Alexander

Prof.

Tradition, Morality and Solidarity in Durkheim’s Theory

Eric

Assist. Prof.

Durkheim and the Nation

Graciela Alejandra

Under the Empire of Spontaneous Solidarity: State and Political Action in the Theoretical Durkheimian Project (1892-1893)

Ronjon Paul

You Only Get What You Give? A New Radical Durkheimian Political Economy of Sacrifice

Bjørn

From Holism to Participation: Three Phases in Durkheim’s Work

Çağrı

Assoc. Prof.

Since the 1950s, environmental sociology is hardly accepted despite existing social-environmental issues. These problems have been generated by the rapid industrialization and urbanization causing pollution in the post-war era. Environmental sociology was established in the 1970s when environmental problems gained public attention and the environmental movement emerged. The theories of sociologists Durkheim, Weber, who introduced the rationalization concept, and Marx, who introduced the theory of metabolic rift, were welcomed in environmental sociology. However, Durkheim was criticized that his methodological dictum was excluding society-environment interaction. There are two explanations for the association between Durkheim and societyenvironment interaction. On the one hand, the industrialism of his era caused the exclusion of environment from sociology. On the other hand, Durkheim’s works have significant references to environment that indicate a potential for environmental sociology. This paper aims to examine Durkheim’s sociological approach in terms of society-environment interaction. First, the foundation of environmental sociology is summarized. Then, both examples showing the exclusion of environment and societyenvironment interactions in Durkheim’s studies are shown. The paper concludes with the assessment of Durkheim’s contribution to current environmental sociology challenging ecological crisis that threatens society. Although the first years of sociology were marked by geographical and biological determinism, sociologists favoring a “world view” of development, progress, and modernism in later years ignored environment as an issue (Hannigan, 2006). After a century, when environmental problems had surfaced and threatened industrialized Western societies, environmental concerns and movement were accepted in society and from the cultural perspective. Two pioneers of environmental sociology, Dunlap and Catton (1978) criticized human exceptionalism paradigm of causing the exploitation of nature and Durkheim’s methodological dictum (Madappalli, 2016). The paradigm assumes nature as an endless resource and that the human progress is limitless, while human existence is unique as a result of its developed culture (Catton &amp; Dunlap, 1978) that “covers the dependence of human societies to biophysical environment” (Rice, 2013, p. 238). However, environmental problems and restrictions in the 1960s shook this paradigm and Durkheim’s methodological dictum that reportedly ignored society-environment interaction. Hence, environmental parameters were included in sociological researches. In fact, the New Ecological Paradigm (NEP) scale, developed by environmental sociologists, introduced “environmental facts” against the social facts of Durkheim. The paradigm aims to consider the effects of&nbsp;environmental problems like resource scarcity on main sociological research issues like stratification (Catton &amp; Dunlap, 1978). Hence, environmental sociologists, by using the New Ecological Paradigm, challenge Durkheim’s methodological dictum by accepting the effect of environment on society (Dunlap &amp; Catton, 1979). Durkheim was criticized for excluding the impact of the environment on sociology with his methodological dictum. Sociology, a social discipline excluding environment (Foster, 1999, p. 367), was positioned out of “psychology, biology, economics, and geography” by Marx, Weber, and Durkheim, the three fathers of sociology (Buttel, Dickens, Dunlap, &amp; Gijswijt, 2002, p. 5). However, Marx and Weber were applauded for their concepts, the metabolic rift and rationality, in environmental sociology, unlike Durkheim who was criticized for his methodological dictum that was believed to be against the use of biophysical parameters in sociology (Lidskog, Mol, &amp; Oosterveer, 2015). Durkheim defined social facts only with other social facts, ignoring the biophysical environment (Dunlap, 2016), and implied examination of social systems without using environmental parameters (Norgaard, 1997, p. 159). Durkheim developed a social reductionism to resist biological reductionism (Benton, 1991, as cited in Konak, 2010). Hence, traditional sociology following Durkheim’s approach excluded biophysical environment (Hoyen, 2013). To objectify society within a scientific discipline (Durkheim, 2016, pp. 58, 59, 168), Durkheim defended the use of social facts and collective consciousness against biology and psychology (Hannigan, 2006, p. 5), that social facts can only be explained by social facts (Buttel, 2002) that have power over individuals and are different from non-human and organic facts (Durkheim, 2016). As a result, the methodological dictum made Durkheim and sociologists ignore biological and physical parameters (Dunlap, 1997; Dunlap &amp; Catton, 2007). The exclusion of physical reality by Weberian and Durkheimian authors (Ritzer 1975; Choldin 1978, as cited in Dunlap &amp; Catton, 2007) should be seen as a constructive approach in the early years of sociology (Buttel, 2002). The exclusion of environment was dominant and environmental parameters were ignored in other subdisciplines like rural sociology until the 1970s; these subdisciplines are the foundation of environmental sociology (Dunlap &amp; Martin 1983, as cited in Dunlap, 2002). Durkheim implied the static position of nature throughout history while society changes and evolves (Durkheim, 2010; Gross, 2000; Jarvikoski, 1996). Durkheim separated the concept of evolution, originated from ecology and biology, from nature and integrated it into the social sphere (Durkheim, 2014). Furthermore, he put a sharp distinction between human society and animals, as they lack of morality and collective consciousness (Durkheim, 2010) and they are static unlike human societies (Durkheim, 2014). Although sociological theorists Durkheim, Weber, and Marx did not directly examine society-environment interaction; their studies indirectly included this issue (Hannigan, 2006, p. 5). Hence, Durkheim should be comprehended through the extensive framework of human-nature systems instead of narrow anthropocentricism (Rosa &amp; Richter, 2008). In fact, Durkheim did not deny the importance of biological and physical parameters in sociology (Jarvikoski, 1996). Moreover, Durkheim followed the example of natural science during the exploration of social reality (Durkheim, 2016). Despite a strong and common prejudice in traditional sociology, Durkheim’s studies involve many references to the environment. However, the methodological dictum of Durkheimian scholars reinstructed sociology (Catton, 2002), resulting in Dunlap and Catton, two founders of environmental sociology, strongly criticizing the Durkheimian theory. Contrarily, the limited prevalence of social facts and the emphasis on the environmental parameters in Durkheim’s studies are important objections to their critique (Rosa &amp; Richter, 2008). Çelebi (2007, p. 159) highlighted the importance of the balance between population and land as social facts that affect society. Durkheim considered the effects of the position of sun and the condition of the atmosphere to people, and his social morphology notion had other environmental insights like the use of land (Gross, 2000). He also implied the coevolution of nature and society in his work of Pragmatism and Sociology (Foster, 1999). According to him, nature is not the reverse of society, but a part, the highest representation, and complex form of nature (Durkheim 2010; Jarvikoski, 1996). Moreover, Durkheim (2016) implied similarities between “physical environment” and society and defined society as part of nature. Durkheim often referred to nature in his classical study of totemism. Tribe members lean toward plants, animals, and rocks in understanding their society. They imitate animals in their religious rituals. Safety and domination of nature make up their religion (Durkheim, 2010). Durkheim often used biological terms like species, population density, and resource scarcity in his explanation of social evolution and solidarity concepts (Buttel, 2002). He implied that division of labor exists in all living organisms, and transfers society from nature (Durkheim, 2014). On the other hand, his notion of competition and division of labor undermined environmental concerns like pollution and resource scarcity in urbanization (Lenski, 1984, as cited in Buttel &amp; Humprey, 2002). This paper aims to examine Durkheim’s sociological approach in terms of societyenvironment interaction. The construction process of sociology as a distinct discipline excluded environmental parameters. However, urbanization and industrialization in the 1950s have caused environmental concerns and movements in Western societies.&nbsp;The foundation of environmental sociology was challenged in the 1970s by the methodological dictum of Durkheim. Although some of his studies strongly separate society from environment like social facts, he often referred to environmental concepts like population, balance, organism, and resource scarcity. Durkheim also implied metabolic interaction between society and environment, and that society is a complex part of nature.

Durkheim’da Toplum-Çevre Etkileşimi: Dışlayıcı Toplumsal Olgulara Karşı Çevreci Potansiyel

Abdülkerim

This essay examines Durkheim’s conception of society as a subject (agent) and social fact as a thing. What makes this idea worth investigating is that almost all of the founding fathers of sociology, including Ibn Khaldun, Marx, Weber, and Tönnies, talk about society as if it has attributes of a true or real subject capable of agency that are comparable to attributes of an individual human being, but they never provide a precise definition of society through which its agency can easily be identified as a concrete phenomenon rather than a metaphoric expression. Instead, their concept of society and the nature of its agency must be construed from the content of their writings. This may be considered an insignificant issue since, in many cases, sociologists deal with a specific aspect of society conceived of as a group of people living within the boundaries of a given territory under the authority of a single political entity, as is the case in Durkheim’s definition of horde as the simplest form of society. This lack of a precise definition is odd because Durkheim himself makes a strong methodological claim for the need to begin sociological investigation with clear and precise definitions of the objects under scrutiny by concentrating on their external traits and then proceeding to their inner essential natures. One such construction of Durkheim’s conception of society has been provided by Poggi (2000), who argues that, for Durkheim, society begins where instinct ends, which means that it is cultural in nature and thus not a material thing to be observed existing in nature; therefore, it is, in essence, something that is both external to individuals’ consciousness and finding its place of residence in the very thing to which it is external. It is this conception of a dual form of existence that, according to Poggi (2000, pp. 85-87, 96), leads Durkheim in his later works to an increasing awareness of the contingent nature of society stemming from the fact that it depends upon the individuals’ willingness to act according to the rules or norms of that same society. According to Poggi (2000, p. 96), society in Durkheim’s thought is the totality of collective representation guiding interactions between individuals by creating feelings of moral obligations. This paper argues that although this conception of society exists in Durkheim’s thought, there is still room for an alternative interpretation of his concept of society not as contingent in its nature and not involving representations exercising authority over individuals; this alternative interpretation suggests that, for Durkheim, society is a moral being that is able to manifest itself and exercise its authority through these representations. This argument presents a different conception of society available in Durkheim’s thought, which is that it exists and that its agency manifests itself in the act of turning this contingency into real action at the level of individuals. Durkheim’s conception of society as a real agent-subject and collective representations in the forms of rules and norms for conduct, currents of thought and action, and forms of organization is not given at once but seems to develop gradually in his major works. In its essence, society is the name of and the answer given by human&nbsp;beings for their survival in nature. This concept finds its first expression in the Division of Labour (Durkheim, 1893; Lukes, 1973), where the forms of division of labor are examined by Durkheim as the manifestation and representations that give this survival its more concrete forms. The forms are not the society itself, but the external traits of its struggle for survival, and they provide the door to penetrate into society itself. In the Rules of Sociological Method (Durkheim, 2004), society is conceived of as an emergent moral being or a “moral density”, transcending individuals and represented by forms of collective action for common or collective survival and also guiding and directing its members’ efforts to this common goal. In Suicide (Durkheim, 2002), its agency is perceived through currents and norms of over- and under-performance in providing its members with guidance for a life balanced between responding to the demands of collective existence and the demands and requirements of becoming of an individual. These pressures are produced by and inserted into the minds and hearts of individuals by the society itself. The agency of society is also perceived through its over- and under-performance in providing its members with strong and weak attachments to the collective body. These states of performances and strengths of attachment, in turn, are considered as the causes of suicide and represented in material life by qualitatively different forms and rates of suicide. It is in the Elementary Forms of Religious Life that perhaps not a final but a last perception of society as an agent is presented by Durkheim (2005, p. 27) in his definition of religious phenomena and ceremonies as collective representations arising from actions of individuals in a group (in an over-exited state) that has come together to create and recreate itself and thus leads to the annihilation of all forms and states of individuality that its members might have had and maintained in their ordinary and mundane lives, with their efforts heightened in the hot spirit arising from feelings of group unity and solidarity. The question of how to imagine and conceptualize society as a true subject capable of agency is not unique to Durkheim. On the contrary, there are many similarities between his approach to this issue and Marx’s struggle to provide a precise definition of social class as an agent, and between his approach and Tönnies’ conception of Public opinion. A short comparison of these ideas sheds some light on Durkheim’s stance. For Marx (1983, pp. 173–182, 189–195, 212–217), social classes do not exist simply by being in a definite and objective position in the social relations of production, and this is expressed by the metaphor of peasants being like potatoes in a sack: although they look like a class with regard to their objective conditions of existence, they lack the quality of being a social class until they create for themselves a common consciousness, organization, and perform collective actions for the sake of their collective interests. Class formation and agency for now, and to change the course of history, can and should only be created with some intellectual input from outside—but only in the very conditions of existence that exist mostly in work places with the coming together of people who are objectively in the same class&nbsp;position. Similarly, for Tönnies, according to Heberle (1948, pp. 155–157), “Public opinion” (which differs from public opinion with lower case p) does not simply mean a gathering of many diverse forms and currents of opinions about matters relating to public affairs. It must be created by intellectuals and should unify the energies, thoughts, and actions of all members of society as if it were the will of a single individual, and it has to be put in the service of or against the implementation of a particular policy relating to public affairs. There is, however, one essential difference that separates Durkheim’s conception of society from Marx’s conception of social class and Tönnies’ conception of public opinion. The latter two forms of existence and agency have a temporal character: they have to be created and abandoned or annihilated when the objective is achieved. When created, they look like the moments in which a society feels itself and reinvigorates its collective consciousness. But Durkheim would consider these moments as secondary or lesser forms of existence and agency that do not necessarily attest to the existence of a full society in its single moral unity. On the contrary, these moments may arise simply because of group life somehow lacking the quality of being a society and looking more like a network of relations and exchange of atomic units, each trying to achieve its own objectives. This is because, in Durkheim’s conception, society as a true and real subject exists insofar as it directs the efforts of all its members toward securing its own collective survival as a single moral being, in the socialization of its members who are committed to this objective, and the application of corrective sanctions against actions that threaten its survival. All efforts and actions other than these are but manifestations of a subject that is lesser than a society.

