Alexander

Prof.

Tradition, Morality and Solidarity in Durkheim’s Theory

Eric

Assist. Prof.

Durkheim and the Nation

Graciela Alejandra

Under the Empire of Spontaneous Solidarity: State and Political Action in the Theoretical Durkheimian Project (1892-1893)

Ronjon Paul

You Only Get What You Give? A New Radical Durkheimian Political Economy of Sacrifice

Bjørn

From Holism to Participation: Three Phases in Durkheim’s Work

Çağrı

Assoc. Prof.

Since the 1950s, environmental sociology is hardly accepted despite existing social-environmental issues. These problems have been generated by the rapid industrialization and urbanization causing pollution in the post-war era. Environmental sociology was established in the 1970s when environmental problems gained public attention and the environmental movement emerged. The theories of sociologists Durkheim, Weber, who introduced the rationalization concept, and Marx, who introduced the theory of metabolic rift, were welcomed in environmental sociology. However, Durkheim was criticized that his methodological dictum was excluding society-environment interaction. There are two explanations for the association between Durkheim and societyenvironment interaction. On the one hand, the industrialism of his era caused the exclusion of environment from sociology. On the other hand, Durkheim’s works have significant references to environment that indicate a potential for environmental sociology. This paper aims to examine Durkheim’s sociological approach in terms of society-environment interaction. First, the foundation of environmental sociology is summarized. Then, both examples showing the exclusion of environment and societyenvironment interactions in Durkheim’s studies are shown. The paper concludes with the assessment of Durkheim’s contribution to current environmental sociology challenging ecological crisis that threatens society. Although the first years of sociology were marked by geographical and biological determinism, sociologists favoring a “world view” of development, progress, and modernism in later years ignored environment as an issue (Hannigan, 2006). After a century, when environmental problems had surfaced and threatened industrialized Western societies, environmental concerns and movement were accepted in society and from the cultural perspective. Two pioneers of environmental sociology, Dunlap and Catton (1978) criticized human exceptionalism paradigm of causing the exploitation of nature and Durkheim’s methodological dictum (Madappalli, 2016). The paradigm assumes nature as an endless resource and that the human progress is limitless, while human existence is unique as a result of its developed culture (Catton &amp; Dunlap, 1978) that “covers the dependence of human societies to biophysical environment” (Rice, 2013, p. 238). However, environmental problems and restrictions in the 1960s shook this paradigm and Durkheim’s methodological dictum that reportedly ignored society-environment interaction. Hence, environmental parameters were included in sociological researches. In fact, the New Ecological Paradigm (NEP) scale, developed by environmental sociologists, introduced “environmental facts” against the social facts of Durkheim. The paradigm aims to consider the effects of&nbsp;environmental problems like resource scarcity on main sociological research issues like stratification (Catton &amp; Dunlap, 1978). Hence, environmental sociologists, by using the New Ecological Paradigm, challenge Durkheim’s methodological dictum by accepting the effect of environment on society (Dunlap &amp; Catton, 1979). Durkheim was criticized for excluding the impact of the environment on sociology with his methodological dictum. Sociology, a social discipline excluding environment (Foster, 1999, p. 367), was positioned out of “psychology, biology, economics, and geography” by Marx, Weber, and Durkheim, the three fathers of sociology (Buttel, Dickens, Dunlap, &amp; Gijswijt, 2002, p. 5). However, Marx and Weber were applauded for their concepts, the metabolic rift and rationality, in environmental sociology, unlike Durkheim who was criticized for his methodological dictum that was believed to be against the use of biophysical parameters in sociology (Lidskog, Mol, &amp; Oosterveer, 2015). Durkheim defined social facts only with other social facts, ignoring the biophysical environment (Dunlap, 2016), and implied examination of social systems without using environmental parameters (Norgaard, 1997, p. 159). Durkheim developed a social reductionism to resist biological reductionism (Benton, 1991, as cited in Konak, 2010). Hence, traditional sociology following Durkheim’s approach excluded biophysical environment (Hoyen, 2013). To objectify society within a scientific discipline (Durkheim, 2016, pp. 58, 59, 168), Durkheim defended the use of social facts and collective consciousness against biology and psychology (Hannigan, 2006, p. 5), that social facts can only be explained by social facts (Buttel, 2002) that have power over individuals and are different from non-human and organic facts (Durkheim, 2016). As a result, the methodological dictum made Durkheim and sociologists ignore biological and physical parameters (Dunlap, 1997; Dunlap &amp; Catton, 2007). The exclusion of physical reality by Weberian and Durkheimian authors (Ritzer 1975; Choldin 1978, as cited in Dunlap &amp; Catton, 2007) should be seen as a constructive approach in the early years of sociology (Buttel, 2002). The exclusion of environment was dominant and environmental parameters were ignored in other subdisciplines like rural sociology until the 1970s; these subdisciplines are the foundation of environmental sociology (Dunlap &amp; Martin 1983, as cited in Dunlap, 2002). Durkheim implied the static position of nature throughout history while society changes and evolves (Durkheim, 2010; Gross, 2000; Jarvikoski, 1996). Durkheim separated the concept of evolution, originated from ecology and biology, from nature and integrated it into the social sphere (Durkheim, 2014). Furthermore, he put a sharp distinction between human society and animals, as they lack of morality and collective consciousness (Durkheim, 2010) and they are static unlike human societies (Durkheim, 2014). Although sociological theorists Durkheim, Weber, and Marx did not directly examine society-environment interaction; their studies indirectly included this issue (Hannigan, 2006, p. 5). Hence, Durkheim should be comprehended through the extensive framework of human-nature systems instead of narrow anthropocentricism (Rosa &amp; Richter, 2008). In fact, Durkheim did not deny the importance of biological and physical parameters in sociology (Jarvikoski, 1996). Moreover, Durkheim followed the example of natural science during the exploration of social reality (Durkheim, 2016). Despite a strong and common prejudice in traditional sociology, Durkheim’s studies involve many references to the environment. However, the methodological dictum of Durkheimian scholars reinstructed sociology (Catton, 2002), resulting in Dunlap and Catton, two founders of environmental sociology, strongly criticizing the Durkheimian theory. Contrarily, the limited prevalence of social facts and the emphasis on the environmental parameters in Durkheim’s studies are important objections to their critique (Rosa &amp; Richter, 2008). Çelebi (2007, p. 159) highlighted the importance of the balance between population and land as social facts that affect society. Durkheim considered the effects of the position of sun and the condition of the atmosphere to people, and his social morphology notion had other environmental insights like the use of land (Gross, 2000). He also implied the coevolution of nature and society in his work of Pragmatism and Sociology (Foster, 1999). According to him, nature is not the reverse of society, but a part, the highest representation, and complex form of nature (Durkheim 2010; Jarvikoski, 1996). Moreover, Durkheim (2016) implied similarities between “physical environment” and society and defined society as part of nature. Durkheim often referred to nature in his classical study of totemism. Tribe members lean toward plants, animals, and rocks in understanding their society. They imitate animals in their religious rituals. Safety and domination of nature make up their religion (Durkheim, 2010). Durkheim often used biological terms like species, population density, and resource scarcity in his explanation of social evolution and solidarity concepts (Buttel, 2002). He implied that division of labor exists in all living organisms, and transfers society from nature (Durkheim, 2014). On the other hand, his notion of competition and division of labor undermined environmental concerns like pollution and resource scarcity in urbanization (Lenski, 1984, as cited in Buttel &amp; Humprey, 2002). This paper aims to examine Durkheim’s sociological approach in terms of societyenvironment interaction. The construction process of sociology as a distinct discipline excluded environmental parameters. However, urbanization and industrialization in the 1950s have caused environmental concerns and movements in Western societies.&nbsp;The foundation of environmental sociology was challenged in the 1970s by the methodological dictum of Durkheim. Although some of his studies strongly separate society from environment like social facts, he often referred to environmental concepts like population, balance, organism, and resource scarcity. Durkheim also implied metabolic interaction between society and environment, and that society is a complex part of nature.

Durkheim’da Toplum-Çevre Etkileşimi: Dışlayıcı Toplumsal Olgulara Karşı Çevreci Potansiyel

Abdülkerim

This essay examines Durkheim’s conception of society as a subject (agent) and social fact as a thing. What makes this idea worth investigating is that almost all of the founding fathers of sociology, including Ibn Khaldun, Marx, Weber, and Tönnies, talk about society as if it has attributes of a true or real subject capable of agency that are comparable to attributes of an individual human being, but they never provide a precise definition of society through which its agency can easily be identified as a concrete phenomenon rather than a metaphoric expression. Instead, their concept of society and the nature of its agency must be construed from the content of their writings. This may be considered an insignificant issue since, in many cases, sociologists deal with a specific aspect of society conceived of as a group of people living within the boundaries of a given territory under the authority of a single political entity, as is the case in Durkheim’s definition of horde as the simplest form of society. This lack of a precise definition is odd because Durkheim himself makes a strong methodological claim for the need to begin sociological investigation with clear and precise definitions of the objects under scrutiny by concentrating on their external traits and then proceeding to their inner essential natures. One such construction of Durkheim’s conception of society has been provided by Poggi (2000), who argues that, for Durkheim, society begins where instinct ends, which means that it is cultural in nature and thus not a material thing to be observed existing in nature; therefore, it is, in essence, something that is both external to individuals’ consciousness and finding its place of residence in the very thing to which it is external. It is this conception of a dual form of existence that, according to Poggi (2000, pp. 85-87, 96), leads Durkheim in his later works to an increasing awareness of the contingent nature of society stemming from the fact that it depends upon the individuals’ willingness to act according to the rules or norms of that same society. According to Poggi (2000, p. 96), society in Durkheim’s thought is the totality of collective representation guiding interactions between individuals by creating feelings of moral obligations. This paper argues that although this conception of society exists in Durkheim’s thought, there is still room for an alternative interpretation of his concept of society not as contingent in its nature and not involving representations exercising authority over individuals; this alternative interpretation suggests that, for Durkheim, society is a moral being that is able to manifest itself and exercise its authority through these representations. This argument presents a different conception of society available in Durkheim’s thought, which is that it exists and that its agency manifests itself in the act of turning this contingency into real action at the level of individuals. Durkheim’s conception of society as a real agent-subject and collective representations in the forms of rules and norms for conduct, currents of thought and action, and forms of organization is not given at once but seems to develop gradually in his major works. In its essence, society is the name of and the answer given by human&nbsp;beings for their survival in nature. This concept finds its first expression in the Division of Labour (Durkheim, 1893; Lukes, 1973), where the forms of division of labor are examined by Durkheim as the manifestation and representations that give this survival its more concrete forms. The forms are not the society itself, but the external traits of its struggle for survival, and they provide the door to penetrate into society itself. In the Rules of Sociological Method (Durkheim, 2004), society is conceived of as an emergent moral being or a “moral density”, transcending individuals and represented by forms of collective action for common or collective survival and also guiding and directing its members’ efforts to this common goal. In Suicide (Durkheim, 2002), its agency is perceived through currents and norms of over- and under-performance in providing its members with guidance for a life balanced between responding to the demands of collective existence and the demands and requirements of becoming of an individual. These pressures are produced by and inserted into the minds and hearts of individuals by the society itself. The agency of society is also perceived through its over- and under-performance in providing its members with strong and weak attachments to the collective body. These states of performances and strengths of attachment, in turn, are considered as the causes of suicide and represented in material life by qualitatively different forms and rates of suicide. It is in the Elementary Forms of Religious Life that perhaps not a final but a last perception of society as an agent is presented by Durkheim (2005, p. 27) in his definition of religious phenomena and ceremonies as collective representations arising from actions of individuals in a group (in an over-exited state) that has come together to create and recreate itself and thus leads to the annihilation of all forms and states of individuality that its members might have had and maintained in their ordinary and mundane lives, with their efforts heightened in the hot spirit arising from feelings of group unity and solidarity. The question of how to imagine and conceptualize society as a true subject capable of agency is not unique to Durkheim. On the contrary, there are many similarities between his approach to this issue and Marx’s struggle to provide a precise definition of social class as an agent, and between his approach and Tönnies’ conception of Public opinion. A short comparison of these ideas sheds some light on Durkheim’s stance. For Marx (1983, pp. 173–182, 189–195, 212–217), social classes do not exist simply by being in a definite and objective position in the social relations of production, and this is expressed by the metaphor of peasants being like potatoes in a sack: although they look like a class with regard to their objective conditions of existence, they lack the quality of being a social class until they create for themselves a common consciousness, organization, and perform collective actions for the sake of their collective interests. Class formation and agency for now, and to change the course of history, can and should only be created with some intellectual input from outside—but only in the very conditions of existence that exist mostly in work places with the coming together of people who are objectively in the same class&nbsp;position. Similarly, for Tönnies, according to Heberle (1948, pp. 155–157), “Public opinion” (which differs from public opinion with lower case p) does not simply mean a gathering of many diverse forms and currents of opinions about matters relating to public affairs. It must be created by intellectuals and should unify the energies, thoughts, and actions of all members of society as if it were the will of a single individual, and it has to be put in the service of or against the implementation of a particular policy relating to public affairs. There is, however, one essential difference that separates Durkheim’s conception of society from Marx’s conception of social class and Tönnies’ conception of public opinion. The latter two forms of existence and agency have a temporal character: they have to be created and abandoned or annihilated when the objective is achieved. When created, they look like the moments in which a society feels itself and reinvigorates its collective consciousness. But Durkheim would consider these moments as secondary or lesser forms of existence and agency that do not necessarily attest to the existence of a full society in its single moral unity. On the contrary, these moments may arise simply because of group life somehow lacking the quality of being a society and looking more like a network of relations and exchange of atomic units, each trying to achieve its own objectives. This is because, in Durkheim’s conception, society as a true and real subject exists insofar as it directs the efforts of all its members toward securing its own collective survival as a single moral being, in the socialization of its members who are committed to this objective, and the application of corrective sanctions against actions that threaten its survival. All efforts and actions other than these are but manifestations of a subject that is lesser than a society.

Durkheim’ın Toplumu Bir Özne, Toplumsalı Bir Nesne Olarak Kavramsallaştırma Çabası

