Halit

Prof. Dr.

In this study, I examine the use and function of the patronage system by and among scholars during the Mamluk dynasty through the example of Ibn Hajar al-Asqalānī and Ibn Khidr al-Qusūrī, one of his main disciples and lifelong devotees. Based on tabaqāt, biographic and autobiographic sources of the period, as well as the extant manuscripts of Ibn Hajar’s works that were copied during his lifetime, I examine how Ibn Khidr, who was a very important figure of the time in Ibn Hajar’s circle but who has been practically forgotten today, helped his master in various matters and was protected by his master in return. My aim is to show that Ibn Hajar was a very successful organizer who was thus able to achieve great accomplishments both in his administrative and scholarly activities through his perfect operation of the patronage and substitution system, while at the same time making an appraisal of Ibn Khidr and his hardly recognized efforts.When addressing patronage relations in scholarly life during the Mamluk dynasty (648- 923/1250-1517), the primary focus is on wealthy individuals such as sultans, amirs, and prominent merchants who supported the ulama by establishing foundations, providing direct financial support, or appointing the ulama to certain positions. At first glance, the members of the ulama protecting one another does not attract as much attention, despite the fact that this was an important type of patronage that ensured the continuation of scholarly activities. However, when the right environment and the right people are present, the ulama’s protection of one another was a type of relationship that could yield more beneficial results than those with other influential people.With the aim of examining the various dimensions of patronage relations among scholars during the Mamluk dynasty through an example, this study focuses on the relationship between Ibn Hajar al-Asqalanī (d. 852/1449), probably the most famous figure of the period, and Ibn Khidr al-Qusūrī (d. 852/1448), one of his foremost students and lifelong devotee. As will be explained in detail below, Ibn Khidr was a very important figure of his time, despite now being practically unknown, and he is not mentioned as much as he deserves. Although his name has been brought up in some contemporary studies on Ibn Hajar and Fath al-Bārī and his place in the eyes of his teacher has been pointed out, because Ibn Khidr was not the focus of these studies, his person and service to Ibn Hajar cannot be said to have been sufficiently scrutinized. My aim is not to make a reassessment of the already limited contemporary literature on this&nbsp;subject, but rather to show that Ibn Hajar was a very successful organizer who was thus able to achieve great accomplishments both in his administrative and scholarly activities by operating the patronage and substitution system perfectly, while simultaneously giving Ibn Khidr the value he deserves. By getting to know Ibn Khidr, who seems to have consciously chosen to remain in Ibn Hajar’s shadow, one can better understand the duration of the relationship that had begun between the two scholars as teacher and student, the stages it passed through over time, its value as a patronage relationship, its place in the eyes of other scholars of the period, its meaning in terms of how it mutually benefited both of them, its material and spiritual returns, and its reflections in their works. Providing information about Ibn Hajar’s life is considered unnecessary, as I assume that he is already known to the reader.The first group of sources I use here predominantly are the manuscript copies of some of Ibn Hajar’s works, in particular Fath al-Bārī and Hady al-Sārī, which were copied when both scholars were alive (i.e. pre-852/1449). The glosses, gloss records, samāʿ and muqābala records, and ijāzas of these manuscripts contain remarkable data on Ibn Khidr. As for the two mentioned works, Ibn Khidr played a very important role in the writing of Fath al-Bārī and in the reading and reproduction of Hady al-Sārī. In particular, Ibn Khidr’s contribution to Fath al-Bārī should be carefully analyzed in terms of the role played not only by him but also by his colleagues. The second group of sources involve the biographies, autobiographies, and tabaqāts written by scholars such as Shams al-Dīn al-Sahāwī (d. 902/1497) and Burhan al-Dīn al-Biqāʿī (d. 885/1480), who knew the two names personally. Without the information provided by al-Sahāwī, who was a student of both Ibn Hajar and Ibn Khidr, to see Ibn Khidr in today’s printed literature and to recognize his importance would be almost impossible.

Hocaya Adanmış Bir Ömür: İbn Hacer ve İbn Hızır Bağlamında Memlüklerde Ulema Arası Himaye İlişkileri

Muharrem

Assoc. Prof. Dr.

This article examines the practice of coerced divorce oaths by the executive officers (ehl-i örf) in Ottoman society, alongside the legal remedies recommended by muftīs to nullify such oaths. Within the Hanafi tradition, it is widely acknowledged that divorce oaths retain validity even when made under duress. Recognizing the potential for abuse by those in positions of authority, jurists have devised remedies as safeguards against this exploitation, particularly by political figures. Anatolia and Rumelia, where strict adherence to Hanafi madhhab became prevalent in the latter half of the 16th century, serve as prime areas for observation. The thousands of fatwās issued by muftīs who served in these regions between the 16th and 18th centuries provide a rich source of data for analysis. These fatwās describe how executive officers transformed divorce oaths into tools of coercion, leveraging them for various purposes, both legitimate and illegitimate. Instances include extorting money or property, evading legal repercussions, and manipulating interpersonal debt relations. Moreover, divorce oaths were utilized to control public discourse, suppress dissent, enforce compliance with government mandates, and coerce payments from taxpayers. They compel individuals to swear divorce oaths to ascertain the presence of political agitators, subversives, or bandits in the neighborhoods, villages or towns, or to galvanize public sentiment against banditry. Additionally, they demand that individuals take such oaths to ensure their presence at specific locations or meetings. The objective is not always to fulfill a specific task or obligation through divorce oaths. At times, executive officers deliberately engineer circumstances conducive to the violation of coerced divorce oaths, with the aim of precipitating divorces. It is evident that executive officers employ divorce oaths for both legitimate and illegitimate purposes. Despite having coercive means at&nbsp;&nbsp;their disposal, their inclination to exploit the religious significance of divorce oaths may stem from their perceived weakening authority. The issues reflected in the fatwā collections indicate that many individuals subjected to divorce oaths under executive duress sought assistance Ottoman muftīs. They sought guidance on effective remedies or sought validation of the legal efficacy of the remedies they employed.Ottoman muftīs issued fatwās affirming the validity of divorce oaths imposed by executive officers under duress, even in cases where they clear victimization occurred. However, procedural constraints within the fatwā process and directives from the central government limited their ability to issue fatwās aligned with alternative madhhab opinions. Nevertheless, they proposed formulas intended as tricks or remedies to shield individuals from executive coercion. According to these formulas, if a person who is coerced into swearing a divorce appends “in shā’a Allah” (if Allah wishes) immediately after the divorce pronouncement, audibly enough for himself, the divorce will be nullified, and the marriage remains intact. Similarly, a person taking a divorce oath to avoid litigation due to injustices inflicted by executive officers does not breach his oath if he grants power of attorney for the case or presents his situation to the judge. In a case where an individual whom the executive officers made to swear three divorces under duress, divorces his wife and violates his oath after the waiting period is over, he can remarry his wife. Furthermore, if the individual’s intent behind using the word “divorce” is to provide false information or confession, or if he uses ambiguous language intending a meaning other than divorce, the divorce will not be granted. Again, if a husband limits a general expression in his oath with his personal intent, the divorce will not take place. Moreover, if a person swears a divorce to compel or refrain from a specific action under duress, the divorce is postponed until he either fulfills or abandons the action. Although it is understood that some individuals in Ottoman society were aware of and utilized these strategies, measuring their effectiveness against executive abuses remains challenging. Employing these strategies requires a deep understanding of legal intricacies and courage to confront authority. Importantly, most strategies are not considered by the court if no witnesses are present. Nevertheless, numerous fatwās in collections indicate that the formulas were widely used and effective in Ottoman society. The formulas served as a counterbalance to the established jurisprudence of the madhhab, which could cause grievance, such as the opinion that considers the divorce oath under duress as valid. They prevented many marriages from dissolving untimely and unnecessary, reduced the practice of tahleel marriages, and served to protect the right to property. This article, a study of legal history, provides evidence from fatwā collections to support these findings.&nbsp;

Osmanlı Toplumunda Ehl-i Örfün İkrah Altında Ettirdiği Boşama Yeminlerine Karşı Müftülerin Formülleri (16.-18. Yüzyıllar)

Nail

Abū Zakariyyā Yahyā b. Sharaf Muhyī al-Dīn al-Nawawī (631-676/1234-1277) was one of the leading scholars of the 13th century CE (7th century AH) and had acquired competence in various branches of Islamic sciences, especially fiqh and hadith. He gained a well-deserved reputation that has grown since his lifetime to the present day. Al-Nawawī wrote many works in various genres related to a number of different disciplines. His best known and most widely read books today are those on hadith. Al-Takrīb and Irshād, which he wrote on the Mustalah al-hadith, Riyād al-Sālihīn and al-Azkār, which are considered among the most reliable examples of the hadith compilation genre, and Sahīh al-Muslim’s commentary Minhāj, one of the leading books in the commentary literature, have become classics and been widely read and followed for centuries. Al-Nawawī’s works on Islamic substantive law manifest themselves as various types of texts written around the leading furūʿ fiqh texts of the Shāfi‘ī school of law. Al-Nawawī produced many texts in the form of commentaries, nukat, ta‘līq, and treatises, and was one of the main actors involved in the Shāfi‘ī school of law’s transition from an earlier school to a later one. During the Mutakaddimīn period, Shāfi‘īsm was divided into two sub-schools in parallel with the geographical extent of its spread, and the conflicts between them gradually deepened over time. Al-Nawawī also worked on texts that represented the two wing s of the school, as well as on books with highly representational power. In addition to the books by al-Ghazālī and al-Rāfiʿī, which represent the Khorasan branch of the school (tarīqa al-Khorasāniyyīn), his studies on the books by al-Shirāzī, which represent the Irāqī branch of the school (tarīqa al-Irāqiyyīn), have made significant contributions to Shāfi‘īsm.Among al-Nawawī’s many works that have transformed the literature of the school, the one that stands out in various aspects and is perhaps the most important is the commentary he had begun to write called al-Majmū‘ on al-Shirāzī’s al-Muhazzab. As the name suggests, although this commentary was based on a Shāfi‘ī text that he considered a comprehensive book on substantive law, he did not confine it to this school but instead presented comprehensive content in an effort to address the views of almost all jurists and schools, including the first generations of ulamā (salaf). Thanks to the method he had developed and successfully applied in this work, al-Nawawī brought new expansions to writings on furūʿ fiqh commentaries. He&nbsp;&nbsp;took important steps to add new dimensions to textual commentary that are now classical in content and method and that have long been adopted and followed by jurists of all schools. The information he added to the book from fields related to fiqh, such as hadith and biographical dictionaries of the ulamā (tabakāt), as well as the comparative evaluations presented in this direction, require that the work should be seen as a book that represents more than Shāfi‘īsm. In evaluating the hadith narrations that serve as evidence of religious norms, al-Nawawī attempted to bring together the data of hadith scholarship and the information produced in the field of biographical dictionaries with the problems of substantive law, thus bringing important additions to the commentary activity. These expansions were compatible with the new tendencies in Islamic scholarly writing after the Mongol invasion and the Crusades and were effective over authors of the later period of Islam (mutaʿahhirūn), guiding the authors of the Shāfi‘ī school in particular. Parallel to the scholarly notions that became widespread during the Mamluk period, this method of writing paved the way for al-Nawawī to indirectly influence authors of other schoolsAl-Nawawī began the book with a long introduction in which he explained the method he would follow regarding the commentary and presented important evaluations by opening many headings on various topics. In addition to the information he provided and the analyses he made over the Shāfi‘ī literature, he also addressed important topics related to the etiquette and qualifications for issuing religious opinion (ādāb al-fatwā), the processes of education, the etiquette of teacher-student relations, and especially his evaluations of al-Shīrāzī and al-Muhazzab. Al-Nawawī’s writing of the first version of his work, in which he had initially followed a broad and detailed commentary style, left off at the beginning of the topics of worship before adopting a more intermediate style of writing. A copy of the first version of the book is now available, which was worked on up until the end of the heading “Hayd”. The second version was left unfinished because of his method and his desire to keep the scope wide, with al-Nawawī only being able to write the commentary up to the title of “Ribā” in the chapter “al-Buyūʿ”, which comes after the subjects of worship. Afterward, many Shāfi‘ī authors attempted to complete the work. The only commentator whose work has survived to the present day is Taqī al-Dīn al-Subkī (d. 756/1355), who belonged to one of the leading scientific families of the Mamluk period. Al-Subkī completed the heading of “Ribā” that alNawawī had left unfinished, as well as the remaining heading in the “al-Buyūʿ” chapter, but he too was unable to complete the commentary. The remaining part of the work was annotated and completed by Muhammad Najīb al-Mutī‘ī (d. 1985), one of the late Egyptian scholars, thus bringing to an end a history of more than seven centuries.&nbsp;