Durkheim’ın Toplumu Bir Özne, Toplumsalı Bir Nesne Olarak Kavramsallaştırma Çabası

Charles

Durkheim’s Ghost: The Century after His Death: France, Germany, Turkey

Ümmügülsüm

People have questioned the qualities of a good life since ancient times. Researchers of subjective well-being are interested in how humans feel about and judge the quality of their lives, notwithstanding others’ opinions. Numerous causes are found, including health, marital status, job status, and income, for the variations of subjective wellbeing at the individual level. Furthermore, the populations of different countries have revealed marked differences in subjective well-being. A country’s prevalent economic situation is the first plausible reason. Individuals in affluent societies are expected to be happier than people in economically poor countries. However, subjective wellbeing differences also are present among rich Western societies. Researchers have claimed that social democratic welfare states are able to produce more happiness for their citizens (Radcliff, 2001; Rothstein, 2010). Furthermore, differences in subjective well-being among various social groups such as the lowest and highest income groups are lower in these countries. This study will compare the subjective well-being levels of the welfare regimes in Europe and Turkey using 2012 data from the European Quality of Life Survey.Subjective Well-Being Subjective well-being is a field that studies the perceived quality of life. In other words, it is the psychology of quality of life, it refers to individuals’ evaluations of their lives, and encompasses both cognitive judgments of satisfaction and affective appraisals of mood and emotion (Diener et al., 1999). The field of subjective well-being has three characteristics. First, it is subjective and about individual experiences. Secondly, it requires both the absence of negative factors and presence of positive factors such as happiness. Last but not least, emphasis is usually placed on the global assessment of all aspects of an individual’s life, not on specific domains like income satisfaction (Diener, 1984). Two main approaches exist for measuring subjective well-being. While the hedonic approach defines well-being in terms of pleasure attainment and pain avoidance with a focus on happiness, the eudaimonic approach targets meaning and self-realization, defining well-being with respect to the degree to which an individual fully functions (Ryan &amp; Deci, 2001). Adopting a broader perspective in the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) Guidelines on Measuring Subjective Wellbeing (2013), subjective well-being is maintained to encompass three elements: life evaluation, affect, and eudaimonia. Life evaluation is deliberate appraisal of a person’s life, usually measured by life satisfaction. Affect is about both positive (happiness and joy) and negative (anger and fear) feelings and emotions while eudaimonia is related to meaningfulness and purpose in life (OECD, 2013).Numerous causes exist for the variations in subjective well-being at the individual level. Empirical research has indicated that being married, having children, feeling free and healthy, and participating in religious activities increase individuals’ subjective well-being. Mental and physical health problems, personal sorrows, longterm unemployment, and bereavements make people unhappy. Aside from individual factors, many macro factors are found to affect the level of subjective well-being. Economists are interested in the relationships among macroeconomic indicators such as gross national product inflation, unemployment, inequality, and happiness. Various studies have demonstrated people living in rich countries to be happier than those living in poor countries (Frey &amp; Stutzer, 2010). Culture may be a good reason as to why people in the culturally similar countries of Latin America have high subjective well-being, whereas the subjective well-being of those in post-socialist countries is lower than their earnings would forecast. Welfare regimes differ in how they create and distribute well-being. Tremendous literature exists on the classification of welfare regimes. In his seminal book The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism (1990), Esping-Andersen classified 18 OECD countries up to the 1980s according to their social stratifications and levels of decommodification. Decommodification is “the degree to which individuals, or families, can uphold a socially acceptable standard of living independently of market participation” (Esping-Andersen, 1990, p. 37). Three distinct welfare regimes are found in his classification: the Liberal (Anglo-Saxon or English Speaking), the Conservative (Continental European or Corporatist), and the Social Democratic (Scandinavian) regimes. In liberal welfare regimes, market plays a crucial role while social expenditures are very limited compared to other welfare regimes. Rights and benefits are distributed through means-testing, and welfare recipients are generally stigmatized. In conservative welfare regimes, rights and benefits are distributed according to occupational status, and benefits increase as contributions increase. Conservative welfare regimes maintain and reinforce the existing social classes. The social democratic welfare regime is also defined as the universalistic welfare regime and has a broad range of social services and benefits covering the entire population. Benefits are delivered on the basis of uniform rules of eligibility (Rothstein, 2010). Later, Southern European welfare states and post-socialist welfare states were added to this classification (Aidukaite, 2009; Özdemir, 2007). Although numerous studies exist on welfare regimes, most scholars are interested in the indicators of objective quality of life. Only a handful of studies are found to focus on how people genuinely assess their lives through indicators of subjective well-being. Radcliff (2001) found a strong positive relationship between welfare state&nbsp;and life satisfaction. He claimed life satisfaction increase to the extent that states decrease market reliance and adopt social democratic welfare regimes. On the other hand, contrary to his expectations Veenhoven (2000) found no connection between welfare state and happiness.&nbsp;Data and Method This paper uses the European Foundation’s (Eurofound) European Quality of Life Survey (EQLS; 2012) and its data. The questionnaire contains many questions about both the objective and subjective aspects of quality of life. The EQLS records many aspects of the quality of life in Europe and involves social, financial, and environmental determinants, alongside European societies’ well-being and life quality. This survey is the third wave of quality-of-life surveys started in 2003. Eurofound has created a consolidated methodological approach and quality-assurance system through these cross-national studies, not only for the European Union but also for other nations in the region. This survey covers over 40,000 people from 28 EU member countries and six candidate countries (Iceland, Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia, and Turkey), a total of 34 countries.Results Welch-ANOVA tests have been conducted to check whether statistically significant variations of subjective well-being exist among the means of different welfare regimes. Analysis has shown significant mean differences to exist among the welfare regimes for both life satisfaction (F = 249.526, p &lt; .000) and happiness (F = 154.422, p &lt; .000). The Games-Howell post-hoc tests have been conducted to confirm where the differences occur among the groups. Life satisfaction has no statistically significant differences between the liberal (M = 7.30) and the corporatist (M = 7.25) regimes, which respectively rank second and third after the social democratic regime (M = 7.94). No statistically significant difference exists between the post socialist regime (M = 6.62) and Turkey (M = 6.61), both of which come after Southern European welfare regimes (M = 7.02). Social democratic welfare regimes also have the best scores (M = 7.89) for happiness. The Games-Howell post-hoc tests show the differences among all groups to be statistically significant. The mean values are as follows: MLiberal = 7.89, MConservative = 7.43, MSouthern European = 7.28, MPost-Socialist = 7.05, and MTurkey = 6.87.Furthermore, the distribution of happiness is mostly even in these countries. The difference in life satisfaction between the first and fourth income quartiles (i.e., the&nbsp;difference between the 25% with the highest income and the 25% with the lowest income) is lowest in social democratic welfare regimes (0.71). This difference is highest in post-socialist countries (1.48) and liberal countries (1.37).Conclusion This study has analyzed the variations in subjective well-being across welfare regimes, with particular focus on life satisfaction and happiness, using the individual data obtained from the third wave of the EQLS. The results provide evidence that the citizens of social democratic welfare regimes have reported the highest happiness and life satisfaction scores. These regimes also compensate best for income differences in subjective well-being compared to other welfare-state regimes. In light of the aforementioned variations across welfare regimes, social policies can be concluded to affect subjective well-being.

Avrupa Refah Rejimleri ve Türkiye’de Öznel İyi Oluş

İsmail

Prof. Dr.

MAKALE ÇAĞRISI-ÖZEL SAYI

Sosyoloji Dergisi 2025 Haziran Sayısı Yazı Çağrısı

Esmée

João

The Role of Polycentric Governance, Public-Private-Civil Partnerships, and Citizen Science as Developed by the C2IMPRESS Project in Building Disaster Resilient Societies

Maria

Athanasios

Josué

Joan

Uzman

Alexandre

Manuel

Evangelia

Evrydiki

Community Resilience Assessment: Implementation of a Novel Resilience Framework in Four Different European Case Study Areas

Ayça

Exploring the Potential Use of Social Media Platforms and Decision Support Tools in Disaster Management: A Case Study in Istanbul, Türkiye

Mehmet

Kübra

Assoc. Prof. Dr.

