Alternatif Bir ‘Âşûrâ Olarak Eyyâm-ı Fâtımiyye: Modern İran’da Hz. Fâtıma’nın Matemi
Zeynep Sena KaynamazoğluMuharrem ayında icra edilen ve Hz. Hüseyin’in şehadetinin anıldığı ‘Âşûrâ merasimleri Şiî halk dindarlığının en önemli unsurunu oluşturmaktadır. Asırlardır bünyesine yeni unsurlar katarak gelişen ‘Âşûrâ merasimleri sayesinde Kerbelâ Vakası’nın hatırası canlı tutulmakta, Şiî olma bilinci nesilden nesile aktarılmaktadır. Şiî geleneği derinlemesine etkilemiş olan bu matem zaman içerisinde kendi sınırlarını aşmış, Şiî geleneğe has bir matem kültürü yaratmıştır. Kaçarlar dönemine kadar matemler Hz. Hüseyin ve Hz. Ali’nin şehadetinin anılmasıyla sınırlı iken, bu dönemle birlikte dinî takvim renklenmiş ve Şiî halk dindarlığına yeni matem günleri dâhil olmuştur. İran İslam Devrimi’yle birlikte ise bu özel dinî günlere verilen önem artmıştır. Modern dönemde Şiî halk dindarlığında kendisine yer bulmuş olan en dikkat çekici olgulardan biri ise Hz. Muhammed’in kızı Fâtıma ez-Zehrâ’nın (ö. 11/632) vefatının & şehadetinin anıldığı matem merasimleridir. Eyyâm-ı fâtımiyye adı verilen günlerde icra edilen ve oldukça geç bir dönemde kurumsallaşmış olan bu merasimler, günümüz İran’ında Muharrem merasimlerinden sonra en önemli dinî anma niteliğindedir. Bu günlerde İran’ın birçok ilinde sokaklarda kortej tarzı yürüyüşler yapılmakta, evlerde ve camilerde ravzahânî meclisleri düzenlenmekte, okullarda ve resmî kurumlarda Hz. Fâtıma’yı tanıtan kültürel faaliyetler organize edilmektedir. Bu çalışma eyyâm-ı fâtımiyye’nin teşekkülünü, icra biçimini, dinî arka planını ve hakkındaki ihtilafları incelemektedir. Bu kapsamda özellikle de Hz. Fâtıma’nın şiddet gördüğüne ve bunun neticesinde vefat ettiğine dair rivayetlere odaklanan tartışmalara dikkat çekilmiştir. Bunun yanı sıra Hz. Fâtıma’nın modern İran kadını için önemi ve Muharrem ayında icra edilen matem merasimlerinin Şiî halk dindarlığına olan etkisi tartışmaya açılmıştır.
Ayyām-e Fāṭimiyya as an Alternative ʿĀshūrāʾ: The Mourning of Fāṭima in Modern Iran
Zeynep Sena KaynamazoğluThe mourning ceremonies performed in the month of Muḥarram constitute the most important element of Shīʿite public religiosity. The memory of the Karbalāʾ incident and the martyrdom of al-Ḥusayn b. ʿAlī is immortalized, and the Shīʿite consciousness is transmitted across generations due to ‘Āshūrā’ ceremonies, which have developed over the centuries by adding new elements to their structure. This mourning, which has deeply affected the Shīʿite tradition, has transcended its borders in time and created a culture of mourning unique to the Shīʿite tradition. Seemingly, mourning was limited to the commemoration of the martyrdom of ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib and his son al-Ḥusayn b. ʿAlī until the Qajar period. However, within this period, the religious calendar was colored, and new days and nights were included in the Shīʿite public religiosity. Moreover, the importance attached to these special religious occasions has increased due to the Iranian Revolution. One of the most remarkable phenomena that has found a place in the Shīʿite popular piety in the modern period is the mourning ceremonies that commemorate the death and martyrdom of the daughter of Prophet Muḥammad named Fāṭima al-Zahrāʾ (d. 11/632). These mourning ceremonies, which are held on days called ayyām-e fāṭimiyya, are the most important religious commemoration after Muḥarram ceremonies in modern Iran. On these days, cortege-style marches are held on the streets in many provinces of Iran, rawḍakhānī assemblies are organized in homes and mosques, and cultural programs and stands that introduce Fāṭima al Zahrāʾ are organized in schools and official institutions. This study mainly examines the formation of the ayyām-e fāṭimiyya and its performance, religious background, and related controversies. In this context, the article draws attention to debates that focus on the narrations that Fāṭima al-Zahrāʾ was subjected to violence and died as a result. It also aims to discuss the importance of Fāṭima al-Zahrāʾ for modern Iranian women and the influence of Muḥarram ceremonies on Shīʿite popular piety and other ceremonies.