Nevevî’nin Yarım Kalmış “Magnum Opus”u:  el-Mecmû‘ Şerhu’l-Mühezzeb

Betül

Res. Assist.

Şeyma

Elif

Nevrin

Assist. Prof.

The Damascus Documents in the Museum of Turkish and Islamic Arts (TIEM) is a collection of manuscripts that had been transferred from Damascus to Istanbul in the early 20th century. This collection mostly consists of Qur’anic manuscripts and contains relatively fewer texts on fiqh, tafsir, hadith, Qiraat, theology, grammar, history, amulets, and prayer texts, as well as documents that shed light on the history of the region and daily life, such as letters, sales contracts, marriage contracts, appointment documents, foundation records, pilgrimage power of attorney, and some texts from the Bible written in Arabic. Due to the wide variety of manuscripts, this collection is of great importance for manuscript research, especially for the study of muṣḥaf. How this collection had been formed can be revealed by elucidating upon the history of the building in which it had been preserved, Qubbat al-Khazna. Qubbat al-Khazna is in the courtyard of the Umayyad Mosque in Damascus and is a sheltered structure that has been used for different functions throughout history and in which a large collection of manuscripts had been accumulated. Whether this building had been a modern library, a huge archive, or just a repository is unclear, and the subject of this article aims to reveal the history of this building and the how the manuscript collection preserved therein had been formed.Since the early 20th century, much research has been conducted on the Qubbat al-Khazna and its collection of manuscripts, particularly on the Damascus Documents. The first research on Qubbat al-Khazna focused on the non-Islamic manuscripts. The German scholar Bruno Violet (d. 1945) first studied in the Qubba in 1901 and published articles on some of the manuscripts found inside the Qubba. However, Hermann von Soden (d. 1914) was the one who officially announced the collection to European academia. The most comprehensive study to date on both the history of the Qubbat al-Khazna and the contents of the Damascus Documents was published in 2020 edited by Rambach D’Ottone et al. and titled “Towards a History of the&nbsp;&nbsp;Qubbat al-Khazna Corpus of Manuscripts and Documents.”Initially functioning as a bayt al-mal [house of money] in which the state’s income and expenditure records were kept, this building was later used to store documents pertaining to the mosque’s endowment. Later, when the Qubba was realized to have been unaffected by fires, it was transformed into a repository for valuable documents. This collection of documents survived many disasters such as fires and earthquakes during the many years it was kept in the Qubba.In recent centuries, the collection has attracted the attention of European manuscript collectors, and for this reason, some artifacts have been removed from the Qubba on various occasions. This is confirmed by the presence of manuscripts in libraries around the world that appear to have come from the Qubba. Manuscripts were also lent with official authorization from the Ottoman administration. This process began in the early 1900s when German researchers became interested in the Christian manuscripts in the Qubba and conducted research there. When this initiative proved inadequate, the proposal was made to have some manuscripts be taken to Berlin for a short period of time to be photographed, and the Ottomans accepted this proposal. However, Abdul Hamid II took some measures to guarantee the return of the manuscripts, which included the preparation of a deed, the issuance of a receipt for the return of the manuscripts, and limited permission to photograph just for documenting the manuscript inventory. The costs of photographing the manuscripts were covered by Abdul Hamid II’s private funds. In the end, the Christian manuscripts that had been lent to Germany were returned to the Ottoman Empire.Toward the end of World War I, the increasing difficulty of preserving the manuscripts in Qubbat al-Khazna prompted the Ottomans to move to protect them. As a result, the manuscripts were brought to Istanbul in 1917, one year before the fall of Damascus, and were accompanied by the army. The fact that this collection currently preserved in the Museum of Turkish and Islamic Arts under the name the Damascus Documents constitutes the largest portion of the manuscripts from Qubbat al-Khazna shows the Ottomans to have realized their aim of protecting these precious contents. Nevertheless, the fact that some manuscripts had been lent to Germany to be photographed and the good relations between the Ottoman Empire and Germany have led to claims that Abdul Hamid II had gifted some of these manuscripts to the German side. However, this claim not only contradicts archival documents and witness testimonies but is also incompatible with the importance the Ottoman Empire showed toward the documents.As a result, the research has shown that the most prominent feature of Qubbat al-Khazna is that it is a sheltered structure that had preserved Qur’anic manuscripts almost like a safe. In this respect, the Qubba is understood to have been a kind of archive containing manuscripts. The current research has also revealed the actions the Ottoman Empire took to protect a manuscript archive under its domain, as this collection wasn’t brought to Istanbul until after the emergence of the conditions of war, the result of which being that most of the manuscripts in this collection have survived to the present day.&nbsp;

Şam Evrakı Koleksiyonu’nun Teşekkül Ettiği Kadim Bir Arşiv: Kubbetü’l-Hazne ve Tarihi

M. Akif

Assist. Prof. Dr.

The model of good governance in the mainstream (Ahl al-Sunna) Islamic political thought embodies a dual commitment to both power limitation and consolidation, a nuanced equilibrium observed across historical and contemporary societies, including Western societies. However, in contemporary retrospective analyses of the Ahl al-Sunna tradition, a prevalent tendency emerges to depict the Islamic political model as solely endorsing power, centralized authority, and autocratic governance, often neglecting the crucial aspect of power limitation. Contrary to this misrepresentation, this article evaluates a critical examination of mainstream Islamic political thought centered on the principle of “tawhid.” Through this lens, we debunk this misconception and illustrate how political power in Islam is inherently limited ontologically, epistemologically, legally, and morally.Central to Islamic political theory is the principle of tawhid, which serves as the primary limit on power at a theoretical level. Tawhid signifies the absolute transcendence of God alongside His supreme sovereignty over the universe. This transcendence underscores the ontological distinction between the Absolute Creator and the relative creatures. Accordingly, no individual, institution, or entity other than Allah can partake in divinity, and there can be no ontological equivalence between Allah and any other being. In Islamic doctrine, God remains unassimilable to relative creatures through concepts such as “incarnation” or “avatarhood,” and conversely, creatures cannot transcend their ontological limitations to resemble God in a manner.The second aspect of tawhid pertains to Allah’s absolute and uninterrupted sovereignty over the universe. This sovereignty is manifested in the perpetual dependence of the created universe, including its components on the eternal and everlasting God for existence and sustenance. Thus, beyond the physical laws governing the universe, the social, legal, and moral laws shaping the human world also fall under God’s sovereignty and will.Considering this understanding, the principle of tawhid serves to limit political power ontologically, epistemologically, legally, and morally. As emphasized by political and sociological scholars, the establishment of political power cannot rely solely on physical force. The legitimacy of political power often hinges on the establishment of a symbolic framework that validates acts of governance and obedience. Throughout history and across various cultures, this legitimacy has frequently been achieved through attributing divinity&nbsp;&nbsp;to rulers and government. However, human nature recognizes the necessity to limit political power. Consequently, in these same societies and cultures, the divine attribution of political power was limited by a corresponding divine understanding of justice.However, in Islamic thought, the principle of tawhid ensures that divinity is exclusively attributed to Allah, thereby inherently discouraging the attribution of divinity to the government and rulers. Consequently, rulers’ attempts to consolidate their authority with theological references are theologically thwarted. Additionally, in Islam, the authority to discern truth is not categorically limited to a single person or group; rather, all believers are theoretically empowered to access truth. This safeguard against the epistemological exploitation of political power that prevents the emergence of privileged clergy within Muslim societies. Furthermore, justice in Islam transcends mere abstract virtue, evolving into a meticulously detailed legal system. This intricacy enhances the efficacy of justice application and fortifies it against abuses of power.In Islamic governance, the consolidation of power is supported not by theology but by Islamic law. Within Islamic thought, sovereignty, i.e., the authority to legislate, is vested in God alone. Neither the emir nor the sultan, scholars, the state as a legal entity, or society as a whole can claim sovereignty. Thus, Shari’a, the divine law, serves as the transcendent legal and moral framework that predates and surpasses any Islamic political or social unit. Rulers are not positioned as authorities above the law; rather, they are subject to its dictates like any other individual. Divine law serves as both a founding principle and a source of legitimacy, establishing itself as the supreme authority within any given sociopolitical entity.Finally, another factor that limits political power in Islamic thought is the moral order. Over centuries, this moral framework, shaped in alignment with the life and teachings of the Prophet Muhammed and the scholarly writings that followed, has played a crucial role in defining the position and role of political power within the broader divine order. A highly sophisticated system of values has delineated the boundaries of political power, establishing its place and status within a larger framework of principles.&nbsp;&nbsp;

Ana-Akım İslam Siyaset Düşüncesinde İktidarın  Sınırlandırılması

Abdurrahman

İstişari Bir Ümmet Tasavvur Etmek: Namık Kemal’in Anayasal  Tahayyülüne Bir Giriş