Adem

Aim: This study aims to assess the effects of social trust, subjective norms, selfefficacy, outcome expectations, and earthquake risk perception on individual earthquake preparedness behaviors among Istanbul residents using social cognitive theory (SCT).Background: Social Cognitive Theory (SCT), developed by Bandura, emphasizes the significant role of the social environment in shaping behavior and cognition. It suggests that people learn by observing others and the consequences of their actions, thus integrating personal, behavioral, and social/environmental factors. The key components of SCT include self-efficacy, outcome expectations, risk perception, and social trust and subjective norms. These elements influence how individuals perceive and react to their environments, shaping their behaviors and decision-making processes. SCT has wide applications, particularly in health communication, career development, and disaster preparedness, where it helps explain and improve behaviors through observation, reinforcement, and modeling. The theory underscores individuals’ proactive role in adapting to their circumstances, and its constructs are crucial for promoting preparedness behaviors in various contexts, including natural disasters and health emergencies.Research Model and Hypotheses: The research model of this study in the context of SCT suggests that social-cognitive factors are interconnected and influence earthquake risk perception and preparedness behavior. The key components of the research model are as follows:1. Personal-Cognitive Factors: Self-Efficacy: Belief in one’s ability to perform a behavior. Higher self-efficacy enhances intentions and actions in disaster preparedness. Social trust and subjective norms positively influence selfefficacy (H1, H2). Outcome Expectations: Beliefs about the consequences of actions. Positive expectations increase preparedness intentions and behaviors, while negative ones decrease them. Social trust and subjective norms enhance positive outcome expectations (H3, H4). 2. Earthquake Risk Perception (EPR): The possible effects and the probability of their occurrence define the perception of earthquake risk. Subjective norms also shape risk perception, as people follow social cues about disaster preparedness (H6). Self-efficacy and positive outcome expectations further increase risk perception, encouraging realistic evaluation and proactive behaviors (H7, H8). 3. Preparedness Behavior (PB): PB involves material, behavioral, and informational actions to ensure effective disaster response. Social trust fosters coordination and cooperation, thus enhancing preparedness (H9). Subjective norms, through social influence and pressure, also promote preparedness behaviors (H10).&nbsp;Self-efficacy is crucial because individuals with higher self-efficacy are more likely to engage in preparedness activities (H11). Positive outcome expectations motivate preventive measures and preparedness (H12). High risk perception although sometimes causing fear, generally leads to increased preparedness actions to mitigate negative emotions (H13).In summary, SCT integrates self-efficacy, outcome expectations, social trust, and subjective norms to explain how these factors collectively influence earthquake risk perception and preparedness behavior. Increasing self-efficacy and positive outcome expectations, supported by social trust and norms, are vital for improving earthquake preparedness.Methodology: This research employs a quantitative, correlational, and predictive design with data collected via an online survey. The target population includes residents over 18 years old in Istanbul, representing 75% of the 15.908 million population. Convenience sampling was used, aiming for a minimum sample of 384, with 411 participants (206 females, 205 males) eventually completing the survey. Data were gathered from December 21, 2023, to March 11, 2024, through Google Forms, with participant recruitment enhanced via social media. The questionnaire collected consent information and measured social trust, subjective norms, self-efficacy, outcome expectations, earthquake risk perceptions, and preparedness behaviors using Likert scales and binary responses. Six scales were used, adapted into Turkish, and validated by Topal et al. (2024): (1). Social Trust (3 items, α = 80.9%), (2). Subjective Norms (3 items, α = 84.3%), (3). Self-Efficacy (6 items, α = 89.1%), (4). Outcome Expectations** (6 items, α = 87.9%), (5). Earthquake Risk Perception (13 items, α = 92.5%) and (6). Preparedness Behavior (16 items, α = 90.9%). The analysis followed a four-stage process using the JAMOVI software. 1. Descriptive Analysis: Frequency, percentage; mean, mode; median, standard deviation; skewness; and kurtosis. 2. Validity and Reliability: Confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) was conducted to test construct, convergent, and discriminant validity. Reliability was assessed using Cronbach’s Alpha, Composite Reliability (CR), and McDonald’s Omega (ω). 3. Group Comparisons: Independent sample t-tests and one-way ANOVAs were performed to compare group means using Levene’s test for variance homogeneity. 4. Hypothesis Testing: Structural Equation Modeling (SEM-Path) was used to test the hypotheses and evaluate the model fit and significance of the regression coefficients.Results and Discussion: The study’s hypothesis testing results strongly support the claims of Social-Cognitive Theory (SCT), indicating that social factors (such as social trust and subjective norms) and cognitive factors (including outcome expectations and self-efficacy) are primary determinants of earthquake risk perception. However, earthquake preparedness behavior is more closely tied to cognitive factors, particularly&nbsp;self-efficacy and risk perception, with subjective norms being the sole social factor influencing preparedness behavior. Policymakers and practitioners should emphasize disaster education, awareness, and participation to enhance individual preparedness and mitigate disaster risk.

İstanbul’da Yerleşiklerin Bireysel Deprem Hazırlığı: Sosyal ve Bilişsel Belirleyiciler

İbrahim

Education in Complex Emergencies: Effects of the February 6 Earthquake on Syrian Students in Türkiye

Ömer

Berrin

Earthquake Experience: Emotional, Social, and Cognitive Dimensions

Emrah

İsmet

Elçin

Our study aimed to examine the relationship between individual disaster resilience, fear of earthquakes, and psychological resilience of health technician candidates who will serve in disasters and the factors related to them. For this purpose, the research was carried out with university students studying at the vocational school of health services of a university in Turkey. Because the study aimed to reach all students, the sample selection method was not used. A Google Forms questionnaire was used to collect data. The data collection form consists of four parts: a personal information form, an individual disaster assessment scale form, an earthquake fear scale form, and a psychological resilience scale form. Participants were reached through social media groups and e-mail. Data were collected between February and March 2024. Prior to the research, the participants were informed about the research content, research questions, and considerations during data collection. The duration of answering the questionnaire was approximately 20 minutes, and data were collected after obtaining ethics committee approval and institutional permission. Statistical analysis of the study data was performed using the SPSS 25.0 package. The skewness coefficient was used to test the suitability of the research data for normal distribution. The sociodemographic characteristics of the participants were calculated as numbers and percentages, and the characteristics of the scales were calculated as mean, standard deviation, minimum, and maximum values. We analyzed the relationship between all scales and subscales used and the age variable using the Pearson Correlation test. In addition, multiple regression analysis (Enter model) was conducted to examine the effect of psychological resilience and individual disaster resilience assessment and its subdimensions on the fear of earthquakes. The independent group t-test was used to analyse the difference between the participants’ age, gender, and class in education variables and the scales used. A one-way ANOVA test was used to analyse the difference between the types of disaster experienced by the participants and the scales used. The LCD test, a post hoc test, was used to investigate which variable was significant in the significant results according to the one-way ANOVA test. A p value less than 0.05 was considered significant.After the analyses, it was determined that the mean earthquake fear level, individual disaster resilience, and psychological resilience scale scores of the participants were close to the middle level. However, a low significant positive relationship was determined between the psychological resilience of the participants and their individual disaster resistance. It can be seen that as individuals’ psychological resilience increases, individual disaster resistance also increases. In addition, it was determined that there was a significant negative relationship between the psychological resilience of the participants and the fear of earthquakes. It was determined that the fear of earthquake decreased as individual disaster resilience and psychological resilience of participants increased. As the last finding of our research, it was determined that the factors affecting&nbsp;the fear of earthquake, individual disaster resilience, and psychological resilience of the participants were gender, type of disaster, and grade level; female participants had higher individual disaster resilience and more fear of earthquake; participants who experienced earthquakes had higher individual disaster resilience; and senior students had higher individual disaster resilience and psychological resilience.Based on the results of the research, to increase the individual disaster resistance of health technician candidates, to decrease their fear of earthquakes, and to increase their psychological resilience, it is recommended to increase courses related to disasters in the Education/Training curriculum, to increase drills jointly with public institutions and organisations related to disasters, and to benefit from social support programmes.

Sağlık Teknikeri Adaylarının Bireysel Afet Direnci, Deprem Korkusu ve Psikolojik Sağlamlık Durumları Arasındaki İlişki Üzerine Bir Araştırma

Betül

Murat

Changes in Attachment to Place: Urban Transformation and Older People in İstanbul

Mahmut

Matjaz

Hayri

Participatory Management Can Help AI Ethics Adhere to the Social Consensus

Şeyda

Res. Assist. Dr.

Hau'yu Sosyolojikleştirmek: Mauss'çu Kavramların Bourdieu'nün Pratik Teorisine Tercümesi

Celalettin

Saniye

The strong mutual relationship between the family institution and social structure is important. However, social structure is what dominates this reciprocal relationship, because demographic or functional changes in the social structure very quickly and easily affect the family institution structurally and functionally. In this respect, the periods in which extensive or radical changes have taken place in the social structure also gain meaning as the periods in which comprehensive and radical changes had taken place in the family institution. Many factors can be mentioned that lead to comprehensive and radical changes in the social structure. The most important factors among these that cause changes in the social structure are wars, natural disasters, mass migrations, epidemics, political revolutions, radical and massive religious or cultural changes, and sudden and comprehensive economic disasters or developments. Changes and new formations in the social structure under the influence of these or similar factors directly lead to a new cycle of changes and transformations in the family institution. This feature of the social structure-family relationship can be exemplified through Türkiye’s recent history. In this respect, the 30-year period between 1910-1940 that covers the years of the Second Constitutional Era and the early Republican Era is very important. The Balkan War disaster, the Gallipoli Campaign, the disaster in the Battle of Sarikamish, and similar wars in the East, as well as mass murders, epidemics, mass migrations, the country’s shrinkage by 800%-1000% within a short period of 10-15 years, the occupation of the entire country’s territory, and the National Struggle that was carried out with all kinds of difficulties and impossibilities are all factors that meant difficulties that far exceeded anything any society or country could imagine. Moreover, those years represent a time when radical changes took place at the political, legal, economic, and cultural levels within the scope of the Westernization project. If one considers the matter only and especially in terms of disasters, a demographic disaster is seen to have been experienced in Türkiye during this period, and a significant part of the country’s population had been lost due to wars and diseases. Thrace and Anatolia, which would become a homeland through the Republican Era, served as the shelter for those who had migrated from the Balkans and Caucasus in masses, leaving behind all their property and even some of their relatives due to wars and massacres. From this perspective, such a mass migration had rarely been seen in history. These masses experienced great mental and physical shock and pain and constituted the current demographic basis and structure in the nation-building efforts that started during the Second Constitutional Era and gained a systematic character in the Republican Era.This period covers the first quarter of the 20th century and is mostly associated with wars, massacres, diseases, and extensive and deep subsistence problems. It also constituted an extremely important threshold of the Westernization that had been going on for more than two centuries. This period corresponds to a time when radical changes in social institutions took place at the highest level within the scope of Westernization efforts that had turned into state policy through the Tanzimat [Reform Era]. The Republican cadres believed that this policy should be all-encompassing nationwide, and they knew and projected that they had much to do when they took power. However, the Republican administration took over a society that had suffered a demographic disaster. For this reason, they believed that before all their political, legal, cultural, and economic projects, they should first repair the existing demographic structure that had lost its natural balance and restore it to a healthier condition. This was a very important aspect for the future of the country, as this would be necessary for the success of the revolutions to be carried out or planned beforehand. They believed that the way to repair the demographic structure in terms of the social structure-family relationship was through the family. They also believed that if the institution of the family, which had been damaged heavily by great disasters, could be made healthy and strong, the demographic structure would return to its normal state and the revolutions would be successful and innate. For these reasons and purposes, they immediately took action. Even in the years of the National Struggle, they had intellectual discussions about the regulations regarding the family institution. They thought of methods and tools to make the family stand stronger and more functional. When they took power, they started to implement all of their plans one after another. Thus, the first 20 years of the Republic are regarded as a period of time in which the perceptions of the individual, politics, state, religion, laws, tradition, culture, bureaucratic structure, family, and society as a whole generally changed significantly, with new ideas regarding these areas beginning to dominate and new expectations arising. The endeavor to complement the political revolution with a social one was an important feature of the period. For this purpose, regulations regarding the appearance and lifestyles of individuals were implemented. New perceptions and practices regarding the status of women emerged. Gender roles were actively discussed. An approach to solidarity was spread nationwide. Marriage was encouraged. The family institution was strengthened. The family was removed from the private sphere and made into an element of the public sphere. Pronatalist and eugenic population policies were implemented. Regulations and practices regarding work life were made, and women’s paid work was encouraged.The times when radical changes are experienced are the times when opinions about the possible methods for realizing the envisaged regulations are frequently expressed, views on the mechanisms for controlling the disintegration of the social structure are voiced, projects concerning problems are developed, and actual attempts are made regarding what is desired to happen in the future. These times are also when the family institution becomes the center of attention of political power centers due to the societyfamily relationship. Therefore, issues such as new life and new family came to the fore during the Second Constitutional Era when comprehensive and profound demographic, political, economic, legal and cultural changes had been experienced in&nbsp;many respects is no coincidence. During this era, the family institution was strongly and intensely referred to as the foundation of society, the most concrete unit of social solidarity, and the source of the morals and values that are described as the mortar of national solidarity. Due to the unique conditions of the period, the family institution was both removed from being an institution shaped under the influence of religion and transformed from being an element of the private sphere to being an element of the public sphere. The Republican administration made an effort to take over this legacy and give it its own influence. While the leaders of the Republic and intellectuals were doing this, they benefited greatly from the experiences of the Constitutional Era, during which their personalities and worldviews had also been shaped. For this reason, the concept of the national family had a great impact on the family policies of the early Republican Era. The efforts to build and protect the national family, which was first voiced by Ziya Gökalp and put into practice by the Unionist government during the Constitutional Era, became the basis for the policies related to the family in the Republican Era.According to the dominant understanding of family that the civil and military bureaucrats and intellectuals who operated the state apparatus of the period had, the number of marriages and children in particular or the structural characteristics and functioning of the family institution in general were too important to be left to the personal preferences and pleasures of individuals in the early Republican Era. Therefore, the fact that individuals of marriageable age did not marry (preferred to remain single) or chose to divorce easily became an important state and nation problem. Marriage and having many children are one’s debt to the homeland, and not getting married or having few children is a betrayal to the homeland and nation, with the related disloyalty and selfishness being negative dimensions of personality. According to the common and dominant understanding of the period, this was because family meant the independence of the country, the power of the state, and the prestige and wealth of the nation. Even more importantly, a child means a soldier who will defend the country, economic production and the resultant wealth, the reputation of the nation, and family. Hence, the number of children in the family has always been considered important. Families were encouraged to have many children. But of equal importance was that these children be healthy and strong. For this purpose, eugenic practices were carried out meticulously. In addition, the health and education of the mother were considered important conditions for a healthy family structure. Within the context of all these, the state was the entity that should solve problems such as being single or getting divorced in order to build a family structure of satisfactory quality and quantity. Therefore, the state took the initiative and carried out efforts to control the process through encouragement and intimidation.