Charles

Durkheim’s Ghost: The Century after His Death: France, Germany, Turkey

Ümmügülsüm

People have questioned the qualities of a good life since ancient times. Researchers of subjective well-being are interested in how humans feel about and judge the quality of their lives, notwithstanding others’ opinions. Numerous causes are found, including health, marital status, job status, and income, for the variations of subjective wellbeing at the individual level. Furthermore, the populations of different countries have revealed marked differences in subjective well-being. A country’s prevalent economic situation is the first plausible reason. Individuals in affluent societies are expected to be happier than people in economically poor countries. However, subjective wellbeing differences also are present among rich Western societies. Researchers have claimed that social democratic welfare states are able to produce more happiness for their citizens (Radcliff, 2001; Rothstein, 2010). Furthermore, differences in subjective well-being among various social groups such as the lowest and highest income groups are lower in these countries. This study will compare the subjective well-being levels of the welfare regimes in Europe and Turkey using 2012 data from the European Quality of Life Survey.Subjective Well-Being Subjective well-being is a field that studies the perceived quality of life. In other words, it is the psychology of quality of life, it refers to individuals’ evaluations of their lives, and encompasses both cognitive judgments of satisfaction and affective appraisals of mood and emotion (Diener et al., 1999). The field of subjective well-being has three characteristics. First, it is subjective and about individual experiences. Secondly, it requires both the absence of negative factors and presence of positive factors such as happiness. Last but not least, emphasis is usually placed on the global assessment of all aspects of an individual’s life, not on specific domains like income satisfaction (Diener, 1984). Two main approaches exist for measuring subjective well-being. While the hedonic approach defines well-being in terms of pleasure attainment and pain avoidance with a focus on happiness, the eudaimonic approach targets meaning and self-realization, defining well-being with respect to the degree to which an individual fully functions (Ryan &amp; Deci, 2001). Adopting a broader perspective in the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) Guidelines on Measuring Subjective Wellbeing (2013), subjective well-being is maintained to encompass three elements: life evaluation, affect, and eudaimonia. Life evaluation is deliberate appraisal of a person’s life, usually measured by life satisfaction. Affect is about both positive (happiness and joy) and negative (anger and fear) feelings and emotions while eudaimonia is related to meaningfulness and purpose in life (OECD, 2013).Numerous causes exist for the variations in subjective well-being at the individual level. Empirical research has indicated that being married, having children, feeling free and healthy, and participating in religious activities increase individuals’ subjective well-being. Mental and physical health problems, personal sorrows, longterm unemployment, and bereavements make people unhappy. Aside from individual factors, many macro factors are found to affect the level of subjective well-being. Economists are interested in the relationships among macroeconomic indicators such as gross national product inflation, unemployment, inequality, and happiness. Various studies have demonstrated people living in rich countries to be happier than those living in poor countries (Frey &amp; Stutzer, 2010). Culture may be a good reason as to why people in the culturally similar countries of Latin America have high subjective well-being, whereas the subjective well-being of those in post-socialist countries is lower than their earnings would forecast. Welfare regimes differ in how they create and distribute well-being. Tremendous literature exists on the classification of welfare regimes. In his seminal book The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism (1990), Esping-Andersen classified 18 OECD countries up to the 1980s according to their social stratifications and levels of decommodification. Decommodification is “the degree to which individuals, or families, can uphold a socially acceptable standard of living independently of market participation” (Esping-Andersen, 1990, p. 37). Three distinct welfare regimes are found in his classification: the Liberal (Anglo-Saxon or English Speaking), the Conservative (Continental European or Corporatist), and the Social Democratic (Scandinavian) regimes. In liberal welfare regimes, market plays a crucial role while social expenditures are very limited compared to other welfare regimes. Rights and benefits are distributed through means-testing, and welfare recipients are generally stigmatized. In conservative welfare regimes, rights and benefits are distributed according to occupational status, and benefits increase as contributions increase. Conservative welfare regimes maintain and reinforce the existing social classes. The social democratic welfare regime is also defined as the universalistic welfare regime and has a broad range of social services and benefits covering the entire population. Benefits are delivered on the basis of uniform rules of eligibility (Rothstein, 2010). Later, Southern European welfare states and post-socialist welfare states were added to this classification (Aidukaite, 2009; Özdemir, 2007). Although numerous studies exist on welfare regimes, most scholars are interested in the indicators of objective quality of life. Only a handful of studies are found to focus on how people genuinely assess their lives through indicators of subjective well-being. Radcliff (2001) found a strong positive relationship between welfare state&nbsp;and life satisfaction. He claimed life satisfaction increase to the extent that states decrease market reliance and adopt social democratic welfare regimes. On the other hand, contrary to his expectations Veenhoven (2000) found no connection between welfare state and happiness.&nbsp;Data and Method This paper uses the European Foundation’s (Eurofound) European Quality of Life Survey (EQLS; 2012) and its data. The questionnaire contains many questions about both the objective and subjective aspects of quality of life. The EQLS records many aspects of the quality of life in Europe and involves social, financial, and environmental determinants, alongside European societies’ well-being and life quality. This survey is the third wave of quality-of-life surveys started in 2003. Eurofound has created a consolidated methodological approach and quality-assurance system through these cross-national studies, not only for the European Union but also for other nations in the region. This survey covers over 40,000 people from 28 EU member countries and six candidate countries (Iceland, Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia, and Turkey), a total of 34 countries.Results Welch-ANOVA tests have been conducted to check whether statistically significant variations of subjective well-being exist among the means of different welfare regimes. Analysis has shown significant mean differences to exist among the welfare regimes for both life satisfaction (F = 249.526, p &lt; .000) and happiness (F = 154.422, p &lt; .000). The Games-Howell post-hoc tests have been conducted to confirm where the differences occur among the groups. Life satisfaction has no statistically significant differences between the liberal (M = 7.30) and the corporatist (M = 7.25) regimes, which respectively rank second and third after the social democratic regime (M = 7.94). No statistically significant difference exists between the post socialist regime (M = 6.62) and Turkey (M = 6.61), both of which come after Southern European welfare regimes (M = 7.02). Social democratic welfare regimes also have the best scores (M = 7.89) for happiness. The Games-Howell post-hoc tests show the differences among all groups to be statistically significant. The mean values are as follows: MLiberal = 7.89, MConservative = 7.43, MSouthern European = 7.28, MPost-Socialist = 7.05, and MTurkey = 6.87.Furthermore, the distribution of happiness is mostly even in these countries. The difference in life satisfaction between the first and fourth income quartiles (i.e., the&nbsp;difference between the 25% with the highest income and the 25% with the lowest income) is lowest in social democratic welfare regimes (0.71). This difference is highest in post-socialist countries (1.48) and liberal countries (1.37).Conclusion This study has analyzed the variations in subjective well-being across welfare regimes, with particular focus on life satisfaction and happiness, using the individual data obtained from the third wave of the EQLS. The results provide evidence that the citizens of social democratic welfare regimes have reported the highest happiness and life satisfaction scores. These regimes also compensate best for income differences in subjective well-being compared to other welfare-state regimes. In light of the aforementioned variations across welfare regimes, social policies can be concluded to affect subjective well-being.

Avrupa Refah Rejimleri ve Türkiye’de Öznel İyi Oluş

İsmail

Prof. Dr.

Call for Papers Special Issue on “Subjectivities in the Digital Economy”

CALL FOR PAPERS-SPECIAL ISSUE

Istanbul University Journal of Sociology. Call for Papers-June 2025

Mehmet

Opening Pathways out of Homelessness

Ali Kamil Başar, “Governor of the Homeless”: “There was a very good atmosphere of solidarity and cooperation in the ‘Home for the Homeless’.”

Lynette

Paula

“If I get an ID card then maybe I might be able to find a job and move forward…” Barriers to exiting homelessness in Croatia

Hakan

Res. Assist. Dr.

BackgroundHomelessness represents a complex, multifaceted issue confronting modern societies, affecting a wide range of individuals due to inadequate housing, lack of social support, and various socio-economic factors. Beyond the obvious lack of stable housing, homelessness involves diverse challenges such as mental health issues, substance abuse, and social exclusion (Crane et al., 2006). Therefore, the strategies to address homelessness must be equally comprehensive, incorporating multidimensional approaches that aim to provide long-term solutions. These strategies must also address the socio-economic, psychological, and interpersonal dimensions of homelessness to achieve sustainable outcomes for affected individuals.One of the key strategies employed to combat homelessness is street work, which involves direct engagement with individuals living on the streets. Street work is crucial because it enables service providers to identify the immediate needs of homeless individuals, offer support, and create tailored interventions that address both their urgent and long-term requirements (Bodelan, 2016). This approach is particularly valuable because it allows service providers to meet homeless individuals where they are, literally and metaphorically, and develop relationships based on trust and understanding. However, recent research highlights that former homeless individuals may serve as a unique and underutilized resource in street work. Their lived experiences equip them with a profound understanding of street life, enabling them to empathize deeply with those currently experiencing homelessness and communicate more effectively (Watson &amp; Cuervo, 2017). Former homeless individuals can leverage their experiences to serve as guides, role models, and motivational figures for those still on the streets, facilitating their transition to stable housing. However, while the potential for former homeless individuals to contribute positively to homelessness interventions is significant, their involvement in such efforts also presents challenges and risks. This study aims to explore the specific roles that former homeless individuals can play in combating homelessness, the characteristics that make them suitable for these roles, and the risks associated with their participation in street work.MethodThis qualitative study seeks to answer the central research question: “How can former homelessness be utilized as a resource in combating homelessness?” The research focuses on understanding the characteristics of former homeless individuals, the specific roles they can play in street work, the potential risks they face, and the most effective ways to harness their contributions. Given the exploratory nature of this research, a qualitative methodology was deemed most appropriate, as it allows for an in-depth exploration of participants’ lived experiences and perspectives (Yıldırım &amp; Şimşek, 2018).The study involved conducting in-depth interviews with 11 participants who had professional or voluntary experience working in homelessness services. These participants were selected based on two criteria: their prior experience of homelessness and their current or past involvement in homelessness interventions, either as volunteers or professionals. The data were collected using a semi-structured interview format, allowing for flexibility in exploring participants’ experiences while ensuring that key topics were covered. The interviews were analyzed thematically, identifying key themes related to the roles, challenges, and contributions of former homeless individuals in street work.ResultsThe thematic analysis revealed several key findings regarding the roles of former homeless individuals in street work and the potential risks they face. First, the study found that former homeless individuals possess a deep and nuanced understanding of the dynamics of street life, which enables them to empathize with current homeless individuals in ways that service providers without such experiences may struggle to do. This insight allows them to anticipate the needs of those still living on the streets and engage in communication that is both effective and sensitive to the challenges these individuals face. Additionally, former homeless individuals were found to be well-equipped to serve as role models and guides for current homeless individuals. Their successful transitions from homelessness to stable housing provide them with credibility and relatability, enabling them to offer both practical guidance and motivational support. Their lived experiences allow them to demonstrate to others that overcoming homelessness is possible, instilling hope and motivation in those still struggling.However, the study also identified several risks associated with involving former homeless individuals in street work. The most significant risk is re-traumatization, as returning to the streets—an environment that once caused them great distress—may trigger past emotional and psychological pain. The experience of homelessness is inherently traumatic, involving exposure to violence, neglect, and instability (Goodman et al., 1991). Thus, even after securing housing, former homeless individuals may carry deep psychological scars. Engaging in street work, particularly when working directly with current homeless individuals, may exacerbate these scars, leading to emotional setbacks.Another potential risk is that former homeless individuals may struggle to manage their desire to help, leading them to overstep boundaries in their relationships with&nbsp;current homeless individuals. The strong empathy they feel for those still on the streets may cause them to blur the lines between professional support and personal involvement, which could compromise the effectiveness of their interventions and lead to emotional burnout (Breyer, 2020). Moreover, there is a risk that former homeless individuals may project their own experiences onto others, assuming that the path they followed out of homelessness is the only valid approach. This can result in a lack of flexibility and sensitivity to the diverse needs and experiences of current homeless individuals.Finally, there is the potential for abusing, where former homeless individuals might misuse their position to prioritize personal gain over the well-being of those they aim to help. In some cases, individuals may exploit their past experiences of homelessness to gain social or financial advantages, undermining the integrity of the support they provide. This risk is particularly pronounced in situations where former homeless individuals are not adequately supported or monitored, as the power dynamics between them and the homeless individuals they work with can be easily manipulated (Potter, 2006).To mitigate these risks, the study suggests that the involvement of former homeless individuals in street work should be carefully managed. It is recommended that their role in such work not be based solely on having secured housing but also on their psychosocial recovery. Moreover, former homeless individuals should receive training in psychological resilience, communication skills, and crisis management before engaging in outreach work. Continuous support should be provided to them throughout their involvement in street-level work to ensure they are emotionally and mentally equipped to handle the challenges. The study also suggests that former homeless individuals can contribute in roles beyond direct street outreach. They could serve as consultants to those working in the field, helping professionals better understand the dynamics of street life. Additionally, they could play an active role in raising public awareness about homelessness, leveraging their personal experiences to educate and inform the broader community.Conclusion﻿The experiences of former homeless individuals offer a valuable resource in the fight against homelessness. Their empathy, communication skills, and deep understanding of street life can make them highly effective in helping current homeless individuals. However, their involvement in street work must be managed carefully to prevent the risks associated with re-traumatization, boundary violations, and exploitation. By providing appropriate training, ongoing support, and carefully defined roles, former homeless individuals can make a unique and meaningful contribution to homelessness interventions, helping to build trust, motivate change, and offer hope to those still struggling on the streets.

The Power of Experience: Utilizing Former Homelessness as a Resource to Combat Homelessness

Musa

The Role and Importance of Shelters in Overcoming Homelessness

Cengizhan

Yusuf

Homelessness is a global phenomenon affecting individuals from a biopsychosocial perspective (Genç et al., 2022). According to the UN Human Rights Commission Report and the UNECE (2018) panel results, there are approximately 100 million homeless individuals worldwide. This number accounts for more than 2% of the global population (UNECE, 2018, pp. 2-3). Jiménez-Lérida et al. (2023) reported that over 20% of the global population lacks proper or adequate housing. Additionally, 1.6 billion people live under inadequate conditions in slums or institutions under state protection (Metro Denver Homeless Initiative, 2015, pp. 3-13).&nbsp;Homeless individuals are a disadvantaged social group experiencing numerous problems simultaneously and multidimensionally (Aynacı, 2024, p. 51). The challenging processes they endure necessitate the implementation of various intervention programmes and combat strategies for homelessness. Services for the homeless are divided into preventive (early intervention) and protective (rehabilitative, restorative) services.Preventive services focus on identifying risk situations and supporting individuals at risk of homelessness before it occurs through various interventions, while protective services involve providing shelter, rehabilitation, and support to individuals after homelessness has occurred (Aynacı, 2024, pp. 80, 82). Preventive services may include reducing housing costs, applying tax reductions, providing discounts on health services, and offering assistance to family members (Shinn, 2004, p. 458). Protective services include providing soup kitchens, vocational training, counselling services, addiction education programmes/diagnosis and treatment, and personal care assistance (Evans, 2011, p. 26).Another dimension of protective service pertains to shelter-related services (Bekaroğlu-Doğan, 2020, p. 27). These services involve providing overnight care and meeting the needs of the homeless in various shelter institutions. Types of shelters include emergency shelters, temporary/permanent/supportive housing, paid accommodation, and gymnasiums (Harvey, 1999, p. 277). Shelters are often the first&nbsp;institutions that come to mind when discussing homelessness. They offer a place for the homeless to sleep, provide meals, showers, personal care, and protect them from street dangers while offering opportunities for social interaction with other homeless individuals (Aynacı, 2024, p. 83).Shelters are categorised into three types: “night shelters,” “day centres” / “drop-in centres,” and “full-day shelters/hostels” (Aynacı, 2024, p. 83). Each type of shelter has distinct characteristics and dynamics. Although these shelters provide various services to the homeless, the increasing number of homeless individuals has prompted discussions about shelter services.In recent years, shelter services for the homeless have been a prominent topic of discussion in the literature. The main focus of these discussions is whether priority should be given to housing models (Housing First model) or rehabilitation models (Staircase model) and what should be included in these models (McNaughton, 2008, p. 88; Roman &amp; Berg, 2004, p. 343). While these questions improve institutional models for the homeless, they do not offer specific solutions or inquiries about shelters. The content and development of services in shelters, which are the first institutions associated with institutional models for the homeless, are considered crucial for the psychosocial well-being of the homeless.The aim of this research is to explore the experiences of the homeless with shelters and to provide social work recommendations for shelters and the homeless based on the findings. The study employs a qualitative research method and an interpretive phenomenological design. The population of the study consists of homeless individuals in Kocaeli, Turkey, while the sample group comprises 30 homeless individuals selected through purposive sampling. Semi-structured interviews were conducted using a semistructured interview form and technique. The sample includes individuals with various types of homelessness: those still living on the street, those living in shelters, those who returned to shelters after overcoming homelessness, and those who went directly to shelters upon becoming homeless. In the study, all individuals are categorised as homeless regardless of their previous living conditions. Each of these individuals, regardless of living on the street, had different experiences with shelters.The main research question of the study is: “What are the experiences of the homeless with shelters?” Additionally, the study seeks to answer the following questions:<ul><li>Through which intermediaries have the homeless been placed in shelters?</li><li>What difficulties do the homeless encounter in shelters?</li><li>What are the expectations of the homeless from shelters?</li></ul>The research was conducted in accordance with the “08” number permission obtained from the Social and Human Sciences Ethics Committee of Sakarya University, Turkey, dated June 7, 2023. The data collection tool was a semi-structured interview form created by the researcher, and the analysis techniques were descriptive and content analysis. Audio recordings from the interviews were transcribed, and parts of the data such as words, sentences, or paragraphs were coded. Subsequently, concepts were categorised, and related concepts were grouped into categories. Similarly, related categories were analysed under a broader theme. The study identified three main themes: “intermediaries,” “difficulties,” and “expectations.” The findings are summarised as follows:&nbsp;<ul><li>Homeless individual access shelter facilities through various means, including referrals from other homeless individuals, social network actors, shelter employees, security personnel, and personal applications. The role of other homeless individuals in disseminating information about shelters indicates social networks and social capital patterns within the homeless community. These practises can also be interpreted as the outcomes of a homelessness subculture. The involvement of social network actors in guiding homeless individuals to shelters reflects societal sensitivity towards homelessness. Furthermore, the role of shelter employees and/or security personnel, such as police and municipal officers, in facilitating access to shelters highlights the implementation of demand-driven social services. Personal applications by homeless individuals indicate an awareness of their rights and citizenship.</li><li>The challenges faced by homeless individuals in shelters include issues related to rules, staff attitudes and behaviours, adaptation difficulties, material provisions, lack of standards, technical problems, and accessibility. Rules within institutions are often restrictive for street homeless individuals, limiting their perceived freedom and deterring them from using shelters. Negative attitudes and behaviours exhibited by shelter staff contribute to feelings of worthlessness among homeless individuals, reinforcing the marginalisation they experience in society and within their personal lives.</li><li>Among the homeless population, there are individuals who struggle to adapt to others in the shelter. Those who previously enjoyed above-average living standards were often hesitant to live in shelters and tend to stigmatise other homeless individuals, perceiving them as inferior. This stigmatisation leads to communication breakdowns and an inability to adapt to the shelter environment. Additionally, some homeless individuals, due to concerns over safety and selfcontrol, perceive shelters as insecure and avoid them altogether.&nbsp;</li><li>The quantity and quality of materials provided to the homeless often result in cleanliness and hygiene issues over time. Inadequate hygiene conditions lead&nbsp;to a loss of self-confidence, acceptance of uncleanliness, and social adaptation problems, ultimately paving the way for social exclusion.</li><li>The lack of standardised practises among shelters affects the level of satisfaction with the services provided and the motivation of homeless individuals to overcome homelessness. The reasons for these inconsistencies include variations in resources across countries, cities, and regions; the absence of standard social policies targeting homelessness; and insufficient theoretical and practical knowledge among public personnel regarding homelessness.</li><li>Homeless individuals’ expectations from shelters include psychosocial support, healthcare services, hygiene and cleanliness, social activities, and sustained institutional support.</li><li>The harsh conditions of homelessness adversely affect the biopsychosocial health of homeless individuals. Consequently, they require a psychosocial support unit where they can express themselves, communicate openly, and receive professional assistance, as well as a healthcare unit to address urgent health needs, provide treatments, and dispense medication. Homeless individuals believe that these units would enhance their biopsychosocial well-being.</li><li>Psychosocial support units play a critical role in empowering individuals, providing proper guidance, fostering personal and societal trust, encouraging community participation, and facilitating self-actualisation. Among homeless individuals, physical health is closely linked to mental health. Feelings of physical inadequacy negatively impact self-esteem and prevent homeless individuals from realising their potential.</li><li>Among the most significant challenges faced during homelessness are issues related to cleanliness and hygiene. These include the general cleanliness of shelters, the cleanliness of homeless individuals’ bodies and clothing, and the maintenance of rooms and beds, all of which shape their expectations regarding hygiene in shelters.</li><li>The social activity expectations of homeless individuals aim to address their psychosocial and mental needs. They desire shelters to organise periodic social activities tailored for them, as such activities are perceived as mitigating the negative emotions and thoughts experienced during homelessness.</li><li>Homeless individuals who are elderly, suffer from chronic illnesses, have limited or no income, possess weak or non-existent family ties, lack caregivers, are unable to work, or have low future aspirations exhibit very low or no motivation to escape homelessness. These individuals often expect a sustained shelter life, as their basic needs are met, and their future expectations remain minimal.</li></ul>Based on the findings of the study, the following recommendations are proposed regarding the content, scope, and operation of shelters:&nbsp;<ul><li>Homeless individuals should be approached not merely as applicants but with a value-oriented and humane perspective, ensuring that their basic human needs are not overlooked. Shelters should be transformed into empowering mechanisms that have a positive impact on the lives of homeless individuals.</li><li>Shelters should be established not on the outskirts or peripheral areas of cities but in locations where homeless individuals can meet their psychosocial needs. When designing shelters, the profiles of homeless individuals should be considered, prioritising horizontal architecture over high-rise buildings. Although the high value of central urban areas in metropolitan cities may pose challenges for local governments, shelter locations should facilitate the active participation of homeless individuals in society.</li><li>The internal and external structures of shelters (e.g., walls, rooms, cabinets) should be monitored regularly, and necessary repairs and renovations should be carried out in case of deterioration. In addition, routine cleaning and pest control in shelters are crucial for institutional identity and hygiene.</li><li>In cases where homeless individuals lack a registered address, the shelters should ensure that the necessary processes are initiated to help them access their rights. Moreover, informational materials should be provided to enhance their awareness of rights and citizenship.</li><li>Dedicated units should be established within shelters to address the psychosocial and spiritual needs of homeless individuals as well as their healthcare requirements. Professional personnel should staff these units.</li><li>Shelters should employ a multidisciplinary team of professionals, including social workers, psychologists, counsellors, sociologists, spiritual advisors, and healthcare personnel. Each staff member should perform intervention plans and programmes tailored to homeless individuals in line with their professional roles and multidisciplinary.</li><li>To support the social integration of homeless individuals, volunteer activities and workers should be incorporated into shelter services, with voluntary participation encouraged. The role of prosocial communication in shelter services should be emphasised. The presence of volunteers in shelters can have a dual benefit, positively affecting not only homeless individuals but also enhancing the services and the well-being of shelter staff.</li><li>Professionals working in shelters should know social work theories and practises, be culturally competent, and be informed about anti-stigmatising social work practises. Additionally, they should enhance their verbal and nonverbal communication skills and avoid negative attitudes, behaviours, and communication patterns towards homeless individuals.</li><li>Shelters should establish workshops in suitable areas where homeless individuals can participate in social activities and develop life skills. The progress of homeless individuals who acquire skills in these workshops should be monitored, and shelters should act as intermediaries to prepare them for reintegration into life. Periodic social activities and events organised outside the shelter by shelter management are also deemed important for empowering homeless individuals. Such initiatives can positively contribute to behaviour, emotional, and cognitive changes and to the processes of community integration and social inclusion.</li><li>To facilitate the employment of homeless individuals, shelters should collaborate with NGOs, public employment agencies (e.g., İŞKUR), and similar institutions to support the inclusion of employable homeless individuals in the workforce. Those seeking education should be directed to vocational training programmes. Expanding the successful collaboration practises observed in various cities across the country to a national level would yield more favourable outcomes in both the employment process and its subsequent monitoring.</li><li>Homeless individuals who do not meet the entry requirements for shelters should not be immediately excluded from the shelter system. Instead, after assessing their needs, they should be referred to appropriate institutions capable of providing the necessary care.</li></ul>