İlknur

The Ottoman Empire prepared the Mecelle to function as the civil code to complete the commercial code. Mecelle prohibited the customer from selling a purchased item before receiving it, and left the responsibility for damages to the seller up until the point the item was delivered. Due to this arrangement, the Mecelle was frequently criticized both during and after its implementation. The focus of criticism is that, although the Mecelle immediately transfers ownership of goods to the customer in a sales contract, it leaves the responsibility for damages to the seller until delivery. In other words, The Mecelle’s regulations regarding property and damage liability are presented as a legal contradiction. Although the responsibility for damages belongs to the seller until delivery, the benefits belong to the customer.Meanwhile, the French Civil Code puts forth no legal obstacle for an undelivered good to be subject to a new sale, leaving the responsibility for damage only to the customer from the moment of sale. Ownership of goods is transferred to the customer at the moment the sales contract is signed. This link the French Civil Code establishes between the transfer of ownership and liability for damages is accepted as legally consistent and is always highlighted when criticizing the Mecelle. After the Mecelle, the Code of Obligations (1926), which is based on the Swiss Civil Code and was entered into force as the law of independent debts, transfers ownership of goods to the customer at the moment of delivery. The responsibility for damages to goods belongs to the customer from the moment the contract is signed. In this arrangement, customers have to bear all economic risks and loss of value for goods they do not yet own, control, or can interfere with. On the other hand, the seller does not have to bear any risk or loss of the goods being sold once the contract has been signed; however, property regarding the goods is protected until the moment of delivery. As can be seen, the Code of Obligations has made the exact opposite conditions than the Mecelle in terms of transfer of ownership and damage liability provisions regarding sales contracts. In this way, regulations protect sellers’ commercial activities while in return opening the door to serious problems that may be accrued by the customer. As a matter of fact, the next Turkish Code of Obligations (2011) abandoned the previous regulations, which were found to be extremely harmful to the customer, and left the responsibility for damage to the seller alongside any benefits from the goods. In other words, the Mecelle’s regulations that protect customers from liability for damages until delivery has returned.Abul’ula found the fact that only the Mecelle was subjected to heavy criticism to be strange, despite the existence of various Western laws that have opposite provisions in terms of ownership and responsibility for damages. The Code of Obligations (1926), which came into force after the Mecelle, can be presented as a dramatic example of this determination. In the background of the Western-based criticisms directed at the Mecelle, the occurrence of economic results is quite likely to be achieved through legal practice rather than any concern for harmony between provisions. When remembering how the provisions of the French Civil Code, which supports liberal, secular, and absolute property, were instrumentalized and imposed on other nations, the Mecelle can be considered to have become a target due to its potential for resisting the pragmatist aims of the Western states that are trying to turn Ottoman lands into a profitable market. When encountering the Mecelle, which tried to reflect fiqh principles into legal practice and protected the financial rights of both the customer and the seller for this purpose through sensitive criteria by balancing them with the duties and responsibilities in a contract, Ottoman lawyers idealized the arrangement of the French Civil Code that focused on ownership, and over time the provisions of the Mecelle became marginalized. Provisions that prevent the sale of undelivered goods and left the responsibility for damages to the seller are obvious examples of what happened in this process. This article examines the process of the Mecelle being shelved as an old law in the context of the right of disposition before delivery and the issue of damage liability by focusing on the amendments to the Mecelle and on the legal regulations of the French Civil Code. The study finishes by attempting to determine the effect the French Civil Code had on the efforts of the Mecelle Amendment Commissions.&nbsp;

Kabz Öncesi Tasarruf ve Hasar Hükümleri Bağlamında  Mecelle ve Fransız Medeni Kanunu Mukayesesi

Hasan

The subject of this study is the institution for educating lawyers known as the Muallimhâne-i Nüvvâb, which was founded in 1855 as the first structure different from the madrasah education system in the history of Ottoman legal education.This study seeks to answer the following questions: What were the reasons behind the emergence of the Muallimhâne-i Nüvvâb? What kind of curriculum did the school have? How was it different from the madrasah education system in terms of training lawyers? What effect did it have on the new law schools in the Ottoman State?The changes the Ottoman State experienced in its political, military, social, and economic fields during the 19th century also affected the field of law. Laws enacted in different fields throughout that century, the new legal needs that arise as a particular result of close relations with Western states, and the regulations in the administrative and financial structure that had been introduced by the Tanzimat directly affected the field of law. Concerning these developments, muhassillik [income collection] assemblies were established to have a say in the how provinces, shires, sanjaks, and districts were managed. The jurisdiction of reasoning and negotiation in matters such as administration, tax, and punishment were given to these assemblies.These developments paved the way for the nizâmiye [guardhouse] courts and prepared the groundwork for diversifying both the types of trials and courts. The diversification of courts in terms of form and procedure led to the segmentation of legal fields and their executors (i.e., judges and lawyers), and naturally to the diversification of legal education during this process. In this context, intense regulation activities were carried out in the 19th century regarding the status of the kadi who’d been carrying out the legal affairs of the state and of the naibs, who were the kadis’ representatives. In a sense, the state was attempting to ensure that lawyers as the executors of the changing new legal order also were adapting to this change.The changes in the field of law necessitated a reconsideration of legal education in the next stage. Thus, the Muallimhâne-i Nüvvâb was established in 1855 as the first structure in the history of Ottoman legal education that was different than the madrasah education system. In the history of legal education, the Muallimhâne-i Nüvvâb was an important and pioneering institution in that it had the title of the first law school to be opened in the field of the judiciary due to having law lessons in its curriculum, as well as its practices related to court affairs.When looking at the documents regarding the establishment of the Muallimhâne-i Nüvvâb, the prominent aspects of the new law school can be expressed as follows. First of all, the establishment of the school came to the agenda to meet the increasing need for judges and the proliferation of new legal fields, as the measures aimed at increasing the quality of the existing regents had not produced the desired result. Secondly, having the ability to make a judgment on an issue had been considered sufficient for being selected to attend the school. Thirdly, the school drew attention for the short time required for receiving an education there.At the same time, the Muallimhane-i Nüvvab had largely taken over the madrasas’ task of educating lawyers, especially for those who’d never received or could not complete a madrasa education. In the second half of the 19th century, the Muallimhâne-i Nüvvâb had enough human resources to take control of the nizâmiye courts, which had been founded alongside the shari’a courts for a long time. While the framework regarding the education to be given in this school was drawn first, it focused on learning fiqh and fatwa books and gaining their practical aspects with regard to reasoning. In the understanding of the madrasa education, a student who would become a lawyer (i.e., enter the tarik-i kaza) was expected to have higher qualification levels. On the other hand, a picture had been drawn for this new school, one in which practical education was predominant while the schedule was concise. However, the addition of different areas of law, especially the new laws and regulations such as the Mecelle that emerged in the process, to the curriculum of Muallimhane-i Nüvvab as a course resulted in a rich schedule that was to be expected from a law school.The Muallimhâne-i Nüvvâb met the state’s need for jurists for about 69 years, alongside the Mekteb-i Hukuk-ı Şahane and the madrasas. In this regard, the Muallimhâne-i Nüvvâb came to the fore for the law schools that would later open for training the lawyers who would both serve in civil courts as well as learn the newly formed legal acquis. It came to the fore as a leading institution in the field of law due to the education curriculum that was applied at the school and its professional institutional character in the field of law.The influence the Muallimhâne-i Nüvvâb had reached not only within the Ottoman borders but also to the Ottoman geography in the Balkans. The Muallimhane-i Nüvvab made its name on the historical scene as a school modeled on raising the manpower Muslims in Bosnia and Bulgaria needed regarding sharia issues. The Muallimhâne-i Nüvvâb will undoubtedly receive the value it deserves in the history of legal education as a result of future monographic studies to be carried out on the school.

Muallimhâne-i Nüvvâb: Osmanlı Devleti’nde  Medreseden Farklı Yeni Hukuk Eğitiminin Öncüsü

Zeynep

In contemporary Iran, various religious celebrations and mourning characterize the daily life of the followers of the Shīʿa sect. Although a few of these religious ceremonies have been practiced for centuries, others have recently been incorporated into the religious calendar. The most important of these recently institutionalized ceremonies is the ayyām-e fāṭimiyya, which commemorates the death &amp; martyrdom of the daughter of Prophet Muḥammad, Fāṭima al Zahrāʾ. On these special days, many Iranian cities hold mourning assemblies, and processions march through the streets. This mourning is notable in terms of its prevalence in the modern period and the power of Karbalāʾ ceremonies to shape the Shīʿite culture. In addition, this emphasis on Fāṭima requires a rethinking of the position of women in Iranian society and the Shīʿite culture. This study aims to provide an overview of the history of the mourning of Fāṭima and its religious origins and impact on debates on the ideal Muslim woman in the light of available data and to take a step toward filling the gap in the literature.In the Sunnī and Shīʿite traditions, Fāṭima was venerated as the daughter of the Prophet, and many hadith and siyar books narrated her virtues. However, for the Shī‘a sect, Fāṭima is a founding and legendary figure. Although Karbalāʾ was a critical turning point in the formation of Shīʿite consciousness, disputes over the land of Fadak during the pre-Karbalāʾ period and Fāṭima’s refusal to pledge allegiance to Abu Bakr are crucial to the formation of the political perception of Shīʿite memory. Fāṭima’s experiences and death at the end of her life are traumatizing for the Shī‘a. Although various narrations about Fāṭima’s death exist, popular accounts of her being subjected to violence by ‘Umar and dying as a result of this violence lead to the understanding of her death as a martyrdom. Although the anniversary of Fāṭima’s&nbsp;&nbsp;death was initially marked in the official Iranian calendar as Fāṭima’s death, the word death was replaced with martyrdom in 1378 AH (1999 AD). In this process, the issue of whether Fāṭima died a natural death or due to an attack has been reopened to debate with reference to historical sources and the issue of taqrīb al-madhāhib. In response, many scholars have written articles on the subject. Lebanese scholars Muḥammad Ḥusayn Faḍlallāh (d. 2010) and Sayyid Ja‘far Murtaḍā al-‘Āmilī (d. 2019) are two of these scholars.In Shī’ī popular piety, the existing historical evidence has long pointed to the place of mourning for Fāṭima and her allegedly miscarried son Muḥsin. However, conducting a clear identification of the historical origins of this mourning for Fāṭima is difficult. To the best of our knowledge, the first examples of mourning similar to that in the present day were witnessed during the Qajar period. The incorporation of this mourning into the official calendar and its widespread adoption across the country has been relatively recent and has dated back to the period after the Islamic Revolution in Iran. With the special efforts of clerics, such as Ayatollah Wahīd al-Khorasānī (b. 1921) and Ayatollah Javād al-Tabrīzī (d. 2006), and the declaration of this day as an official holiday, the mourning for Fāṭima has rapidly developed. In this process, it was intended to commemorate ayyām-e fāṭimiyya in a manner similar to the mourning rituals of ‘āshūrā’. In this context, rawḍakhānī assemblies were organized in homes and mosques, cultural programs were organized in schools and official institutions, and mourning practices, such as wearing black and avoiding weddings and entertainment, were requested. Seemingly, a replica of the first 10 days of Muḥarram is being practiced, and a new Muḥarram is being introduced into religious culture in Iran these days. This notion is reflected in the fact that the ayyām-e fāṭimiyya is referred to as ‘āshūrā’-ye fāṭimī and ‘āshūrā’-ye dowwom.As a result, reading and evaluating the mourning for Fāṭima as part of a wide-reaching Muḥarram mourning culture would be appropriate. In the modern period, in addition to the mourning for Fāṭima, various religious agendas have been incorporated into the Shīʿite calendar. For example, new days of mourning in recent times, such as the martyrdom of Ḥusayn’s daughter Ruqayya and the death of ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib’s wife ’Umm al-Banīn, have been produced, and special programs have been held on these days, especially by the youth. Ceremonies that commemorate the martyrdom of Muslim b. Aqīl, which have recently emerged under the name ayyām-e muslimiyya, can be considered in the same context. Evidently, Muḥarram ceremonies have created the Shīʿite culture of mourning, and the boundaries of this culture have gradually developed and exceeded the boundaries of the mourning of Karbalāʾ.&nbsp;