Erken Cumhuriyet Döneminde Nüfus Siyaseti ve Aile

Harun

Tarık

Volunteering is a universal phenomenon and a way in which people try to do something good for society. People all over the world participate in volunteer activities for a great variety of reasons, such as to help eliminate poverty, to improve primary health and education, to provide a safe water supply and adequate sanitation, to tackle environmental issues and climate change, to reduce the risk of disasters, and to combat social exclusion and violent conflict. Various studies in the volunteering literature have occurred in various geographies, disciplines, and research groups on how volunteers perceive volunteering. However, volunteering studies carried out in Türkiye and, more specifically, studies on the reasons for volunteering and perceptions on volunteering are limited. Internationally announced reports have also clearly stated that the phenomenon of volunteering plays a limited role in Türkiye. According to the World Values Survey (WVS) in 1999 and 2007, only 4.5% and 5.3% of the population in Türkiye were members of social and/or political non-governmental organizations (NGOs).Additionally, Türkiye’s ranking is relatively low in the announced international reports in terms of participation in volunteering. For instance, the results from the Charities Aid Foundation (CAF, 2018) World Giving Index 2018 Report show Türkiye to rank 131 out of 146 countries. While volunteering occurred at a rate of 2.5% in social organizations, this number was 4.2% for political organizations (İçduygu et al., 2011). For this reason, studies on the field of volunteerism in Türkiye should be considered to have acquired scientific data and to be one of the factors that will unlock both individual and social development and integration. This study uses the inspiration provided by these sources to guide our research with the aim of revealing the perceptions toward volunteering that the volunteers and administrators who participate in volunteer activities in the field of child welfare in Türkiye have through their experiences in the field of volunteering.MethodIn line with the research purposes, the study has selected the phenomenological research design for revealing the experiences, perceptions, and meanings individuals attribute to a phenomenon. The qualitative study uses the in-depth interview technique with semi-structured interview forms. Data were collected from 60 participants in volunteer fields who had been accessed using the purposeful sampling method. The participants involve volunteers from 10 different NGOs and administrators from 10 different NGOs, four different ministries, four different municipalities, one international organization, and three different universities that have a wide range of participants in child welfare in Türkiye.Findings and DiscussionThe results of the research are presented under three main themes: (a) perspectives on volunteering at a personal level, (b) family and social environment’s perspectives&nbsp;on volunteering, and (c) society’s perspectives on volunteering. The study also analyzes within its scope the participants’ first associations about volunteering.The perceptions on volunteering at the personal level reflect how individuals generally think about volunteering. Personal-level perceptions on volunteering have been categorized into: volunteers’ perceptions, experts’ perceptions, and decisionmakers’ perceptions.The results show volunteering to have been identified and perceived with concepts such as social welfare, active citizenship, responsibility, solidarity and helping, winwin, taking time, sincerity, gratuitousness, and contribution to change. Accordingly, the expressions that refer the perspective of volunteering and all eight subthemes that were created afterward involve positive attitudes toward volunteering. The main reason for this result can be considered as individuals who are involved in voluntary activities being able to realize and experience the benefits of volunteering. In particular, the emphasis on responsibility, solidarity, helping people, contributing to change, and being an active citizen indicate a sense of achievement at the personal level, while emphases such as contributing to social welfare, contributing to change, and win-win describe the macro-level contribution of volunteering from a personal point of view.At the family and social environment level, volunteering has been found to be identified and perceived through such concepts as appreciation, insecurity and fear, waste of time, and not considering working in the field of volunteering as a serious job. The inferences about the family and social environment’s perspectives on volunteering point to a structure that inherently has both positive and negative meanings. Individuals who bring their volunteering lifestyle to their family and social environment allow the benefit they’ve created to be discovered by their environment. Thus, an interaction can emerge that positively affects the volunteer, such as being appreciated by one’s environment, improving one’s commitment to the field of volunteering, and changing both one’s own perspective towards volunteering, as well as of those in one’s own environment. Regarding the negative points of view involving family and social environment, historically speaking, the fear and insecurity created by the political climate in the field of civil society, the loss of time, and the inability to see volunteer activities as a serious business result in one’s family and social environment being unable to fully understand the individual’s environment.In line with the point of view toward volunteering at the society level, volunteering is also found to be identified and perceived with such prejudices and concepts as: being a free workforce, having no economic return, and being an area that creates fear and distrust. In the context of society’s perspective on volunteering, the inability of society to understand and know the volunteer activities, as well as the insecurity and fears in the field of civil society from past to present, can cause the social perspective&nbsp;of volunteering to be formed at a negative level. As a result, making the right policies and promoting efforts to change negative perceptions and prejudices in both the family, social environment, and society will contribute to correcting perceptions of volunteerism and to reconstructing its image.Conclusion﻿The research concludes that individuals’ personal experiences and the perspectives of family, friends, and the society in which one lives can affect one’s perceptions on volunteering. This general result reveals the need to conduct new studies from a multidimensional perspective and a range of micro- and macro-variables in order to change individuals’ perceptions toward and increase their motivation to participate in volunteer activities. Moreover, areas such as elderly welfare, violence against women and women’s rights, disaster situations, and the protection of the natural environment are areas in which volunteer activities are frequently involved, and studies on these areas may allow a more holistic perspective to be created to alter awareness about volunteerism.

Çocuk Refahı Alanında Gönüllü Faaliyetlere Katılım Sağlayan Bireylerin Gönüllülüğe Bakışlarının İncelenmesi

Hande

Öğretim Görevlisi Dr.