Shelter Experiences of the Homeless People: “One Wants To Feel Cared For”

Mustafa

This study explores homelessness, a widespread social issue in many global contexts, through the lens of charity, a core tenet of Turkish-Islamic culture. Specifically, it examines the role of mosques in addressing homelessness, given their significant presence in social life. Traditionally, state institutions and NGOs have led efforts to prevent and address social problems. However, mosques have historically played a central role in the everyday lives of Muslims, not only as places of worship but also as community centres addressing social challenges. In modern times, mosques are often viewed mainly as spaces for religious rituals, and their broader social functions have received less attention.&nbsp;Homelessness, often defined simply as a lack of shelter, is a far more complex issue. It is typically framed as a problem of poverty and housing shortage, but this view overlooks its deeper social, psychological, and economic dimensions. Homelessness reflects broader societal inequalities, including social exclusion, which deprives individuals of not only a home but also the social and psychological security that comes with it. As the number of homeless individuals grows globally and sociological perspectives on homelessness continue to evolve, there is a need for a more nuanced understanding of its multi-faceted nature.Social exclusion, a key sociological concept, helps frame homelessness in a broader context. It refers to processes that marginalise individuals or groups from social, economic, political, and cultural participation. This marginalisation manifests through economic deprivation, discrimination, and limited access to resources and opportunities. In the case of homelessness, social exclusion is both a cause and a consequence. People who are often marginalized experience homelessness due to their exclusion from housing, employment, and social services. Once on the streets, this exclusion deepens, further isolating homeless individuals from society and entrenching them in poverty. Homelessness is not only the absence of a home but also the absence of social support and a sense of belonging, which is vital to well-being.The relationship between social exclusion and homelessness creates a vicious cycle. Homelessness further isolates individuals, cutting them off from essential services, jobs, and social networks. This marginalisation increases their vulnerability, leading to deeper poverty and social isolation. From a sociological perspective, addressing homelessness requires more than just providing shelter; it involves reintegrating individuals into society, restoring their dignity, and reconnecting them with supportive networks and institutions. Mosques, with their strong tradition of charity (hayırseverlik) in Turkish-Islamic culture, play a critical role in this reintegration process.Charity has been central to the Turkish-Islamic culture, deeply embedded in religious teachings and social practises. The Quran and Hadith emphasise the moral obligation&nbsp;to assist those in need, reflecting a wider ethic of communal responsibility. Acts of charity are not seen as mere individual generosity but as religious duties that maintain social cohesion. Historically, mosques have been at the centre of these charitable activities. Beyond their religious functions, mosques also provide social services, education, and community welfare. The institution of waqf (endowment) historically funded many charitable initiatives, including housing and services for the homeless.Despite this history, the modern role of mosques in addressing homelessness has been a subject of debate. Some critics argue that mosques today are too focused on religious rituals and less engaged in broader social functions. However, there are notable examples of mosques that continue to address homelessness. This study focuses on four mosques in Istanbul —Kadıköy, Beyoğlu, Fatih, and Eyüpsultan (Ayvansaray)— that have taken concrete steps to support homeless individuals. Through interviews with the imams of these mosques, this research examines their motivations, perspectives on homelessness, and the solutions they propose.The study’s findings reveal that these mosques hold significant potential in addressing homelessness, particularly through their close ties to the community. The imams interviewed cited religious teachings, especially the concept of seeking “Allah’s approval,” as their primary motivation for helping the homeless. This religious motivation influences both their charitable activities and their understanding of the root causes of homelessness. The imams emphasised that homelessness is not only an economic issue but also a moral and social one that requires a comprehensive solution that addresses both material needs and social reintegration.The study also highlights the protective role that mosques play in safeguarding homeless individuals from the dangers of street life. Homelessness exposes individuals to various physical, emotional, and psychological risks, including violence, exploitation, and mental health challenges. The imams described how mosques serve as safe spaces for the homeless, offering not just shelter but also a sense of community and belonging. In this way, mosques function as spaces of social inclusion, countering the forces of exclusion that often accompany homelessness. This reintegrative role is crucial, as it helps meet the immediate needs of the homeless while supporting their long-term reintegration into society.In addition, the study underscores the role of the Directorate of Religious Affairs (Diyanet) in supporting mosque-based initiatives to address homelessness. The Diyanet, as the official religious authority in Turkey, plays a crucial role in coordinating and backing charitable activities in mosques. The imams interviewed noted that the Diyanet provides institutional support and guidance, helping ensure that mosque-based homelessness initiatives are organised and sustainable. This institutional support is essential for the long-term success of such efforts, allowing mosques to expand their impact and reach.In conclusion, this study highlights the sociological importance of mosques in addressing homelessness. While state institutions and NGOs are vital in combating homelessness, mosques offer a unique form of social capital that can complement these efforts. The trust that imams hold within their communities, along with the religious imperative to serve those in need, positions mosques as key actors in addressing homelessness. By using this social capital and leveraging the networks within mosque communities, these initiatives can contribute to more sustainable and effective solutions to homelessness.&nbsp;Recognising the social trust that imams hold in contemporary Turkey can also help address other social problems. Mosques, as community-centred institutions with a strong tradition of charity, can be revitalised to tackle pressing issues such as homelessness. By harnessing this potential, the Turkish society can foster a more inclusive and supportive approach to homelessness, rooted in the principles of charity, social inclusion, and communal responsibility.

A Philanthropic Approach to Combating Homelessness: The Role of the Mosques in İstanbul

Şevket

Assist. Prof. Dr.

The Homeless, the Imams, and the Transformation of the Mosque: The Case of Istanbul Hz. Kaab Mosque

Newman

Gender(ed) Pathways and Exits Out of ‘Street’ Homelessness in Tshwane, South Africa?: A Transformative Social Policy Perspective

Hüseyin

Post-Disaster Homelessness: The 6th February 2023 Turkey Earthquake and Malatya Case

Ozan

Assoc. Prof. Dr.

Housing Instability and Roma Children’s Educational Engagement: Perspectives from Teachers and Volunteers

Şener

Öğretim Görevlisi Dr.

Adem

Purpose of the Study: The ground of this research is to explain the experience of immigration in a divided public space through the relationships between daily life performances and space. The main purpose of the study is to understand the daily life experiences and performances of Turkish immigrants living in bachelor rooms in Amsterdam.&nbsp;Theoretical Background of the Study: Individuals living in bachelor rooms, which constitute the subject of the study, are evaluated in the context of “hidden homelessness” within the temporal classification. There are different definitions for the concept of hidden homelessness. Hidden homelessness includes individuals who do not have their own home and who live with acquaintances or who live in places that are not suitable for living (Erickson, 2004, p. 204). Hidden homeless people are a group of people who continue their lives in crowded places with their relatives, in bachelor rooms or by working daily jobs with others, who have an active social life, and who are hidden because they cannot access state support because they live in unsuitable places (Özdemir, 2010, p. 79; Woolrych, Gibson, Sixsmith, &amp; Sixsmith, 2015, pp. 238-239).Turkish immigrants living in bachelor rooms are considered to represent “others” in a divided public space and to be a part of the hidden homeless population. Considering that many of the community members work as illegal workers, it is possible to say that we are faced with a homeless mass that is difficult to determine numerically. While Turkish immigrants come to Amsterdam with the hope of finding a job that will provide financial security, they also draw a typology that is “nowhere” outside the space. It was observed that the participants tried to protect their own spaces even though they live in bachelor rooms and are demographically “non-existent”. The fact that they defined the rooms they live in as “tourist houses” instead of the adjective “bachelor” during the study reveals how complex this protective instinct is. Although “tourist houses” are generally used to describe the places where people stay when they go on holiday for touristic purposes, the concept is defined in this study as a concept that defines hidden homelessness. Thus, immigrant spaces defined as “bachelor rooms” in Turkey have evolved to represent the places where people who go to Amsterdam and carry their sociology on their backs stay to meet their shelter needs. The fact that people staying here are described as “tourists” has become a situation that has normalized the name of the place. Although it may seem like a different and softer discourse, people living here struggle with the difficulties brought by their immigrant identity and show various performances to exist in daily life.The Model and Problematics of the Study: This study aims to find an answer to the basic research question, “How do people living in bachelor rooms in Amsterdam, the Netherlands, participate in daily life?” The difference of this study from other studies is that it tries to determine whether bachelor&nbsp;rooms can be modelled as an example of hidden homelessness through Turks living abroad. Although bachelor rooms find a place in the literature as an example of hidden homelessness, the fact that it is not a subject that has been studied constitutes the problem of the study. In addition, it is important both to determine the general framework of hidden homelessness and to understand where bachelor rooms stand in this determination.&nbsp;Methodology of the Study: Within the scope of the research purpose, to create a chain of evidence, firstly theoretical information was obtained by examining the documents in the literature and then interviews were conducted based on the open-ended semi-structured interview technique with the participant observation method. For this purpose, within the scope of the study considered as an example of “hidden homelessness”, interviews lasting an average of 45-60 minutes were conducted with 8 participants using the convenience sampling technique to continue in-depth interviews living in the Sloterdijk Neighborhood, which is approximately 5 km away from the Amsterdam Center. As a result of the field study, the data obtained from the 55-page document was finalized using the thematic content analysis technique.&nbsp;Results and Discussion: All participants in the study are male. The hidden homelessness phenomenon, which is one of the assumptions of this study, has also emerged in a male-dominated context. Accordingly, the subject of bachelor rooms in Amsterdam is male and when we talk about performances, it is possible to say that daily life is constructed by male immigrants. Establishing limited relationships in daily life due to not knowing the language and staying away from social opportunities are practices that ground bad feelings. The least relations of the participants are with official institutions and citizens of other countries living in the Netherlands and coming from outside Turkey. The lack of relations with official institutions is because most immigrants are illegal, i.e. tourists. It is also seen that those who live here with permission and residence permits have very limited relations with official institutions. The fact that participants do not have any social relations with citizens of other countries is generally related to the social networks established by the immigration experience. Accordingly, citizens of each country prefer to spend more time in their own circle of trust, that is, with their own citizens. It was observed that the participants’ involvement in a common public sphere with residents in Amsterdam was limited. For participants, home, neighbourhood and workplace are the most trusted areas. In this context, it was determined that being both an immigrant and a foreigner affected the participants’ performance in their daily lives. Although the neighbourhood where the participants live is densely populated by Turks, it has been observed that they do not leave this area due to the feeling of insecurity, and it has been determined that this has turned into a group dynamic among the community members. In addition, the fact that the Turks here do not tend to continue a neighbourhood culture like in their homeland and that the people they have contact with are limited are other conclusions of the study. In addition to a busy work schedule, spending time outside&nbsp;is a situation of concern for them, as being caught by the police for any reason will result in their deportation. The difference from other immigrant Turks in Europe is that the “homes” here, as living spaces, contain temporary relationships and interactions. Therefore, it is not possible to talk about a certain continuity for the participants in their daily life performances. In addition, the state of restriction in many respects creates psychological pressure on the individual. For most of the community members, being in the Netherlands feels good spiritually, but it has been observed that they still experience a deep longing for their homeland. In conclusion, the bachelor rooms, or rather the tourist house in the context of the results of the study, have shown that they are a model of hidden homelessness.

