies, allowing for analyses that are at once systematic and interpretively rich. They also expand the possibilities for cross-disciplinary collaboration, enabling researchers to explore questions that lie at the intersection of data, meaning, and structure. In this context, Lévi-Strauss’s concept of “human mathematics” should not be regarded merely as a theoretical artifact of mid-20th-century anthropology. Rather, it constitutes a forward-looking framework with the potential to inform and revitalize contemporary social science. By emphasizing the symbolic dimensions of structure, the importance of context, and the value of theoretical modeling, Lévi-Strauss offers tools for rethinking how we use data, algorithms, and formal analysis to study society. His legacy challenges us to ensure that the increasing mathematization of the social sciences does not come at the expense of their interpretive depth and critical potential. In conclusion, this extended reflection on Lévi-Strauss’s structuralist methodology and his notion of human mathematics reveals a compelling lineage between mid-20th-century structuralism and contemporary computational practices. It highlights the enduring relevance of structuralist thinking in an era dominated by data and algorithms, while also calling for a more reflexive and theoretically grounded use of computational tools. By revisiting and reimagining the principles proposed by Levi-Strauss, the social sciences can move toward a more holistic paradigm—one that honors both structure and meaning, pattern and interpretation.

Matematik ve Sosyal Bilimler: Lévi-Strauss’un Yapısalcılığından Hesaplamalı Sosyal Bilimlere

Enes

Lecturer

Louise Glück’s “A Myth of Innocence” and the Myth of Persephone:  A Structuralist Analysis through Lévi-Strauss

Kenan

Yiğitcan

The phenomenon of slum in Turkey emerged to meet the housing needs of people who went to large industrial cities with the internal migration flow that started after 1950, and became the solution to the housing problem and possible collective homelessness. Millions of immigrants have chosen the last one between options such as not being able to hold on in a big city and returning to their hometown, being on the street/homeless, and building their own house (slum), albeit both informal (informal) and illegal. Immigrants have mostly occupied vacant government-owned land, saved themselves from becoming homeless by building structures that are like houses but not like homes. Thanks to the slums formed as a result of the migrations after 1950, poor people have fulfilled their need for housing and have found this formula as a solution to the problem of homelessness. Slum districts and the reality of slums have been covered in many literary and artistic works, especially cinema and novels, and the hardships and joys experienced by the residents of slums have been transferred to novels and on the white screen. People who came to cities by emigrating looked for remedies in the face of high rents and the cost of owning a house, and they found the remedy by building miniature houses on government land. Thanks to the amnesty granted to the slums, which emerged as a remedy and a rebellion against homelessness, the governments turned a blind eye due to voting concerns and the bribery of low-ranking officials, the slums became the owners of the land they occupied and obtained huge annuities due to the fact that these plots remained in the city. As a rebellion, the squatters who have overcome the problems of homelessness have eaten too much of the fruits of their ordeals with the annuities they have provided these days.These slums have become neighborhoods in cities and have created their own culture along with it. The phenomenon of squatters, which has become widespread since the 1950s, has found a response in both cinema and literature. As seen in films such as Sultan, The Laughing Man (Gülen Adam), Are You Laughing Or Crying (Gülermisin Ağlarmısın), Turkish cinema conveyed the troubles experienced in slums to the audience in drama and comedy genres in the 1970s and 1980s. In the field of literature, especially novelists have focused on the squatter problem. Novels is of great importance for the new society formed in cities with internal migrations after 1950 to explain how housing, food and drink, homelessness, unemployment and social relations are and for society to perceive these relations. Orhan Kemal's novel "Gurbet Kuşları“, Demirtas Ceyhun's novel ”Asia“ (Asya), ”Berci Kristin Garbage Tales" (Berci Kristin Çöp Masalları) Latife Tekin's novel about slums and Orhan Pamuk's novel A Strangeness in My Head (Kafamda Bir Tuhaflık) tell us that people who are homeless, regardless of public or private property, find a cure for their homelessness by placing slums on vacant land, and it seems that the winner of the war they are fighting against homelessness is capable people known for their daredevils. In Hasan Izzettin Dinamo's novel titled "Sheep Father“ (Koyun Baba); the novel's protagonist, philosophy teacher Ahmet, was exiled from the city to a rural place during the One-Party period because of his thoughts, during this period he received the nickname ”Sheep Father" due to his life on the mountain. When the DP Government won the general elections in 1950, his exile in the countryside ended; he was asked to leave the place of exile by the new government, which used more liberal rhetoric, considered itself against the bans and suggested that he had come to work to show that he was pursuing a policy against the bans. Ahmet took with him a young woman, Ayse, nicknamed Buncuk, who would later become his wife, and made his way to Istanbul, struggling to get rid of homelessness and survive in Istanbul, where he came from. Emphasizing that people attempt an illegal job by building illegal structures, people in despair make their slums without recognizing the law with a rebellion, intimidation and running away are not the solution, Dinamo wrote in his novel that struggling people will win victory, the slums where they meet their housing needs today will turn into a fortune for them tomorrow, and conveyed to the reader by writing in his novel the idea that slums will turn into a fortune for themselves tomorrow.Hasan Izzettin Dinamo also addressed the phenomenon of slums as a solution to the housing crisis and, in his own words, “an uprising against homelessness” in his novel Koyu Baba (1976); he explained how immigrants took advantage of legal loopholes when building their slums, and what difficulties they faced and found solutions to them when building their slums. As can be seen both in sociological research and in Turkish novels and cinema, the phenomenon of squatters can be said to have come into consideration as a solution to a collective and public housing problem from the point of origin. This makes it necessary to consider the issue in the context of homelessness and homelessness recovery. Within the scope of the article, a conceptual framework is drawn primarily to illuminate the regions where slum life converges with homelessness, thus trying to draw attention to the transitional region between slum Decadence and homelessness literatures. Then, it is examined how slums are dealt with in Turkish cinema, especially in the context of solving the housing problem, and how they are interpreted as a collective solution and remedy, especially in the face of homelessness, through several examples. After that, in order to form the main focus of the article, it is discussed whether the slum can be considered as an “uprising against homelessness” or - in a more neutral phrase - “a form of combating homelessness” or “a way to get rid of homelessness” in Turkish literature and the novel Koyun Baba, in which the slum is associated with homelessness in the author's words. This research examines the housing solutions of the slum construction process that arise at the intersection of urban poverty and the housing problem and phenomena such as the "temporary extended family”; it attempts to address different aspects of homelessness by associating them with concepts such as “unsafe housing” and “inadequate/unsuitable housing”, which are used to describe “hidden homelessness” and “getting rid of homelessness”, as well as “housing exclusion”.&nbsp;

“Evsizliğe Karşı Bir Ayaklanma” Olarak Gecekondu ya da Gecekonduya Evsizlikten Bakmak: Hasan İzzettin Dinamo’nun Koyun Baba Romanı Örneği

Abdullah

Bentham’s Calculus: The Economy of Coercion and Mechanisms of Security

Res. Assist. Dr.