Büşra

Öğretim Görevlisi

Fatma

Reyhan

Sema

Remzi

Türkiye, like many other countries, is experiencing rapid aging of its population. As individuals age, they undergo various physical, mental, and social changes. Managing these changes effectively becomes crucial to address the challenges associated with aging. One significant aspect of this challenge is the lack of quality leisure activities, particularly for aging adults. Physical activity has emerged as a critical component of leisure assessment among aging individuals, as studies indicate its correlation with health status and well-being in the aging population. Research has consistently linked low levels of physical activity in adults aged 50 years and above with an increased risk of falls, cognitive decline, mental disorders, cardiovascular diseases, and musculoskeletal disorders (Caristia et al., 2021; Gallardo-Gómez et al., 2022; Ohrnberger, Fichera, &amp; Sutton, 2017; Stephan et al., 2021; Nawrocka et al., 2019).Despite the well-documented benefits of physical activity, a significant portion of the aging population tends to lead sedentary lifestyles (Watson et al., 2016). Concepts such as active and successful aging underscore the importance of physical activity and social participation throughout the lifespan. Studies have shown that maintaining physical activity in the middle and older age significantly contributes to successful aging (Lin et al., 2020; Baker et al., 2009; Liffiton et al., 2012). Physical activity not only enhances physiological and cognitive functions but also improves subjective well-being (Kanning &amp; Schlicht, 2008). It serves as an intervention to promote active aging (Bauman et al., 2016), including lifestyle strategies that safeguard both physical and mental health (Mendoza-Ruvalcaba &amp; Arias Merino, 2015). Thus, raising awareness about the health benefits of physical activity is necessary to support active and successful aging processes. It is imperative to provide opportunities and allocate time for activities that facilitate physical activity and social engagement among aging adults.&nbsp;It is a contentious issue whether aging in rural areas offers more advantages or disadvantages in terms of opportunities for active and successful aging (Carver et al., 2018; Ulfa and Sartika, 2019). Studies have shown that the existence of disadvantages in rural infrastructure, such as limited access to health, education, transport, and social services, pose a significant risk to active and successful aging (Bull et al., 2001; Saenz et al., 2018; Weden et al., 2018). Conversely, urban areas tend to have better-developed services tailored to different age groups because of higher population densities.In Türkiye, the urban population outweighs the rural population, resulting in most services being planned with urban residents in mind. However, a substantial demographic shift from rural to urban areas has occurred due to urbanization, leaving a significant portion of the older population residing in rural areas (Çam et al., 2021). Statistics indicate that the proportion of older individuals aged 65 years and above is notably higher in rural areas (10.3%) than in urban areas (5.6%) (Öztürk, 2015). According to&nbsp;TUIK (2023), 30.1% of individuals aged 65 years and above reside in rural areas. Unfortunately, no official data are available regarding the proportion of individuals aged 50–60 residing in such areas. The older population in rural areas faces significant disadvantages in many areas such as healthcare, education, infrastructure, housing, and access to social services. These challenges not only have a negative impact on the living standards of aging adults but also pose obstacles to their pursuit of active and fulfilling aging (Evans, 2009; Ding et al., 2020). Considering these circumstances, there is a pressing need to extend healthcare, social activities, and cultural services tailored to the unique needs of aging adults in rural areas.A comprehensive review of the existing literature underscores the need to foster sustainable practices that promote active and successful aging in rural areas. Bocce emerges as a promising avenue for advancing these objectives, given its capacity to stimulate physical activity and foster social engagement. In furtherance of this notion, a bocce tournament was organized in Haymana, a rural town situated in Ankara. The research endeavor, “How does bocce activity influence the process of active and successful aging among aging adults?” seeks to answer the main question.&nbsp;MethodThis study adopted a phenomenological approach for its qualitative research design. Data collection was facilitated through interviews using a semi-structured interview format. Ten participants, comprising individuals who participated in the bocce game event organized to promote active and successful aging in the Haymana district of Ankara, volunteered to be interviewed.Consistent with ethical guidelines, interviews were recorded with the participant’s consent, subsequently analyzed, and transcribed into a computerized format. Frame themes were established by the researchers through a comprehensive literature review and the use of a semi-structured interview format. Following multiple readings of the interview transcripts, the researchers independently coded the data, categorized them under the frame themes, and further divided them into themes using thematic analysis techniques. To ensure the validity and reliability of the findings, a Cappa analysis was conducted, yielding a matching score of 100%. Thematic analysis was performed using NVivo 10.0 software for data interpretation. Subsequently, the research findings were scrutinized by a qualitative research expert to avoid potential biases and enhance credibility.ResultsThe demographic analysis revealed that a total of 10 participants, comprising four women and six men, were interviewed. The age range spanned from 51 to 59 years, with an average age of 54.2 years. All participants were married. Regarding educational&nbsp;attainment, three participants had completed primary school, one had completed secondary school, four were high school graduates, and two held university degrees. In addition, all participants were employed, with five working as laborers, three as master trainers, and two as managers. Six participants were residents of Haymana, with four having lived in the area for over twenty-five years.&nbsp;Qualitative findings were structured into four main themes: perceptions of bocce game activity, perspectives on active and successful aging, the role of bocce in supporting active and successful aging, and expectations from institutional entities. Participants reminisced about their childhood marble games when engaging in bocce and stated that it reminded them of their youthful days. The fact that bocce reminded them of the marble game they played frequently in their childhood and that they played bocce with their peers aroused positive emotions in the participants.The research findings show that individual interpretations of active and successful aging include physical activity, healthy aging, social engagement, and independence from care in advanced ages. Living in rural areas offers advantages such as access to clean air and water, organic food, gardening opportunities, and convenient access to social and cultural events, which are particularly beneficial for men. However, rural dwellers, especially women, face challenges such as limited access to certain opportunities and social activities compared with urban residents. Another significant finding is the gender disparity in active and successful aging practices, with women in rural areas experiencing more pronounced limitations than men.Nonetheless, participation in bocce games has been observed to positively impact physical, mental, and social well-being, significantly raising awareness of active and successful aging in rural areas.The participants generally expect institutions to organize sports activities with a focus on physical activity and design walking areas suitable for the aging adults. In addition, they expressed a desire for institutes to plan social activities and nature trips. An important expectation is the expansion of areas where women can socialize outside their homes.Discussion and ConclusionThe increasing rate of the older population is a phenomenon of global significance. With advancing age, individuals undergo biological, psychological, and social transformations, often leading to challenges among aging adults. Chronic illnesses, mental health issues, and social disparities are crucial points that attract the attention of gerontologists and professionals in the field of aging. Strategies promoting active and successful aging are crucial for facilitating a positive aging experience and minimizing associated challenges. Addressing the needs of aging adults in the rural&nbsp;areas of Turkey is crucial. Efforts should be directed toward providing services tailored to foster active and successful aging in these regions. By alleviating poverty and enhancing accessibility to healthcare and support services through preventive measures, significant advancements can be made. In addition, preventive measures play an important role in fostering health and promoting active and successful aging. Thus, supporting physical activity and social participation is fundamental in promoting an active and successful aging process. Consequently, this study addresses the following central question: “How does bocce game activity affect the active and successful aging process of aging adults?” In sum, it can be concluded that bocce has emerged as a significant strategy for promoting active and successful aging, as it fosters increased participation in physical activity and can be played with pleasure irrespective of age and gender.

Kırsal Alanda Yaşlanan Yetişkinlerde Bocce Oyunu Aracılığıyla Aktif ve Başarılı Yaşlanmanın Desteklenmesi: Nitel Bir Çalışma

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Makale gönderimi İstanbul Üniversitesi Yayınevi Yönetim Sistemi üzerinden yapılmaktadır. 

Dergimiz 2023 yılından itibaren özel temalı sayı düzenine geçmiştir. Bu sebeple tema dışındaki konulardan yapılacak başvurular değerlendirme süreçlerine alınmayacaktır. İlgili yılın temalarını dergi ana sayfasından "Duyurular" altındaki makale çağrısı sekmesinden takip edebilirsiniz.

İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyoloji Dergisi, 1914’te kurulan ve Türkiye’de sosyolojinin bilimsel disiplin olarak gelişmesine önemli katkılar sağlayan İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Sosyoloji Bölümü bünyesinde yayımlanmaktadır. İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyoloji Dergisi, İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi ve Sosyoloji Bölümü geleneklerinden beslenmekte ve bu kurumlarda oluşan birikimin yeni bakışla ve ürünlerle sürdürülmesini önemsemektedir.

İlk sayısı 1917 yılında basılan ve Türkçedeki ilk sosyoloji dergisi olan İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyoloji Dergisi, hâlihazırda yılda iki kez (Haziran ve Aralık) yayımlanan hakemli akademik bir dergidir. Yayın dili Türkçe, İngilizce, Fransızca, Almanca’dır. Derginin basılı versiyonu 2022 itibariyle durdurulmuştur; dergi yayın hayatına e-dergi olarak devam etmektedir. 

İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyoloji Dergisi, yaklaşık 100 yıllık yayın döneminde Türkiye’de sosyoloji disiplinini şekillendiren tartışmalara kaynaklık eden akademik standardı yüksek kuramsal ve uygulamalı araştırmalar yayınlayarak sosyoloji alanının öncü ve önemli dergilerinden birisi olmuştur.

İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyoloji Dergisi, sosyoloji alanında çalışan akademisyenlerin yanı sıra, antropoloji, istatistik, ekonomi, eğitim, tarih, siyaset bilimi gibi diğer sosyal bilim alanlarında çalışan bilim adamlarının sosyolojik perspektiften hazırlanmış katkılarına da açıktır. Dergi ayrıca değerlendirme yazıları, konferans, sempozyum ve atölye raporlarına da yer vermektedir. Dergide ayrıca belli konulara ayrılmış periyodik özel sayılar da yayınlanmaktadır.

Derginin tüm giderleri İstanbul Üniversitesi tarafından karşılanmaktadır. Dergide makale yayını ve makale süreçlerinin yürütülmesi ücrete tabi değildir. Dergiye gönderilen ya da yayın için kabul edilen makaleler için işlemleme ücreti ya da gönderim ücreti alınmaz. Açık Erişim İlkesi ve Telif Hakkında bilgi için: http://istanbul.edu.tr:8080/journal/iusd/information/politikalar                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                             

ProQuest

Emerging Sources Citation Index (ESCI)

EBSCO

ERIH PLUS

TR Dizin

DOAJ

SOBIAD

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İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyoloji Dergisi

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İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyoloji Dergisi, 1914’te kurulan ve Türkiye’de sosyolojinin bilimsel disiplin olarak gelişmesine önemli katkılar sağlayan İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Sosyoloji Bölümü bünyesinde yayımlanmaktadır.İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyoloji Dergisi, İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi ve Sosyoloji Bölümü geleneklerinden beslenmekte ve bu kurumlarda oluşan birikimin yeni bakışla ve ürünlerle sürdürülmesini önemsemektedir. İlk sayısı 1917 yılında basılan ve Türkçedeki ilk sosyoloji dergisi olan İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyoloji Dergisi, hâlihazırda yılda iki kez (Haziran ve Aralık) yayımlanan hakemli akademik bir dergidir.İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyoloji Dergisi, yaklaşık 100 yıllık yayın döneminde Türkiye’de sosyoloji disiplinini şekillendiren tartışmalara kaynaklık eden akademik standardı yüksek kuramsal ve uygulamalı araştırmalar yayınlayarak sosyoloji alanının öncü ve önemli dergilerinden birisi olmuştur.

Amaç ve Kapsam

<ul><li>Web of Science Emerging Sources Citation Index (ESCI)</li><li>TÜBİTAK ULAKBİM TR-Dizin</li><li>EBSCO Sociology Source Ultimate</li><li>EBSCO SocINDEX (with Full Text)</li><li>DOAJ</li><li>ProQuest CSA Sociological Abstract</li><li>Erih Plus</li><li>SOBİAD</li></ul>

Dizinler

Dergi yayın etiğinde en yüksek standartlara bağlıdır ve <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a> ve <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> tarafından yayınlanan etik yayıncılık ilkelerini benimser; Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing başlığı altında ifade edilen ilkeler için: <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a> Gönderilen makaleler derginin amaç ve kapsamına uygun olmalıdır. Orijinal, yayınlanmamış ve başka bir dergide değerlendirme sürecinde olmayan, her bir yazar tarafından içeriği ve gönderimi onaylanmış yazılar değerlendirmeye kabul edilir. Makale yayınlanmak üzere Dergiye gönderildikten sonra yazarlardan hiçbirinin ismi, tüm yazarların yazılı izni olmadan yazar listesinden silinemez ve yeni bir isim yazar olarak eklenemez ve yazar sırası değiştirilemez.İntihal, duplikasyon, sahte yazarlık/inkar edilen yazarlık, araştrma/veri fabrikasyonu, makale dilimleme, dilimleyerek yayın, telif hakları ihlali ve çıkar çatışmasının gizlenmesi, etik dışı davranışlar olarak kabul edilir. Kabul edilen etik standartlara uygun olmayan tüm makaleler yayından çıkarılır. Buna yayından sonra tespit edilen olası kuraldışı, uygunsuzluklar içeren makaleler de dahildir.İntihal Ön kontrolden geçirilen makaleler, iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal/kendi kendine intihal tespit edilirse yazarlar bilgilendirilir. Editörler, gerekli olması halinde makaleyi değerlendirme ya da üretim sürecinin çeşitli aşamalarında intihal kontrolüne tabi tutabilirler. Yüksek benzerlik oranları, bir makalenin kabul edilmeden önce ve hatta kabul edildikten sonra reddedilmesine neden olabilir. Makalenin türüne bağlı olarak, bunun oranın %15 veya %20'den az olması beklenir.Çift Kör Hakemlikİntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir. Editör, makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakemlikten geçmesini sağlar ve makale biçimsel esaslara uygun ise, gelen yazıyı yurtiçinden ve /veya yurtdışından en az iki hakemin değerlendirmesine sunar, hakemler gerek gördüğü takdirde yazıda istenen değişiklikler yazarlar tarafından yapıldıktan sonra yayınlanmasına onay verir.

Politikalar

Dergi açık erişimlidir ve derginin tüm içeriği okura ya da okurun dahil olduğu kuruma ücretsiz olarak sunulur. Okurlar, ticari amaç haricinde, yayıncı ya da yazardan izin almadan dergi makalelerinin tam metnini okuyabilir, indirebilir, kopyalayabilir, arayabilir ve link sağlayabilir. Bu <a href="https://www.budapestopenaccessinitiative.org/translations/turkish-translation" target="_blank">BOAI</a> açık erişim tanımıyla uyumludur. Derginin açık erişimli makaleleri Creative Commons Atıf-GayrıTicari 4.0 Uluslararası (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.tr" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) olarak lisanslıdır.