Alternatif Bir ‘Âşûrâ Olarak Eyyâm-ı Fâtımiyye:  Modern İran’da Hz. Fâtıma’nın Matemi

Nergis

Öğretim Görevlisi

Sahaflar Şeyhizâde Esad Efendi (d. 1848) was one of the most important figures in 19th century Ottoman political and cultural history. After teaching at Mūsile-i Sahn, he held many high-ranking administrative positions, such as Regent of the Judge, Correspondent of the Office of the Sheikh al-Islam, Recorder of Events in the Qadiate of Istanbul, Official Historian, Chief Judge of the Army, Ambassador to Iran, Minister of the Imperial Printing House, Member of the Assembly of Justice, Naqib al-Ashraf, Chief Judge of Rumelia, Member of the Assembly of Education, and Head of the Assembly of Education. In addition to his political and administrative activities, Esad Efendi’s name is remembered for the poems and books he wrote and works he translated. Having been a good collector like his father Ahmed Efendi and his spiritual advisor the Mawlawi Hâlet Efendi (d. 1822), Esad Efendi scrutinized the works he added to his library. In 1846, two years before his death, Esad Efendi donated the books he had collected during his life in a pious endowment. Esad Efendi had served as the official historiographer (vaḳʿanüvîs) of the Ottoman Empire, editor-in-chief of the first official Turkish newspaper Taḳvīm-i Veḳāyiʿ, and ambassador to Iran for over a year in 1835-1836, and his collection of nearly 4,000 bound manuscripts, including important examples of the art of creative composition (inshā), was no coincidence. His collection contains 193 munsheāt books, 33 of which are Persian munsheāts.The art of creative composition (inshā) is the general name given to any kind of writing that aims to demonstrate the power and value of writing. In Dānishnāmey-i Edeb-i Fārisī, the word inshā means to create and bring forth and has three literary meanings: a) a writer who uses eloquence to express their thoughts and feelings through construction, a technique that belongs only to prose; b) in the art of meʿānī, inshā means a statement whose meaning is not likely to be true or false, the opposite of news, a statement that cannot be denied or proven, and a statement through which the speaker or writer does not intend to show something in the real world; and c) in the official and historical context, inshā means a dīvān and vizierate whose duty is to write official and state correspondence. Meanwhile, the etymological meaning of the word munsheāt is to make, to produce, to do, to discover, to conceive, to write, to compose a sentence, to organize a speech, or to begin the construction of a building. In its briefest form, munsheāt means “artful writing” and refers to the drafts a munshī [secretary] writes after receiving instructions. Munsheāt also means a collection of official or unofficial letters written by scribes using literary terms. Munsheāt writing or correspondence, also known as teressül, mekātib, resāil, and nāme-hā, has a special place in Persian culture and literature as one of the techniques of construction. The Dīvān-ı Inshā, or Dīvān-ı Resāil, where the art of construction was intensively used, was an office that prepared official documents on behalf of the ruler and managed government correspondence. The documents produced in this office were gathered together for the training of munshī candidates and thus was where munsheāt compilations were created. Munsheāt compilations often contain samples of official and personal correspondence; sometimes historical, religious, and literary articles; or valuable pieces of poetry or other useful information. Although these compilations share some common features, munsheāt can be classified in terms of content as literary, historical and didactic works; in terms of writing style as compositions and compilations; and in terms of language as Arabic, Persian, or Turkish.Among the 33 Persian munsheāt compilations (mecmuas) in the Esad Efendi Collection of the Süleymaniye Manuscript Library, 11 mecmuas have been previously studied by various scholars (Nos. 1739, 3295/2, 3297, 3298, 3302, 3309, 3329, 3331/5, 3333, 3346, and 3785/26). The remaining 22 compilations in the collection have not yet been fully studied and are registered under the following numbers: 1783, 1888/4, 2733/1, 2808/1, 3319, 3320, 3332, 3339/3, 3353/2, 3369/1, 3369/4, 3371, 3431/14, 3435/1, 3436/7, 3440/1, 3628/7, 3628/9, 3673/14, 3769/21, 3790/30, and 3817/14. These munsheāts can also be divided into two main categories: a) the didactic munsheāts that were written to instruct munshī candidates in the intricacies of the art of creative composition, and b) the munsheāts consisting of official and/or unofficial letters written by various historical figures. After the introduction to the art of creative composition, munsheāts, and munsheāt compilations, this article will discuss the contents of these 22 munsheāts that have not yet been studied in detail, with the aim being to introduce them to the scholarly world.&nbsp;

Süleymaniye Yazma Eser Kütüphanesi Esad Efendi  Koleksiyonu’nda Bulunan Farsça Münşeât Mecmuaları

Nurullah

Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nda Cumhur(iyet) Fikrinin Gelişimine Dair Yeni Bir “Risale”

Mustafa

Hadis Şerhi Üzerine Yeni Bir Edisyon Kitap

Muhammed

Neyin İslami Olduğuna Dair Bir Araştırma: İslam’ı Yeniden Tanımlamak

Fatih

Toprağı Korumak, Uyumu İnşa Etmek: Malissa Taylor’ın Land and Legal Texts in the Early Modern Ottoman Empire Kitabının İncelemesi

Abdulhadi

Filistin İstiklal Hareketinin Kurucusu Emîn el-Hüseynî’nin Hatıratının Türkçe Tercümesi Üzerine Bir Değerlendirme

Osman

Mahmut

&nbsp;The purpose of this article is to examine the critical views of a modest author who moved from ilmiye class to qalamiyya class, ezamining practices in the first months of the Second Constitutional Era through, his treatise titled İslâmlık Elden Gidiyor. In this way, it will be revealed how a young writer with religious sensitivities, who went through both religious and secular education processes of the period, was at the beginning of his civil service life and who also produced literary works, was affected by the Second Constitutional Monarchy environment and its practices, and how he viewed controversial issues.&nbsp;Ali Fuad was the son of the regent (nâib) Mehmed Şükrü Efendi (1850-1919), a member of the ilmiye class. Although it is not known for certain, it is understood that he was born in Istanbul in the last quarter of the 19th century and that he passed through the religious and secular education processes of his period. He began his civil service career as a clerk in the Adana Province Registrar’s Office (1906). Later, he was appointed as a clerk at the Directorate of the Registry of Konya Province. In the spring of 1908, he traveled to Istanbul to pursue his request for promotion and to become the director of correspondence (tahrirat) in any place.&nbsp;Although he was appointed as the director of correspondence, he could not leave Istanbul because of his mother’s illness. During this period, he began producing literary works and published his treatise İslâmlık. Between 1909 and 1920, he worked as a director of correspondence, letter carrier, and district governor in places such as Divaniye, Devrek, Gelibolu, Diyarbakır, Çermik and Suşehri. After returning to İstanbul, he published his memoirs in periodicals by editing them into short stories. He brought some of these narratives together in his book, Mustafa Kemal Paşa and Köse Hoca, which was published in 1923. Although this work contains remarkable information and comments on the administrative, social, moral, and literary affairs of the Second Constitutional Monarchy and the National Struggle periods, it did not receive the attention in academic history and literature writing that it deserves, and it was even attribute to Ali Fuat Cebesoy, Ali Fuat Türkgeldi, and Ali Fuat Bilgen. In this article, this mistake has been corrected, and Ali Fuad’s life story has been revealed with the information and documents used for the first time. The treatise on Islam has also been re-published in Latin letters and analyze and criticize.&nbsp;It can be said that the treatise İslâmlık was one of the first, perhaps the first, works to criticize the conditions created by the Second Constitutional Monarchy from religious, ethical, and social perspectives. Although the cover of the treatise does not indicate when it was published, it is understood that it was published in the last days of 1908 or early 1909, based on the signs of its content. Considering that treatises and books criticizing the period in terms of religious, moral and social aspects started to be published a few years after the declaration of the Second Constitutional Monarchy, the importance of the treatise can be better understood.&nbsp;Ali Fuad explicitly stated that he had published his work with the approval of the Şeyhülislam. This shows that he differentiated himself from the crude criticisms directly projected at the regime and the Şeyhülislam, which could be summarize in the oppositional or rebellious attitudes of the period, which could be summarized as "we want şeriat". In this sense, the discourse of "İslâm is being lost" differs from the discourse of "we want şeriat". Moreover, the fact that the author was not subjected to any prosecution during and after 31 March and that he served in different regions of the state as the director of correspondence/district governor confirms this.&nbsp;It should be noted that the treatise İslâmlık is problematic in terms of language, expression, fiction, and word-sentence structure. This situation may be related to both the author’s inexperience and the treatise’s sloppy typesetting. However, considering both the title and the issues in the content of the treatise, it should be beyond dispute that this is an important work.&nbsp;It can be easily said that the treatise does not oppose the constitutional regime itself, nor is it theoretically opposed to popular conceptions of civilization, modern science and the progress of the period. The areas that the treatise opposes and criticizes focus on the point that these modern concepts and institutions are "misunderstood" and "misapplied". It is underlined that current practices harm İslâm and the state, which is considered an integral part of it.