Levent

Ersin

There is a cyclical relationship between Mobil değersizleştirme, globalisation and the information society. Globalisation and the information society have led to people developing greater access to and dependence on smartphones and social media. Epistemologically, the term ‘Mobil değersizleştirme,’ a combination of the words “phone” and ‘snubbing,’ refers to the act of ignoring (disrespecting) the person in front of you by focusing your attention on your mobile device instead of communicating directly with them in a social setting. In this context, Mobil değersizleştirme can be defined as a person physically ignoring someone which is physically present and focusing on their phone. On a sociological level, Mobil değersizleştirme is becoming widespread as a behaviour that has negative effects on relationships between people due to the increasing speed of communication and the information society. Mobil değersizleştirme can lead to communication breakdowns at the local level while people communicate on a global scale, and it can cause people to lose their social skills. Additionally, Mobil değersizleştirme can hinder the development of critical thinking, creativity, and problem=solving skills, which are essential in an information society.There are various factors behind Mobil değersizleştirme behaviour. Some of these can be listed as follows:<ul><li>Phone addiction: Some people use their phones excessively and cannot function without them. This leads to phone use disrupting social interactions.&nbsp;</li><li>Social media addiction: Social media platforms enable people to stay constantly updated and look into the lives of others. This causes people to neglect their real=life relationships and feel inadequate.</li><li>Personality traits: Certain personality traits are associated with Mobil değersizleştirme behaviour. For example, narcissistic, Machiavellian, psychopathic, and cynical individuals are more likely to engage in Mobil değersizleştirme.</li><li>Lack of social skills: Some people struggle with face=to=face communication and use their phones as an escape route. This is perceived as disrespectful by the other person.</li></ul>Mobil değersizleştirme behaviour has various negative consequences for both the phubbers and the person being hubbed. Some of these are as follows:<ul><li>Decline in relationship quality: Mobil değersizleştirme reduces satisfaction, trust, commitment and closeness in relationships. It also increases negative emotions such as conflict, stress, jealousy and loneliness in relationships.&nbsp;</li><li>Deterioration of psychological health: Mobil değersizleştirme leads to psychological problems such as depression, anxiety, low self=esteem, social exclusion, and alienation.</li><li>&nbsp;Decline in social skills: Mobil değersizleştirme hinders the development of social skills and reduces communication quality. People who engage in Mobil değersizleştirme have difficulty understanding the feelings, thoughts, and needs of others and lack empathy. Mobil değersizleştirme is a situation that negatively affects the relationship quality and psychological health of both the person engaging in Mobil değersizleştirme and the person being hubbed. With its widespread use in social settings, it is being addressed as a sociological problem. This study, which aims to determine the theoretical framework of the concept of Mobil değersizleştirme, which is a relatively new concept in the literature but is rapidly expanding in terms of its factual dimension, seeks to analyse scientific works published in the Web of Science index database using a bibliometric method. Thus, the factual dimension of the concept of Mobil değersizleştirme will be better understood, and efforts will be made to fill the gaps in the Turkish literature.</li></ul>The main objective of this study is to understand what the concept of ‘Mobil değersizleştirme’ means and to reveal its factual plane. The research is based on the bibliometric analysis of scientific works found in the Web of Science Core Collection in order to identify the research areas of the concept of ‘Mobil değersizleştirme’. The bibliometric analysis method allows for the analysis of the research topic by examining the leading publications in the field, as well as the collaboration structures and intellectual structure of the research areas specific to the topic. The findings obtained because of the analysis conducted in the study are as follows:<ul><li>According to the WOS database, which covers 287 scientific studies on the concept of ‘Mobil değersizleştirme,’ the research field categories with the highest weight are Psychology (51.9%) and Psychiatry (10.45%). From a conceptual perspective, other research areas that address the concept of ‘Mobil değersizleştirme’ are Computer Science (9.4%), Communication (9.05%), Family Studies (6.62%), Education and Teaching Studies (6.27%), Other topics in Social Sciences (4.87%), Business (3.14%) and Ecology (3.14%) research areas. Based on the fact that a large portion of the studies on the concept of ‘Mobil değersizleştirme’ in WOS were conducted in the fields of Psychology and Psychiatry, it can be understood that the concept primarily contains a psychological element.</li><li>Based on the findings, it would not be wrong to say that the aforementioned psychological context intersects most with computer science, communication, family studies, and education studies. The distribution of studies on the concept of ‘Mobil değersizleştirme’ in WOS by years is shown below. Within this framework, it can be seen that the concept of ‘Mobil değersizleştirme,’ which was first addressed in 2014 with one study within the scope of WOS, has been the subject of 87 scientific studies in 2022, showing an increasing trend over the years. In this context, it can be understood that the concept of ‘Mobil değersizleştirme,’ which can be considered quite new, is receiving increasing attention in academic studies.</li><li>Bibliometric studies generally focus on countries, researchers, institutions, and documents. A country publication citation network map was identified based on the total connection strength of 51 countries with at least one publication and one citation from 57 countries with scientific studies on the concept of ‘Mobil değersizleştirme.’ In this context, countries such as China, the United States (US), the United Kingdom, Türkiye, and the Netherlands appear to have formed network centres.</li><li>Another point emphasised in bibliometric studies is the identification of researchers who stand out for their contributions to the field. This provides other researchers with an advantage in literature searches. A cluster of author-citation relationship maps was identified based on the total connection strength of 564 authors who published at least one publication and received one citation related to the concept of ‘Mobil değersizleştirme’ . Within this framework, researchers such as Pencheng Wang, Xingchao Wang, and Brandon T. Mcdaniel was found to be the researcher who received the most citations related to the concept.</li><li>Another important point revealed by bibliometric analyses is the identification of universities and institutions that have contributed the most to the field. Among the 417 institutions that published at least one paper and received one citation on the concept of ‘Mobil değersizleştirme,’ 327 institutions were identified based on their total connection strength, with Renmin University of China ranking first with 958 units. Following Renmin University, Kent University ranked second with 793 units of connection strength, and Baylor University ranked third with 605 units, according to the analysis. Based on these results, it can be understood that there is no Western dominance in scientific studies on the concept of ‘Mobil değersizleştirme.’ On the contrary, the inclusion of universities from East Asia, such as Renmin University and Shanxi University, as well as universities in Türkiye, such as Çoruh and Osmangazi, indicates that the concept is significant worldwide and has found its place in scientific studies.</li><li>According to the results of the concept coherence analysis of the research, ‘Family Mobil değersiz= leştirme (31), Adolescence (19), Tech Conference (18), Smartphone (18), Addiction (16), Relationship Satisfaction (16), Smartphone Addiction (15), and Smartphones (15)’ were found. However, in recent years, a correlation has been observed with concepts related to the economics of work, such as ‘business, work performance, and job satisfaction.’ The concept of job satisfaction, which has a negative correlation with the concept, was found to be unrelated in the study. This situation essentially points to a new area of study in the literature. In this context, when we look more closely at the relationship between job satisfaction and Mobil değersizleştirme, we see that Mobil değersizleştirme behaviour, which has become widespread among managers in recent years, has a demotivating effect on employees in terms of work performance and commitment to work. It can be seen that the two concepts are intertwined negatively. Indeed, the work conducted by Yousaf et al. in 2022 supports this situation. The study found that Mobil değersizleştirme behaviour reduces employees’ intrinsic motivation, which in turn weakens their job satisfaction (Yousaf et al., 2022).&nbsp;</li></ul>The results obtained in the study reveal important information about working life through bibliometric analysis and offer new perspectives for future studies. It is understood that Mobil değersizleştirme is a popular concept that is developing and attracting interest in different disciplines in the academic community. This situation can be evaluated as both positive and negative results. Indeed, the fact that the concept is new but has begun to be researched can frequently be considered positive in terms of its contribution to the academic literature. However, the fact that the concept is rapidly developing in today’s world and is widely discussed indicates that mobile devaluation in social life is becoming widespread among people. Necessary measures must be taken to prevent this situation from leading to future social deterioration.

Mobil Değersizleştirme Konusunun Akademik Üretimdeki Yeri: Bibliyometrik Bir Analiz

Merve

Assoc. Prof. Dr.

Young Women’s Transition to the Workforce: The Influence of Career-Decidedness on Happiness and the Mediating Role of SelfEsteem

Alptekin

Digital Atatürk, Collective Memory, and Political Longing: A Sociological Analysis of AI-Generated Representation of Atatürk on YouTube