In contemporary Iran, various religious celebrations and mourning characterize the daily life of the followers of the Shīʿa sect. Although a few of these religious ceremonies have been practiced for centuries, others have recently been incorporated into the religious calendar. The most important of these recently institutionalized ceremonies is the ayyām-e fāṭimiyya, which commemorates the death & martyrdom of the daughter of Prophet Muḥammad, Fāṭima al Zahrāʾ. On these special days, many Iranian cities hold mourning assemblies, and processions march through the streets. This mourning is notable in terms of its prevalence in the modern period and the power of Karbalāʾ ceremonies to shape the Shīʿite culture. In addition, this emphasis on Fāṭima requires a rethinking of the position of women in Iranian society and the Shīʿite culture. This study aims to provide an overview of the history of the mourning of Fāṭima and its religious origins and impact on debates on the ideal Muslim woman in the light of available data and to take a step toward filling the gap in the literature.
In the Sunnī and Shīʿite traditions, Fāṭima was venerated as the daughter of the Prophet, and many hadith and siyar books narrated her virtues. However, for the Shī‘a sect, Fāṭima is a founding and legendary figure. Although Karbalāʾ was a critical turning point in the formation of Shīʿite consciousness, disputes over the land of Fadak during the pre-Karbalāʾ period and Fāṭima’s refusal to pledge allegiance to Abu Bakr are crucial to the formation of the political perception of Shīʿite memory. Fāṭima’s experiences and death at the end of her life are traumatizing for the Shī‘a. Although various narrations about Fāṭima’s death exist, popular accounts of her being subjected to violence by ‘Umar and dying as a result of this violence lead to the understanding of her death as a martyrdom. Although the anniversary of Fāṭima’s death was initially marked in the official Iranian calendar as Fāṭima’s death, the word death was replaced with martyrdom in 1378 AH (1999 AD). In this process, the issue of whether Fāṭima died a natural death or due to an attack has been reopened to debate with reference to historical sources and the issue of taqrīb al-madhāhib. In response, many scholars have written articles on the subject. Lebanese scholars Muḥammad Ḥusayn Faḍlallāh (d. 2010) and Sayyid Ja‘far Murtaḍā al-‘Āmilī (d. 2019) are two of these scholars.
In Shī’ī popular piety, the existing historical evidence has long pointed to the place of mourning for Fāṭima and her allegedly miscarried son Muḥsin. However, conducting a clear identification of the historical origins of this mourning for Fāṭima is difficult. To the best of our knowledge, the first examples of mourning similar to that in the present day were witnessed during the Qajar period. The incorporation of this mourning into the official calendar and its widespread adoption across the country has been relatively recent and has dated back to the period after the Islamic Revolution in Iran. With the special efforts of clerics, such as Ayatollah Wahīd al-Khorasānī (b. 1921) and Ayatollah Javād al-Tabrīzī (d. 2006), and the declaration of this day as an official holiday, the mourning for Fāṭima has rapidly developed. In this process, it was intended to commemorate ayyām-e fāṭimiyya in a manner similar to the mourning rituals of ‘āshūrā’. In this context, rawḍakhānī assemblies were organized in homes and mosques, cultural programs were organized in schools and official institutions, and mourning practices, such as wearing black and avoiding weddings and entertainment, were requested. Seemingly, a replica of the first 10 days of Muḥarram is being practiced, and a new Muḥarram is being introduced into religious culture in Iran these days. This notion is reflected in the fact that the ayyām-e fāṭimiyya is referred to as ‘āshūrā’-ye fāṭimī and ‘āshūrā’-ye dowwom.
As a result, reading and evaluating the mourning for Fāṭima as part of a wide-reaching Muḥarram mourning culture would be appropriate. In the modern period, in addition to the mourning for Fāṭima, various religious agendas have been incorporated into the Shīʿite calendar. For example, new days of mourning in recent times, such as the martyrdom of Ḥusayn’s daughter Ruqayya and the death of ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib’s wife ’Umm al-Banīn, have been produced, and special programs have been held on these days, especially by the youth. Ceremonies that commemorate the martyrdom of Muslim b. Aqīl, which have recently emerged under the name ayyām-e muslimiyya, can be considered in the same context. Evidently, Muḥarram ceremonies have created the Shīʿite culture of mourning, and the boundaries of this culture have gradually developed and exceeded the boundaries of the mourning of Karbalāʾ.