II. Meşrutiyet Döneminde Bir Din Müdafaası: Nâibzâde  Ali Fuad ve İslâmlık Elden Gidiyor Risalesi

The linguistic exegesis movement began to develop in the late second and early third centuries. In the works written during this period, the linguistic features of the Qur’ān were analyzed, especially the expressions and verses that were difficult to understand. From the same years onwards, questions were raised regarding the miraculous nature of the Qur’an (i‘jāz), and various works were written on the subject. ‘Abd al-Qāhir al-Jurjānī (d. 476/1078-79) theorized this claim by saying that i‘jāz of the Qur’ān is in its verse structure. Zamakhsharī (d. 538/1144) adapted this theory to exegesis in his work al-Kashshāf. Zamakhsharī’s al-Kashshāf was a turning point in linguistic exegesis and established a tradition. Al-Bayḍāwī’s Anwār al-tanzīl is one of the most famous tafsīr based on al-Kashshāf. Systematic sharḥ writing in the field of tafsīr began with the sharḥs on al-Kashshāf and turned into a tradition with the sharḥs on Anwār al-tanzīl. Al-Bayzāwī’s tafsīr became the work on which the most sharḥ were written in the Ottoman tafsīr tradition.In the tradition of sharḥ, commentators served as guides for constituent texts by explaining the words, concepts, and expressions used by the author in the main text, clarifying obscure phrases, and contributing to the reader’s comprehension of these texts. Commentaries have various functions: In these works, the commentators elaborate on issues that the author did not elaborate on, present the reasons for the determinations made in the work, and analyze objections that may be directed against these determinations. The commenters, who also evaluated the analyzed opinions in terms of the author’s school affiliations and the internal consistency of the work, endeavored to reflect the author’s views objectively and enabled the deciphering of implicit presuppositions. When all these aspects are considered, it is seen&nbsp; &nbsp;that sharḥs add value to the tradition of Islamic thought and science and offer a framework to prove scholarly intellectual innovations and depth. However, in modern times, the period of sharḥ has been criticized by some scholars as a process of introversion, rumination, intellectual rupture, and scholarly narrowing.&nbsp;One of the most essential works in the field of linguistic exegesis within the Ottoman exegetical heritage is Irshād al-ʿaḳl al-ṣalīm ilā mezāya al-Qitāb al-qarīm by Abūssuūd Efendi (d. 982/1574). In the introduction to his tafsīr, Abūssuūd Efendi states that he compiled his work from the tafsīr works of Zamakhsharī and Bayzāwī. However, Irshād al-ʿaḳl al-ṣalīm has features that can comprehended solely through careful analysis. This is not only a synthesis of Kashshāf and Anwār al-tanzīl, but also contains information from the commentaries on these two texts. It also contains implicit references, hidden signs, and allusions.&nbsp;The problematic aspect of this research is based on the criticisms of the sharḥ literature in the modern period and the claim that Abūssuūd’s tafsīr is not original. In this study, it is predicted that Abūssuūd wrote his tafsīr by taking into account the knowledge accumulated in the sharḥs, and that he brought the scholarly depth acquired during the period of the sharḥs to the tafsīr, thus constituting a very important place in terms of the tradition of tafsīr writing in the Ottoman period. This claim implies a paradigmatic shift in the Ottoman tafsīr writing tradition. In this study, the first verse of Sūrah al-Baqarah was chosen as the sample. This is because this verse comprises hurūf al-muqatta. “Hurūf al-muqattaa is a complex theoretical issue with various aspects to consider. It involves discussions about the intelligibility of speech, the Quran’s challenge to people through its verses, and its impact on them.” The most detailed analysis of the hurūf al-muqattaa is usually found in the first verse of Sūrah al-Baqarah. These features make the hurūf al-muqattaa an important example that should be consulted to trace the fictional and theoretical similarities and divergences of the texts of Zamakhsharī, Bayzāwī and Abūssuūd. In this context, this study first analyzes how Zamakhsharī and al-Bayzāwī interpreted this verse through discourse analysis, then discusses the discussions in the sharḥs that are thought to have influenced Abūssuūd’s text through discourse and process analysis, and finally analyzes Abūssuūd’s text through discourse and content analysis.&nbsp;This study, conducted within the framework of the first verse of Sūrah al-Baqarah, has shown that Abūssuūd clarified the ambiguous issues in his tafsīr, constructed a terminological structure in accordance with his preferred view, and identified the main themes and super subheadings. In this context, it can be said that the most unique aspect of Irshād al-ʿaḳl al ṣalīm, which contains implicit references to the information in the sharḥs, is that it brings the vertical knowledge gained in the sharḥ tradition to the horizontal plane. This means that the efforts made in understanding and analyzing Zamakhsharī and al-Bayḍāwī’s determinations during the sharḥ period, which some scholars consider stagnant, are directly related to the words of the verse and are included in the literature.

Hâşiyeden Telife Uzanan Üslûp ve Muhtevasıyla  Ebüssuûd Tefsiri: Bakara Sûresinin Birinci Âyeti  Bağlamında

İmam

The problem of free will in human actions is a controversial issue between the Hanafī/ Māturīdī tradition and the Ash‘ari tradition. Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī (d. 606/1210), who reconstructs Ashʿarite theology with the language and concepts of Avicennian philosophy, argues that the actions of the people are under compulsion (jabr). In his argument to support this claim, al-Rāzī centers on the concept of “murajjiḥ” and argues that human action exists necessarily depending on the chain of causality. In this chain of causality, the human act necessarily comes into existence through the motivations (dāʿīs), which al-Rāzī characterizes as murajjiḥ, while motivations are created by the power of God, the ultimate murajjiḥ. According to al-Rāzī, human will (irāda) is necessarily determined by these dāʿīs. This argument, which al-Rāzī uses to prove his claim of jabr, sets the agenda of Hanafī theologians and jurists in the post-classical period. Shams al-Dīn al-Samarqandī (d. 702/1303) and Sadr al-Sharīʿa (d. 747/1346), who were among the first thinkers in Transoxiana to reexamine the scholarly legacy of the Hanafī tradition in theology and legal theory with the concepts and issues of Avicennian philosophy and classical logic, criticized al-Rāzī’s argument in their works.&nbsp;Although there are several studies in the modern literature dealing with al-Rāzī’s and Sadr al-Sharīʿa’s approaches to the acts of people, there is a need for a study that deals with al-Samarqandī’s views on this issue in connection with these two thinkers’ ideas. This article aims to address a gap in the literature by examining the continuity and change in the criticism of al-Rāzī’s argument within Hanafī circles. It will also demonstrate how the Hanafī tradition in Transoxiana engaged with the Ashʿarite tradition during the post-classical period through discussions on free will.&nbsp;In this article, I argue that the two Hanafī thinkers, Shams al-Dīn al-Samarqandī and Sadr al-Sharīʿa, respond to the concepts and issues of Avicennian philosophy and classical logic in different ways to the challenge of al-Rāzī’s argument of jabr. While al-Samarqandī criticizes al-Rāzī's jabr argument by adopting the hierarchical chain of causality that leads to divine &nbsp;determinism, Sadr al-Sharīa‘s criticism is based on the concept of “the complete cause (al-illā al-tāmma)” and the idea of “the ontological category of state (al-ḥāl)” which he considers to be included in the complete cause. In his argument, al-Samarqandī considers human will and power as the proximate cause of action and God‘s power as the remote cause of the action in the hierarchical chain of causality, thus arguing that human power has an effect on human action as much as God’s power. Thus, he prefers the approach of Abū İsḥāk al-Isferāyīnī (d. 418/1027), one of the early Ashʿarites, who accepted both God and human power as efficient causes of action. On the other hand Sadr al-Sharī’a, in his criticism, goes one step further than his predecessor and tries to refute the premises of the jabr argument of al-Rāzī. Sadr al-Sharīʿa in his counter-argument called “four premises (al-muqaddimāt al-arba‘)” breaks the chain of causality that leads to necessity by including “the noncausal states (al-ḥāl)”, such as human will, in the complete cause of human action. In addition, contrary to al-Rāzī’s claim, he argues that motivations (dāʾīs), do not necessarily determine the choice of human will in actions. With this approach, Sadr al-Sharīa seems to prefer the view of the classical Māturīdī tradition, which attributes the efficient cause of human action exclusively to God but recognizes a role for human beings, which is referred to as “kasb”.

Hanefî Geleneğin Klasik Sonrası Döneminde Özgür  İrade Problemi: Semerkandî ve Sadrüşşerîa’nın Râzî’ye  Eleştirileri

“Sakın Ondan Bahsetme!”: Erken İslam Tarihinde Muhaddisler  ve Sansür

Ayşe

&nbsp;Islamic science literature on Ahl al-Sunna and Shīʿa was formed depending on sectarian doctrines. It is possible to follow this clearly through hadith sources. When we look at the Shīʿite hadith works, we see that, unlike the Ahl al-Sunna, the words of the Imāms are also accepted as hadith. On the other hand, unlike Shī‘a, according to Sunnī thought, the Companions played an important role in transmitting hadith. When the chains of Sunnī and Shīʿite narrations are examined, these two basic differences are clearly observed. Although Sunnī and Shīʿite scholars adopt different methods on many issues, such as the acceptance, rejection, and authenticity criteria of narrations, there is a group of common narrations in the hadith literature of the two schools.&nbsp;These narrations are very important because they reveal the issues on which the schools agreed upon and the size of this alliance. However, more importantly, these narrations provide information about the early periods of hadith history. At this point, the common narrators in both Sunnī and Shīʿite isnāds of common narrations rise to prominence. Because it is possible to obtain information about the hadith transitions between the two schools based on the evaluations of Sunnī and Shīʿite scholars regarding common narrators. The texts of common narrations are also important in terms of revealing whether the hadiths were changed within the framework of sectarian views. This article aims to show what proportions of common narrations exist in the hadith sources of Ahl al-Sunna and Shīʿa, and on which hadiths these two schools agree and differ from each other. Additionally, the article will show how, where, when, and through whom narrations are transferred between Ahl al-Sunna and Shīʿa.&nbsp;In recent times, there have been studies examining common narrations. The most important of these studies are the books prepared by Taqrīb al-Madhāib projects operating in Egypt and Kuwait to bring the two schools closer to each other. Common hadiths in these studies are narrations about a subject in both Sunnī and Shīʿite literature. Therefore, it is not possible to accurately make evaluations of the common narrations in the hadith works of the two schools based on these works. In these studies, there is no discussion of how common narrations were transferred from one school’s hadith circle to another.&nbsp;Unlike previous studies, this article investigates hadiths with similar texts in the books of Sunnī and Shīʿite scholars, spesicifically focusing itself to Usūl section of Kulaynī’s al-Kāfī. In this study, it was determined that 406 out of 3798 hadiths were found to be common. This&nbsp; shows that the common narrations in the hadith sources of the two schools are around 10%. In addition, it was observed that the common narrations were mainly about hadiths regarding morality. Another issue discussed in this paper is the isnād characteristics of common narrations. The most important element in the chains is the common narrators, as they are connected to the scientific circles of Ahl al-Sunna and Shīʿa. Because of the information about the common narrators in both Sunnī and Shīʿite rijāl works, it is possible to make inferences about the period and region in which these people participated in the narration activity. Essentially, this gives an idea about when, where, and through which names individuals the transfer of information between Sunnī and Shīʿite circles occurred. However, the biographical material about common narrators also provides information about the period when a hadith scholar’s circle was open to narrators from both schools. Based on these details about common narrators, it is possible to determine when the hadith circles of the two schools separated from each other or gained independent identity.&nbsp;Finally, this article provides information about the textual features of common hadiths. When the texts of these narrations were examined, it was observed that there were no serious textual differences between the Sunnī and Shīʿite texts. However, this situation changes, especially regarding critical issues for Ahl al-Sunna and Shīʿa, such as imāmate and walāyah. Significant changes such as addition and reduction occurres in the texts of these narrations that are the subjects of the Sunnī and Shīʿite conflict. As a result, it has been determined that common narrations were transferred from one school circle to another in the 2nd/8th century. The transfer of hadiths between Sunnī and Shīʿite circles mainly occurred in Kūfah. According to this research, the people who transferred these hadiths from one circle to another are Shīʿite oriented, weak, liar, unknown, and crypto narrators.