@JOURNAL_BOX_CURRENT

@JOURNAL_BOX_EARLYVIEW

Alexander

Tradition, Morality and Solidarity in Durkheim’s Theory

Çağrı

Since the 1950s, environmental sociology is hardly accepted despite existing social-environmental issues. These problems have been generated by the rapid industrialization and urbanization causing pollution in the post-war era. Environmental sociology was established in the 1970s when environmental problems gained public attention and the environmental movement emerged. The theories of sociologists Durkheim, Weber, who introduced the rationalization concept, and Marx, who introduced the theory of metabolic rift, were welcomed in environmental sociology. However, Durkheim was criticized that his methodological dictum was excluding society-environment interaction. There are two explanations for the association between Durkheim and societyenvironment interaction. On the one hand, the industrialism of his era caused the exclusion of environment from sociology. On the other hand, Durkheim’s works have significant references to environment that indicate a potential for environmental sociology. This paper aims to examine Durkheim’s sociological approach in terms of society-environment interaction. First, the foundation of environmental sociology is summarized. Then, both examples showing the exclusion of environment and societyenvironment interactions in Durkheim’s studies are shown. The paper concludes with the assessment of Durkheim’s contribution to current environmental sociology challenging ecological crisis that threatens society. Although the first years of sociology were marked by geographical and biological determinism, sociologists favoring a “world view” of development, progress, and modernism in later years ignored environment as an issue (Hannigan, 2006). After a century, when environmental problems had surfaced and threatened industrialized Western societies, environmental concerns and movement were accepted in society and from the cultural perspective. Two pioneers of environmental sociology, Dunlap and Catton (1978) criticized human exceptionalism paradigm of causing the exploitation of nature and Durkheim’s methodological dictum (Madappalli, 2016). The paradigm assumes nature as an endless resource and that the human progress is limitless, while human existence is unique as a result of its developed culture (Catton &amp; Dunlap, 1978) that “covers the dependence of human societies to biophysical environment” (Rice, 2013, p. 238). However, environmental problems and restrictions in the 1960s shook this paradigm and Durkheim’s methodological dictum that reportedly ignored society-environment interaction. Hence, environmental parameters were included in sociological researches. In fact, the New Ecological Paradigm (NEP) scale, developed by environmental sociologists, introduced “environmental facts” against the social facts of Durkheim. The paradigm aims to consider the effects of&nbsp;environmental problems like resource scarcity on main sociological research issues like stratification (Catton &amp; Dunlap, 1978). Hence, environmental sociologists, by using the New Ecological Paradigm, challenge Durkheim’s methodological dictum by accepting the effect of environment on society (Dunlap &amp; Catton, 1979). Durkheim was criticized for excluding the impact of the environment on sociology with his methodological dictum. Sociology, a social discipline excluding environment (Foster, 1999, p. 367), was positioned out of “psychology, biology, economics, and geography” by Marx, Weber, and Durkheim, the three fathers of sociology (Buttel, Dickens, Dunlap, &amp; Gijswijt, 2002, p. 5). However, Marx and Weber were applauded for their concepts, the metabolic rift and rationality, in environmental sociology, unlike Durkheim who was criticized for his methodological dictum that was believed to be against the use of biophysical parameters in sociology (Lidskog, Mol, &amp; Oosterveer, 2015). Durkheim defined social facts only with other social facts, ignoring the biophysical environment (Dunlap, 2016), and implied examination of social systems without using environmental parameters (Norgaard, 1997, p. 159). Durkheim developed a social reductionism to resist biological reductionism (Benton, 1991, as cited in Konak, 2010). Hence, traditional sociology following Durkheim’s approach excluded biophysical environment (Hoyen, 2013). To objectify society within a scientific discipline (Durkheim, 2016, pp. 58, 59, 168), Durkheim defended the use of social facts and collective consciousness against biology and psychology (Hannigan, 2006, p. 5), that social facts can only be explained by social facts (Buttel, 2002) that have power over individuals and are different from non-human and organic facts (Durkheim, 2016). As a result, the methodological dictum made Durkheim and sociologists ignore biological and physical parameters (Dunlap, 1997; Dunlap &amp; Catton, 2007). The exclusion of physical reality by Weberian and Durkheimian authors (Ritzer 1975; Choldin 1978, as cited in Dunlap &amp; Catton, 2007) should be seen as a constructive approach in the early years of sociology (Buttel, 2002). The exclusion of environment was dominant and environmental parameters were ignored in other subdisciplines like rural sociology until the 1970s; these subdisciplines are the foundation of environmental sociology (Dunlap &amp; Martin 1983, as cited in Dunlap, 2002). Durkheim implied the static position of nature throughout history while society changes and evolves (Durkheim, 2010; Gross, 2000; Jarvikoski, 1996). Durkheim separated the concept of evolution, originated from ecology and biology, from nature and integrated it into the social sphere (Durkheim, 2014). Furthermore, he put a sharp distinction between human society and animals, as they lack of morality and collective consciousness (Durkheim, 2010) and they are static unlike human societies (Durkheim, 2014). Although sociological theorists Durkheim, Weber, and Marx did not directly examine society-environment interaction; their studies indirectly included this issue (Hannigan, 2006, p. 5). Hence, Durkheim should be comprehended through the extensive framework of human-nature systems instead of narrow anthropocentricism (Rosa &amp; Richter, 2008). In fact, Durkheim did not deny the importance of biological and physical parameters in sociology (Jarvikoski, 1996). Moreover, Durkheim followed the example of natural science during the exploration of social reality (Durkheim, 2016). Despite a strong and common prejudice in traditional sociology, Durkheim’s studies involve many references to the environment. However, the methodological dictum of Durkheimian scholars reinstructed sociology (Catton, 2002), resulting in Dunlap and Catton, two founders of environmental sociology, strongly criticizing the Durkheimian theory. Contrarily, the limited prevalence of social facts and the emphasis on the environmental parameters in Durkheim’s studies are important objections to their critique (Rosa &amp; Richter, 2008). Çelebi (2007, p. 159) highlighted the importance of the balance between population and land as social facts that affect society. Durkheim considered the effects of the position of sun and the condition of the atmosphere to people, and his social morphology notion had other environmental insights like the use of land (Gross, 2000). He also implied the coevolution of nature and society in his work of Pragmatism and Sociology (Foster, 1999). According to him, nature is not the reverse of society, but a part, the highest representation, and complex form of nature (Durkheim 2010; Jarvikoski, 1996). Moreover, Durkheim (2016) implied similarities between “physical environment” and society and defined society as part of nature. Durkheim often referred to nature in his classical study of totemism. Tribe members lean toward plants, animals, and rocks in understanding their society. They imitate animals in their religious rituals. Safety and domination of nature make up their religion (Durkheim, 2010). Durkheim often used biological terms like species, population density, and resource scarcity in his explanation of social evolution and solidarity concepts (Buttel, 2002). He implied that division of labor exists in all living organisms, and transfers society from nature (Durkheim, 2014). On the other hand, his notion of competition and division of labor undermined environmental concerns like pollution and resource scarcity in urbanization (Lenski, 1984, as cited in Buttel &amp; Humprey, 2002). This paper aims to examine Durkheim’s sociological approach in terms of societyenvironment interaction. The construction process of sociology as a distinct discipline excluded environmental parameters. However, urbanization and industrialization in the 1950s have caused environmental concerns and movements in Western societies.&nbsp;The foundation of environmental sociology was challenged in the 1970s by the methodological dictum of Durkheim. Although some of his studies strongly separate society from environment like social facts, he often referred to environmental concepts like population, balance, organism, and resource scarcity. Durkheim also implied metabolic interaction between society and environment, and that society is a complex part of nature.

Durkheim’da Toplum-Çevre Etkileşimi: Dışlayıcı Toplumsal Olgulara Karşı Çevreci Potansiyel

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Eric

Durkheim and the Nation

Bjørn

From Holism to Participation: Three Phases in Durkheim’s Work

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Makale gönderimi İstanbul Üniversitesi Yayınevi Yönetim Sistemi üzerinden yapılmaktadır. 

Dergimiz 2023 yılından itibaren özel temalı sayı düzenine geçmiştir. Bu sebeple tema dışındaki konulardan yapılacak başvurular değerlendirme süreçlerine alınmayacaktır. İlgili yılın temalarını dergi ana sayfasından "Duyurular" altındaki makale çağrısı sekmesinden takip edebilirsiniz.

İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyoloji Dergisi, 1914’te kurulan ve Türkiye’de sosyolojinin bilimsel disiplin olarak gelişmesine önemli katkılar sağlayan İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Sosyoloji Bölümü bünyesinde yayımlanmaktadır. İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyoloji Dergisi, İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi ve Sosyoloji Bölümü geleneklerinden beslenmekte ve bu kurumlarda oluşan birikimin yeni bakışla ve ürünlerle sürdürülmesini önemsemektedir.

İlk sayısı 1917 yılında basılan ve Türkçedeki ilk sosyoloji dergisi olan İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyoloji Dergisi, hâlihazırda yılda iki kez (Haziran ve Aralık) yayımlanan hakemli akademik bir dergidir. Yayın dili Türkçe, İngilizce, Fransızca, Almanca’dır. Derginin basılı versiyonu 2022 itibariyle durdurulmuştur; dergi yayın hayatına e-dergi olarak devam etmektedir. 

İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyoloji Dergisi, yaklaşık 100 yıllık yayın döneminde Türkiye’de sosyoloji disiplinini şekillendiren tartışmalara kaynaklık eden akademik standardı yüksek kuramsal ve uygulamalı araştırmalar yayınlayarak sosyoloji alanının öncü ve önemli dergilerinden birisi olmuştur.

İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyoloji Dergisi, sosyoloji alanında çalışan akademisyenlerin yanı sıra, antropoloji, istatistik, ekonomi, eğitim, tarih, siyaset bilimi gibi diğer sosyal bilim alanlarında çalışan bilim adamlarının sosyolojik perspektiften hazırlanmış katkılarına da açıktır. Dergi ayrıca değerlendirme yazıları, konferans, sempozyum ve atölye raporlarına da yer vermektedir. Dergide ayrıca belli konulara ayrılmış periyodik özel sayılar da yayınlanmaktadır.

Derginin tüm giderleri İstanbul Üniversitesi tarafından karşılanmaktadır. Dergide makale yayını ve makale süreçlerinin yürütülmesi ücrete tabi değildir. Dergiye gönderilen ya da yayın için kabul edilen makaleler için işlemleme ücreti ya da gönderim ücreti alınmaz. Açık Erişim İlkesi ve Telif Hakkında bilgi için: http://istanbul.edu.tr:8080/journal/iusd/information/politikalar                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                             

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Emerging Sources Citation Index (ESCI)

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Ulrichsweb

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İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyoloji Dergisi

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İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyoloji Dergisi, 1914’te kurulan ve Türkiye’de sosyolojinin bilimsel disiplin olarak gelişmesine önemli katkılar sağlayan İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Sosyoloji Bölümü bünyesinde yayımlanmaktadır.İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyoloji Dergisi, İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi ve Sosyoloji Bölümü geleneklerinden beslenmekte ve bu kurumlarda oluşan birikimin yeni bakışla ve ürünlerle sürdürülmesini önemsemektedir. İlk sayısı 1917 yılında basılan ve Türkçedeki ilk sosyoloji dergisi olan İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyoloji Dergisi, hâlihazırda yılda iki kez (Haziran ve Aralık) yayımlanan hakemli akademik bir dergidir.İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyoloji Dergisi, yaklaşık 100 yıllık yayın döneminde Türkiye’de sosyoloji disiplinini şekillendiren tartışmalara kaynaklık eden akademik standardı yüksek kuramsal ve uygulamalı araştırmalar yayınlayarak sosyoloji alanının öncü ve önemli dergilerinden birisi olmuştur.

Amaç ve Kapsam

<ul><li>Web of Science Emerging Sources Citation Index (ESCI)</li><li>TÜBİTAK ULAKBİM TR-Dizin</li><li>EBSCO Sociology Source Ultimate</li><li>EBSCO SocINDEX (with Full Text)</li><li>DOAJ</li><li>ProQuest CSA Sociological Abstract</li><li>Erih Plus</li><li>SOBİAD</li><li>Gale Cengage</li><li><a href="https://about.proquest.com/en/products-services/Ulrichsweb/" target="_blank" style="font-size: 14.6667px;">Ulrichsweb</a> </li>  </ul>

Dizinler

Dergi yayın etiğinde en yüksek standartlara bağlıdır ve <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a> ve <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> tarafından yayınlanan etik yayıncılık ilkelerini benimser; Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing başlığı altında ifade edilen ilkeler için: <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a> Gönderilen makaleler derginin amaç ve kapsamına uygun olmalıdır. Orijinal, yayınlanmamış ve başka bir dergide değerlendirme sürecinde olmayan, her bir yazar tarafından içeriği ve gönderimi onaylanmış yazılar değerlendirmeye kabul edilir. Makale yayınlanmak üzere Dergiye gönderildikten sonra yazarlardan hiçbirinin ismi, tüm yazarların yazılı izni olmadan yazar listesinden silinemez ve yeni bir isim yazar olarak eklenemez ve yazar sırası değiştirilemez.İntihal, duplikasyon, sahte yazarlık/inkar edilen yazarlık, araştrma/veri fabrikasyonu, makale dilimleme, dilimleyerek yayın, telif hakları ihlali ve çıkar çatışmasının gizlenmesi, etik dışı davranışlar olarak kabul edilir. Kabul edilen etik standartlara uygun olmayan tüm makaleler yayından çıkarılır. Buna yayından sonra tespit edilen olası kuraldışı, uygunsuzluklar içeren makaleler de dahildir.İntihal Ön kontrolden geçirilen makaleler, iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal/kendi kendine intihal tespit edilirse yazarlar bilgilendirilir. Editörler, gerekli olması halinde makaleyi değerlendirme ya da üretim sürecinin çeşitli aşamalarında intihal kontrolüne tabi tutabilirler. Yüksek benzerlik oranları, bir makalenin kabul edilmeden önce ve hatta kabul edildikten sonra reddedilmesine neden olabilir. Makalenin türüne bağlı olarak, bunun oranın %15 veya %20'den az olması beklenir.Çift Kör Hakemlikİntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir. Editör, makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakemlikten geçmesini sağlar ve makale biçimsel esaslara uygun ise, gelen yazıyı yurtiçinden ve /veya yurtdışından en az iki hakemin değerlendirmesine sunar, hakemler gerek gördüğü takdirde yazıda istenen değişiklikler yazarlar tarafından yapıldıktan sonra yayınlanmasına onay verir.