Bachelor Room as a Space of Hidden Homelessness: Everyday Life Performances of Turkish Immigrants in Amsterdam

Burak

BackgroundHomelessness, as a complex and multidimensional social problem, arises through the interaction of economic, social and psychological factors. Homeless individuals experience serious difficulties in meeting their basic needs due to the lack of a permanent home and are dragged into social marginalisation. The services provided for the homeless in Turkey generally remain at the level of social assistance and cannot provide long-term and permanent solutions. Temporary housing and food assistance are provided by local governments during the winter months, but these services are far from providing comprehensive solutions to the root causes of homelessness. On the other hand, non-governmental organisations (NGOs) are trying to fill this gap and make important contributions to meeting basic needs such as housing, food, and clothing. However, these services are demonstrably unsustainable and inadequate, failing to ensure the social integration of homeless individuals. In the current situation, it is important to assess the extent to which both public services and the services provided by NGOs respond to the needs of homeless individuals and the accessibility of these services from the perspective of direct beneficiaries. This research aims to analyse the interactions of homeless individuals with service providers to reveal the effectiveness and shortcomings of services, thus contributing to the development of social policies and practises related to homelessness.MethodIn this research, a qualitative research approach was adopted to understand the interactions of homeless individuals with institutions and service providers. Using the phenomenological method, the subjective experiences and perceptions of the participants were examined in depth. During the data collection process, face-to-face interviews were conducted with 13 homeless individuals living in Istanbul using the snowball sampling technique. We conducted the interviews by recording with a digital voice recorder in environments where the participants felt comfortable. We collected the obtained data using a semi-structured interview form and a socio-demographic information form. We analyzed the interviews by encoding, categorizing, and thematizing the verbatim transcribed recordings. Using the descriptive content analysis method, the data obtained were interpreted within the framework of 4 determined themes.ResultsThe relationships of homeless individuals with local governments, non-governmental organisations and public institutions were examined under four main themes: types of&nbsp;corporate services, adequacy of corporate services, attitudes and behaviours of service providers, and expectations from corporate services.1. Types of Corporate ServicesVarious structural and legal obstacles shape the relationships of homeless individuals with public institutions. Most of the participants stated that the services offered by public and voluntary institutions are limited and are usually limited to temporary assistance only. The benefits they receive through the governor’s office and district municipalities are often insufficient due to residence problems and are criticised by the participants. The relationships of homeless individuals with non-governmental organisations also occupy an important place. NGOs usually attract attention by having the capacity to provide more flexible and faster services, but the services offered are similar, and not enough diverse services are provided. The participants emphasise the inadequacy of the assistance provided by NGOs and expressed their expectations for the solution to this situation.2. Adequacy of Corporate ServicesMost of the homeless individuals who participated in the study stated that public assistance was insufficient. The lack of residence complicates the process of obtaining assistance and creates serious obstacles to meeting the basic needs of individuals. While the opinion that the assistance received from non-governmental organisations is more functional stands out, the participants also stated that these assistance are not fair.3. Attitudes and Behaviours of Service ProvidersThe relationships of homeless individuals with security guards can be fraught with negative experiences. Some participants stated that they encountered inconsistent and negative attitudes of security guards, while others had positive experiences. On the other hand, the relations with civil society employees were evaluated as more constructive and reassuring.4. Expectations from the Corporate ServicesThe expectations of homeless individuals cover various areas such as safe housing, access to health services, employment and educational support. The participants demanded that the state provide more permanent solutions for homeless individuals and emphasise that public organisations should play a more effective role in this regard. Also, the beliefs of NGOs that they should come together and develop larger projects also come to the fore decently.As a result, the inadequacies of the current social service system and the expectations of participants shape the relationships of homeless individuals with institutional services. This situation reveals the need for more inclusive and sustainable solutions to the problem of homelessness.Conclusion﻿The problem of homelessness is increasing for various reasons such as social problems, psychological problems and poverty, and it deeply affects the lives of homeless individuals. Although local and central governments in Turkey provide limited services to meet the basic needs of the homeless, the lack of legal legislation and service models that do not offer continuity make these efforts insufficient. In the research, the relationships that homeless individuals have established with public institutions and non-governmental organisations and their expectations from these services have been discussed. While the participants emphasised the inadequacy of public services, they stated that non-governmental organisations provide faster and more effective services. However, the assistance provided by NGOs does not offer permanent solutions either. As a result, the problem of homelessness has a multidimensional structure, and to solve this problem, it is necessary to develop sustainable service models in cooperation with the public and civil society. The experiences and expectations of homeless individuals should be considered in the creation of effective policies.

Homelessness and the Institutional Ecosystem: Accessibility and Adequacy of Socioeconomic Support Services

Halenur

Homeless individuals strive to survive under inhumane conditions while being marginalized and excluded by society. In the literature, theories explaining the causes of homelessness on an “individual” basis often emphasise holding individuals responsible for their situations and deeming them guilty. As a result, homeless individuals are frequently subjected to stereotypical labels such as alcoholic, aggressive, or vagrant. On the other hand, it associates homelessness with the notion that individuals are needy, deprived, or inadequate, independent of their faults or responsibilities. Some homeless individuals who experience social exclusion may attribute their situation to themselves, holding themselves responsible for their circumstances. Conversely, some homeless people may believe that they deserve their current situation because of alcohol or substance abuse (Erbay, 2019, s. 43). The feeling of being excluded from society gradually produces a disconnected, insecure, and lost identity. Bauman describes the foreigner as an eternal vagrant, always homeless and with no hope of ever belonging. Due to the risk factors associated with the foreigner, they are perceived as a threat and are often regarded as something to be avoided. (Kanbir, F., 2012; s. 12). Homelessness, despite being visible on almost every street corner, is a prevalent issue that many in society are unaware of. To provide sustainable and constructive solutions to this issue, it is crucial to first identify the underlying factors contributing to the problem and raise awareness about it. This study contributes to the literature by providing findings on the life experiences of homeless individuals and the psychosocial effects of homelessness. It also offers suggestions for potential solutions to the issues identified in this field.MethodThe findings of the study were obtained by conducting in-depth interviews within the framework of phenomenological design, one of the qualitative research methods, following a literature review. Phenomenology is a qualitative research method used to explain how people experience a phenomenon by expressing their understanding, feelings, perspectives, and perceptions of a particular concept (Rose, Beeby, &amp; Parker, 1995, p. 1124). In this direction, the phenomenon of the research was chosen as homelessness, so that the research aims to understand the reasons behind the homelessness problem, to establish cause-effect relationships between the causes that trigger this problem and to reflect the effects of the problem in a holistic way. The researcher was actively involved in a civil society organization that exclusively worked on homelessness between 2019 and 2024. During this period, she took responsibilities such as monitoring and coordinating the activities carried out for the homeless individuals, determining the needs of the homeless individuals in line with their demands, and ensuring that the homeless individuals can reach the necessary service&nbsp;points and access the services they need. The experiences gained in this process have been anonymized and used within the scope of the article and are included in the findings when necessary. The researcher’s direct interaction with the people within the scope of the research and transferring field observations can contribute to understanding the context of the research and analysing the data (Yıldırım &amp; Şimşek, 2013, p. 43).ResultsThere is a clear relationship between the duration of homelessness and the likelihood of reintegration into society. A person who has recently become homeless has a higher potential to escape homelessness. However, individuals with long-term experiences of homelessness often attempt to return to stable housing, but these efforts are often unsuccessful due to a lack of adequate support from their surroundings. The results reveal that most individuals who have experienced homelessness for more than four years tend to display a sense of hopelessness, focusing solely on getting through each day rather than planning for the future. After the research, it was recommended that more efforts should be made to understand the life dynamics of homeless individuals. Additionally, it was suggested that greater work should be done to raise public awareness about homelessness by sharing the life experiences of homeless individuals through various media channels. İn terms of employment, individuals face obstacles such as lack of access to clean clothes, showers and a safe place to sleep, all of which are essential for maintaining consistent employment. Many homeless individuals have distanced themselves from their homes because of family conflicts brought on by gambling, alcohol addiction, or unemployment. It has been observed that some choose the streets after fleeing their homes, which should provide a sense of security, due to abuse experienced during childhood. Although not apparent in the early stages, as substance use becomes chronic, it begins to damage their societal roles and social relationships. Accompanied by feelings of helplessness, they isolate themselves from society, and as street life progresses, they may become involved in crime or be subjected to exploitation. The high prevalence of psychiatric and substance use disorders among homeless individuals may be both a cause and consequence of homelessness (Acar, B., Bozkafa, H., Vural, B., Önal, S. 2022). Therefore, considering factors like criminal records, health issues, disabilities and inconsistent work histories, there is a need to develop vocational programmes tailored to address these employment barriers for homeless individuals. Homeless individuals face serious health problems due to factors such as living in unhygienic environments, irregular sleep, poor nutrition, and substance and alcohol abuse. This not only harms the individual’s own health but also carries a risk of transmission, potentially leading to the spread of diseases and becoming more public health risks and issues. Alongside the problem of homelessness, these individuals experience more health problems compared to those with stable housing and encounter&nbsp;numerous barriers in accessing healthcare services. Against homelessness and the risk of homelessness, sustainable and rehabilitation-focused permanent solutions tailored to local conditions should be developed. In this process, not only individual interventions are needed to alleviate the effects of homelessness but also comprehensive strategies aimed at transforming societal structures. These strategies should be designed to provide broader and more effective solutions to the problems of homelessness, encompassing all segments of society. The interviews revealed that although homeless individuals may feel marginalised and alienated, they find strength through interactions with organisations such as NGOs and individuals from their surroundings who show them care and inquire about their well-being. At this point, the role of civil society in the integration of homeless individuals into the community could be enhanced.

A Qualitative Research on the Psychosocial Effects of Homelessness: The Case of Beyoğlu, İstanbul

Esra

Homelessness, a severe social problem, is often misrepresented and stigmatised. Those without homes—which could mean living with relatives temporarily, in crowded spaces, or even on the streets—need more robust support, particularly in places like Turkey, where there are thousands of homeless individuals. Despite the temporary aid such as temporary shelter and clothing support during the winter months provided by the government and NGOs, comprehensive programmes to prevent and alleviate homelessness are minimal. Understanding the societal view of homelessness is intertwined with the cultural importance of a “home.” In Turkish culture, a home is much more than just a place of shelter—it is the heart of the family identity and social bonds, rendering social, emotional, and symbolic significance. It is a space for traditional practises that foster family connections. The definitions and understanding of homelessness impact the approach towards solutions. It is crucial to acknowledge that the prejudices faced by homeless individuals compound their hardships.Analysing discussions on homelessness requires grasping the cultural significance of what we consider home. For a comprehensive understanding of the breadth of societal policies and the narratives surrounding homelessness, we must appreciate the diverse nuances associated with the notion of home. The Turkish culture illustrates how intricately the ideas of home and family are woven together. Home is seen as the bedrock of the familial ethos, epitomising the essence of social connections. It integrates a range of social transactions and tangible practises like sharing meals as a family, visiting relatives, partaking in holiday celebrations, preserving traditional home setups, enjoying Sunday breakfasts together, and sharing evening television viewing experiences, each of which strengthens the family bonds. The home is more than just a secure sanctuary; it is imbued with profound societal, emotional, and symbolic connotations. The emotional capital and social significance of space play a critical role in individuals’ lives. Various categories of homelessness and associated research methodologies directly shape the way we approach this issue and design strategies to address it. The definitions of homelessness subsequently set the scale of the problem and the attendant policies. Further complicating this issue is the prejudice faced by people without homes, which greatly influences their lived experience of homelessness.Discourse theory serves as a methodological tool for exploring overarching perceptions and representations. It sees language as inextricably linked to societal dynamics, power structures, and ideologies. Such ideologies, beliefs and notions justify, produce and reproduce themselves via language. The current study seeks to decipher discourses concerning homelessness in Turkey to identify key narratives on the issue. This will illuminate why assistance for the homeless remains minimal and why there appears to be no forthcoming strategy for a comprehensive social policy to alleviate the issue.&nbsp;The findings illustrate that homelessness is frequently seen as a personal challenge. This reflects findings from studies around the globe, yet in Turkey, homelessness is overly personalised through stigmatisation or by pathologizing those without a home. The strong connections between homelessness and the absence of a home are worth mentioning. In Turkish society, the deep ties between the ideas of home and family influence how those without homes are understood and seen. The homeless in Turkey have very limited and insufficient access to social support and services. Across the nation, the aid provided to the homeless, such as shelter during winter, minimal financial help, clothing, and food, encompasses all the available assistance. Homelessness is primarily seen as the person’s own issue and this belief is largely held; therefore, no wide-ranging policy has been established to tackle what is seen as an individual problem.&nbsp;This study effectively illustrates the complex connection between our social identity and the social groups to which we belong, with a special focus on the issue of homelessness. The investigation’s consequences highlight how the state of homelessness becomes an identity in itself, shaped through individualised, normalised, criminalised, objectified, and emotional discourses. These five discourse recurrently portray homeless individuals.The research unveils the discouraging truth that homelessness is not sufficiently acknowledged as a societal issue in Turkey. Instead, it is turned into a personal matter, tied to individual specific situations and private troubles. Such depictions imply that homelessness is detached from structural elements such as economic conditions, job shortages, migration, and the informal job market. These significant causative factors of homelessness are, unfortunately, frequently disregarded.The critical discourse methodology applied in this study concludes that our social identities are crafted through the dichotomy of “us” and “the other.” Homeless individuals are typically categorised as ‘the others’—those dissimilar from us. The condition of homelessness is often attributed to the unique circumstances of ‘the other’, with society and institutional bodies failing to make sufficient efforts to address this issue, which is frequently framed as an individual problem. The dominant narrative surrounding this topic is persistently perpetuated through media outlets and public institutions, thereby achieving a level of normalcy. What is key to remember is that these dialogues are generated by non-homeless individuals, which results in the perpetuation of portraying the homeless as “the other.”In the field of poverty studies, public perceptions are often made between those deemed deserving of assistance and those who are not, a principle that applies equally to the homeless population in Turkey. Determining whether a homeless individual is deserving of aid largely hinges on specific circumstances. During severe weather&nbsp;conditions, all homeless individuals are considered deserving of social support. However, certain groups, such as homeless families, frequently receive prioritised attention to help them escape their current living conditions. Emergency aid measures and support systems are readily available for these families and are often highlighted in emotionally charged discourses. By approaching relevant organisations, necessary assistance can be secured for these families, with appeals for public support through media platforms being a common method. Yet, a deeper examination of prevalent discussions reveals a lack of consideration for structural issues such as poverty, population migration, ineffective social policies, economic downturns, insufficient social services for former convicts, and employment challenges as causes of homelessness. This oversight indicates a neglect of fundamental structural factors, highlighting a key reason why social policies and services designed to address homelessness are notably lacking in Turkey. Homelessness is beyond the capacity of individuals to overcome independently; it is a significant societal issue requiring institutional focus. However, the current representations of the homeless mitigate the societal and institutional responsibilities associated with this social problem.