Ehl-i Sünnet ve Şîa’da Müşterek Rivayetler -Küleynî’nin  el-Kâfî’sinin Usûl Bölümü Özelinde-

Following the execution of Fażlallāh Astarābādī by Mīrānshāh in 796/1394, a considerable number of caliphs and disciples were left behind, possessing intellectual background to ensure the continued survival and transmission of his works to future generations. The most significant and comprehensive work of Fażlallāh is undoubtedly the Jāvdānnāma. In his Kursīnāma, Fażlallāh’s caliph ‘Alī al-A’lā states that in 788/1386, the secret of the Quran emerged from Fażlallāh and that the main book, Jāvdānnāma, was written. This was initially composed in a disorganized manner on various rolls of paper. Following his death, he made some annotations and markings to facilitate the organization of these papers. Fażlallāh himself named the book Jāvdānnāma, a designation explained by the Quranic assertion that those who desire the face of Allah ‘will remain there eternally’ (&nbsp;َد َ ِيها َ يِخا). In other words, this book leads to the knowledge of eternity, where everything perishes, and only His face remains.Jāvdānnāma-ye Kabīr is primarily written in the Gurgan dialect of Persian, which is no longer spoken and is mixed with standard Persian. The fact that this work was written over a long period of time and under different physical conditions has led to the existence of long and monolithic chapters as well as short sections, memorable notes, and fragmentary sentences.Three works in world literature have been written in this dialect, all related to Hurufism. In addition, all of these works contain sentences written in standard Persian and Gurgan dialect. These works are Fażlallāh’s Jāvdānnāma-ye Kabīr and Muhabbatnāma, and Fażlallāh’s disciple Sayyid Ishāq’s Mahramnāma.Jāvdānnāma-ye Kabīr contains a total of eight circular figures, each drawn on a different page and accompanied by notes written inside them. The notes are in Persian and the Gurgan dialect of Persian, and include Arabic verses and hadiths. This article aims to elucidate the significance of these circular drawings. A close reading of four distinct manuscripts of Jāvdānnāma-ye Kabīr has enabled the identification of all eight circular figures, which are presented here with Arabic translations. The article then introduces the Ḥurūfī doctrine and discusses how medieval and early modern Ḥurūfīs, especially Hamza Bey, interpreted and&nbsp;discussed these figures. Finally, the article discusses the traditional medieval cosmology and places the circular drawings in their proper context.Hamza Bey is the only Ḥurūfī author who has commented on these figures. Our knowledge of Hamza Bey is somewhat limited, but it is recorded that he died in 1033/1623. In addition the terms “Hamza Bey” and “Hamza Efendi” were used to refer to him, his Turkish commentaries suggest that he lived in the Ottoman geography. Hamza Bey represents the final link in the chain of succession, which began with Fażlallāh’s caliph ‘Alī al-A’lā and continued through Mīr Fāżılī, Mīrzā Dastburīda Muhammad and Jāwidī. Similar to his master Jāwidī, Hamza Bey composed commentaries on Fażlallāh’s works. He wrote two distinct commentaries on Jāvidānnāma. The first commentary is represented by three copies (Millet Library, Ali Emiri Persian, no. 1046, in the margin of the copy of Jāvidānnāma; Basel University Library, Tschudi, M VI 70, ff. 1b-148a; Basel University Library, Tschudi, M VI 71, ff. 68b-169b) and the second commentary is represented by a single copy (Basel University Library, Tschudi, M VI 71, ff. 68b-169b).This article illustrates how Fażlallāh integrated traditional medieval cosmology with Hurufism philosophy. Through these circular drawings, Fażlallāh and his disciples clearly position human beings at the center of their beliefs and supported this belief through an interpretation of cosmology. Neither the circular drawings themselves nor their interpretations have been published or subjected to in-depth study. The interpretation of these circular drawings not only provides a more solid foundation for future research on Hurufi doctrines but also offers a novel perspective on the study of traditional medieval cosmology.

Fazlullah Hurufi’nin Câvidân-nâme’sindeki Şekillerde İlm-i Felek

&nbsp;Al-Ghazālī’s life has always aroused excitement, from the time he lived until today. He wrote his life story at the end of his life. However, in his short autobiography, he also overshadowed many issues. Ghazali, in al-Munqiz, al-Ghazālī does not mention his teachers, his socio-political environment, his family, or the events of the time. After leaving Baghdad, he lived a life of seclusion during his travels to cities such as Damascus, al-Khalīl and Jerusalem. After returning to his hometown, Al-Ghazālī described himself as a recluse, except for “the events of the time” and “the affairs of children”. According to his own narrative, al-Ghazālī led a reclusive life. However, his letters compiled under the title “Fadhā’il al-anām” present a different picture. These letters provide important information about al-Ghazālī’s period of seclusion and his theo-political relations during that time.&nbsp;Al-Ghazālī’s period of seclusion, as discussed in this article, refers to the time from his departure from Baghdad in Dhilqa’dah 488/1095 until his death. Al-Ghazālī remained secluded until his death and did not return to the Nidhāmiyya muderriship in Nishāpur until eleven years later. He was compelled to take up this position, rather than doing so voluntarily. He also mentioned that his return did not signify a true return. He stated that while he was “previously explaining the science that earned people high positions”, he was now “explaining the science that makes people abandon high positions”. Moreover, this process did not last long, and he returned to his hometown, Tus, after a few years. Al-Ghazālī’s period of seclusion can be divided into four parts: From Baghdad to Baghdad: The Period of Seclusion with Traveling, Tus: The Period of Settled Life of Reclusion, and Nishapur: The Return to the Teaching and the Event of the Trial and the Second Period of Tus and his Death.&nbsp;During his time in seclusion, al-Ghazālī did not refrain from attending social events or engaging in individual educational activities. In particular, he took an active interest in the troubles of the people, warned the governors, and wrote letters to the rulers informing them of the troubles of the people. He patronized the dervishes residing in his khangāh and advised the rulers of the state to appoint some of his students to positions they deserved.Based on Fedhā’il al-anām and other sources, the following conclusions have been drawn in this article: Although al-Ghazālī did not name them, some individuals were influential in his life. It is possible to mention the influence of Shaykh Ardishīr b. Abū Mansūr al-ʿAbbādī in his decision to leave Baghdad and embrace the Sufi way of life or pursue a path of seclusion. Again, Abu al-Fath Nasr al-Maqdisī, the muhaddith-jurist and ascetic who met with him in Damascus, influential in al-Ghazālī’s subsistence on his own labor and not receiving help from state officials. After leaving Baghdad, al-Ghazālī did not break away from science and the scholarly environment where he went. The concept of seclusion for al-Ghazālī included three points mentioned in his oath in al-Khalīl. These points include not taking money from rulers, not attending official ceremonies (this includes not being in a managerial position), and avoiding debate and bigotry. During his seclusion period, al-Ghazālī established close relations with dervishes. He had a khangāh in his hometown, Tus, and he watched over the dervishes who stayed there. His approach, which was more distant to sūfis in the Iḥyāʾ, evolved into closer contact in his letters.