Politikalar

Dergi açık erişimlidir ve derginin tüm içeriği okura ya da okurun dahil olduğu kuruma ücretsiz olarak sunulur. Okurlar, ticari amaç haricinde, yayıncı ya da yazardan izin almadan dergi makalelerinin tam metnini okuyabilir, indirebilir, kopyalayabilir, arayabilir ve link sağlayabilir. Bu <a href="https://www.budapestopenaccessinitiative.org/translations/turkish-translation" target="_blank">BOAI</a> açık erişim tanımıyla uyumludur. Derginin açık erişimli makaleleri Creative Commons Atıf-GayrıTicari 4.0 Uluslararası (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.tr" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) olarak lisanslıdır.

Derginin tüm giderleri İstanbul Üniversitesi tarafından karşılanmaktadır. Dergide makale yayını ve makale süreçlerinin yürütülmesi ücrete tabi değildir. Dergiye gönderilen ya da yayın için kabul edilen makaleler için işlemleme ücreti ya da gönderim ücreti alınmaz.

Yazarlar dergide yayınlanan çalışmalarının telif hakkına sahiptirler ve çalışmaları  Creative Commons Atıf-GayrıTicari 4.0 Uluslararası (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.tr" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) olarak lisanslıdır. CC BY-NC 4.0 lisansı, eserin ticari kullanım dışında her boyut ve formatta paylaşılmasına, kopyalanmasına, çoğaltılmasına ve orijinal esere uygun şekilde atıfta bulunmak kaydıyla yeniden düzenleme, dönüştürme ve eserin üzerine inşa etme dâhil adapte edilmesine izin verir.

Editörler, yayınlanan makalede, bulguları, yorumları ve sonuçları etkilemeyen küçük hatalar tespit edilirse düzeltme yayınlamayı düşünebilirler. Editörler, bulguları ve sonuçları geçersiz kılan büyük hatalar / ihlaller söz konusu olduğunda, makaleyi geri çekmeyi düşünmelidir. Yazarlar tarafından araştırma veya yayını kötüye kullanmaya yönelik olasılık söz konusu ise; bulguların güvenilir olmadığına ve yazarların kurumlarının olayı soruşturmadığına dair kanıtlar var veya olası soruşturma haksız veya sonuçsuz görünüyor ise, editörler endişe ifadesi yayınlamayı düşünmelidir. Düzeltme, geri çekme veya endişe ifadesi ile ilgili olarak <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/flowcharts/complete-set-english" target="_blank">COPE</a> ve <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/" target="_blank">ICJME</a> yönergeleri dikkate alınır.Geri ÇekmeDergi geri çekme durumunda <a href="https://publicationethics.org/sites/default/files/retraction-guidelines-cope.pdf" target="_blank">COPE Retraction Guidelines</a>’ı izler. Editör, aşağıdaki durumlarda bir makaleyi geri çekme hakkına sahiptir: <ul><li>Büyük bir hata (örn. yanlış hesaplama veya deneysel hata), uydurma öğeler  (örn. veri) veya tahrifat (örn. görüntü manipülasyonu) gibi bulguların güvenilmez olduğu sonucunu çıkarmaya dair açık kanıtlar varsa; </li><li>İçerikte intihal varsa; </li><li>Uygun atıf yapılmadan başka bir yerde yayınlanmışsa;</li><li>Kullanım izni olmayan materyal veya veri içeriyorsa;</li><li>Telif hakkı ihlali veya başka bir ciddi yasal sorun varsa;</li><li>Etik olmayan araştırma içeriyorsa; </li><li>Hakem değerlendirme sürecinin bozulduğuna veya manipüle edildiğine dair kanıt varsa;</li><li>Yazar(lar), editörün görüşüne göre, çalışmanın yorumlanmasını veya editörlerin ve hakemlerin tavsiyelerini önemli derecede etkileyebilecek, kritik bir çıkar çatışmasını açıklamamış ise.</li></ul>Geri çekme durumunda aşağıdaki adımlar izlenir:<ul><li>Makale başlığını da içeren geri çekme bildirimi derginin bir sonraki sayısında yayınlanır. Geri çekme bildirimi  içindekiler tablosunda sayfa nosu verilerek listelenir. </li><li>Elektronik versiyonda geri çekme bildirimi ile orijinal makale arasında link sağlanır. </li><li>Online makaleden önce geri çekme bildirimini içeren sayfa gelir; okuyucu daha sonra makalenin kendisine geçebilir.</li><li>Orijinal makale, her sayfadaki .pdf üzerinde “geri çekildiğini” belirten bir filigran dışında değişmeden kalır.</li></ul>Yasal Nedenlerle Makalenin KaldırılmasıAşağıdaki durumlarda, üst veriler (başlık ve yazarlar) hariç olmak üzere, makale metni kaldırılır ve makalenin yasal nedenlerle kaldırıldığını bildiren bir sayfa makalenin yerini alır. <ul><li>Makalenin karalayıcı içerik ihtiva ettiği veya başkalarının yasal haklarını ihlal ettiği tespit edilir ve geri çekmenin yeterli bir çözüm olmadığı düşünülürse;</li><li>Makale bir mahkeme kararına konu olmuşsa veya olacağına dair makul bir neden varsa;</li><li>Kamu sağlığı açısından önemli bir risk söz konusu ise;  </li></ul>

Dergide yayınlanan tüm yazıların korunmasını ve kalıcı olarak erişilebilir olmasını sağlamak için makaleler, ulusal bir arşiv sitesi olarak hizmet veren ve aynı zamanda LOCKSS'in içeriği toplamasına, korumasına ve sunmasına izin veren Dergipark'ta saklanmaktadır.Ek olarak, yazarların kendilerinin makalelerinin son PDF sürümünü Open Archives Initiative (<a href="https://www.openarchives.org/" target="_blank">https://www.openarchives.org/</a>) standartlarına uygun açık elektronik arşivlerde arşivlemeleri önerilir. Yazarlar, yayınladıkları arşiv versiyonundan, İ.Ü. Yayınevinin dergi web sitesinin URL'sine bağlantı sağlamalıdır.

Yapay Zeka konusundaki gelişmeler ve akademik yayıncılıkta görülen uygulamalar dikkate alınarak oluşturulan Yapay Zeka Politikası, yazarların, hakemlerin ve editörlerin bu türden teknolojilerin kullanımında uymaları gereken editöryal ve etik ilkeleri içerir. Yapay Zeka politikasının oluşturulmasında, aşağıdaki kaynaklar dikkate alınmıştır:Committee on Publication Ethics <a href="https://publicationethics.org/guidance/cope-position/authorship-and-ai-tools" target="_blank">(COPE) - Authorship and AI tools</a>; International Committee of Medical Journal Editors <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/browse/roles-and-responsibilities/defining-the-role-of-authors-and-contributors.html#four" target="_blank">(ICMJE) - Artificial Intelligence (AI)-Assisted Technology; World Association of Medical Editors  (WAME) Chatbots, Generative AI, and Scholarly Manuscripts</a><a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/browse/roles-and-responsibilities/defining-the-role-of-authors-and-contributors.html#four"></a>Yapay Zeka destekli teknolojiler (Büyük Dil Modelleri [LLM'ler], sohbet robotları veya görüntü oluşturucular gibi), metin, görüntü, ses ve sentetik veriler dahil olmak üzere çeşitli içerikler geliştirebilmekte ve üretebilmektedir. Bu yetenekleri etik ve güvenli bir şekilde kullanıldığında üretkenliği artırabilir ve yeniliği teşvik edebilir; ancak insan yönlendirmesi olmadan kullanımında doğru olmayan ve taraflı sonuçlar; atıf verme konusunda eksikler ve hatalar; gizlilik ve fikri mülkiyet haklarının korunmasında eksiklikler; yazar ve yayıncıların haklarının potansiyel ihlali gibi riskler taşımaktadır. IUPress, Yapay Zeka kullanımı konusunda söz konusu riskleri bertaraf etmeyi amaçlayan aşağıdaki temel ilkeleri benimser:  <ul><li>İçerik üretiminde kullanılan (metin, şekiller, resimler ve kod dahil ancak bunlarla sınırlı olmamak üzere) her türlü Yapay Zeka ile ilgili ayrıntılar çalışmanın uygun bölümünde (bilgi notu olarak ve/veya metod kısmında) beyan edilmeli ve net biçimde açıklanmalıdır. </li><li>Hiçbir Yapay Zeka aracı hiçbir bilimsel çalışmada yazar olarak listelenemez. </li><li>Yazarlar, herhangi bir şekilde Yapay Zeka kullanımı durumunda da çalışmalarının doğruluğu, bütünlüğü ve özgünlüğünden sorumludur; başkalarının fikirleri, verileri, kelimeleri veya diğer materyallerini doğru referanslama ve atıf ile sunmakla yükümlüdürler. </li><li>Hakemler ve editörler gönderilen çalışmayı tamamen ya da kısmen hiçbir üretken Yapay Zeka uygulamasına yükleyemez. </li></ul>IUPress yayınlarının editöryal süreçlerinde, Yapay Zeka ile üretilmiş içerikleri tespit eden yardımcı araçlar editörlerin kullanımındadır. Öte yandan okunurluğu, dil ve grammeri iyileştirme ve geliştirme konusunda önerilerde bulunan Yapay Zeka araçlarının kullanılması yaygındır ve IUPress  yayınlarında bu türden Yapay Zeka araçları editörlerin ve yazarların gözetiminde kullanılabilir.