Representation and Perception of the Homeless in Turkey: A Study of Discourse Analysis

Fatma

Temmuz

Nowadays, the frequency and effects of natural events such as climate change, fire, flood, earthquake, etc. are increasing in relation to each other, and therefore the subject of disaster has attracted the attention of many disciplines. Considering this interest, this article is a review study focusing on how the interpretations, meanings, and connotations of disaster direct social dynamics from a critical sociology perspective. The aim of the study is to examine the concepts of disaster and natural disaster by following the discussions within the hazards paradigm, the vulnerability paradigm and critical approaches and to try to support the claim that disasters are not natural but social phenomena. For this purpose, it is first shown how discourse produces knowledge and meaning, how discourse, which is surrounded by ideology, is shaped by social institutions and how it can make one type of knowledge visible while concealing others. It is then emphasised that the discourse inherent in language determines which words/terms are chosen, and that language can thus, on the one hand, construct meaning and, on the other, erroneously support oppressive social norms.Disaster cannot be understood separately from society and culture, because historically, different meanings have been attributed to disaster in every culture and belief. The fact that it is understood together with natural phenomena has deepened the belief that disasters have astrological and divine causes. Over time, the expert knowledge that accompanies explanations of physical phenomena largely replaced this belief. Since disaster research has developed in the West and found the opportunity to be researched in the West, it is a field in which Western terminology dominates to a great extent. Today, researchers from many countries are trying to contribute to the field of disaster, but Western terminology continues to dominate the field. This is controversial because there are no words in other languages that can fulfil the nuances of English and the meaning may change. Along with the debates, the terms and definitions used have changed over time. In this study, to trace the historical process, the sociological literature on disasters is utilised and the change of meaning accompanying the definitions of disasters in two main paradigms and the criticisms directed to these paradigms are traced.The hazards paradigm developed in the United States in the 1950s, shaped by the Cold War, and dominated early disaster sociology. In order to observe the civilian reactions to a nuclear attack, the United States of America encouraged the research conducted during this period. With expert knowledge, the focus is more on civil defence and first response. Within the hazards paradigm, disaster is defined as a violent natural external factor and the population is considered passive beings despite this violence. Later researchers criticised the hazard paradigm for considering disasters as limited by time and space. Criticisms of the hazards paradigm led to the popularisation of the vulnerability paradigm in the 1980s.The vulnerability paradigm emphasised that the hazard-centred approach should be abandoned and argued that disaster is not related to geographical processes but to poverty, inequality and other related factors. With this approach, the definition of disaster has also changed and it is stated that disaster cannot be mentioned unless vulnerabilities and hazards interact. In this period, concepts such as vulnerability, resilience and risk began to accompany disaster research, and disaster sociology broke away from the positivist tradition. According to the vulnerability paradigm, while the hazard may be natural, the disaster is social. In the case of different groups, the same hazard may turn into a disaster in one group and not in the other, depending on which group is vulnerable. Depending on the circumstances, one group may be more vulnerable than another. Women, blacks, the poor, the homeless, etc. can become more vulnerable when they do not have access to the regular resources and means of protection available to members of the upper classes. Therefore, vulnerability points to how inequality is distributed within society. However, the rulers can label some groups as vulnerable and use the resulting situation for their own interests. In this study, the first focus of the discussions gathered under a separate heading as critical approaches is on the production of the vulnerability of some groups with the discourse of vulnerability. According to critics, sovereigns first make a part of the population vulnerable and then develop aid policies that work in their own interests within the discourse of tropicality, developmentalism or vulnerability. In most cases, these policies are far from serving the actual population at risk. Vulnerability will only be called vulnerability when there is something against it, when it has a cause. Communities need the distribution of food and shelter to survive. When the conditions are not equalised, vulnerabilities are created.Disaster policies and the discourse of naturalness attributed to disasters can conceal the real causes, just like developmentalism and tropicality. Critical researchers support their claim that natural disasters are not natural by emphasising that populations are made vulnerable by social, political and economic relations. The concept of natural disasters paves the way for labelling one part of the world as dangerous for the rest. In this way, various interventions are legitimised that are far from being in the best interest of those in real need. On the other hand, the questioning of the naturalness of disaster is continued by emphasising that in many cases, the danger that is considered a disaster for one part of the world does not mean the same for another.&nbsp;When the definitions of natural disasters are examined in this study, it is seen that people and institutions are positioned in a war against nature and it is evoked that institutions and people have little to do when it comes to strong nature. Nevertheless, the concept of “natural disaster” continues to be used by the media, decision makers, and researchers. The term “natural disaster” continues to be used to distinguish between natural and man-made hazards or to increase its popularity. However, this basically&nbsp;harbours two risks: Nature, which is constructed as dangerous, being a force that can only be dealt with by a state with experts, and the development of a disaster industry dominated by the free market.Researchers who argue that natural disasters are not natural also face various criticisms. The first is that the occurrence of disasters cannot be predicted and prevented with modern technology, and therefore it is inconvenient to attribute blame to nature. However, in this criticism, disaster is handled as a physical phenomenon, contrary to what is supported in the study. The second criticism is that human beings are also a part of nature and therefore there is no harm in using the concept of “natural disaster”. However, this criticism also renders social sciences meaningless as a whole. The last criticism comes from those who argue that a distinction should be made between natural hazards such as earthquakes and man-made hazards such as nuclear explosions. However, this distinction ignores the fact that disaster is a social phenomenon.Instead of using the concept of “natural disaster”, critical researchers have also made different suggestions for its use. The concept of a socio-natural disaster to express the intersection of a natural hazard and a socially constructed disaster is one of these suggestions. There are researchers who completely reject the use of the term disaster, regardless of whether it is natural or social, and propose to use the concept of risks, and there are also researchers who propose to use only the concept of disaster without adding naturalness to disaster.In disaster research, just like in the social sciences, not all concepts have clear definitions. However, the concepts chosen and used may paradoxically lead to the concealment of social problems or trivialisation by remaining in the background. Adopting a critical perspective and participating in new discussions will contribute to the development of the field by adopting a critical perspective in order to expand definitions in order to address and examine locality, culture and social structure in research and to reveal hidden meanings.&nbsp;

Can Disasters Be Unnatural? A Sociological Discussion on the “Naturalness” of Disasters

Gözde

Res. Assist.

Fundamental debates about the subject in the social sciences have been evaluated and discussed with different conceptualizations, considering different social and individual dynamics. The newest of these discussions in social sciences for a while is German philosopher of Korean descent Byung-Chul Han’s conceptualisation of performance. Han conceptualises today’s subject as performance and today’s social structure as a performance society. Digital information technologies, as both a result and a cause of our neoliberal system, have been evaluated as an essential factor in the emergence of performance conceptualisation. However, it is not expressed as the sole reason for the concept. The performance subject and society are faced with a crisis of reality. The social dimensions of the crisis have been reflected in the individual’s world of thought and, accordingly, in their attitudes and behaviours, helping the neoliberal system produce strong arguments to create itself. The impact of the dynamics produced by the structure on the individual has resulted in the individual exploiting himself more than ever before. The success-oriented system transforming the individual into a performance subject has also transformed the structure into a performance society. Therefore, a solid structure-agency dialectic has emerged. Han analysed this emerging situation in detail using different social typologies.&nbsp;All social typologies that Han claims to reveal the concept of performance refer to social structures that systematically complement each other, emerge from each other, and do not contradict each other. First, transparency means that the individual reaches an inherent point in the system. The basic necessity of this is to eliminate the roughness and negativity that are a part of human nature and simultaneously eliminate the cult value in things. The persistent tendency towards the positive, the struggle to eliminate the negative, and the lack of cult values pave the way for an environment of rapid exposure and revelation. The easy accessibility of the individual to what exists within him/herself means that behavioural and spiritual guidance is also easy. This state, which describes a situation inherent in the system for the subject, has produced a tired society in which the will is disabled and the movement of emotion and thought disappears. The fact that the person-giving the order and the person executing the order are the same individuals damages the subject’s consciousness and emotional movement. Han states that in a society of transparency, the slave-master dialectic changes form, and the order coming from the master and the slave and the execution of the action are the product of the same person. However, the subject’s constant confrontation with these orders and the attitudes and behaviours of implementing them have led to the emergence of a narcissistic and depressive personality. The performance subject was narcissistic and depressive. As a member of the fatigue society, the performance subject is indexed to success. Therefore, the subject of performance is the late-modern animal 2 labour. Han redefined the conceptualisation used by Arendt according to today’s subject.&nbsp;The late-modern animal latrons subject protects her ego by indexing herself to performance and higher levels of the active and excludes herself from the passive. Moreover, the performance subject is a homo-liber subject. Homoliber is a conceptualisation contrasted with Arendt’s concept of homosacer. Homoliber is an expression of the master–slave dialectic. Homoliber describes the individual who is dominant over himself. All these conceptualizations formed the framework of Han’s fatigue society. The fatigue that the individual feels to achieve what s/he desires and the desire to remove the systematic pain caused by fatigue has turned today’s subjects into subjects addicted to antidepressants. Ultimately, the individual has transformed from part of the fatigue society to part of the palliative society. The individual who cannot tolerate pain and pain faces the mental problems of being deprived of pain. Han draws attention to the importance of pain for the individual’s world of emotion and meaning. This loss of meaning in today’s subject has caused the individual to be defined by the conceptualisation of performance.Another characteristic feature that reveals the subject of performance is power relations. Han stated that the neoliberal devices that indicate society’s performance deprive the individual of basic facts such as the other, negative, and eros, which are a part of his nature. Essentially, the absence of these facts has put the performance subject into a crisis of freedom and turned the individual into an object of the system. Having lost the other, the performance subject becomes a part of the same ones, devoid of communication. Han evaluates one of the biggest problems of today as the subject of not making room for others in their life. In a place where there is sameness, the subject has become an output of stereotypes, devoid of meaning and lost in the self-cycle. In addition, the more the performance subject reduces negativity, the higher the productivity level will be. However, trying to increase productivity is a significant cause of fatigue. Finally, the absence of eros deprived the performance subject of his ability to think deeply. The depressive and narcissistic performance subject, whose quantified characteristics have turned into numbers and who propagates non-existent freedom by being trapped in the ego cycle, has become a member of the performance society with all these features. However, although Han’s approaches to today’s subject and society are appropriate, we should not ignore the fact that he displays a wholesale approach towards all social groups.Today’s social structure and the individual have sociological differences that cannot be evaluated only by conceptualising performance. Although Han’s assessments of today’s subject are correct, those who give up on a lifestyle focused on success and performance constitute another group in society. Social suicide, which is the main subject of the study, represents individuals who have lost their effort and power to be a subject of performance. At the same time, the concept attempts to define individuals who wish to remain outside the system. Therefore, social suicide is the result of the &nbsp;strong desire for arguments that are part of human nature, such as the other, the negative, and eros, which reveal the subject of performance. The social suicide subject describes individuals who withdraw from public and social relations, where the performance subject struggles to exist, and who do not perform any performance through social networks. In this respect, the subject of social suicide is the performance subject of a period. The living space is still a performance society but does not show any performance. This article defines the subject of social suicide as distance and the act of being. While evaluating today’s subject, Han overlooked the next stage of the performance subject. Although some studies regard this concept as social loneliness, social isolation and hikikomori for specific reasons, particular essential distinctions show that the conceptualisation of social suicide has a unique structure.&nbsp;

Social Suicide: The Social Evolution of the Performance Subject

Onur

Nesip

Hasan

IntroductionThe welfare of the society is related to the distribution of social resources among the members of the society. Questions about how social resources and services should be distributed among individuals are connected with the concept of social justice (Çoban Kaynak, 2017). John Ryan, an American Catholic priest, was the first one using the concept of social justice (Han ve Demirbilek, 2022). Ryan was also the first to use the concept of minimum wage. According to Ryan (1945), social justice is the regulation of the relations between individuals and the society for maintaining the collective good. In short, social justice can be expressed as the fair distribution of blessings and burdens in society. In this context, the presence of a social opinion that there is a fair share in the society is an indicator of the existence of social justice (Bell, 2007; Sunal, 2011).Smith (2018) stated that concepts such as social cohesion, equality and fairness come to the fore in ensuring social justice and that the concept of social justice can be approached from different points of view. At this point, it can be said that since individuals are not equal at the beginning, equal distribution of resources can maintain inequality among individuals, but distribution of resources at different levels (fairly) in line with the needs of individuals can eliminate the inequality among individuals over time (Smith, 2018). However, social justice is a concept that expresses more than the distribution of resources among individuals and emphasises community rather than individuality (Turhan, 2007).When the literature is examined, it is seen that the concept of social justice in education is tried to be explained by associating it with concepts such as multiculturalism, justice, equality and democratic society (Tomul, 2009). However, the difficulty in defining the concepts of justice and social justice is also seen in the definition of the concept of social justice in education. In general, social justice in education can be achieved if each individual has an education that is appropriate to his or her abilities and needs. (Polat, 2007). Social justice in education aims to reduce or eliminate the negative effects of individual differences on the success of students in the educational processes (Ocak &amp; Yamaç, 2011). Bates (2006) positioned social justice at the centre of educational processes and argued that social justice should also be at the centre of educational administration practises.When institutions are managed according to the principles of social justice, they are more adopted by people and people’s commitment to the institution increases. This is also true for universities. The higher education period is one of the most important phases of students’ life. The higher education period is not only a learning process but also a common living place where students experience and learn life as adults, have a profession, and interact with people from different cultures and environments. This common living place should be managed fairly and the resources should be shared fairly among the students. This can be possible with the establishment of social justice in all processes at the universities. Elimination of the negativities that may be caused by social injustice can only be possible with a good understanding of the concept of social justice.&nbsp;In a literature review of the available measures of social justice perception, it is noted that, although a limited number of scales have been developed to assess this perception, none of them appear to be intended to examine the social justice perceptions of university students towards their university. (Cırık, 2015; Demirdağ, 2017; Karacan, Bağlıbel &amp; Bindak, 2015; Turhan, 2007). For this reason, there is a need for a valid and reliable measurement tool to be used in scientific studies on the subject. In line with this need, this research aims to develop a valid and reliable measurement tool to determine the social justice perceptions of university students towards their university.MethodThis study was carried out with an exploratory sequential design in a mixed method in which qualitative and quantitative research methods were used together. In the exploratory sequential design, after the qualitative data are collected and analysed, the quantitative stage of the research is carried out based on the qualitative data (Creswell &amp; Plano Clark, 2018).&nbsp;The study was carried out with the data collected from two different samples. The first sample of the study consists of 602 and the second sample consists of 591 undergraduate and associate degree students studying at different faculties and colleges of Bingöl University. While determining both samples, convenient sampling method was used as it provides convenience in time, cost and data collection process (Büyüköztürk, Kılıç Çakmak, Akgün, Karadeniz, &amp; Demirel, 2014).&nbsp;&nbsp;In the development process of the items, the theoretical background of the concept of social justice was determined by examining the similar studies in the literature (Bell, 2007; Boyles, Carusi, &amp; Attick, 2009; Connell, 1993; Çetin, 2015; Çoban Kaynak, 2017; Demirbilek, Atila &amp; Korkmaz, 2021; Polat, 2007; Schulz, 2007; Todd, 2015; Torres Harding, Siers, &amp; Olson, 2012). In addition to these studies, other measurement tools aimed at determining the perception of social justice were examined (Cırık, 2015; Demirdağ, 2017; Karacan, Bağlıbel, &amp; Bindak, 2015; Ludlow, Enterline, &amp; CochranSmith, 2008; Torres Harding et al., 2012). Considering these studies, practises that could contribute to social justice in universities were determined and these were used&nbsp;in the preparation of the draft scale items. After the literature review, a draft scale consisting of 68 items was prepared. This form was simplified with expert reviews, and a final form consisting of 34 items was reached.&nbsp;Exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses were used to test the construct validity of the scale, and Cronbach’s alpha internal consistency coefficients were calculated for reliability.FindingsThe construct validity of the scale was first tested with exploratory factor analysis. Exploratory factor analysis was performed with 34 items and a sample of 602 students. The KMO and Bartlett tests were performed to check the sampling adequacy (KMO = .976; x2 = 19611.249; df = 561; p = .000). As a result of the factor analysis, a structure consisting of 19 items in three factors was reached, and these three factors explained 71.30% of the variance regarding the perception of social justice. The factor loadings of the items ranged from .58 to .87, the communalities of the items were between .58 and .83, and the item-total correlation values were between .54 and .82. These three factors were named as “equality”, “fairness” and “support”.As a result of the confirmatory factor analysis performed with the data of 591 students, the goodness of fit indices for the scale were reached as x2 /df = 3.942, p = .000, RMR = .08, SRMR = .04, GFI = .91, AGFI = .88, NFI = .94, NNFI = .95, CFI = .95, RMSEA = .06. When the achieved values are compared with the reference values for the goodness of fit indices in the literature, it can be said that the scale has high construct validity.&nbsp;The reliability of the scale was examined with Cronbach’s Alpha internal consistency coefficients calculated using both exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses data. The Alpha coefficients of the entire scale and its dimensions were calculated between .88 and .96. In this respect, these Alpha coefficients can be inferred as evidence of the scale’s reliability.ConclusionThis research aims to develop a valid and reliable scale to measure the social justice perceptions of university students towards their university. As a result of the analyses, significant results were reached regarding the validity and reliability of the scale. As a result, the Social Justice in Universities Scale was found to be a valid and reliable measurement tool that can be used to measure university students’ social justice perceptions regarding their universities.&nbsp;The increase in the scale scores is interpreted as the students’ perception of social justice is increasing, and the decrease in the scale scores is interpreted as the students’ perception of social justice is diminishing. There is no reverse-scored item or dimension in the scale.