Gazzâlî Biyografisine Bir Katkı: Mektupları Işığında  Gazzâlî’nin Uzlet Hayatı

İrfan

The appointment of four judges in Egypt under the Fāṭimid State in 525/1131, two of whom were from Shīʿa and two from Sunnī schools of law, has drawn the interest of researchers due to its significance for both Fāṭimid socio-political history and Islamic jurisprudence. Our anonymous local source, noting this information approximately 50 years after the event, described it as an unprecedented occurrence in the Islamic nation. Although there is no mention of any restriction on judges regarding cases brought before them, their equal authority in matters of inheritance is emphasized. This is particularly noteworthy because some fundamental rulings of inheritance law where Shīʿa and Sunnī doctrines diverge are closely linked to the Fāṭimid concept of imāmate. However, historical sources concerning the period during which this event occurred are limited. Consequently, this information, which provides significant insights into the Fāṭimid judicial system, the implementation of Shīʿa law in the predominantly Sunnī Egyptian society, and the socio-political situation, becomes even more interesting and intriguing. Allouche examined the subject comprehensively and attempted to analyze in detail the political motives behind the appointments, the status and identities of the appointed judges. Later authors referred to Allouche’s article, but no alternative assessments were proposed. According to Allouche, the primary political motive behind these appointments was as follows: This appointment was&nbsp;&nbsp;part of Ibn al- Afḍal’s (d. 526/1131) actions to declare the end of the Fāṭimid caliphate and the shift in the state’s ideology. Specifically, the Ismāʿilī monopoly in the judiciary was abolished. Ibn al-Afḍal took advantage of the political uncertainty that arose due to the death of Caliph Āmir (d. 524/1130) and the absence of a known male heir. He imprisoned ʿAbdulmajīd (later Caliph Ḥāfiẓ, 526-544/1132-1149), who had previously declared himself the heir apparent (waliyyu’l-ʿahd), removed his name from the Friday sermon (khutbah), and minted coins in the name of the expected imam, implying a shift in the state’s allegiance to the Twelver Shīʿa to which Ibn al-Afḍal belonged.&nbsp;Allouche considers that each of the four judges, described merely as judges in the source, was actually a chief judge. He bases this on a comparison with the newly established system of the Mamlūk era, made by Ibn Muyassar (d. 677/1278), who transmitted this unique information in his book Akhbar. In Allouche’s view, this interpretation aligns with Ibn al-Afḍal’s political agenda, whose main objective was to equate Imāmī Law, his own madhhab, with the Ismāʿilī Law, thus representing the new ideology of the state with an Imāmī chief judge. However, according to him, this interpretation simultaneously creates some problems that require resolution. Because at the time of the appointment, the previously appointed chief judge, al-Qaysarānī, was still in office. This implies that with the newly appointed four qāḍīs there were five chief judges, two of whom representing Ismāʿilī madhhab, serving simultaneously: al-Qaysaranī, representing the Fāṭimid state’s Ismāʿilī madhhab, and the four judges appointed by Ibn al-Afḍal, representing the Ismāʿilī, Imāmī, Mālikī, and Shāfiʿī madhhabs. Allouche attempted to resolve this problem by suggesting a potential scribal error regarding the names of the judges. He posits that the Imāmī judge mentioned among the four newly appointed might actually be the same person as the existing chief judge, al-Qaysaranī. Thus, Ibn al Afḍal must have reappointed the incumbent al-Qaysaranī as the chief judge representing the Imāmiyya. He believed that the good relations between al-Qaysaranī and Ibn al-Afḍal, as suggested by the information available in the sources, would support this interpretation. However, there are strong arguments against this interpretation, and it seems that Allouche did not sufficiently address the issues arising from this. First, Allouche did not consider that the sources clearly indicated that al-Qaysarānī was actually a Shāfiʿī. For sure, one can argue that numerous instances exist of Sunnīs being appointed to the position of chief judge in the Fāṭimid state. Therefore, it is not impossible that al-Qaysaranī, despite being a Shāfiʿī, served as the Ismāʿilī chief judge for a period and was later appointed as the Imāmī chief judge because of his close ties with the ruling power amidst the political changes. However, a more careful examination of the identities of the other four judges on the list indicates that each of these individuals was more suitable for Ibn al-Afḍal’s political objectives and could not be replaced by al-Qaysaranī. Al-Qaysaranī did not possess the necessary qualifications for the office of qāḍī, as indicated by contemporary sources. His appointment to the position of chief judge before this event was primarily due to his prestigious status as a Cairo elite, rather than his legal expertise. In contrast to al-Qaysaranī’s background, each of the individuals named in the appointment of the four judges was esteemed within their respective religious groups for possessing the qualities of a judge. Viewed in this light, the appointment of these four judges underscores Ibn al-Afḍal’s need for support from the Cairo elites, military groups and broader segments of the population in the delicate situation in which he assumed power, as well as the constraints on his authority. Therefore, the information available in the sources can be interpreted as follows: Following the coup in 525/1131, al-Qaysaranī retained his high-level administrative powers and, in particular, his authority to oversee grievance cases (maẓālim) as the chief judge. The remaining four judges were appointed with the authority to adjudicate civil cases in accordance with their respective madhhabs. Hence, the claim of a scribal error in the information provided by the sources arises from an incomplete and improper reading of the sources. The use of the term qāḍī al-qudāt in the sources in this context is also misleading, as evidenced by examples in which qāḍīs described as chief qāḍī in annals or other historical sources were named in official records as nāib or wakīl of the vizier.

Mısır Fâtımî Devleti’nde 525/1131 Yılında Dört Kadı  Ataması, Yeni Bir Değerlendirme

İsa

Mehmed Ismet Efendi (d. 1747), a prominent intellectual in the first half of the 18th century, was a distinguished professor in Islamic sciences, a poet and scholar who authored works in Turkish, Arabic, and Persian, an astronomer who conducted studies in astronomy, a well-known calligrapher of his time, and a Ṣūfī master who had authority in five different Ṣūfī orders. In addition to these qualities, he deserves attention for the extensive library he has succeeded in establishing in his household. Focusing on the surviving manuscripts of Mehmed Ismet and his previously neglected probate inventory, this article examines the formation process of the library he managed to establish, the strategies he adopted during this process, and the fate of the library following his death. By focusing on his library, which contained abundant works on Islamic sciences, poetry, and astronomy, this study contributes to ongoing research on Ottoman manuscript culture, book collecting, and Ottoman libraries and determines Mehmed Ismet’s place in Ottoman intellectual history.While examining the formation process of the library, the first claim of the article is that the foundation of Mehmed Ismet’s library was a collection inherited from his father, Ibrāhīm Agha, who was the steward of one of the grand viziers during the reign of Mehmed IV (r. 1648-1687). In addition, it is asserted that Mehmed Ismet managed to successfully expand his library by effectively using substantial wealth and economic power. Moreover, it is demonstrated that Mehmed Ismet’s collection grew with the books and treatises inherited from his brother Osmān Efendi, who died in December 1734 in Kavala, where he was the judge of the city. However, the number of manuscripts inherited from Osmān Efendi seemed extremely limited. The existing literature widely suggests that, except for those belonging to well-established ulema families who were controlling high-ranking offices in official ulema establishments, the wealth accumulation of the eighteenth-century Ottoman ulema was very limited to the extent that they survived with deep economic concerns. Yet, Mehmed Ismet lived in prosperity thanks to the substantial wealth inherited from his family, the gratuities he received from the panegyric poems he presented to high-ranking officials as well as the proceeds from the authored and translated works he did for them, his income from his professorship, his earnings from calligraphy, and the allowance from the pious foundation of Kādīzāde Mehmed Efendi, of which he was a trustee for a while. It is among the theses of the article that he financed the&nbsp;&nbsp;formation of his library with this wealth and, in line with his professional and personal interests, succeeded in establishing a library predominantly containing scholarly works pertaining to Islamic sciences, astronomy, and Sufism.&nbsp;Another claim of this article is that as a skilled calligrapher of his age, Mehmed Ismet benefitted from his reputation when establishing his library. He relied on calligraphy not only to sustain his livelihood but also to reduce the expenses of creating a book collection. Available data demonstrate that he copied 28 books and 93 treatises for his library. Given that the entire collection did not survive to the present day, it can be assumed that the number of scholarly works that Mehmed Ismet duplicated and added to his collection was higher. He particularly enjoyed copying and collecting treatises, classifying and bounding them according to language, subject, and author. It can be argued in this respect that he was in full harmony with the eighteenth-century Ottoman intellectual circles, where treatises and pamphlets were in circulation. Nevertheless, one of the characteristics that distinguished Mehmed Ismet from the remaining book collectors of the period was his desire to expand his library by manipulating his official position. For instance, under the pretext of copying for his own library, he misappropriated 129 books belonging to the book collection of Kādīzāde Mehmed Efendi’s waqf, of which he was a trustee for a period. The fact that 51 of these books contained his ownership records and seventeen bore his personal seal indicates that he might have also embezzled books from other libraries and collections. However, no clear evidence of this possibility has been found.&nbsp;The rich book collection that Mehmed Ismet was able to build by utilizing his personal and familial connections, his wealth, and his skills in calligraphy were expeditiously dispersed in a short time following his death. His books were purchased by his friends and the book collectors of the period, including high-ranking statesmen. This was such a rapid and sudden development that in his probate inventory, which was recorded seventy days after his death, only a few works related to Ottoman, Persian, and Arabic poetry were recorded. This situation contradicts given his skill in writing Turkish, Persian, and Arabic poems. The mention of only fifteen divans in the inventory and the complete absence of literary works by the great figures of classical Ottoman poetry such as Aḥmad Pasha (d. 1497), Nedjātī (d. 1509), Zātī (d. 1546), Fuḍūlī (d. 1556), Khayālī (d. 1557), Nefʿī (d. 1635), Nābī (d. 1712), and Nedīm (d. 1730) are clear indications of the sudden and rapid dispersal of the collection. This situation had prevented his library from being established as a permanent building until now. However, a significant portion of his books have been preserved in various book collections and have survived to date.

18. Yüzyılda Şahsi Bir Kütüphanenin İnşası ve Dağılışı:  Mehmed İsmet Efendi Kütüphanesi Örneği

İslim

Sülemî’nin Tabakât Mukaddimesi Üzerinden Velâyet  Düşüncesine Dair Bir Değerlendirme

Selman

Ali Köse’nin “Dinin Geleceği” Adlı Eserinin  Değerlendirmesi

Ahmet

Kevin Vallier’in “All the Kingdoms of the World: On  Radical Religious Alternatives to Liberalism” Adlı  Eserinin Değerlendirmesi

Murat

Maurits Berger’in “2004: De toekomst van islam in  Nederland” Adlı Eserinin Değerlendirmesi

Düzeltme: İstişari Bir Ümmet Tasavvur Etmek: Namık Kemal’in Anayasal Tahayyülüne Bir Giriş