Yapay Zeka Politikası

<ul><li>Yazarlar, gönderdikleri çalışmayı oluştururken <a target="_blank">Yapay Zeka destekli teknolojiler (Büyük Dil Modelleri [LLM'ler], sohbet robotları veya görüntü oluşturucular gibi) </a>kullandılarsa, bunu  beyan etmekle yükümlüdür. </li><li>Yazarlar hem ön yazıda hem de sunulan çalışmanın uygun bölümünde (bilgi notu olarak ve/veya metod kısmında), hangi Yapay Zeka aracını ve hangi versiyonunu ne amaçla kullandıklarını açıklamalıdır. </li><li>Yapay Zeka destekli teknolojilerden yararlanılarak oluşturulan içeriğin ve alıntıların doğruluğu, geçerliliği ve uygunluğunun sağlanması, olası hata, tutarsızlık ve taraflı sonuçların giderilmesi yazarların sorumluluğundadır. </li><li>Yazarlar, Yapay Zeka destekli teknolojiler ile üretilmiş metinlerde intihal potansiyeli olduğunu dikkate alarak, olası intihali bertaraf etmek için orijinal kaynakları mutlaka kontrol etmelidir. Kontrol ettiğini ve kaynakların orijnal kaynaklar olduğunu teyid etmelidir.  </li><li>Yapay Zeka destekli araçlar (ChatGPT gibi) yazar olarak listelenemez çünkü çalışmanın doğruluğundan, bütünlüğünden ve orijinalliğinden sorumlu olamazlar ve bu sorumluluklar yazarlık için şarttır. Bu nedenle, Yapay Zeka destekli teknolojilerin kullanımını içeren tüm materyallerden yazarlar sorumludur. Yazarlar, makalede yer alan ve çalışmanın hipotezlerini, yorumlarını, sonuçlarını, sınırlamalarını ve çıkarımlarını bildiren tüm ifadelerin kendi fikirlerini temsil ettiğinden emin olmalıdırlar.  </li><li>Yazarların, Yapay Zeka araçlarını temel araştırmacı ve yazar sorumluluklarının yerini alacak, aşağıdaki şekillerde kullanarak oluşturdukları çalışmalar bilimsel yayıncılık ve yayın etiği ilkelerine aykırıdır ve bu türden çalışmaların yayınlarda yer almasına izin verilmez: <ul><li>Titiz revizyon olmadan metin veya kod oluşturma, </li><li>Sağlam bir metodoloji olmadan eksik verileri ikame etmek için sentetik veri üretimi,  </li><li>Özetler veya ek materyaller de dahil olmak üzere her türlü hatalı, sentetik içerik oluşturulması </li><li>Yapay Zeka kullanımı ile görüntü ve şekillerin (resimler, çizelgeler, veri tabloları, tıbbi görüntüler, görüntü parçacıkları, bilgisayar kodları ve formüller) veya orijinal araştırma verilerinin oluşturulması ve manipüle edilmesi (bir görüntü veya şekil içinde belirli bir özelliğin artırılması, gizlenmesi, taşınması, kaldırılması veya eklenmesi).</li></ul></li></ul>

Hakem sürecinde gizliliğin korunması, değerlendirilen çalışmanın bu süreçte paylaşılmaması veya kullanılmaması esastır.  <a></a><a href="https://publicationethics.org/sites/default/files/ethical-guidelines-peer-reviewers-cope.pdf" target="_blank">(COPE – Ethical Guidelines for Peer Reviewers</a>) <ul><li>Hakemler, kendilerine değerlendirme için gönderilen bir makaleyi veya herhangi bir bölümünü gözden geçirme, değerlendirme veya karar verme sürecine yardımcı olması için üretken Yapay Zeka araçlarına veya Büyük Dil Modellerine yüklememelidirler; zira hakemlerin bu türden Yapay Zeka araçlarına içerik yüklemesi yazarların gizlilik ve mülkiyet haklarını ihlal eder.  </li><li>Bilimsel bir makalenin incelenmesi, yalnızca insanlara atfedilebilecek sorumluluktur. Hakem değerlendirmesi için gereken eleştirel düşünme ve orijinal değerlendirme bu teknolojinin kapsamı dışındadır ve teknolojinin makale hakkında yanlış, eksik veya önyargılı sonuçlar üretme riski vardır. Hakem raporu ve karar mektupları, hakemlerin ve editörlerin gönderilen içeriğe ilişkin kişisel değerlendirmelerini yansıtmalıdır. Hakem, raporunun içeriğinden sorumludur ve hesap vermekle sorumludur. </li><li>Yapay Zeka araçları, hakem değerlendirmesi ile bağlantılı olarak hakem değerlendirme raporu dilinin kalitesini artırmak için (çeviri veya dil düzenlemesi için) sınırlı bir şekilde kullanılabilir. Böyle bir kullanım olduğunda, hakem raporu iletirken, kullanımı beyan etmelidir. </li><li>Bir başvuruda üretken Yapay Zekanın uygunsuz veya açıklanmamış kullanımından şüphelenen hakemler, endişelerini dergi editörüne bildirmelidir. </li></ul>

Editörler dergiye gönderilen makalelerin değerlendirme sürecinde gizliliğinin korunmasını sağlamakla yükümlüdürler, değerlendirilen çalışmanın bu sürece dahil olan taraflar dışında paylaşılmaması veya kullanılmaması esastır <a href="https://publicationethics.org/files/Code_of_conduct_for_journal_editors_Mar11.pdf" target="_blank">(COPE – Code of Conduct and Best Practice Guidelines for Journal Editors)</a>.<ul><li>Editörler, yazarların gizlilik ve mülkiyet haklarını ihlal edebileceğinden, gönderilen bir makaleyi veya herhangi bir bölümünü gözden geçirme, değerlendirilme veya karar verme sürecine yardımcı olması için üretken Yapay Zeka  araçlarına veya Büyük Dil Modelleri'ne yüklememelidir. </li><li>Bilimsel bir makalenin editoryal değerlendirmesini yönetmek, yalnızca insanlara atfedilebilecek sorumluluklar anlamına gelir. Üretken Yapay Zeka veya Yapay Zeka destekli teknolojiler, editörler tarafından bir makalenin değerlendirme veya karar verme sürecine yardımcı olmak için kullanılmamalıdır, çünkü bu iş için gereken eleştirel düşünme ve orijinal değerlendirme bu teknolojinin kapsamı dışındadır ve teknolojinin makale hakkında yanlış, eksik veya önyargılı sonuçlar üretme riski vardır. Editör, editoryal süreçten, nihai karardan ve bunların yazarlara iletilmesinden sorumlu ve mesuldür.</li><li>Editörler, karar mektupları veya yayınlanmamış araştırmaların özetlerini oluşturmak için üretken Yapay Zeka aracı kullanmamalıdır. </li><li>Editörler, uygun hakemleri bulma konusunda yardımcı olması için üretken Yapay Zeka araçlarını kullanabilir.</li><li>Editörler, gönderilen bir makalede veya gönderilen bir hakem raporunda üretken Yapay Zeka kullanıldığından şüphelenirse konuyla ilgili editoryal bir değerlendirme yapmalı ve politikayı göz önünde bulundurmalıdır. </li></ul>

İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyoloji Dergisi, yayın etiğinde en yüksek standartlara bağlıdır ve <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a> ve <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> tarafından yayınlanan etik yayıncılık ilkelerini benimser; Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing başlığı altında ifade edilen ilkeler için adres: <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a>Gönderilen tüm makaleler orijinal, yayınlanmamış ve başka bir dergide değerlendirme sürecinde olmamalıdır. Yazar makalenin orijinal olduğu, daha önce başka bir yerde yayınlanmadığı ve başka bir yerde, başka bir dilde yayınlanmak üzere değerlendirmede olmadığını beyan etmelidir. Uygulamadaki telif kanunları ve anlaşmaları gözetilmelidir. Telife bağlı materyaller (örneğin tablolar, şekiller veya büyük alıntılar) gerekli izin ve teşekkürle kullanılmalıdır. Başka yazarların, katkıda bulunanların çalışmaları ya da yararlanılan kaynaklar uygun biçimde kullanılmalı ve referanslarda belirtilmelidir. Her bir makale editörlerden biri ve en az iki hakem tarafından çift kör değerlendirmeden geçirilir. İntihal, duplikasyon, sahte yazarlık/inkar edilen yazarlık, araştırma/veri fabrikasyonu, makale dilimleme, dilimleyerek yayın, telif hakları ihlali ve çıkar çatışmasının gizlenmesi, etik dışı davranışlar olarak kabul edilir.Kabul edilen etik standartlara uygun olmayan tüm makaleler yayından çıkarılır. Buna yayından sonra tespit edilen olası kuraldışı, uygunsuzluklar içeren makaleler de dahildir.