Derginin tüm giderleri İstanbul Üniversitesi tarafından karşılanmaktadır. Dergide makale yayını ve makale süreçlerinin yürütülmesi ücrete tabi değildir. Dergiye gönderilen ya da yayın için kabul edilen makaleler için işlemleme ücreti ya da gönderim ücreti alınmaz.

Yazarlar dergide yayınlanan çalışmalarının telif hakkına sahiptirler ve çalışmaları  Creative Commons Atıf-GayrıTicari 4.0 Uluslararası (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.tr" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) olarak lisanslıdır. CC BY-NC 4.0 lisansı, eserin ticari kullanım dışında her boyut ve formatta paylaşılmasına, kopyalanmasına, çoğaltılmasına ve orijinal esere uygun şekilde atıfta bulunmak kaydıyla yeniden düzenleme, dönüştürme ve eserin üzerine inşa etme dâhil adapte edilmesine izin verir.

Editörler, yayınlanan makalede, bulguları, yorumları ve sonuçları etkilemeyen küçük hatalar tespit edilirse düzeltme yayınlamayı düşünebilirler. Editörler, bulguları ve sonuçları geçersiz kılan büyük hatalar / ihlaller söz konusu olduğunda, makaleyi geri çekmeyi düşünmelidir. Yazarlar tarafından araştırma veya yayını kötüye kullanmaya yönelik olasılık söz konusu ise; bulguların güvenilir olmadığına ve yazarların kurumlarının olayı soruşturmadığına dair kanıtlar var veya olası soruşturma haksız veya sonuçsuz görünüyor ise, editörler endişe ifadesi yayınlamayı düşünmelidir. Düzeltme, geri çekme veya endişe ifadesi ile ilgili olarak <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/flowcharts/complete-set-english" target="_blank">COPE</a> ve <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/" target="_blank">ICJME</a> yönergeleri dikkate alınır.

Dergide yayınlanan tüm yazıların korunmasını ve kalıcı olarak erişilebilir olmasını sağlamak için makaleler, ulusal bir arşiv sitesi olarak hizmet veren ve aynı zamanda LOCKSS'in içeriği toplamasına, korumasına ve sunmasına izin veren Dergipark'ta saklanmaktadır.Ek olarak, yazarların kendilerinin makalelerinin son PDF sürümünü Open Archives Initiative (<a href="https://www.openarchives.org/" target="_blank">https://www.openarchives.org/</a>) standartlarına uygun açık elektronik arşivlerde arşivlemeleri önerilir. Yazarlar, yayınladıkları arşiv versiyonundan, İ.Ü. Yayınevinin dergi web sitesinin URL'sine bağlantı sağlamalıdır.

İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyoloji Dergisi, yayın etiğinde en yüksek standartlara bağlıdır ve <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a> ve <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> tarafından yayınlanan etik yayıncılık ilkelerini benimser; Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing başlığı altında ifade edilen ilkeler için adres: <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a>Gönderilen tüm makaleler orijinal, yayınlanmamış ve başka bir dergide değerlendirme sürecinde olmamalıdır. Yazar makalenin orijinal olduğu, daha önce başka bir yerde yayınlanmadığı ve başka bir yerde, başka bir dilde yayınlanmak üzere değerlendirmede olmadığını beyan etmelidir. Uygulamadaki telif kanunları ve anlaşmaları gözetilmelidir. Telife bağlı materyaller (örneğin tablolar, şekiller veya büyük alıntılar) gerekli izin ve teşekkürle kullanılmalıdır. Başka yazarların, katkıda bulunanların çalışmaları ya da yararlanılan kaynaklar uygun biçimde kullanılmalı ve referanslarda belirtilmelidir. Her bir makale editörlerden biri ve en az iki hakem tarafından çift kör değerlendirmeden geçirilir. İntihal, duplikasyon, sahte yazarlık/inkar edilen yazarlık, araştırma/veri fabrikasyonu, makale dilimleme, dilimleyerek yayın, telif hakları ihlali ve çıkar çatışmasının gizlenmesi, etik dışı davranışlar olarak kabul edilir.Kabul edilen etik standartlara uygun olmayan tüm makaleler yayından çıkarılır. Buna yayından sonra tespit edilen olası kuraldışı, uygunsuzluklar içeren makaleler de dahildir.

Etik

İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyoloji Dergisi araştırma etiğinde en yüksek standartları gözetir ve aşağıda tanımlanan uluslararası araştırma etiği ilkelerini benimser. Makalelerin etik kurallara uygunluğu yazarların sorumluluğundadır.<ul><li>Araştırmanın tasarlanması, tasarımın gözden geçirilmesi ve araştırmanın yürütülmesinde, bütünlük, kalite ve şeffaflık ilkeleri sağlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma ekibi ve katılımcılar, araştırmanın amacı, yöntemleri ve öngörülen olası kullanımları; araştırmaya katılımın gerektirdikleri ve varsa riskleri hakkında tam olarak bilgilendirilmelidir.</li><li>Araştırma katılımcılarının sağladığı bilgilerin gizliliği ve yanıt verenlerin gizliliği sağlanmalıdır. Araştırma katılımcıların özerkliğini ve saygınlığını koruyacak şekilde tasarlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma katılımcıları gönüllü olarak araştırmada yer almalı, herhangi bir zorlama altında olmamalıdırlar.</li><li>Katılımcıların zarar görmesinden kaçınılmalıdır. Araştırma, katılımcıları riske sokmayacak şekilde planlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma bağımsızlığıyla ilgili açık ve net olunmalı; çıkar çatışması varsa belirtilmelidir.</li><li>İnsan denekler ile yapılan deneysel çalışmalarda, araştırmaya katılmaya karar veren katılımcıların yazılı bilgilendirilmiş onayı alınmalıdır. Çocukların ve vesayet altındakilerin veya tasdiklenmiş akıl hastalığı bulunanların yasal vasisinin onayı alınmalıdır.</li><li>Çalışma herhangi bir kurum ya da kuruluşta gerçekleştirilecekse bu kurum ya da kuruluştan çalışma yapılacağına dair onay alınmalıdır.</li><li>İnsan öğesi bulunan çalışmalarda, “yöntem” bölümünde katılımcılardan “bilgilendirilmiş onam” alındığının ve çalışmanın yapıldığı kurumdan etik kurul onayı alındığı belirtilmesi gerekir.</li></ul>

Makalelerin bilimsel ve etik kurallara uygunluğu yazarların sorumluluğundadır. Yazar makalenin orijinal olduğu, daha önce başka bir yerde yayınlanmadığı ve başka bir yerde, başka bir dilde yayınlanmak üzere değerlendirmede olmadığı konusunda teminat sağlamalıdır. Uygulamadaki telif kanunları ve anlaşmaları gözetilmelidir. Telife bağlı materyaller (örneğin tablolar, şekiller veya büyük alıntılar) gerekli izin ve teşekkürle kullanılmalıdır. Başka yazarların, katkıda bulunanların çalışmaları ya da yararlanılan kaynaklar uygun biçimde kullanılmalı ve referanslarda belirtilmelidir.Gönderilen makalede tüm yazarların akademik ve bilimsel olarak doğrudan katkısı olmalıdır, bu bağlamda “yazar” yayınlanan bir araştırmanın kavramsallaştırılmasına ve dizaynına, verilerin elde edilmesine, analizine ya da yorumlanmasına belirgin katkı yapan, yazının yazılması ya da bunun içerik açısından eleştirel biçimde gözden geçirilmesinde görev yapan birisi olarak görülür. Yazar olabilmenin diğer koşulları ise, makaledeki çalışmayı planlamak veya icra etmek ve / veya revize etmektir. Fon sağlanması, veri toplanması ya da araştırma grubunun genel süpervizyonu tek başına yazarlık hakkı kazandırmaz. Yazar olarak gösterilen tüm bireyler sayılan tüm ölçütleri karşılamalıdır ve yukarıdaki ölçütleri karşılayan her birey yazar olarak gösterilebilir. Yazarların isim sıralaması ortak verilen bir karar olmalıdır. Tüm yazarlar yazar sıralamasını <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/E4B02593AB954F738F4F25A2A51326D4" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formunda</a> imzalı olarak belirtmek zorundadırlar.Yazarlık için yeterli ölçütleri karşılamayan ancak çalışmaya katkısı olan tüm bireyler “teşekkür / bilgiler” kısmında sıralanmalıdır. Bunlara örnek olarak ise sadece teknik destek sağlayan, yazıma yardımcı olan ya da sadece genel bir destek sağlayan, finansal ve materyal desteği sunan kişiler verilebilir.Bütün yazarlar, araştırmanın sonuçlarını ya da bilimsel değerlendirmeyi etkileyebilme potansiyeli olan finansal ilişkiler, çıkar çatışması ve çıkar rekabetini beyan etmelidirler. Bir yazar kendi yayınlanmış yazısında belirgin bir hata ya da yanlışlık tespit ederse, bu yanlışlıklara ilişkin düzeltme ya da geri çekme için editör ile hemen temasa geçme ve işbirliği yapma sorumluluğunu taşır.

Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirirler. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar. Gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalacağını garanti eder. Baş editör içerik ve yayının toplam kalitesinden sorumludur. Gereğinde hata sayfası yayınlamalı ya da düzeltme yapmalıdır. Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemler, araştırma, yazarlar ve/veya araştırmaya fon sağlayanlarla çıkar çatışması içinde olmamalıdır. Hakemler değerlendirmelerinin sonucunda tarafsız bir yargıya varmalıdırlar. Gönderilmiş yazılara ilişkin tüm bilginin gizli tutulmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar. Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir. Bazı durumlarda editörün kararıyla, ilgili hakemlerin makaleye ait yorumları aynı makaleyi yorumlayan diğer hakemlere gönderilerek hakemlerin bu süreçte aydınlatılması sağlanabilir.

Daha önce yayınlanmamış ya da yayınlanmak üzere başka bir dergide halen değerlendirmede olmayan ve her bir yazar tarafından onaylanan makaleler değerlendirilmek üzere kabul edilir. Gönderilen ve ön kontrolü geçen makaleler iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir.Seçilen makaleler en az iki ulusal/uluslararası hakeme çift taraflı kör hakemlik ile değerlendirmeye gönderilir; yayın kararı, hakemlerin talepleri doğrultusunda yazarların gerçekleştirdiği düzenlemelerin ve hakem sürecinin sonrasında baş editör tarafından verilir.

Hakemlik Hakkında

Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirirler. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar. Gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalacağını garanti eder.Baş editör içerik ve yayının toplam kalitesinden sorumludur. Gereğinde hata sayfası yayınlamalı ya da düzeltme yapmalıdır.Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemler, araştırma, yazarlar ve/veya araştırmaya fon sağlayanlarla çıkar çatışması içinde olmamalıdır. Hakemler değerlendirmelerinin sonucunda tarafsız bir yargıya varmalıdırlar. Gönderilmiş yazılara ilişkin tüm bilginin gizli tutulmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar.Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir. Bazı durumlarda editörün kararıyla, ilgili hakemlerin makaleye ait yorumları aynı makaleyi yorumlayan diğer hakemlere gönderilerek hakemlerin bu süreçte aydınlatılması sağlanabilir.