Development of the Scale of Social Justice Perception in Universities: Validity And Reliability Study

Yüksel

This study aims to examine the contradictions and potentials of street social work practices carried out in urban public spaces, particularly those arising from neoliberal urbanization trends, through the lens of Lefebvre’s concepts of “the production of space” (2014) and “the right to the city” (2016).Street social work, characterized by low-threshold and advocacy-based practices, seeks to engage clients in public urban spaces with the goals of harm reduction, connection, and outreach. The social worker takes the initiative, actively seeking out clients (Diebeacker, 2020; Andersson, 2013; Gibson, 2011; Dynamo International, 2009). By emphasizing low-threshold, harm-reduction objectives, and flexibility, this practice moves away from the power and authority traditionally associated with social work. Instead, it centers the autonomy (self-determination) and dignity of the client. Moreover, the client-centered nature of street social work, combined with its demand-driven methodological requirements, acknowledges the struggles faced by marginalized groups—such as the homeless, migrants, sex workers, and drug users—not as individual misfortunes or personal choices, but as outcomes of social inequalities rooted in structural barriers. From this perspective, street social work can be seen as more than a method of outreach; it is a radical approach that upholds the ethical principles of social work in the field, positioning it as a crucial tool for achieving social justice and protecting the rights of disadvantaged populations.A distinctive feature of street social work is its use of space. The “space of intervention is the environment in which the client lives” (Galuske, 1998, p. 245), often in urban public spaces. In street social work, the various life worlds encountered in public urban spaces are experienced continuously, making it impossible to understand street social work without comprehending the dynamics of these spaces. Urban public spaces, as material and emotional environments where social boundaries and relations are negotiated, are often sites of conflict over the behaviors, ideologies, and values of different social groups (Gibson, 2011). In this regard, public urban spaces are spaces of power, domination, and struggle. Over the past three decades, neoliberalism’s hegemonic influence has been a defining factor in shaping the character and use of these spaces. Commercialization, privatization, securitization, and policies limiting access to urban public spaces have emerged as central regulatory strategies within neoliberal urban policies.All these strategies target individuals’ behaviors in urban public spaces, allowing some social activities while restricting others. This directly affects how the street population and other marginalized groups experience urban public spaces and, consequently, shapes the methodologies and everyday experiences of street social workers (Gibson, 2011, pp. 142-143). However, referring to Lefebvre, the transformation of urban public spaces under neoliberal conditions can be viewed as a political conflict zone. Urban public spaces are not static constructs but spaces where access, violation, resistance,&nbsp;and struggle continuously play out (Lefebvre, 2008; 2014; 2016). The “others” and the street population, rather than passively accepting what neoliberal urban transformation strategies impose on them, can manipulate urban public space and fight for the right to the city through new “tactics” developed in daily life (de Certeau, 2008) or by creating “social infrastructures” (Simone, 2004; 2015).Neoliberal urban trends related to commercialization, privatization, securitization, and access restrictions have profoundly impacted the nature of street social work. Two main challenges arise in this context. The first involves the adverse effects of neoliberal urban transformation strategies on the everyday life experiences of the street population and their right to the city. The second challenge relates to the professional ethical dilemmas arising from the instrumentalization of street social work within the discourse of security and order.Methodologically, the primary contradiction of street social work, designed as a strategy for outreach and connection, emerges from regulations either aimed at designing urban public space or directly governing the behaviors of street populations. The most evident consequence of these regulations for the street population is mobility and invisibility. While mobility renders the goals of street social work—access, relationshipbuilding, and availability—nearly impossible, invisibility distances the street population from the social conscience.The second ethical challenge in street social work relates to its dual role as a public practice. Social workers are often caught between the obligation to implement state policies and the mission to advocate for the rights of vulnerable groups. While social work seeks to promote social justice, it must also operate within state mechanisms constrained by neoliberal policies. Like law enforcement, street social workers can be positioned to align with policies governing the regulation of urban public spaces. This creates a tension within street social work, placing it between the duty to maintain public order and the responsibility to advocate for individuals and groups victimized by this order. Thus, as a public practice, social work is caught between serving as an instrument of social control and acting as a champion of social justice, leading to various challenges in practice.Ethical issues in street social work are tied to space, knowledge production, the goals of practice, and the professional roles of street social workers. To adhere to professional ethical principles, street social workers must continuously critically examine these contradictory positions and assess them through reflexive practices. In this way, it becomes possible to develop a social work practice that does not reproduce social inequalities and asymmetric power relations in public urban spaces.Lefebvre’s spatial triad, the production of space, and the right to the city provide street social workers with significant theoretical and conceptual frameworks in this critical&nbsp;and reflexive process. These frameworks offer the opportunity to evaluate the practice from different perspectives, its potentials, and contradictions, guiding the realization of the emancipatory potential of street social work. Lefebvre’s ideas on space and the right to the city create opportunities for street social workers to develop supportive and emancipatory practices. With such an approach, street social work can influence not only physical spaces but also social discourse and political processes, thereby contributing to broader and more sustainable social changes.By working directly in public spaces where disadvantaged groups live, street social work can create an independent space of intervention despite restrictive state policies. On the one hand, street social workers support individuals by meeting their immediate needs, helping them survive. On the other hand, they defend the rights of these individuals, giving voice to those excluded from or marginalized by the system. From the perspective of Lefebvre’s concept of the “right to the city,” street social work advocates for these groups’ rights to exist and transform urban space, creating a site of resistance against the spatial injustices produced by the neoliberal order. In this sense, street social work has the potential to both erode mechanisms of social control and to recreate urban space in a more equal and just manner (Finn &amp; Jacobson, 2003). However, activating this potential is only possible through a critical, reflexive, and self-reflective approach.

Street Social Work, Neoliberal Urbanism, and the Production of Space: Methodological Challenges, Ethical Contradictions, and Potentials

Hicran

In this study, which aims to define housing as a social security tool to overcome homelessness, homelessness is seen as both a social risk and a human rights violation that limits access to the social security system. At the heart of this approach is the extreme commodification of labour through precarious jobs and housing through high-interest mortgages. This is because extreme commodification has brought with it plans for subsequent dispossession through housing capitalism. This makes society, especially people on fixed incomes who have no other source of livelihood than their labour, vulnerable to the risk of homelessness. In addition, while the right of homeless people to access social security services is the same as that of everyone else, their limited access to job security and regular employment opportunities presents clear difficulties and additional support assistance in accessing these services. Even in the exercise of the right to information, bureaucratic procedures requiring address declaration, submission of documents or the use of e-Government applications from the application process onwards create obstacles for homeless people to access data on their social security rights and obligations. In view of this problem, the functionalization of housing as a public right in the social security system can be considered a prerequisite for adequate housing and the elimination of the risk of homelessness.If we examine the background of the problem in Türkiye, we see that the planned development movement was initiated with the Republican period, the population in the cities increased with the development moves, and although land planning was attempted to respond to the urbanisation process and the need for housing, this could not be achieved at the targeted level. While the need for new settlement areas has made the construction sector the locomotive of the economy, the subsequent unplanned construction has paved the way for urban inequalities, with slums on one side and luxury residences on the other. In a linear pattern to unplanned construction, a period of permanent inequalities has begun in terms of opportunities to use social security and housing rights between those who have access to full-time and registered employment and those who do not. This picture has deepened poverty and precariousness for those who try covering their living expenses and high rent debts with the minimum wage or pension they earn.Looking at practises around the world that define housing within the social security system, the ‘housing first’ approach and the ‘treatment first’ approach come to the fore. Examples of good practise where the housing-first approach makes a significant difference in ending homelessness permanently attract attention. Depending on the social, cultural and economic conditions, it can be observed that the strategies adopted by countries to combat homelessness are diverse, including voluntary and civic initiatives, and are aimed at meeting the complex support needs of the homeless people. Policies aimed at overcoming prejudices and discriminatory attitudes towards homeless people seem to focus on social responsibility for sustainable recovery by investing in&nbsp;social awareness and sensitization. In general, it can be seen that governments are trying to address the issue of homelessness through efforts to improve new and existing collaboration between local providers and housing providers.Although governments in Türkiye have adopted policies and legal arrangements to ensure the functionality of the right to housing in the social security system, it is difficult to say that comprehensive and permanent solutions have been achieved in managing the risk of homelessness. Housing subsidies, public housing and migrant houses have enabled the integration of settlements that can be called social housing in urban areas at affordable prices, but the steps taken have not developed into a stable housing policy. In recent years, it can be seen that housing areas have been renewed within the framework of urban transformation practises, but the new projects built for high-income groups in order to provide capital flow do not contain a solution against the risk of homelessness and deepen the risk with mortgage debt, high rents and fees. For this reason, it is necessary to develop rights-based policies that guarantee everyone’s access to permanent independent housing in urban life within the social security system by prioritising variables such as unemployment, disability, chronic illness, low income and informal employment in managing the risk of homelessness.&nbsp;The starting point of these policies is that central and local government service units eliminate the risks that can lead to the loss of rights by defining procedural steps that structure the application and follow-up processes for beneficiaries who declare themselves homeless, according to their needs. People living in shelters, temporary accommodation centres and on the streets may be entitled to income, pension or drug treatment services including rights arising from insured relatives or from the period of employment, but which the homeless person is deprived of due to lack of sufficient information. Removing this deprivation (e.g. by activating a widow’s orphan’s pension or health insurance) is a step that can significantly improve the homeless person’s life. In this direction, social security institutions should lead this step by conducting field studies and developing practises that support access to the right to social security. As a practical suggestion, it can also be considered to offer options to homeless people who are below a certain limit in terms of the number of days of premium payment or the amount of premium payment through community benefit work programmes to complete the missing days or pay the premium debt. In this way, serious and lasting improvements can be made in the life of a homeless person who will have a pension and health care. With these concrete action steps and undoubtedly many more, in the Republic of Türkiye, which has entered its second century, housing shouldbe one of the instruments of a settlement order that enables everyone to exercise their right to shelter under conditions befitting human dignity and that subjectivises and liberates human beings. One way to make this order possible is to be able to read and establish the linear relationship between housing and social security policies.

Housing as a Social Security Instrument to Overcome Homelessness

Meriç

It is possible to speak of the existence of a middle-class backlash in contemporary societies, which Mills diagnosed in the USA in the 1950. Mills (1969, p. 249) explained this decline in middle-class power, which he defined as the “status proletarianization” of the white-collar strata, in terms of the structural changes in working life at the time, such as rationalization, the decline in the importance of white-collar workers’ education and experience, the decline in their incomes relative to the working class and their incorporation into the unemployed class, and the expansion of the middle-class labor market. Similar conditions seem to apply to the Turkish middle class today. Despite definitional problems, the middle class in Türkiye is estimated at 10-15 million people, and their living conditions are becoming more difficult by the day. In particular, low- and middle-income groups, whose purchasing power has decreased and who do not own a home, face the problem of housing precarity. In terms of housing costs, Türkiye is now above the European and OECD averages.&nbsp;Although housing, a fundamental human right, has become precarious in a way that includes the middle class in a volatile economic atmosphere, the (new) middle class has received less attention in recent urban studies than the lower or upper classes (McEwan, 2021). When it is studied, it is presented as a success story as a class that invades the city, displacing lower income groups and gentrifying or even discriminating against other social groups (Atkinson, 2006; Saraçoğlu, 2009; Şen, 2011). This study aims to fill this gap in research on the middle class by exploring housing precarity and the possibility of homelessness, the structural changes that underlie them, and ways out of them. In studies of homelessness in Türkiye, issues such as social services, (Acar et al., 2022; Balun &amp; Şişman, 2022; Doğan &amp; Pekasıl, 2021; Kanlı &amp; Efe, 2021; Yeter, 2018), urban renewal as a process of “de-housing” (Baydar &amp; Karakız, 2018, p. 154) and different homeless groups such as the elderly or middle-aged men (Gürel, Karaman &amp; Yaman, 2024; Kaya Kılıç &amp; Aslantürk, 2019) come to the fore. However, the issue of housing inadequacy and precariousness of the middle class has not been thoroughly investigated.&nbsp;This paper accepts homelessness not as a situation, but as a dynamic process (Lee, Shinn &amp; Culhane, 2021) and looks at its before and after in terms of the middle class. This study, inspired by personal housing experiences, firstly situates the problem of the housing precarity of the declining middle class in the international literature. The study collects academic work on housing precarity, the middle class and homelessness. A total of 82 documents are used, including 29 English articles, which have been refined according to relevance, date and number of citations from Web of Science; 12 Turkish articles from Google Scholar; company data and statistical news bulletins (6); newspaper news and columns (16); and encyclopedia entries, congress presentations, book articles and books (19). The information gathered from these documents is analyzed thematically.&nbsp;Precarity is a human condition that is not limited to housing, but affects many social spheres, such as working life. This concept, which generally means “a general, pervasive ontological condition of vulnerability, displacement, and insecurity”, is in some ways associated with capitalism and its neoliberal phase (Kasmir, 2018). In the first quarter of the twenty-first century, a “precarity turn” has been spoken of, particularly in the field of labor geography (Bergan, Gorman-Murray &amp; Power, 2021, p. 1208). However, the concept of housing precarity is a more recent use (Debrunner, Hofer, Wicki, Kauer &amp; Kaufmann, 2024). Clair, Reeves, McKee &amp; Stuckler (2019, p. 16) define housing precariousness as “a state of uncertainty which increases a person’s real or perceived likelihood of experiencing an adverse event, caused (at least in part) by their relationship with their housing provider, the physical qualities, affordability, security of their home, and access to essential services”.&nbsp;The meaning of housing, classically conceived as “long-term and stable tenure, a site of reprieve from work, and a location of privatized family relationships” (Bergan et al., 2021, p. 1217) and an important place in people’s lives as a living space that provides well-being, life satisfaction and quality (Bobek, Pembroke &amp; Wickham, 2021), is changing rapidly in today’s conditions. At the same time, a shift towards tenancy in traditional homeowner societies is being observed (Kemp, 2015; Waldron, 2023). Waldron (2023, p. 181) explains “generation rent”, i.e., people being trapped in tenancy more and for longer, and the associated expansion of the rental market with the commodification and financialization of housing after the 2000s, changing the tacit middle-class social contract based on home ownership. The result of all this is what Bobek et al. (2021) call as “non-linear housing careers” (Bobek et al., 2021, p. 1365), i.e., prolonged tenancy, not leaving or returning to the family home, known as “boomerang children” or “parasite singles” (Bobek et al., 2021, p. 1367), and horizontal or downward housing mobility such as house sharing.&nbsp;The works that deal with housing precarity within the system do not question the ideal of home ownership on which middle class dreams (e.g., the suburban house, the car and the nuclear family as in the American dream) are based, dependent on meritocracy and provided by the capitalist system. The works that approach the issue by challenging the neoliberal city of the capitalist system, which causes housing precarity along with many other problems, look for housing concepts and types outside the systemic proposals. In doing so, these studies adopt more collective (communal), solidarity-based, care-oriented, anarchist or feminist approaches, leaving the liberal framework aside. House sharing, which is presented as an alternative in some studies, is criticized as a product of the system in others. This contradiction shows that sharing alone may not be sufficient to create an anti-capitalist housing alternative. Some commonalities found in the literature include themes such as the rise of renting over home ownership, people’s growing search for a housing alternative, and a critique of the victimization of the displaced and the homeless. This study contributes by pointing to the potential of concepts of the urban commons (Stavrides, 2018), the feminist city (Kern, 2020) and social infrastructure (Latham &amp; Layton, 2022) as supporting mechanisms in the search for alternative housing.&nbsp;Finally, as an exit strategy suggestion for the issues of homelessness and housing, which have increasingly become a site of power relations and contestation between family and other groups, the study suggests that the counter-argument be properly framed, the data properly interpreted, housing activism and social housing production expanded.&nbsp;

An Essay on Exit Scenarios from the Housing Precarity Feeding Middle Class Homelessness Fears