Etik

İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyoloji Dergisi araştırma etiğinde en yüksek standartları gözetir ve aşağıda tanımlanan uluslararası araştırma etiği ilkelerini benimser. Makalelerin etik kurallara uygunluğu yazarların sorumluluğundadır.<ul><li>Araştırmanın tasarlanması, tasarımın gözden geçirilmesi ve araştırmanın yürütülmesinde, bütünlük, kalite ve şeffaflık ilkeleri sağlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma ekibi ve katılımcılar, araştırmanın amacı, yöntemleri ve öngörülen olası kullanımları; araştırmaya katılımın gerektirdikleri ve varsa riskleri hakkında tam olarak bilgilendirilmelidir.</li><li>Araştırma katılımcılarının sağladığı bilgilerin gizliliği ve yanıt verenlerin gizliliği sağlanmalıdır. Araştırma katılımcıların özerkliğini ve saygınlığını koruyacak şekilde tasarlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma katılımcıları gönüllü olarak araştırmada yer almalı, herhangi bir zorlama altında olmamalıdırlar.</li><li>Katılımcıların zarar görmesinden kaçınılmalıdır. Araştırma, katılımcıları riske sokmayacak şekilde planlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma bağımsızlığıyla ilgili açık ve net olunmalı; çıkar çatışması varsa belirtilmelidir.</li><li>İnsan denekler ile yapılan deneysel çalışmalarda, araştırmaya katılmaya karar veren katılımcıların yazılı bilgilendirilmiş onayı alınmalıdır. Çocukların ve vesayet altındakilerin veya tasdiklenmiş akıl hastalığı bulunanların yasal vasisinin onayı alınmalıdır.</li><li>Çalışma herhangi bir kurum ya da kuruluşta gerçekleştirilecekse bu kurum ya da kuruluştan çalışma yapılacağına dair onay alınmalıdır.</li><li>İnsan öğesi bulunan çalışmalarda, “yöntem” bölümünde katılımcılardan “bilgilendirilmiş onam” alındığının ve çalışmanın yapıldığı kurumdan etik kurul onayı alındığı belirtilmesi gerekir.</li></ul>

Makalelerin bilimsel ve etik kurallara uygunluğu yazarların sorumluluğundadır. Yazar makalenin orijinal olduğu, daha önce başka bir yerde yayınlanmadığı ve başka bir yerde, başka bir dilde yayınlanmak üzere değerlendirmede olmadığı konusunda teminat sağlamalıdır. Uygulamadaki telif kanunları ve anlaşmaları gözetilmelidir. Telife bağlı materyaller (örneğin tablolar, şekiller veya büyük alıntılar) gerekli izin ve teşekkürle kullanılmalıdır. Başka yazarların, katkıda bulunanların çalışmaları ya da yararlanılan kaynaklar uygun biçimde kullanılmalı ve referanslarda belirtilmelidir.Gönderilen makalede tüm yazarların akademik ve bilimsel olarak doğrudan katkısı olmalıdır, bu bağlamda “yazar” yayınlanan bir araştırmanın kavramsallaştırılmasına ve dizaynına, verilerin elde edilmesine, analizine ya da yorumlanmasına belirgin katkı yapan, yazının yazılması ya da bunun içerik açısından eleştirel biçimde gözden geçirilmesinde görev yapan birisi olarak görülür. Yazar olabilmenin diğer koşulları ise, makaledeki çalışmayı planlamak veya icra etmek ve / veya revize etmektir. Fon sağlanması, veri toplanması ya da araştırma grubunun genel süpervizyonu tek başına yazarlık hakkı kazandırmaz. Yazar olarak gösterilen tüm bireyler sayılan tüm ölçütleri karşılamalıdır ve yukarıdaki ölçütleri karşılayan her birey yazar olarak gösterilebilir. Yazarların isim sıralaması ortak verilen bir karar olmalıdır. Tüm yazarlar yazar sıralamasını <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/E4B02593AB954F738F4F25A2A51326D4" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formunda</a> imzalı olarak belirtmek zorundadırlar.Yazarlık için yeterli ölçütleri karşılamayan ancak çalışmaya katkısı olan tüm bireyler “teşekkür / bilgiler” kısmında sıralanmalıdır. Bunlara örnek olarak ise sadece teknik destek sağlayan, yazıma yardımcı olan ya da sadece genel bir destek sağlayan, finansal ve materyal desteği sunan kişiler verilebilir.Bütün yazarlar, araştırmanın sonuçlarını ya da bilimsel değerlendirmeyi etkileyebilme potansiyeli olan finansal ilişkiler, çıkar çatışması ve çıkar rekabetini beyan etmelidirler. Bir yazar kendi yayınlanmış yazısında belirgin bir hata ya da yanlışlık tespit ederse, bu yanlışlıklara ilişkin düzeltme ya da geri çekme için editör ile hemen temasa geçme ve işbirliği yapma sorumluluğunu taşır.

Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirirler. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar. Gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalacağını garanti eder. Baş editör içerik ve yayının toplam kalitesinden sorumludur. Gereğinde hata sayfası yayınlamalı ya da düzeltme yapmalıdır. Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemler, araştırma, yazarlar ve/veya araştırmaya fon sağlayanlarla çıkar çatışması içinde olmamalıdır. Hakemler değerlendirmelerinin sonucunda tarafsız bir yargıya varmalıdırlar. Gönderilmiş yazılara ilişkin tüm bilginin gizli tutulmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar. Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir. Bazı durumlarda editörün kararıyla, ilgili hakemlerin makaleye ait yorumları aynı makaleyi yorumlayan diğer hakemlere gönderilerek hakemlerin bu süreçte aydınlatılması sağlanabilir.

Daha önce yayınlanmamış ya da yayınlanmak üzere başka bir dergide halen değerlendirmede olmayan ve her bir yazar tarafından onaylanan makaleler değerlendirilmek üzere kabul edilir. Gönderilen ve ön kontrolü geçen makaleler iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir.Seçilen makaleler en az iki ulusal/uluslararası hakeme çift taraflı kör hakemlik ile değerlendirmeye gönderilir; yayın kararı, hakemlerin talepleri doğrultusunda yazarların gerçekleştirdiği düzenlemelerin ve hakem sürecinin sonrasında baş editör tarafından verilir.

Hakemlik Hakkında

Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirirler. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar. Gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalacağını garanti eder.Baş editör içerik ve yayının toplam kalitesinden sorumludur. Gereğinde hata sayfası yayınlamalı ya da düzeltme yapmalıdır.Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemler, araştırma, yazarlar ve/veya araştırmaya fon sağlayanlarla çıkar çatışması içinde olmamalıdır. Hakemler değerlendirmelerinin sonucunda tarafsız bir yargıya varmalıdırlar. Gönderilmiş yazılara ilişkin tüm bilginin gizli tutulmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar.Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir. Bazı durumlarda editörün kararıyla, ilgili hakemlerin makaleye ait yorumları aynı makaleyi yorumlayan diğer hakemlere gönderilerek hakemlerin bu süreçte aydınlatılması sağlanabilir.

Daha önce yayınlanmamış ya da yayınlanmak üzere başka bir dergide halen değerlendirmede olmayan ve her bir yazar tarafından onaylanan makaleler değerlendirilmek üzere kabul edilir. Gönderilen ve ön kontrolü geçen makaleler iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir.Baş Editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirir. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar.Seçilen makaleler en az iki ulusal/uluslararası hakeme değerlendirmeye gönderilir; yayın kararı, hakemlerin talepleri doğrultusunda yazarların gerçekleştirdiği düzenlemelerin ve hakem sürecinin sonrasında baş editör tarafından verilir.Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemlerin değerlendirmeleri objektif olmalıdır. Hakem süreci sırasında hakemlerin aşağıdaki hususları dikkate alarak değerlendirmelerini yapmaları beklenir.-Makale yeni ve önemli bir bilgi içeriyor mu?-Öz, makalenin içeriğini net ve düzgün bir şekilde tanımlıyor mu?-Yöntem bütünlüklü ve anlaşılır şekilde tanımlanmış mı?-Yapılan yorum ve varılan sonuçlar bulgularla kanıtlanıyor mu?-Alandaki diğer çalışmalara yeterli referans verilmiş mi?-Dil kalitesi yeterli mi?Hakemler, gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar.Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir.