Daha önce yayınlanmamış ya da yayınlanmak üzere başka bir dergide halen değerlendirmede olmayan ve her bir yazar tarafından onaylanan makaleler değerlendirilmek üzere kabul edilir. Gönderilen ve ön kontrolü geçen makaleler iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir.Baş Editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirir. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar.Seçilen makaleler en az iki ulusal/uluslararası hakeme değerlendirmeye gönderilir; yayın kararı, hakemlerin talepleri doğrultusunda yazarların gerçekleştirdiği düzenlemelerin ve hakem sürecinin sonrasında baş editör tarafından verilir.Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemlerin değerlendirmeleri objektif olmalıdır. Hakem süreci sırasında hakemlerin aşağıdaki hususları dikkate alarak değerlendirmelerini yapmaları beklenir.-Makale yeni ve önemli bir bilgi içeriyor mu?-Öz, makalenin içeriğini net ve düzgün bir şekilde tanımlıyor mu?-Yöntem bütünlüklü ve anlaşılır şekilde tanımlanmış mı?-Yapılan yorum ve varılan sonuçlar bulgularla kanıtlanıyor mu?-Alandaki diğer çalışmalara yeterli referans verilmiş mi?-Dil kalitesi yeterli mi?Hakemler, gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar.Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir.

Genel Biçim Özellikleri<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/EB71013DC4F742EC8AC78EB353AD4C61" target="_blank">Yazım kuralları ile ilgili örnekler ve örnek makale şablonu için tıklayınız.</a>Yazı Tipi: Bütün metinde 10 punto Times New Roman yazı karakteri kullanılır. Tablo ve şekillerin nasıl hazırlanacağına dair ilgili bölüme bakınız.Sayfa Yapısı: A4 boyutlarındaki kâğıda üst, alt, sağ ve sol boşluk 2,5 cm (0.98 inç) bırakılarak, iki yana dayalı, satır sonu tirelemesiz şekilde olmalıdır. Çalışmalar tek sütun olarak hazırlanmalıdır. Paragraflarda ve başlıklarda girinti ve çıkıntı olmamalıdır.Paragraf Yapısı: Paragraf sekmesinde girintiler bölümünde; önce ve sonra alanı 0,6 nk satır aralığı 1,5 olmalıdır.Sayfa Sınırı: Yukarıdaki şablona göre hazırlanmış bir çalışma 20 sayfayı aşmamalıdır.Çalışma BölümleriBaşlık: Makale başlığı bold ve sola yaslı olmalıdır. Çalışma daha önce sunulmuşsa, bir projeden veya tezden üretilmişse vs. başlığın sonuna * dipnotu konularak açıklama yapılmalıdır.Yazar İsimleri: Yazar isimleri düz olmalıdır. Yazarın/yazarların tam adları, unvanları, çalıştıkları kurumlar, adres, telefon ve elektronik posta bilgileri belirtilmelidir.Öz: 150-200 kelime arasında olmalıdır. Özde atıf kullanılmamalıdır.Anahtar Kelimeler: 5-8 kelime arasında olmalıdır.Ana Metin: Nicel ve nitel çalışmalar Giriş, Yöntem, Bulgular ve Tartışma bölümlerini içermelidir.Yöntem kısmında mutlaka Örneklem/Çalışma Grubu, Veri Toplama Araçları ve İşlem alt bölümleri bulunmalıdır. Model alt bölümüne sadece özgün bir model kullanılmışsa yer verilmelidir.Derleme türü çalışmalar problemi ortaya koymalı, ilgili literatürü yetkin bir biçimde analiz etmeli, literatürdeki eksiklikler, boşluklar ve çelişkilerin üzerinde durmalı ve çözüm için atılması gereken adımlardan bahsetmelidir.Diğer çalışmalarda konunun türüne göre değişiklik yapılabilir, fakat bunun okuyucunun metinden faydalanmasını güçleştirecek detayda alt bölümler şeklinde olmamasına özen gösterilmelidir.Title: Makale başlığı bold ve sola yaslı olmalıdır. Çalışma daha önce sunulmuşsa, bir projeden veya tezden üretilmişse vs. başlığın sonuna * dipnotu konularak açıklama yapılmalıdır.Abstract: 150-200 kelime arasında olmalıdırKeywords: 5-8 kelime arasında olmalıdırExtended Abstract: 1000-1500 kelime arasında olmalıdırKaynakça: Hem metin içinde hem de kaynakçada Amerikan Psikologlar Birliği tarafından yayımlanan Publication Manual of American Psychological Association (APA) (6. baskı) adlı kitapta belirtilen yazım kuralları uygulanmalıdır.Tablo, Şekil ve EklerTablo ve Şekiller: Tablo, şekil, resim, grafik vb. unsurlar metin içerisinde yer almalıdır. Çalışmanın sonunda ayrıca verilmemelidir.Tablo ve şekillerde genel şablonun dışında 9 punto Times New Roman yazı karakteri kullanılır. Paragraf sekmesinde girintiler bölümünde;• önce ve sonra alanı 0 nk,• satır aralığı tek olmalıdır.Tablo ve şekiller sola dayalı olmalı ve metin kaydırma özelliği kapalı olmalıdır. Tablo gösterimi için Örnek Makaleyi inceleyiniz.Ekler: Her bir ek ayrı sayfalarda, kaynakçadan sonra verilmelidir.Diğer: p değeri sadece tablo dışında gösterilmelidir. Tablo içerisinde ayrı bir p sütunu oluşturulmamalıdır. Metin içindeki p değerleri italik olarak gösterilmelidir. Verilen sayılarda virgülden sonra sadece iki digit/basamak kullanılmalıdır.

Yazım Kuralları

Makaleyi göndermeden önce Yazarlara Bilgi’yi lütfen okuyun ve aşağıdakilerin eksik olmadığından emin olun:<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/212A9245455F402992EFD09FE4B51625" target="_blank">Yazım kuralları ile ilgili örnekler ve örnek makale şablonu için tıklayınız.</a>Editöre mektup<ul type="disc"> <ul type="circle"> <li>Makalenin türü</li> <li>Başka bir dergiye gönderilmemiş olduğu bilgisi</li> <li>Sponsor veya ticari bir firma ile ilişkisi (varsa belirtiniz)</li> <li>Kaynakların APA6’ya göre belirtildiği</li> <li>İngilizce yönünden kontrolünün yapıldığı</li> <li>Yazarlara Bilgide detaylı olarak anlatılan dergi politikalarının gözden geçirildiği</li> </ul> </ul><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/E4B02593AB954F738F4F25A2A51326D4" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a>Daha önce basılmış material (yazı-resim-tablo) kullanılmış ise izin belgesi<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/05F98757285E45AFA3CBFC15EBFE915B" target="_blank">Makale kapak sayfası</a><ul type="disc"> <ul type="circle"> <li>Makalenin kategorisi</li> <li>Makalenin Türkçe ve İngilizce başlığı</li> <li>Yazarların ismi soyadı, unvanları ve bağlı oldukları kurumlar (üniversite ve fakülte bilgisinden sonar şehir ve ülke bilgisi de yer almalıdır), e-posta adresleri</li> <li>Sorumlu yazarın e-posta adresi, açık yazışma adresi, iş telefonu, GSM, faks nosu</li> <li>Tüm yazarların ORCID’leri</li> </ul> </ul>Makalenin ana metni<ul type="disc"> <ul type="circle"> <li>Makalenin Türkçe ve İngilizce başlığı</li> <li>Özetler 150-200 kelime Türkçe ve 150-200 kelime İngilizce</li> <li>Anahtar Kelimeler: 5-8 arası Türkçe ve 5-8 arası İngilizce</li> <li>Makale Türkçe ise, İngilizce genişletilmiş özet (Extended Abstract) 1000-1500 kelime</li> <li>Makale ana metin bölümleri</li> <li>Teşekkür (varsa belirtiniz)</li> <li>Kaynaklar</li> <li>Tablolar-Resimler, Şekiller (başlık, tanım ve alt yazılarıyla)​</li></ul></ul>Ayrı Ayrı Yüklemeniz gereken dosyalar<ul type="disc"> <li><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/E4B02593AB954F738F4F25A2A51326D4" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a></li> <li>Resim, Tablo vb başka kaynaktan alındıysa izin belgesi</li> <li><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/05F98757285E45AFA3CBFC15EBFE915B" target="_blank">Makale Kapak Sayfası</a></li> <li>Makale Ana Metni Dosyası  (Bu dosya aşağıdaki unsurları içermelidir)</li> </ul><ul type="disc"> <ul type="circle"> <li>Makalenin Türkçe ve İngilizce başlığı</li> <li>Özetler 150-200 kelime Tükçe ve 150-200 kelime İngilizce</li> <li>Anahtar Kelimeler: 5-8 arası Türkçe ve 5-8 arası İngilizce</li> <li>Makale Türkçe ise, İngilizce genişletilmiş Özet (Extended Abstract)  1000-1500 kelime</li> <li>Makale ana metin bölümleri</li> <li>Teşekkür (varsa belirtiniz)</li> <li>Kaynaklar</li> <li>Tablolar-Resimler, Şekiller (başlık, tanım ve alt yazılarıyla)</li></ul></ul><ul type="disc"> </ul>