“Homeless” is a person who has no home and/or a fixed, regular and suitable place to stay. Homeless people live in streets, terminals, under bridges, hospitals, parks, shelters or with friends/acquaintances (Aynacı, 2024, p. 30). The Arabic term “bîmekân” and the Persian term “hane-harab” are concepts used to describe homelessness, encompassing meanings such as “spaceless” and “dwelling-less” (Ottoman Turkish Dictionary, 2023). European Federation of National Organisations Working with the Homeless [FEANTSA] has classified the homeless according to the criteria of exclusion by dividing them into social, physical and legal dimensions and has described them as “roofless” (çatısız), “houseless/shelter people/secondary homeless” (konutsuz), “individuals living in inadequate” (yetersiz) and/or “insecure housing” (güvensiz) (FEANTSA, 2005). However, there are different types of homeless according to the duration of homelessness (temporary, cyclical and/or chronic homeless), the cause of homelessness (internal and/or external homeless), the characteristics of the homeless (children, youth, women, men, elderly, migrant homeless) and the place of residence (street and/or shelter homeless).Research on homelessness dates back to the early 19th century. Engels’ (1845) Condition of the Working Class in England is seen as a reference source for homeless people and homeless shelters. In Park, Burges &amp; McKenzie The City (1967), one of the representatives of the Chicago School, homelessness was defined as a social problem. The second half of the 20th century (1960-1970) was the period when homelessness research intensified. In this period, individual inadequacies in homelessness were focused on and social policies for homelessness were developed and public and non-governmental organizations were established (Hope &amp; Young, 1986, p. 170).Nowadays, many disciplines and professions provide services to disadvantaged and vulnerable groups. Social work, which is one of these disciplines, produces programs to eliminate the problems they experience, increase their functionality and empower them with the services it provides to homeless people (International Federation of Social Work [IFSW], 2014). The fact that homelessness as a phenomenon is a social problem and homeless people as a disadvantaged group are deprived of their rights, their individual and social functionality is weakened and they have to deal with many problems at the same time makes social work relational to homeless people (Çabuk &amp; Atamtürk, 2023, p. 11).The natural relationship between the homeless and social work requires the examination and criticism of the studies conducted in this field and the dissemination of scientific studies. The aim of this research is to make a bibliometric analysis of the&nbsp;studies on the concept of “homeless” in the field of social work. In this way, it will be revealed how the studies on the concept of homeless have followed a course from past to present. As part of the originality of the research, a search was first carried out in all fields using ‘homeless*’ in the Web of Science (WoS) database, which yielded a total of 27,552 studies. Then, the ‘All Fields’ option was selected and a joint search was made with the words ‘homeless*’ + ‘bibliometric analysis’. Five studies (Mbabil Dok-Yen et al., 2023; Picado-Valverde et al., 2023; Aliyeva, 2020; Calvo et al., 2019; Okano, 2019) were accessed and it was found that these studies were not included in the social work category. The fact that there is no study based on mapping the concept of homelessness within social work as a discipline can be considered as an original aspect of this research. The research questions identified for the data set mapped in order to achieve the main objective of the research are as follows:1. Keyword analysis:1.1. What are the most frequently used keywords?1.2. Which keywords are used together?1.3. What is the frequency of use of keywords by year?2. Country analysis:&nbsp;2.1. Which countries have the most publications? 2.2. What is the publication frequency of countries by year? 2.3. Which are the most cited countries? 2.4. What is the citation frequency of countries by year?3. Institution/university analysis: ,3.1. Which institutions/universities publish the most? 3.2. Which are the most cited institutions/universities? 4. Author analysis: 4.1. Who are the most published authors? 4.2. What is the publication frequency of the authors by year? 4.3. Who are the most cited authors? 5. Article analysis: 5.1. Which are the most cited articles? 5.2. Which themes did the articles focus on?In designing the research, the four stages of bibliometric research identified by Öztürk (2021, p. 35) (determination of the purpose, creation of the data set, analysis and visualization, interpretation of the results and findings) were used. The unit of&nbsp;analysis for this research comprises scientific studies retrieved from the WoS database. The dataset of the research was created on 15.03.2024. The following systematic steps were employed to curate the research dataset:Step 1: The word “homeless” was typed into the WoS search engine and the symbol “*” was added to the end of the word. These symbols are called “wildcards”. With wildcards, suffixes or words that come at the end of the searched words are also included in the search. For example, when “homeless*” was entered into the search engine, words such as “homelessness”, “homeless youth”, “homeless people”, “homeless services”, “chronic homelessness” were also searched.Step 2: A search with the keyword ‘homeless*’ using ‘All Fields’ and the SSCI, SSCI-Expanded, ESCI and AHCI indices yielded 27,552 results. Within these studies, scientific publications such as articles, books, book chapters, conference abstracts, meeting abstracts were found. When articles were selected from these scientific publications, the number decreased to 21,627.Step 3: Among the articles, the field of ‘social work’ was selected and the number of 2710 was reached. Those 2710 articles (as of 15 March 2024) were defined as the data set to be subjected to bibliometric analysis. The bibliometric analyses conducted as part of this study were systematically mapped, yielding the following key findings:<ul><li>Homelessness as a field of study and homeless people as a disadvantaged group are natural subjects of study and groups in the discipline of social work. Although homelessness studies in social work do not show a regular increase, they have been carried out since the 1980s. Since 2014 there has been a significant increase in research. The increased visibility of homelessness and the increase in the number of homeless people has led to an increase in homelessness research in the field of social work. In particular, the number of research studies on homelessness has increased significantly with the publication of COVID-19 in 2019.&nbsp;</li><li>“Mental health”, “housing”, “homeless youth”, “poverty”, “foster care”, “housing first”, “substance abuse”, “women”, “substance use” and “qualitative research” are the most common keywords used in the studies. Mental health, housing/shelter, substance abuse, substance use and poverty stand out as themes related to the reasons for homelessness and the difficulties experienced by homeless people. Social group-oriented studies of homeless youth and homeless women are studies of a specific group. The frequent use of the word qualitative in research means that qualitative research is more likely to be used in studies of homeless people.&nbsp;</li><li>The frequency of use of keywords varies between years. While the words mental illness, substance abuse, alcohol addiction, children, child abuse, street youth&nbsp;were in the forefront between 2012-2014, the words foster care, shelter and quality of life were used more frequently between 2014-2016. In 2016-2018 there is a trend towards social support, housing and supportive housing. Similarly, in 2018-2020, words such as housing first, permanent housing support, housing insecurity, housing instability and homeless services came to the fore. In particular, the frequent repetition of similar words in the 2014-2020 period shows that housing services for homeless people are often studied. After 2020, homelessness was associated with the words COVID-19, Corona virus, pandemic, and homeless people were mentioned with the topics burnout, secondary trauma stress and food insecurity.</li><li>The countries with the highest number of publications and citations are the USA, Canada and the UK, respectively. The most important reason for the high number of publications and citations in these countries is that homelessness is defined as a social problem and the number of homeless people is high. These countries have contributed to the formation and enrichment of the homelessness literature. In addition, in recent years, there has been an increase in homelessness research in European countries such as Australia, Spain, the Netherlands, Portugal, Norway and Wales.</li><li>Leading institutions in homelessness research, such as the University of Toronto, the University of Denver, and the University of Southern California, have consistently produced the highest number of publications. The high number of publications and citations of the universities is due to the fact that the authors who have published and cited the most on homelessness work at these universities and the high number of homeless people in the cities where these universities are located. The authors who have published and cited the most on homelessness and the publications produced by universities and the citations they receive overlap with each other.</li><li>The three most cited works are Pecora et al. (2006), “Educational and employment outcomes of adults formerly placed in foster care: Results from the Northwest Foster Care Alumni Study”, Kuhn &amp; Culhane’s (1998) “Applying cluster analysis to test a typology of homelessness by pattern of shelter utilization: results from the analysis of administrative data” and Kendall-Tackett (2002), “The health effects of childhood abuse: Four pathways by which abuse can influence health” (The health effects of childhood abuse: Four pathways by which abuse can influence health”.</li><li>Pecora et al. (2006) focused on the impact of foster care on adult functioning in their study and mentioned that negative foster care experiences can cause homelessness. They emphasized that the two most important components that&nbsp;will prevent homelessness are positive experiences and the ability to have independent life preparation skills. Kuhn &amp; Culhane (1998) focused on the themes of preventive and protective services for the homeless. Accordingly, they emphasized that preventive and resettlement assistance for transient homeless people, temporary housing and residential treatment for episodic homeless people, and supported housing and long-term care programs for chronic homeless people would yield more effective results. Kendall-Tackett (2002) found that childhood abuse puts people at risk of depression and posttraumatic stress disorder, participating in harmful activities, experiencing difficulties in relationships, and having negative beliefs and attitudes towards others, each of which increases the likelihood of developing health problems and are interrelated. The three most cited works focused on themes such as child/youth homelessness and foster care services for the homeless. These themes emerged in line with the most used keywords.</li><li>As a result of the research, it was seen that the most frequently used themes in the analyzed articles were the challenges experienced by homeless people (housing, mental health, mental illness, substance abuse, poverty), homeless social groups (homeless children, homeless youth, homeless women) and services for homeless people (foster care, housing support, housing first, shelter). Especially in the last 10 years, there has been an interest in foster care services for the homeless (shelter, staircase model, housing-first). On the other hand, themes such as recovery from homelessness and formerly homeless people and the number of studies with experimental methods are very few.</li></ul>

Bibliometric Analysis of Articles on the Concept of “Homeless” in Social Work with VoSviewer

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The Future of Digital Education: Artificial Intelligence, the Metaverse, and the Transformation of Education

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Retracted Article: The Role of Polycentric Governance, Public- Private-Civil Partnerships, and Citizen Science as Developed by the C2IMPRESS Project in Building Disaster Resilient Societies

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First published in 1917, İstanbul University Journal of Sociology was the first sociology journal written in Turkish. In its roughly 100-year history, the journal has become the most pioneering and prominent publication within the discipline. The publication languages of the journal are Turkish, English, French and Germany. The print version of the journal has been stopped as of 2022; the publication continues as an electronic only journal.

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The journal’s goal is to aid and facilitate both international and interdisciplinary scientific communication, to strengthen the links between scientific research and society in Turkey, and to stimulate and enhance the quality of debate. Representing an interdisciplinary forum for the exchange of recent data and expert opinions, it reflects the importance of a comprehensive approach to resolving the social problems in Turkey. İstanbul University Journal of Sociology publishes peer-reviewed research reports on sociology, bringing together research conducted within a variety of different disciplines. Articles include theoretical, philosophical, political essays, research papers, research on social behaviors, and historical research related to any social activity. In addition to original research, the journal features both articles and book reviews.

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Authors publishing with the journal retain the copyright to their work licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/" target="_blank">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/</a>) and grant the Publisher non-exclusive commercial right to publish the work. CC BY-NC 4.0 license permits unrestricted, non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

Editor should consider publishing correction if minor errors that do not effect the results, interpretations and conclusions of the published paper are detected. Editor should consider retraction if major errors and/or misconduction that invalidate results and conclusions are detected.Editor should consider issuing an expression of concern if there is evidence of research or publication misconduct by the authors; there is evidence that the findings are not reliable and institutions of the authors do not investigate the case or the possible investigation seems to be unfair or nonconclusive. The guidelines of <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/flowcharts/complete-set-english" target="_blank">COPE</a> and <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/" target="_blank">ICJME</a> are taken into consideration regarding correction, retractions or expression of concern.RetractionJournal follows <a href="https://publicationethics.org/sites/default/files/retraction-guidelines-cope.pdf" target="_blank">COPE’s Retraction Guidelines</a> in case of retraction. The editor has the right to retract an article if: <ul><li>There is clear evidence that the findings are unreliable; either as a result of a major error (e.g. miscalculation or experimental error), or as a result of fabrication (e.g. of data) or falsification (e.g. image manipulation).</li><li>It contains plagiarised content. </li><li>It has been published elsewhere without proper attribution. </li><li>It contains material or data without authorisation for use.</li><li>There is copyright infringement or there is some other serious legal issue.</li><li>It reports unethical research. </li><li>There is evidence that the peer-review process is compromised or manipulated.</li><li>The author(s) failed to disclose a significant competing interest (also known as a conflict of interest) that, in the opinion of the editor, would have unduly influenced the interpretation of the work or the recommendations of the editors and peer reviewers.</li></ul>In case of retraction the following steps are followed:<ul><li>Retraction notice including article title is published in a subsequent issue of the journal. The retraction notice is paginated and listed in the table of contents. </li><li>A link is provided between the retraction notice and the original article in the electronic version. </li><li>The online article is preceded by a page containing the retraction notice; the reader can then proceed to the article itself.</li><li>The original article remains unchanged, except for a watermark on the .pdf on each page stating that it has been &#34;retracted”.</li></ul>Article Removal for Legal ReasonsIn the following circumstances, except the metadata (title and authors), the text of the article is removed and a page informing that the article has been removed for legal reasons replaces the article. <ul><li>The article is found to be defamatory or to infringe the legal rights of others, and retraction is not deemed to be an adequate solution.</li><li>The article has been, or is reasonably likely to be the subject of a court order.</li><li>There is a significant risk to public health. </li></ul>

To guarantee that all papers published in the journal are maintained and permanently accessible, articles are stored in Dergipark which serves as a  national archival web site and at the same time permits LOCKSS to  collect, preserve, and serve the content.Additionally, authors are encouraged to self-archive the final PDF version of their articles in open electronic archives with  that conform to standards of Open Archives Initiative (<a href="https://www.openarchives.org/" target="_blank">https://www.openarchives.org/</a>). Authors should provide a link from the deposited version to the URL of IUPress journal website.

The Artificial Intelligence Policy, prepared in light of developments in artificial intelligence (AI) and practices in scholarly publishing, sets out the editorial and ethical principles that authors, reviewers, and editors should follow when using such technologies. The following sources have been considered in the preparation of the AI policy:Committee on Publication Ethics <a href="https://publicationethics.org/guidance/cope-position/authorship-and-ai-tools" target="_blank">(COPE) - Authorship and AI tools</a>; International Committee of Medical Journal Editors <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/browse/roles-and-responsibilities/defining-the-role-of-authors-and-contributors.html#four" target="_blank">(ICMJE) - Artificial Intelligence (AI)-Assisted Technology; World Association of Medical Editors  (WAME) Chatbots, Generative AI, and Scholarly Manuscripts</a><a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/browse/roles-and-responsibilities/defining-the-role-of-authors-and-contributors.html#four"></a>AI-assisted technologies (such as large language models [LLMs], chatbots, or image generators) can develop and produce a wide variety of content, including text, images, audio, and synthetic data. When used ethically and safely, these capabilities can increase productivity and foster innovation, but when used without human guidance, they pose risks such as inaccurate and biased results, omissions and errors in citations, deficiencies in protecting privacy and intellectual property rights, and potential violations of authors' and publishers' rights. IUPress adopts the following core principles to avoid these risks in the use of AI:  <ul><li>Details of any AI used in the production of content (including but not limited to text, figures, images, and code) must be declared and clearly explained in the appropriate section of the paper (as an acknowledgement and/or in the methods section). </li><li>No AI tool may be listed as an author in any scientific paper. </li><li>Authors are responsible for the accuracy, completeness, and originality of their work, even if AI is used in any way; they are responsible for the proper referencing and attribution of others' ideas, data, words, or other materials. </li><li>Reviewers and editors must not upload submitted work, in whole or in part, to any generative AI application.</li></ul>In the editorial processes of IUPress publications, tools are available to assist editors in identifying AI-generated content. On the other hand, it is common to use AI tools that provide suggestions for improving and enhancing readability, language, and grammar, and such AI tools can be used in IUPress publications under the supervision of editors and authors.

Artificial Intelligence Policy

<ul><li>Authors are required to declare if they have used AI-assisted technologies (such as large language models [LLMs], chatbots, or image generators) in the creation of their submitted work. </li><li>Authors should explain, both in the cover letter and in the appropriate section of the submitted paper (as a footnote and/or in the methods section), which AI tool and which version of it they have used and for what purpose. </li><li>Authors should also indicate how they used the AI tool and how they assessed the validity of the results obtained using this technology, and what aspects of the paper, manuscript content, data or supporting files were influenced by the use of the AI tool or were generated by AI.</li><li>It is the authors' responsibility to ensure the accuracy, validity and appropriateness of content and citations generated by AI-assisted technologies and to eliminate potential errors, inconsistencies and biased results. </li><li>Authors should always check the original sources to eliminate possible plagiarism, recognising that there is a potential for plagiarism in texts produced with AI-assisted technologies. They should confirm that they have checked and that the sources are original.  </li><li>AI-assisted tools (such as ChatGPT) cannot be listed as authors because they cannot be responsible for the accuracy, integrity, and originality of the work, and these responsibilities are essential to authorship. Therefore, authors are responsible for all material involving the use of AI-assisted technologies. Authors should ensure that all statements in the article that state the hypotheses, interpretations, conclusions, limitations, and implications of the study represent their own opinions.  </li><li>Studies created by authors using AI tools in the following ways, which substitute for the basic researcher's and author's responsibilities, violate the principles of scientific publishing and publication ethics, and such studies are not eligible for inclusion in publications: </li></ul><ul><ul><li>&#65279;Generation of text or code without rigorous review, </li><li>Generation of synthetic data to replace missing data without a robust methodology, </li><li>Creation of any inaccurate, synthetic content, including abstracts or supplementary materials, </li><li>Creation and manipulation of images and figures (pictures, graphs, data tables, medical images, image snippets, computer codes and formulae) or original research data (enhancing, hiding, moving, removing or adding a particular feature within an image or figure) using AI.&#65279;</li></ul></ul>