Genel Biçim Özellikleri<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/EB71013DC4F742EC8AC78EB353AD4C61" target="_blank">Yazım kuralları ile ilgili örnekler ve örnek makale şablonu için tıklayınız.</a>Yazı Tipi: Bütün metinde 10 punto Times New Roman yazı karakteri kullanılır. Tablo ve şekillerin nasıl hazırlanacağına dair ilgili bölüme bakınız.Sayfa Yapısı: A4 boyutlarındaki kâğıda üst, alt, sağ ve sol boşluk 2,5 cm (0.98 inç) bırakılarak, iki yana dayalı, satır sonu tirelemesiz şekilde olmalıdır. Çalışmalar tek sütun olarak hazırlanmalıdır. Paragraflarda ve başlıklarda girinti ve çıkıntı olmamalıdır.Paragraf Yapısı: Paragraf sekmesinde girintiler bölümünde; önce ve sonra alanı 0,6 nk satır aralığı 1,5 olmalıdır.Sayfa Sınırı: Yukarıdaki şablona göre hazırlanmış bir çalışma 20 sayfayı aşmamalıdır.Çalışma BölümleriBaşlık: Makale başlığı bold ve sola yaslı olmalıdır. Çalışma daha önce sunulmuşsa, bir projeden veya tezden üretilmişse vs. başlığın sonuna * dipnotu konularak açıklama yapılmalıdır.Yazar İsimleri: Yazar isimleri düz olmalıdır. Yazarın/yazarların tam adları, unvanları, çalıştıkları kurumlar, adres, telefon ve elektronik posta bilgileri belirtilmelidir.Öz: 150-200 kelime arasında olmalıdır. Özde atıf kullanılmamalıdır.Anahtar Kelimeler: 5-8 kelime arasında olmalıdır.Ana Metin: Nicel ve nitel çalışmalar Giriş, Yöntem, Bulgular ve Tartışma bölümlerini içermelidir.Yöntem kısmında mutlaka Örneklem/Çalışma Grubu, Veri Toplama Araçları ve İşlem alt bölümleri bulunmalıdır. Model alt bölümüne sadece özgün bir model kullanılmışsa yer verilmelidir.Derleme türü çalışmalar problemi ortaya koymalı, ilgili literatürü yetkin bir biçimde analiz etmeli, literatürdeki eksiklikler, boşluklar ve çelişkilerin üzerinde durmalı ve çözüm için atılması gereken adımlardan bahsetmelidir.Diğer çalışmalarda konunun türüne göre değişiklik yapılabilir, fakat bunun okuyucunun metinden faydalanmasını güçleştirecek detayda alt bölümler şeklinde olmamasına özen gösterilmelidir.Title: Makale başlığı bold ve sola yaslı olmalıdır. Çalışma daha önce sunulmuşsa, bir projeden veya tezden üretilmişse vs. başlığın sonuna * dipnotu konularak açıklama yapılmalıdır.Abstract: 150-200 kelime arasında olmalıdırKeywords: 5-8 kelime arasında olmalıdırExtended Abstract: 1000-1500 kelime arasında olmalıdırKaynakça: Hem metin içinde hem de kaynakçada Amerikan Psikologlar Birliği tarafından yayımlanan Publication Manual of American Psychological Association <a href="https://apastyle.apa.org/products/publication-manual-7th-edition" target="_blank">(APA) (7. baskı)</a> adlı kitapta belirtilen yazım kuralları uygulanmalıdır.Tablo, Şekil ve EklerTablo ve Şekiller: Tablo, şekil, resim, grafik vb. unsurlar metin içerisinde yer almalıdır. Çalışmanın sonunda ayrıca verilmemelidir.Tablo ve şekillerde genel şablonun dışında 9 punto Times New Roman yazı karakteri kullanılır. Paragraf sekmesinde girintiler bölümünde;• önce ve sonra alanı 0 nk,• satır aralığı tek olmalıdır.Tablo ve şekiller sola dayalı olmalı ve metin kaydırma özelliği kapalı olmalıdır. Tablo gösterimi için Örnek Makaleyi inceleyiniz.Ekler: Her bir ek ayrı sayfalarda, kaynakçadan sonra verilmelidir.Diğer: p değeri sadece tablo dışında gösterilmelidir. Tablo içerisinde ayrı bir p sütunu oluşturulmamalıdır. Metin içindeki p değerleri italik olarak gösterilmelidir. Verilen sayılarda virgülden sonra sadece iki digit/basamak kullanılmalıdır.

Yazım Kuralları

Makaleyi göndermeden önce Yazarlara Bilgi’yi lütfen okuyun ve aşağıdakilerin eksik olmadığından emin olun:<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/212A9245455F402992EFD09FE4B51625" target="_blank">Yazım kuralları ile ilgili örnekler ve örnek makale şablonu için tıklayınız.</a>Editöre mektup<ul type="disc"> <ul type="circle"> <li>Makalenin türü</li> <li>Başka bir dergiye gönderilmemiş olduğu bilgisi</li> <li>Sponsor veya ticari bir firma ile ilişkisi (varsa belirtiniz)</li> <li>Kaynakların <a href="https://apastyle.apa.org/products/publication-manual-7th-edition" target="_blank">APA7</a>’ye göre belirtildiği</li> <li>İngilizce yönünden kontrolünün yapıldığı</li> <li>Yazarlara Bilgide detaylı olarak anlatılan dergi politikalarının gözden geçirildiği</li> </ul> </ul><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/E4B02593AB954F738F4F25A2A51326D4" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a>Daha önce basılmış material (yazı-resim-tablo) kullanılmış ise izin belgesi<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/A889E731C7BA4220A543F0731EA124F3" target="_blank">Makale kapak sayfası</a><ul type="disc"> <ul type="circle"> <li>Makalenin kategorisi</li> <li>Makalenin Türkçe ve İngilizce başlığı</li> <li>Yazarların ismi soyadı, unvanları ve bağlı oldukları kurumlar (üniversite ve fakülte bilgisinden sonar şehir ve ülke bilgisi de yer almalıdır), e-posta adresleri</li> <li>Sorumlu yazarın e-posta adresi, açık yazışma adresi, iş telefonu, GSM, faks nosu</li> <li>Tüm yazarların ORCID’leri</li> </ul> </ul>Makalenin ana metni<ul type="disc"> <ul type="circle"> <li>Makalenin Türkçe ve İngilizce başlığı</li> <li>Özetler 150-200 kelime Türkçe ve 150-200 kelime İngilizce</li> <li>Anahtar Kelimeler: 5-8 arası Türkçe ve 5-8 arası İngilizce</li> <li>Makale Türkçe ise, İngilizce genişletilmiş özet (Extended Abstract) 1000-1500 kelime</li> <li>Makale ana metin bölümleri</li> <li>Teşekkür (varsa belirtiniz)</li> <li>Kaynaklar</li> <li>Tablolar-Resimler, Şekiller (başlık, tanım ve alt yazılarıyla)​</li></ul></ul>Ayrı Ayrı Yüklemeniz gereken dosyalar<ul type="disc"> <li><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/E4B02593AB954F738F4F25A2A51326D4" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a></li> <li>Resim, Tablo vb başka kaynaktan alındıysa izin belgesi</li> <li><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/A889E731C7BA4220A543F0731EA124F3" target="_blank">Makale Kapak Sayfası</a></li> <li>Makale Ana Metni Dosyası  (Bu dosya aşağıdaki unsurları içermelidir)</li> </ul><ul type="disc"> <ul type="circle"> <li>Makalenin Türkçe ve İngilizce başlığı</li> <li>Özetler 150-200 kelime Tükçe ve 150-200 kelime İngilizce</li> <li>Anahtar Kelimeler: 5-8 arası Türkçe ve 5-8 arası İngilizce</li> <li>Makale Türkçe ise, İngilizce genişletilmiş Özet (Extended Abstract)  1000-1500 kelime</li> <li>Makale ana metin bölümleri</li> <li>Teşekkür (varsa belirtiniz)</li> <li>Kaynaklar</li> <li>Tablolar-Resimler, Şekiller (başlık, tanım ve alt yazılarıyla)</li></ul></ul><ul type="disc"> </ul>