Derleme yazıları okuyucular için bir konudaki kaynaklara ulaşmayı kolaylaştıran bir araç olsa da, her zaman orijinal çalışmayı doğru olarak yansıtmaz. Bu yüzden mümkün olduğunca yazarlar orijinal çalışmaları kaynak göstermelidir. Öte yandan, bir konuda çok fazla sayıda orijinal çalışmanın kaynak gösterilmesi yer israfına neden olabilir. Birkaç anahtar orijinal çalışmanın kaynak gösterilmesi genelde uzun listelerle aynı işi görür. Ayrıca günümüzde kaynaklar elektronik versiyonlara eklenebilmekte ve okuyucular elektronik literatür taramalarıyla yayınlara kolaylıkla ulaşabilmektedir.Kabul edilmiş ancak henüz sayıya dahil edilmemiş makaleler Early View olarak yayınlanır ve bu makalelere atıflar “advance online publication” şeklinde verilmelidir. Genel bir kaynaktan elde edilemeyecek temel bir konu olmadıkça “kişisel iletişimlere” atıfta bulunulmamalıdır. Eğer atıfta bulunulursa parantez içinde iletişim kurulan kişinin adı ve iletişimin tarihi belirtilmelidir. Bilimsel makaleler için yazarlar bu kaynaktan yazılı izin ve iletişimin doğruluğunu gösterir belge almalıdır. Kaynakların doğruluğundan yazar(lar) sorumludur. Tüm kaynaklar metinde belirtilmelidir. Kaynaklar alfabetik olarak sıralanmalıdır.Referans Stili ve Formatıİstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyoloji Dergisi, metin içi alıntılama ve kaynak gösterme için APA (American Psychological Association) kaynak sitilinin 6. edisyonunu benimser. APA 6.Edisyon hakkında bilgi için:-    American Psychological Association. (2010). Publication manual of the American PsychologicalAssociation (6th ed.). Washington, DC: APA.-    <a href="http://www.apastyle.org/" target="_blank">http://www.apastyle.org/</a>Kaynakların doğruluğundan yazar(lar) sorumludur. Tüm kaynaklar metinde belirtilmelidir. Kaynaklar aşağıdaki örneklerdeki gibi gösterilmelidir.Metin İçinde Kaynak GöstermeKaynaklar metinde parantez içinde yazarların soyadı ve yayın tarihi yazılarak belirtilmelidir.Birden fazla kaynak gösterilecekse kaynaklar arasında (;) işareti kullanılmalıdır. Kaynaklar alfabetik olarak sıralanmalıdır.Örnekler:Birden fazla kaynak;(Esin ve ark., 2002; Karasar 1995)Tek yazarlı kaynak;(Akyolcu, 2007)İki yazarlı kaynak;(Sayıner ve Demirci 2007, s. 72)Üç, dört ve beş yazarlı kaynak;Metin içinde ilk kullanımda: (Ailen, Ciambrune ve Welch 2000, s. 12–13) Metin içinde tekrarlayan kullanımlarda: (Ailen ve ark., 2000)Altı ve daha çok yazarlı kaynak;(Çavdar ve ark., 2003)Kaynaklar Bölümünde Kaynak GöstermeKullanılan tüm kaynaklar metnin sonunda ayrı bir bölüm halinde yazar soyadlarına göre alfabetik olarak numaralandırılmadan verilmelidir.Kaynak yazımı ile ilgili örnekler aşağıda verilmiştir.Kitapa) Türkçe KitapKarasar, N. (1995). Araştırmalarda rapor hazırlama (8.bs). Ankara: 3A Eğitim Danışmanlık Ltd.b) Türkçeye Çevrilmiş KitapMucchielli, A. (1991). Zihniyetler (A. Kotil, Çev.). İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları.c) Editörlü KitapÖren, T., Üney, T. ve Çölkesen, R. (Ed.). (2006). Türkiye bilişim ansiklopedisi. İstanbul: Papatya Yayıncılık.d) Çok Yazarlı Türkçe KitapTonta, Y., Bitirim, Y. ve Sever, H. (2002). Türkçe arama motorlarında performans değerlendirme. Ankara: Total Bilişim.e) İngilizce KitapKamien R., &amp; Kamien A. (2014). Music: An appreciation. New York, NY: McGraw-Hill Education.f) İngilizce Kitap İçerisinde BölümBassett, C. (2006). Cultural studies and new media. In G. Hall &amp; C. Birchall (Eds.), New cultural studies: Adventures in theory (pp. 220–237). Edinburgh, UK: Edinburgh University Press.g) Türkçe Kitap İçerisinde BölümErkmen, T. (2012). Örgüt kültürü: Fonksiyonları, öğeleri, işletme yönetimi ve liderlikteki önemi. M. Zencirkıran (Ed.), Örgüt sosyolojisi kitabı içinde (s. 233–263). Bursa: Dora Basım Yayın.h) Yayımcının ve Yazarın Kurum Olduğu YayınTürk Standartları Enstitüsü. (1974). Adlandırma ilkeleri. Ankara: Yazar.Makalea) Türkçe MakaleMutlu, B. ve Savaşer, S. (2007). Çocuğu ameliyat sonrası yoğun bakımda olan ebeveynlerde stres nedenleri ve azaltma girişimleri. İstanbul Üniversitesi Florence Nightingale Hemşirelik Dergisi, 15(60), 179–182.b) İngilizce Makalede Cillia, R., Reisigl, M., &amp; Wodak, R. (1999). The discursive construction of national identity. Discourse and Society, 10(2), 149–173. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957926599010002002c) Yediden Fazla Yazarlı MakaleLal, H., Cunningham, A. L., Godeaux, O., Chlibek, R., Diez-Domingo, J., Hwang, S.-J. ... Heineman, T. C. (2015). Efficacy of an adjuvanted herpes zoster subunit vaccine in older adults. New England Journal of Medicine, 372, 2087–2096. http://dx.doi.org/10.1056/NEJMoa1501184d) DOI’si Olmayan Online Edinilmiş MakaleAl, U. ve Doğan, G. (2012). Hacettepe Üniversitesi Bilgi ve Belge Yönetimi Bölümü tezlerinin atıf analizi. Türk Kütüphaneciliği, 26, 349–369. Erişim adresi: http://www.tk.org.tr/e) DOI’si Olan MakaleTurner, S. J. (2010). Website statistics 2.0: Using Google Analytics to measure library website effectiveness. Technical Services Quarterly, 27, 261–278. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07317131003765910f) Advance Online Olarak Yayımlanmış MakaleSmith, J. A. (2010). Citing advance online publication: A review. Journal of Psychology. Advance online publication. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/a45d7867g) Popüler Dergi MakalesiSemercioğlu, C. (2015, Haziran). Sıradanlığın rayihası. Sabit Fikir, 52, 38–39.Tez, Sunum, Bildiria) Türkçe TezlerSarı, E. (2008). Kültür kimlik ve politika: Mardin’de kültürlerarasılık. (Doktora Tezi). Ankara Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, Ankara.b)Ticari Veritabanında Yer Alan Yüksek Lisans Ya da Doktora TeziVan Brunt, D. (1997). Networked consumer health information systems (Doctoral dissertation). Available from ProQuest Dissertations and Theses. (UMI No. 9943436)c) Kurumsal Veritabanında Yer Alan İngilizce Yüksek Lisans/Doktora TeziYaylalı-Yıldız, B. (2014). University campuses as places of potential publicness: Exploring the politicals, social and cultural practices in Ege University (Doctoral dissertation). Retrieved from Retrieved from: http://library.iyte.edu.tr/tr/hizli-erisim/iyte-tez-portalid) Web’de Yer Alan İngilizce Yüksek Lisans/Doktora TeziTonta, Y. A. (1992). An analysis of search failures in online library catalogs (Doctoral dissertation, University of California, Berkeley). Retrieved from http://yunus.hacettepe.edu.tr/~tonta/yayinlar/phd/ickapak.htmle) Dissertations Abstracts International’da Yer Alan Yüksek Lisans/Doktora TeziAppelbaum, L. G. (2005). Three studies of human information processing: Texture amplifica&#173;tion, motion representation, and figure-ground segregation. Dissertation Abstracts International: Section B. Sciences and Engineering, 65(10), 5428.f) Sempozyum KatkısıKrinsky-McHale, S. J., Zigman, W. B. &amp; Silverman, W. (2012, August). Are neuropsychiatric symptoms markers of prodromal Alzheimer’s disease in adults with Down syndrome? In W. B. Zigman (Chair), Predictors of mild cognitive impairment, dementia, and mortality in adults with Down syndrome. Symposium conducted at American Psychological Association meeting, Orlando, FL.g) Online Olarak Erişilen Konferans Bildiri ÖzetiÇınar, M., Doğan, D. ve Seferoğlu, S. S. (2015, Şubat). Eğitimde dijital araçlar: Google sınıf uygulaması üzerine bir değerlendirme [Öz]. Akademik Bilişim Konferansında sunulan bildiri, Anadolu Üniversitesi, Eskişehir. Erişim adresi: http://ab2015.anadolu.edu.tr /index.php?menu=5&amp;submenu=27h) Düzenli Olarak Online Yayımlanan BildirilerHerculano-Houzel, S., Collins, C. E., Wong, P., Kaas, J. H., &amp; Lent, R. (2008). The basic nonuniformity of the cerebral cortex. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 105, 12593–12598. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.0805417105i) Kitap Şeklinde Yayımlanan BildirilerSchneider, R. (2013). Research data literacy. S. Kurbanoğlu ve ark. (Ed.), Communications in Computer and Information Science: Vol. 397. Worldwide Communalities and Challenges in Information Literacy Research and Practice içinde (s. 134–140) . Cham, İsviçre: Springer. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-03919-0j) Kongre BildirisiÇepni, S., Bacanak A. ve Özsevgeç T. (2001, Haziran). Fen bilgisi öğretmen adaylarının fen branşlarına karşı tutumları ile fen branşlarındaki başarılarının ilişkisi. X. Ulusal Eğitim Bilimleri Kongresi’nde sunulan bildiri, Abant İzzet Baysal Üniversitesi, BoluDiğer Kaynaklara) Gazete YazısıToker, Ç. (2015, 26 Haziran). ‘Unutma’ notları. Cumhuriyet, s. 13.b) Online Gazete YazısıTamer, M. (2015, 26 Haziran). E-ticaret hamle yapmak için tüketiciyi bekliyor. Milliyet. Erişim adresi: http://www.milliyetc) Web Page/Blog PostBordwell, D. (2013, June 18). David Koepp: Making the world movie-sized [Web log post]. Retrieved from http://www.davidbordwell.net/blog/page/27/d) Online Ansiklopedi/SözlükBilgi mimarisi. (2014, 20 Aralık). Vikipedi içinde. Erişim adresi: http://tr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bilgi_mimarisiMarcoux, A. (2008). Business ethics. In E. N. Zalta (Ed.), The Stanford encyclopedia of philosophy. Retrieved from http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/ethics-business/e) PodcastRadyo ODTÜ (Yapımcı). (2015, 13 Nisan). Modern sabahlar [Podcast]. Erişim adresi: http://www.radyoodtu.com.tr/f) Bir Televizyon Dizisinden Tek Bir BölümShore, D. (Senarist), Jackson, M. (Senarist) ve Bookstaver, S. (Yönetmen). (2012). Runaways [Televizyon dizisi bölümü]. D. Shore (Baş yapımcı), House M.D. içinde. New York, NY: Fox Broadcasting.g) Müzik KaydıSay, F. (2009). Galata Kulesi. İstanbul senfonisi [CD] içinde. İstanbul: Ak Müzik.Yukarıda sıralanan koşulları yerine getirmemiş çalışma kabul edilmez, eksiklerinin tamamlanması için yazara iade edilir. Yayın Komisyonu tarafından kabul edilen yazılar basıma kabul sırasına göre yayınlanır. Baskı tashihleri yazarlar tarafından yapılır.

Aşağıdaki listede eksik olmadığından emin olun:●    Editöre mektup<ul><li>Makalenin türü</li><li>Başka bir dergiye gönderilmemiş olduğu bilgisi</li><li>Sponsor veya ticari bir firma ile ilişkisi (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Kaynakların APA6’ya göre belirtildiği</li><li>İngilizce yönünden kontrolünün yapıldığı</li><li>Yazarlara Bilgide detaylı olarak anlatılan dergi politikalarının gözden geçirildiği</li></ul>●    <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/E4B02593AB954F738F4F25A2A51326D4" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a>●    Daha önce basılmış materyal (yazı-resim-tablo) kullanılmış ise izin belgesi●    <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/05F98757285E45AFA3CBFC15EBFE915B" target="_blank">Kapak sayfası</a><ul><li>Makalenin kategorisi</li><li>Makale dilinde ve İngilizce başlık</li><li>Yazarların ismi soyadı, unvanları ve bağlı oldukları kurumlar (üniversite ve fakülte bilgisinden sonra şehir ve ülke bilgisi de yer almalıdır), e-posta adresleri</li><li>Sorumlu yazarın e-posta adresi, açık yazışma adresi, iş telefonu, GSM, faks nosu</li><li>Tüm yazarların ORCID’leri</li></ul>●    Makale ana metni<ul><li>Makale dilinde ve İngilizce başlık</li><li>Özetler 200-250 kelime makale dilinde ve 200-250 kelime İngilizce</li><li>Anahtar Kelimeler: 5 adet makale dilinde ve 5 adet İngilizce</li><li>İngilizce olmayan makaleler için (Örn, Almanca, Fransızca vd dillerdeki makaleler)</li><li>İngilizce genişletilmiş Özet (Extended Abstract) 600-800 kelime</li><li>Makale ana metin bölümleri</li><li>Teşekkür (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Finansal destek (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Çıkar çatışması (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Son notlar (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Kaynaklar</li><li>Tablolar-Resimler, Şekiller (başlık, tanım ve alt yazılarıyla)</li></ul>

<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/E4B02593AB954F738F4F25A2A51326D4" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/BC52482EF8BE495EA0FA24808A4A0321" target="_blank">Yazar Formu</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/05F98757285E45AFA3CBFC15EBFE915B" target="_blank">Kapak Sayfası</a>

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Editör(ler)	İsmail Coşkun
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