It is essential to maintain confidentiality in the peer review process and not to share or use the reviewed work in this process. <a href="https://publicationethics.org/sites/default/files/ethical-guidelines-peer-reviewers-cope.pdf" target="_blank">(COPE – Ethical Guidelines for Peer Reviewers</a>)<ul><li>Reviewers should not upload a manuscript or part of a manuscript submitted to them for review to generative AI tools or large language models to assist in the review, evaluation or decision-making process, as uploading content to such AI tools by reviewers violates the authors' privacy and property rights.  </li><li>Reviewing a scientific paper is a responsibility that can only be undertaken by human beings. The critical thinking and original evaluation required for peer review is beyond the scope of this technology, and there is a risk that the technology will produce inaccurate, incomplete or biased conclusions about the paper. The peer review report and decision letters should reflect the personal assessment of the reviewers and editors of the submitted content. The reviewer is responsible and accountable for the content of his/her report. </li><li>AI tools may be used in a limited way to improve the quality of the language of the peer review report (for translation or language editing) in the context of peer review. If such use is made, the reviewer must declare the use when submitting the report. </li><li>Reviewers who suspect inappropriate or undisclosed use of generative AI in a submission should report their concerns to the editor.</li></ul>

Editors are obliged to ensure that the confidentiality of the manuscripts submitted to the journal is maintained during the evaluation process, and it is essential that the peer-reviewed work is not shared or used outside the parties involved in that process. (COPE - Code of Conduct and Best Practice Guidelines for Journal Editors) <a href="https://publicationethics.org/files/Code_of_conduct_for_journal_editors_Mar11.pdf" target="_blank">(COPE – Code of Conduct and Best Practice Guidelines for Journal Editors)</a>.<ul><li>Editors should not upload a submitted article, or any part of it, to generative Artificial Intelligence tools or Big Language Models to assist in the review, evaluation or decision-making process, as this may violate authors' privacy and property rights. </li><li>Managing the editorial review of a scientific article implies responsibilities that can only be attributed to humans. Generative AI or AI-assisted technologies should not be used by editors to assist in the evaluation or decision-making process of an article, as the critical thinking and original evaluation required for this task is beyond the scope of this technology and there is a risk that the technology will produce inaccurate, incomplete or biased conclusions about the article. The editor is responsible and accountable for the editorial process, the final decision and its communication to the authors.</li><li>Editors should not use generative AI tools to compose decision letters or abstracts of unpublished research. </li><li>Editors may use generative AI tools to help find appropriate reviewers.</li><li>If editors suspect the use of generative AI in a submitted manuscript or a submitted referee report, they should conduct an editorial review of the matter and consider the policy.</li></ul>

İstanbul University Journal of Sociology is committed to upholding the highest standards of publication ethics and pays regard to Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing published by the <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, the <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, the <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a>, and the <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> on <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a>All submissions must be original, unpublished (including as full text in conference proceedings), and not under the review of any other publication synchronously. Authors must ensure that submitted work is original. They must certify that the manuscript has not previously been published elsewhere or is not currently being considered for publication elsewhere, in any language. Applicable copyright laws and conventions must be followed. Copyright material (e.g. tables, figures or extensive quotations) must be reproduced only with appropriate permission and acknowledgement. Any work or words of other authors, contributors, or sources must be appropriately credited and referenced.Each manuscript is reviewed by one of the editors and at least two referees under double-blind peer review process. Plagiarism, duplication, fraud authorship/denied authorship, research/data fabrication, salami slicing/salami publication, breaching of copyrights, prevailing conflict of interest are unnethical behaviors.All manuscripts not in accordance with the accepted ethical standards will be removed from the publication. This also contains any possible malpractice discovered after the publication. In accordance with the code of conduct we will report any cases of suspected plagiarism or duplicate publishing.

Ethics

İstanbul University Journal of Sociology adheres to the highest standards in research ethics and follows the principles of international research ethics as defined below. The authors are responsible for the compliance of the manuscripts with the ethical rules.-    Principles of integrity, quality and transparency should be sustained in designing the research, reviewing the design and conducting the research.-    The research team and participants should be fully informed about the aim, methods, possible uses and requirements of the research and risks of participation in research.-    The confidentiality of the information provided by the research participants and the confidentiality of the respondents should be ensured. The research should be designed to protect the autonomy and dignity of the participants.-    Research participants should participate in the research voluntarily, not under any coercion.-    Any possible harm to participants must be avoided. The research should be planned in such a way that the participants are not at risk.-    The independence of research must be clear; and any conflict of interest or must be disclosed.-    In experimental studies with human subjects, written informed consent of the participants who decide to participate in the research must be obtained. In the case of children and those under wardship or with confirmed insanity, legal custodian’s assent must be obtained.-    If the study is to be carried out in any institution or organization, approval must be obtained from this institution or organization.-    In studies with human subject, it must be noted in the method’s section of the manuscript that the informed consent of the participants and ethics committee approval from the institution where the study has been conducted have been obtained.

It is authors’ responsibility to ensure that the article is in accordance with scientific and ethical standards and rules. And authors must ensure that submitted work is original. They must certify that the manuscript has not previously been published elsewhere or is not currently being considered for publication elsewhere, in any language. Applicable copyright laws and conventions must be followed. Copyright material (e.g. tables, figures or extensive quotations) must be reproduced only with appropriate permission and acknowledgement. Any work or words of other authors, contributors, or sources must be appropriately credited and referenced.All the authors of a submitted manuscript must have direct scientific and academic contribution to the manuscript. The author(s) of the original research articles is defined as a person who is significantly involved in “conceptualization and design of the study”, “collecting the data”, “analyzing the data”, “writing the manuscript”, “reviewing the manuscript with a critical perspective” and “planning/conducting the study of the manuscript and/or revising it”. Fund raising, data collection or supervision of the research group are not sufficient roles to be accepted as an author. The author(s) must meet all these criteria described above. The order of names in the author list of an article must be a co-decision and it must be indicated in the <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/ABCAC0D48F9844D0B211AD7D55559C54" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a>. The individuals who do not meet the authorship criteria but contributed to the study must take place in the acknowledgement section. Individuals providing technical support, assisting writing, providing a general support, providing material or financial support are examples to be indicated in acknowledgement section.All authors must disclose all issues concerning financial relationship, conflict of interest, and competing interest that may potentially influence the results of the research or scientific judgment.When an author discovers a significant error or inaccuracy in his/her own published paper, it is the author’s obligation to promptly cooperate with the Editor-in-Chief to provide retractions or corrections of mistakes.

Editor evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, sexual orientation, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors. Editor provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles for publication and ensures that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential before publishing.Editor is responsible for the content and overall quality of the publication and must publish errata pages or make corrections when needed.Editor does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers. Only editor has the full authority to assign a reviewer and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal.Reviewers’ judgments must be objective. Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the Editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the Editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. Unless the authors and editor permit, the reviews of referees cannot be published or disclosed. The anonymity of the referees is important. In particular situations, the editor may share the review of one reviewer with other reviewers to clarify a particular point.

Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by editor-in-chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope.The editor hands over the papers matching the formal rules to at least two national/international referees for double-blind peer review evaluation and gives green light for publication upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.&#65279;

Peer Review

Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors. Editor-in-Chief provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles for publication and ensures that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential before publishing.Editor-in-Chief is responsible for the contents and overall quality of the publication. He/She must publish errata pages or make corrections when needed.Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers. Only he has the full authority to assign a reviewer and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal.Reviewers must have no conflict of interest with respect to the research, the authors and/or the research funders. Their judgments must be objective.Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees must be ensured. In particular situations, the editor may share the review of one reviewer with other reviewers to clarify a particular point.

Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by Editor-in-Chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope.Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors and ensures a fair double-blind peer review of the selected manuscripts.​ The selected manuscripts are sent to at least two national/international external referees for evaluation and publication decision is given by Editor-in-Chief upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims. Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal. Reviewers’ judgments must be objective. Reviewers’ comments on the following aspects are expected while conducting the review.- Does the manuscript contain new and significant information?- Does the abstract clearly and accurately describe the content of the manuscript?- Is the problem significant and concisely stated?- Are the methods described comprehensively?- Are the interpretations and consclusions justified by the results?- Is adequate references made to other Works in the field?- Is the language acceptable?Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees is important.

General Formatting Requirements<a href="http://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/FileHandler2.ashx?f=formatting_guidelines1.pdf" target="_blank">Formatting and content requirements for manuscripts to be submitted to İstanbul University Journal of Sociology </a>Font: The font used in the entire manuscript should be Times New Roman, font size 10. For tables and figures, see below.Page Layout: Page margins for bottom, top, right, and left should be pre-set as 2.5 cm (0.98 inch). Text should be justified with no hyphenation breaks in words at the end of a line. Text should be typed as a single-column document. Paragraphs and headings should not be indented, but aligned with the main text.Paragraph Format: Paragraph indents should be pre-set in the tabs section as follows:before and after: 0.6 nkline spacing: 1.5.Page Limit: Manuscripts prepared in compliance with the guidelines should not exceed 20 pages.Manuscript SectionsTitle: Article titles should be boldfaced and centered. If the study has been submitted before or extracted from a project or a thesis, an asterisk (*) should be placed at the end of the title and an explanation provided as a footnote. (Please refer to the sample).Author (s)’s Names: Author’s names should be written in bold. Authors’ full names, titles, institutional affiliations, postal addresses, and contact details such as e-mail addresses should be mentioned.Abstract: Abstracts should be between150–200 words. No citations should appear in the abstractKey Words: 5–8 words representing the manuscript should be given as keywords.Main Text: Qualitative and quantitative studies should contain the following sections: Introduction, Method, Findings, and Discussion. The Methods section must include Sampling/Study Population, Data Collection Tools,and Procedure as sub-sections if an original research method has been used.Literature reviews should elaborate on the problem, analyze the relevant literature, emphasize the gaps and inconsistencies in the literature, and discuss actions toward solving these problems.Other types of studies can allow slight variations in sections, but they should not contain too many details and sub-sections that could distract readers’ attention and compromise readability.Başlık* Title in TurkishÖz* Öz (Abstract in Turkish) should be between150–200 words. No citations should appear in the “öz”Anahtar Kelimeler* 5-8 Turkish words representing the manuscript should be given as “anahtar kelimeler”Uzun Özet* A 1000-1500 word extended abstract in Turkish that provides the main points of main textReferences: Both in-text citations and references should comply with the APA guidelines as provided in the Publication Manual of American Psychological Association(APA) (6th edition).<ul><li>“Başlık”, “Öz”, “Anahtar Kelimeler” and “Uzun Özet” will be supplied by İstanbul University Journal of Sociology translation office for authors whose native language is not Turkish</li></ul>Tables, Figures, and AppendicesTables and Figures: Tables, figures, pictures, graphics, and similar aspects should be embedded in the text, and not provided as appendices.For tables and figures, use Times New Roman, font size 9.Under the Paragraph tab, ensure that the indentation is as follows:<ul><li>Before and after: 0</li><li>Spacing: Single</li></ul>Tables and figures should be left aligned, and the text wrapping feature should be turned off. Please refer to the sample below for tables.Appendices: Each appendix should be displayed on a separate page after the references section.

Author Guidelines

Before beginning the online submission process please read the Information for Authors and make sure you have the followings available:<a href="http://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/FileHandler2.ashx?f=formatting_guidelines1.pdf" target="_blank">Formatting and content requirements for manuscripts to be submitted to İstanbul University Journal of Sociology</a>Cover letter to the editor<ul type="disc"> <ul type="circle"> <li>The category of the manuscript</li> <li>Confirming that “the paper is not under consideration for publication in another journal”.</li> <li>Including disclosure of any commercial or financial involvement.</li> <li>Confirming that the statistical design of the research article is reviewed.</li> <li>Confirming that last control for fluent English was done.</li> <li>Confirming that journal policies detailed in Information for Authors have been reviewed.</li> <li>Confirming that the references cited in the text and listed in the references section are in line with APA 6.</li> </ul> </ul><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/ABCAC0D48F9844D0B211AD7D55559C54" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a>Permission of previous published material if used in the present manuscript<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/65CEC23E332146C09925642990ED5D91" target="_blank">Title page</a><ul type="disc"> <ul type="circle"> <li>The category of the manuscript</li> <li>The title of the manuscript both in the language of the article and in English</li> <li>All authors’ names and affiliations (institution, faculty/department, city, country), e-mail addresses</li> <li>Corresponding author’s email address, full postal address, telephone and fax number</li> <li>ORCIDs of all authors.</li> </ul> </ul>Main Manuscript Document<ul type="disc"> <ul type="circle"> <li>The title of the manuscript both in the language of the article and in English</li> <li>Abstracts (200-250 words) both in the language of the article and in English</li> <li>Key words: 5 words both in the language of the article and in English</li> <li>Extended Abstract (600-800 words) in English (only for articles which are not in English)</li> <li>Main article sections</li> <li>Acknowledgement (if exits)</li> <li>References</li> <li>All tables, illustrations (figures) (including title, description, footnotes)</li></ul></ul><ul type="disc"> </ul>Files to be uploaded separately<ul type="disc"> <li><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/3987D117ECEB471BB87B0B638CAF14C1" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a></li> <li>Permissions obtained for previously published material if used in the present manuscript</li> <li><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/65CEC23E332146C09925642990ED5D91" target="_blank">Title page</a></li> <li>Main Manuscript Document</li> </ul><ul type="disc"> <ul type="circle"> <li>The title of the manuscript both in the language of the article and in English</li> <li>Abstracts (200-250 words) both in the language of the article and in English</li> <li>Key words: 5 words both in Turkish and in English</li> <li>Extended Abstract (600-800 words) in English (only for articles which are not in English)</li> <li>Main article sections</li> <li>Acknowledgement (if exists)</li> <li>References</li> <li>All tables, illustrations (figures) (including title, description, footnotes)</li></ul></ul><ul type="disc"> </ul>

İstanbul University Journal of Sociology complies with APA (American Psychological Association) style 6th Edition for referencing and quoting. For more information:-    American Psychological Association. (2010). Publication manual of the American PsychologicalAssociation (6th ed.). Washington, DC: APA.-    <a href="http://www.apastyle.org" target="_blank">http://www.apastyle.org</a>Accuracy of citation is the author’s responsibility. All references should be cited in text. Reference list must be in alphabetical order. Type references in the style shown below.Citations in the TextCitations must be indicated with the author surname and publication year within the parenthesis.If more than one citation is made within the same paranthesis, separate them with (;).Samples:More than one citation;(Esin et al., 2002; Karasar, 1995)Citation with one author;(Akyolcu, 2007)Citation with two authors;(Sayıner &amp; Demirci, 2007)Citation with three, four, five authors;First citation in the text: (Ailen, Ciambrune, &amp; Welch, 2000) Subsequent citations in the text: (Ailen et al., 2000)Citations with more than six authors;(Çavdar et al., 2003)Citations in the ReferenceAll the citations done in the text should be listed in the References section in alphabetical order of author surname without numbering. Below given examples should be considered in citing the references.Basic Reference TypesBooka) Turkish BookKarasar, N. (1995). Araştırmalarda rapor hazırlama (8th ed.) [Preparing research reports]. Ankara, Turkey: 3A Eğitim Danışmanlık Ltd.b) Book Translated into TurkishMucchielli, A. (1991). Zihniyetler [Mindsets] (A. Kotil, Trans.). İstanbul, Turkey: İletişim Yayınları.c) Edited BookÖren, T., Üney, T., &amp; Çölkesen, R. (Eds.). (2006). Türkiye bilişim ansiklopedisi [Turkish Encyclopedia of Informatics]. İstanbul, Turkey: Papatya Yayıncılık.d) Turkish Book with Multiple AuthorsTonta, Y., Bitirim, Y., &amp; Sever, H. (2002). Türkçe arama motorlarında performans değerlendirme [Performance evaluation in Turkish search engines]. Ankara, Turkey: Total Bilişim.e) Book in EnglishKamien R., &amp; Kamien A. (2014). Music: An appreciation. New York, NY: McGraw-Hill Education.f) Chapter in an Edited BookBassett, C. (2006). Cultural studies and new media. In G. Hall &amp; C. Birchall (Eds.), New cultural studies: Adventures in theory (pp. 220–237). Edinburgh, UK: Edinburgh University Press.g) Chapter in an Edited Book in TurkishErkmen, T. (2012). Örgüt kültürü: Fonksiyonları, öğeleri, işletme yönetimi ve liderlikteki önemi [Organization culture: Its functions, elements and importance in leadership and business management]. In M. Zencirkıran (Ed.), Örgüt sosyolojisi [Organization sociology] (pp. 233–263). Bursa, Turkey: Dora Basım Yayın.h) Book with the same organization as author and publisherAmerican Psychological Association. (2009). Publication manual of the American psychological association (6th ed.). Washington, DC: Author.Articlea) Turkish ArticleMutlu, B., &amp; Savaşer, S. (2007). Çocuğu ameliyat sonrası yoğun bakımda olan ebeveynlerde stres nedenleri ve azaltma girişimleri [Source and intervention reduction of stress for parents whose children are in intensive care unit after surgery]. Istanbul University Florence Nightingale Journal of Nursing, 15(60), 179–182.b) English Articlede Cillia, R., Reisigl, M., &amp; Wodak, R. (1999). 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