Derleme yazıları okuyucular için bir konudaki kaynaklara ulaşmayı kolaylaştıran bir araç olsa da, her zaman orijinal çalışmayı doğru olarak yansıtmaz. Bu yüzden mümkün olduğunca yazarlar orijinal çalışmaları kaynak göstermelidir. Öte yandan, bir konuda çok fazla sayıda orijinal çalışmanın kaynak gösterilmesi yer israfına neden olabilir. Birkaç anahtar orijinal çalışmanın kaynak gösterilmesi genelde uzun listelerle aynı işi görür. Ayrıca günümüzde kaynaklar elektronik versiyonlara eklenebilmekte ve okuyucular elektronik literatür taramalarıyla yayınlara kolaylıkla ulaşabilmektedir.Kabul edilmiş ancak henüz sayıya dahil edilmemiş makaleler Early View olarak yayınlanır ve bu makalelere atıflar “advance online publication” şeklinde verilmelidir. Genel bir kaynaktan elde edilemeyecek temel bir konu olmadıkça “kişisel iletişimlere” atıfta bulunulmamalıdır. Eğer atıfta bulunulursa parantez içinde iletişim kurulan kişinin adı ve iletişimin tarihi belirtilmelidir. Bilimsel makaleler için yazarlar bu kaynaktan yazılı izin ve iletişimin doğruluğunu gösterir belge almalıdır. Kaynakların doğruluğundan yazar(lar) sorumludur. Tüm kaynaklar metinde belirtilmelidir. Kaynaklar alfabetik olarak sıralanmalıdır.Referans Stili ve Formatıİstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyoloji Dergisi, metin içi alıntılama ve kaynak gösterme için APA (American Psychological Association) kaynak sitilinin 7. edisyonunu benimser. <a href="https://apastyle.apa.org/products/publication-manual-7th-edition" target="_blank">APA 7</a>.Edisyon hakkında bilgi için:-    American Psychological Association. (2010). Publication manual of the American PsychologicalAssociation (7th ed.). Washington, DC: APA.-    <a href="http://www.apastyle.org/" target="_blank">http://www.apastyle.org/</a>Kaynakların doğruluğundan yazar(lar) sorumludur. Tüm kaynaklar metinde belirtilmelidir. Kaynaklar aşağıdaki örneklerdeki gibi gösterilmelidir.Metin İçinde Kaynak GöstermeKaynaklar metinde parantez içinde yazarların soyadı ve yayın tarihi yazılarak belirtilmelidir.Birden fazla kaynak gösterilecekse kaynaklar arasında (;) işareti kullanılmalıdır. Kaynaklar alfabetik olarak sıralanmalıdır.Örnekler:Birden fazla kaynak;(Esin ve ark., 2002; Karasar 1995)Tek yazarlı kaynak;(Akyolcu, 2007)İki yazarlı kaynak;(Sayıner ve Demirci 2007, s. 72)Üç, dört ve beş yazarlı kaynak;Metin içinde ilk kullanımda: (Ailen, Ciambrune ve Welch 2000, s. 12–13) Metin içinde tekrarlayan kullanımlarda: (Ailen ve ark., 2000)Altı ve daha çok yazarlı kaynak;(Çavdar ve ark., 2003)Kaynaklar Bölümünde Kaynak GöstermeKullanılan tüm kaynaklar metnin sonunda ayrı bir bölüm halinde yazar soyadlarına göre alfabetik olarak numaralandırılmadan verilmelidir.Kaynak yazımı ile ilgili örnekler aşağıda verilmiştir.Kitapa) Türkçe KitapKarasar, N. (1995). Araştırmalarda rapor hazırlama (8.bs). Ankara: 3A Eğitim Danışmanlık Ltd.b) Türkçeye Çevrilmiş KitapMucchielli, A. (1991). Zihniyetler (A. Kotil, Çev.). İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları.c) Editörlü KitapÖren, T., Üney, T. ve Çölkesen, R. (Ed.). (2006). Türkiye bilişim ansiklopedisi. İstanbul: Papatya Yayıncılık.d) Çok Yazarlı Türkçe KitapTonta, Y., Bitirim, Y. ve Sever, H. (2002). Türkçe arama motorlarında performans değerlendirme. Ankara: Total Bilişim.e) İngilizce KitapKamien R., &amp; Kamien A. (2014). Music: An appreciation. New York, NY: McGraw-Hill Education.f) İngilizce Kitap İçerisinde BölümBassett, C. (2006). Cultural studies and new media. In G. Hall &amp; C. Birchall (Eds.), New cultural studies: Adventures in theory (pp. 220–237). Edinburgh, UK: Edinburgh University Press.g) Türkçe Kitap İçerisinde BölümErkmen, T. (2012). Örgüt kültürü: Fonksiyonları, öğeleri, işletme yönetimi ve liderlikteki önemi. M. Zencirkıran (Ed.), Örgüt sosyolojisi kitabı içinde (s. 233–263). Bursa: Dora Basım Yayın.h) Yayımcının ve Yazarın Kurum Olduğu YayınTürk Standartları Enstitüsü. (1974). Adlandırma ilkeleri. Ankara: Yazar.Makalea) Türkçe MakaleMutlu, B. ve Savaşer, S. (2007). Çocuğu ameliyat sonrası yoğun bakımda olan ebeveynlerde stres nedenleri ve azaltma girişimleri. İstanbul Üniversitesi Florence Nightingale Hemşirelik Dergisi, 15(60), 179–182.b) İngilizce Makalede Cillia, R., Reisigl, M., &amp; Wodak, R. (1999). The discursive construction of national identity. Discourse and Society, 10(2), 149–173. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957926599010002002c) Yediden Fazla Yazarlı MakaleLal, H., Cunningham, A. L., Godeaux, O., Chlibek, R., Diez-Domingo, J., Hwang, S.-J. ... Heineman, T. C. (2015). Efficacy of an adjuvanted herpes zoster subunit vaccine in older adults. New England Journal of Medicine, 372, 2087–2096. http://dx.doi.org/10.1056/NEJMoa1501184d) DOI’si Olmayan Online Edinilmiş MakaleAl, U. ve Doğan, G. (2012). Hacettepe Üniversitesi Bilgi ve Belge Yönetimi Bölümü tezlerinin atıf analizi. Türk Kütüphaneciliği, 26, 349–369. Erişim adresi: http://www.tk.org.tr/e) DOI’si Olan MakaleTurner, S. J. (2010). Website statistics 2.0: Using Google Analytics to measure library website effectiveness. Technical Services Quarterly, 27, 261–278. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07317131003765910f) Advance Online Olarak Yayımlanmış MakaleSmith, J. A. (2010). Citing advance online publication: A review. Journal of Psychology. Advance online publication. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/a45d7867g) Popüler Dergi MakalesiSemercioğlu, C. (2015, Haziran). Sıradanlığın rayihası. Sabit Fikir, 52, 38–39.Tez, Sunum, Bildiria) Türkçe TezlerSarı, E. (2008). Kültür kimlik ve politika: Mardin’de kültürlerarasılık. (Doktora Tezi). Ankara Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, Ankara.b)Ticari Veritabanında Yer Alan Yüksek Lisans Ya da Doktora TeziVan Brunt, D. (1997). Networked consumer health information systems (Doctoral dissertation). Available from ProQuest Dissertations and Theses. (UMI No. 9943436)c) Kurumsal Veritabanında Yer Alan İngilizce Yüksek Lisans/Doktora TeziYaylalı-Yıldız, B. (2014). University campuses as places of potential publicness: Exploring the politicals, social and cultural practices in Ege University (Doctoral dissertation). Retrieved from Retrieved from: http://library.iyte.edu.tr/tr/hizli-erisim/iyte-tez-portalid) Web’de Yer Alan İngilizce Yüksek Lisans/Doktora TeziTonta, Y. A. (1992). An analysis of search failures in online library catalogs (Doctoral dissertation, University of California, Berkeley). Retrieved from http://yunus.hacettepe.edu.tr/~tonta/yayinlar/phd/ickapak.htmle) Dissertations Abstracts International’da Yer Alan Yüksek Lisans/Doktora TeziAppelbaum, L. G. (2005). Three studies of human information processing: Texture amplifica&#173;tion, motion representation, and figure-ground segregation. Dissertation Abstracts International: Section B. Sciences and Engineering, 65(10), 5428.f) Sempozyum KatkısıKrinsky-McHale, S. J., Zigman, W. B. &amp; Silverman, W. (2012, August). Are neuropsychiatric symptoms markers of prodromal Alzheimer’s disease in adults with Down syndrome? In W. B. Zigman (Chair), Predictors of mild cognitive impairment, dementia, and mortality in adults with Down syndrome. Symposium conducted at American Psychological Association meeting, Orlando, FL.g) Online Olarak Erişilen Konferans Bildiri ÖzetiÇınar, M., Doğan, D. ve Seferoğlu, S. S. (2015, Şubat). Eğitimde dijital araçlar: Google sınıf uygulaması üzerine bir değerlendirme [Öz]. Akademik Bilişim Konferansında sunulan bildiri, Anadolu Üniversitesi, Eskişehir. Erişim adresi: http://ab2015.anadolu.edu.tr /index.php?menu=5&amp;submenu=27h) Düzenli Olarak Online Yayımlanan BildirilerHerculano-Houzel, S., Collins, C. E., Wong, P., Kaas, J. H., &amp; Lent, R. (2008). The basic nonuniformity of the cerebral cortex. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 105, 12593–12598. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.0805417105i) Kitap Şeklinde Yayımlanan BildirilerSchneider, R. (2013). Research data literacy. S. Kurbanoğlu ve ark. (Ed.), Communications in Computer and Information Science: Vol. 397. Worldwide Communalities and Challenges in Information Literacy Research and Practice içinde (s. 134–140) . Cham, İsviçre: Springer. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-03919-0j) Kongre BildirisiÇepni, S., Bacanak A. ve Özsevgeç T. (2001, Haziran). Fen bilgisi öğretmen adaylarının fen branşlarına karşı tutumları ile fen branşlarındaki başarılarının ilişkisi. X. Ulusal Eğitim Bilimleri Kongresi’nde sunulan bildiri, Abant İzzet Baysal Üniversitesi, BoluDiğer Kaynaklara) Gazete YazısıToker, Ç. (2015, 26 Haziran). ‘Unutma’ notları. Cumhuriyet, s. 13.b) Online Gazete YazısıTamer, M. (2015, 26 Haziran). E-ticaret hamle yapmak için tüketiciyi bekliyor. Milliyet. Erişim adresi: http://www.milliyetc) Web Page/Blog PostBordwell, D. (2013, June 18). David Koepp: Making the world movie-sized [Web log post]. Retrieved from http://www.davidbordwell.net/blog/page/27/d) Online Ansiklopedi/SözlükBilgi mimarisi. (2014, 20 Aralık). Vikipedi içinde. Erişim adresi: http://tr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bilgi_mimarisiMarcoux, A. (2008). Business ethics. In E. N. Zalta (Ed.), The Stanford encyclopedia of philosophy. Retrieved from http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/ethics-business/e) PodcastRadyo ODTÜ (Yapımcı). (2015, 13 Nisan). Modern sabahlar [Podcast]. Erişim adresi: http://www.radyoodtu.com.tr/f) Bir Televizyon Dizisinden Tek Bir BölümShore, D. (Senarist), Jackson, M. (Senarist) ve Bookstaver, S. (Yönetmen). (2012). Runaways [Televizyon dizisi bölümü]. D. Shore (Baş yapımcı), House M.D. içinde. New York, NY: Fox Broadcasting.g) Müzik KaydıSay, F. (2009). Galata Kulesi. İstanbul senfonisi [CD] içinde. İstanbul: Ak Müzik.Yukarıda sıralanan koşulları yerine getirmemiş çalışma kabul edilmez, eksiklerinin tamamlanması için yazara iade edilir. Yayın Komisyonu tarafından kabul edilen yazılar basıma kabul sırasına göre yayınlanır. Baskı tashihleri yazarlar tarafından yapılır.

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