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Şahabettin

This study aims to investigate the utterance and meaning properties of augmented (mezîd) verbs expressing reflexivity (mutâva‘at) in the Arabic Language. In this study, dictionary definitions of the word ‘mutâva'at’, reflexivity measures of triliteral (sülâsi) verbs, augmented (mezîd) verbs expressing reflexivity (mutâva‘at), usage characteristics of the verbs expressing reflexivity, the opinions of grammarians about reflexivity and comparison of the verbs stating reflexivity with intransitive and passive verbs will be examined in the light of examples from the Qur’an, Arabic poetry and proverbs.Verbs play a significant role in Arabic grammar. Expressing judgment with verb sentences forms the basis of expressing thoughts in Arabic. Arab grammarians, from the time of Sîbeveyhî to the present day, have given special importance to verb patterns and their meanings whether they are mücerred (pure) verbs or mezîd (augmented) verbs. Understanding Arabic texts correctly and translating them appropriately in Turkish is closely related to knowing verb measures and their meanings. In grammar books, verbs have been dealt with under various sub-titles. Active-passive (ma‘lûm-meçhûl), transitive-intransitive (müte‘addî-lâzım), soundweak (sahîh-mu‘tel) and declinable-indeclinable (mutasarrıf-câmid) can be given as examples of these titles. Another important sub-topic of verbs is augmented (mezîd) verbs and their meanings. Verbs in Arabic are divided into two parts depending on whether their letters are original or not. The first category is pure (mücerred) verbs all letters of which are original, and the second one is augmented (mezîd) verbs to which letters are attached. In the Arabic language there are different meanings that augmented verbs express and reflexivity is one of them. Verbs which carry the meaning of reflexivity were used both in religious texts and in Arabic poetry and proverbs during the time before Islam (Câhiliyya).This study uses the scanning method, one of the data collection methods, to analyze and evaluate the collected data, and the views of the Arab grammarians on the subject were included. In order to better understand the subjects, the Qur'an, Arabic poetry and proverbs were quoted. In our preliminary research, it was found that there was no academic study on verbs expressing reflexivity in Arabic. Thus, we decided to prepare this study under the title of “Verbs Expressing Reflexivity in Arabic Language” to close this gap, even if only slightly.In the Arabic language, “infi‘âl” is the basic measure in terms of reflexivity. The measure of “infi‘âl”, which is one of the augmented verbs, is always intransitive and it never takes a direct object (mef‘ûlün bih). While other augmented verbs express other meanings beside reflexivity, the measure of “infi‘âl” only expresses reflexivity. In the Arabic language, there&nbsp;also some other augmented measures expressing reflexivity. Verbs that express reflexivity are not a different notation of intransitive verbs since there are also some transitive verbs with the meaning of reflexivity which take a direct object. However, intransitive verbs can never receive direct objects. Verbs that express reflexivity are divided into two in terms of transitiveness. The first category is that of reflexive (mutâvî‘) verbs that are always intransitive and the other is that of reflexive verbs which are transitive. Other augmented verbs stating reflexivity are also intransitive most of the time.&nbsp;While the topic of verbs is covered along with nouns and letters in grammar books, some books are dedicated only to verbs like the example of Kitâbu fa‘altü ve ef‘altü of Ebû İshâk ez-Zeccâc. In the words of Ibn Hisham, the meaning of reflexivity (mutâva‘at) is that the first of the two verbs creates an effect and the agent of the second verb accepts this effect. Agents of the verbs that express reflexivity have the meaning of object (mef‘ûl). In other words, agents of the verbs expressing reflexivity are not real agents which create an effect because these agents do not describe an action, state or occurrence, but on the contrary they are affected by the action.As a basic fact of grammar taught by Arab grammarians, verbs expressing the meaning of reflexivity are not regular. Radıyüddîn al-Esterâbâdî also says that the use of augmented verbs is irregular, and that those things that are heard from the Arabs should be taken as a basis when deciding which pure triliteral verb comes in which augmented verb measure.&nbsp;Arab grammarians included the style of reflexivity in their works and explained their conditions and features of their usage by giving examples from verse and poetry. There is no significant difference of opinion among the grammarians on the subject of reflexivity. The first grammarian who dealt with reflexivity was Sîbeveyhî. Later grammarians followed in his footsteps. Definitions of reflexivity given by later grammarians such as Radıyyüddîn elEsterâbâdî ve İbn Hişâm el-Ensârî were clearer and more precise, and their way of dealing with the issue was more systematic. Verbs expressing reflexivity are active in terms of utterance and passive with regard to meaning. Some grammarians, such as Sîbeveyhî, evaluate the verbs that express reflexivity in the same category as passive verbs in terms of meaning.

Arapçada Dönüşlülük (Mutâva‘at) Anlamı İfade Eden Mezid Fiiller

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Serhan

Religion, which means “path, faith, tradition, bond, servitude” in all cultures, is a phenomenon that changes individual and social life with very strong influences. From this point of view, religion plays an important role in the formation of an individual's personality by contributing to their level of consciousness. We can also say that each religion has established a common ‘language of religion’ to form a common perception. In this respect, revelation is a sign this common language of religion and a state of communication in which God himself addresses in a language that humans speak. In other words, the revelation -word of God- that determines an individual's relationship with themselves, their surroundings, and God is presented to human understanding using the Qur'an's own linguistic and stylistic characteristics within the possibilities and limits of the Arabic language. Hence, in order to actualize this addressaddressee dialectic, the Qur'an takes into account the perceptions and concepts of the society it was revealed to and forms a common world view formed by the values of the society such as language, faith, culture, and history. Moreover, it actualizes the most beautiful transformation and change of the individual's mindset and identity by using the Qur'anic Style, which is the language's own style of expression, in verse and language form. Indeed, the correct understanding of the divine word is made possible by taking into account its distinctive Quranic language, its style, and its ikhbari (pronouncement) and inshai (constructive) sentence structures in parallel with its style of expression. In this way, it contains the transitivity in which one can be included in the context of the other from time to time in the course of the Qur'anic style, and it turns into the inshai structure, which is a higher style of the ikhbari form, and drives its addressees to change their actions.&nbsp;This study aims to identify the main subject of Surat Al-Infitar by taking into account the relationship between the addressees and the environment in light of the methods that are unique to the Qur'anic style offered as a linguistic method of understanding the Qur'an and the style of the language of religion that encompasses the whole of the Qur'an. In this sense, our study takes into account the constructional (inshai) structure that plays a role in manifesting&nbsp;and turning the warning (ikhbari) expressions for doomsday -like the sky will break apart, the stars will fall- into action mostly "here-now", beyond the informing of the future apocalypse. Therefore, the study tries to address the surah as a whole within the framework of the specific language structure of the divine word and the Qur'anic style. Thanks to this information that forms the basis of the method of the Qur'anic style, the verse(s) and/or the surah turns the gayb (invisible) sphere like the apocalypse, the judgement day, the hereafter into an active "event" and a new "action" happening "here-now" through the issues of the testimonial sphere of this world in a style that can be understood by all. As it were, the surah creates the comprehension of the truth of the revelation, which is first and foremost the first stage of the God-man relationship, through the reality of the change in the cosmic structure. And it also creates the understanding of "the hereafter with the consciousness of reckoning". Accordingly, it lays the burden of personal responsibility to the individual and it shows how the will and power of the divine truth manifests.&nbsp;In this context, the surah talks about the cosmic changes that took place during the events of doomsday which transforms into kalami action through Allah's taqwini laws and turns this action into morality. The surah begins with "doomsday" scenes that can be described as "the sudden occurrence of an event and/or the beginning of cosmic change" as if to show a new era is about to begin. The word infitar, which gives its name to the Surah, means "splitting, disturbing the existing order, interfering with something". And in this context, it is interpreted as "without knowing its nature, the revelation of the commandments of God to the Earth either through the descent of the Angels or by the greatness of the Lord". In our opinion, these events are aimed at drawing attention to the reality, nature, and possibility of the divine revelation, as well as emphasizing to their addressees that the old corrupt order will be replaced by a new one. As a matter of fact, when we take into account the revelation course of the Qur'an, we see that it conveys its divine message to a society where the majority were illiterate and thought it impossible for Allah to send his divine message to its addressees by means of a human being who also was illiterate. In addition, the context of forward-looking ikhbari statements reveals to us the inshai structure of the issues towards this world. In this sense, the surah builds a religious and moral consciousness through taqwini/qawni verses beyond just giving information. The point that draws attention here is that the qawni verses are both verses themselves, and that they are accepted as signs, prognostics, that is, intellectual evidence of the truth that exists in their own selves. It reflects the greatest evidence for the positioning of the revelation the fact that all beings, including the earth, sky, and man, with their apparent–known features witnessed by themselves are a verse. And it plays a role in the comprehension that they are all parts of the same whole, including this revelation. Moreover, in the minds of the addressees, who thought that it was impossible for Allah to send his message through the Prophet Muhammad Who was ontologically human, the entity to which they ascribe sanctity gains a new meaning and the actions created by this meaning explain the possibility of such revelation.&nbsp;Thus, a&nbsp;consciousness about everything that the Allah-universe relationship represents is created in the addressees and the absolute creative power behind this truth is pointed out. Therefore, the main subject of the surah is the creation of the awareness of the day of reckoning and the understanding of the hereafter, which is put forth with a style that is simultaneous with the possibility of the divine revelation, its nature and its reality.In line with this perspective, our work offers to read the depictions of the doomsday which belongs to the gayb for humans, the topics concerning the hereafter like the awareness of the day of reckoning in inshai form in the context of Qur'anic style. In this respect, our article attempts to understand and explain the effects of the Qur'anic style that are reflected in this world and which turn it into action and morality here and now, not in terms of the “reality and/or awareness of the scenes of the apocalypse”. Of course, this study, taken in the context of the Qur'anic style, is an effort aimed at basing not the style itself but only its method and, in parallel, determining the main idea of the surah.

Kur’ânî Üslup Açısından İnfitâr Sûresi

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İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi, İstanbul Üniversitesi İslam Tetkikleri Enstitüsü tarafından Mart ve Eylül ayları olmak üzere yılda iki defa yayımlanan uluslararası ve açık erişimli bilimsel bir yayındır. 1953 yılında kurulmuştur. Dergiye yayınlanması için gönderilen bilimsel makaleler Türkçe, İngilizce ya da Arapça olmalıdır.

İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi, İslami ilimler alanında ulusal ve uluslararası düzeyde bilimsel niteliklere sahip çalışmaları yayımlayarak İslami ilimler alanındaki bilgi birikimine katkıda bulunmayı amaçlamaktadır.  

İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi, Türkçe, İngilizce ve Arapça dillerinde yazılmış araştırma makalesi, araştırma notu, kitap değerlendirmesi, sempozyum tanıtımı, yazma eser tanıtımı türünde yapılan çalışmaları yayımlamaktadır.   
   
Tarihçe

1933 yılında İstanbul Dârulfünunu İlahiyat Fakültesinin kapatılmasıyla Edebiyat Fakültesi bünyesinde kurulan İslam Tetkikleri Enstitüsü, 1941 yılında kapatılmış ve 1953 yılında müdürü Zeki Velidi Togan ve müdür yardımcısı Fuat Sezgin idaresinde tekrar faaliyete geçmiştir. 1982 yılında statüsü araştırma merkezi olarak değiştirilen Enstitü 2018 yılında İstanbul Üniversitesi Rektörlüğüne bağlanmıştır. Statüsü değişse de kuruluşundan itibaren Kurum bünyesinde hakemli bilimsel bir dergi faaliyeti sürdürülmüştür.

Dergi, 1953-1982 yılları arasında İslam Tetkikleri Enstitüsü Dergisi, 1982-1995 yılları arasında ise İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi ismiyle dokuz cilt ve on dört farklı sayı olarak yayımlanmıştır. Dergi, 2020 Mart ayı itibarıyla yeniden yayım hayatına başlamıştır.

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İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi, İslami ilimler alanında ulusal ve uluslararası düzeyde bilimsel niteliklere sahip çalışmaları yayımlayarak bu alandaki bilgi birikimine katkıda bulunmayı amaçlamaktadır.İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi, temel İslami ilimler, İslam tarihi ve düşüncesi alanındaki yazılara yer veren çift taraflı kör-hakemli bir dergidir. Dergi, bu alanlarda interdisipliner, multidisipliner ve Osmanlı dönemini merkeze alan çalışmalara öncelik vermektedir.İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi, Türkçe, İngilizce ve Arapça dillerinde yazılmış araştırma makalesi, derleme makale, araştırma notu, kitap değerlendirmesi, sempozyum/çalıştay tanıtımı gibi türlerde çalışmalar yayımlamaktadır.

Amaç ve Kapsam

TÜBİTAK-ULAKBİM TR Dizin DOAJSOBİADEBSCO Humanities SourceEBSCO Central &amp; Eastern European Academic Source ScopusATLA Religion DatabaseGale Cengage

Dizinler

Dergi yayın etiğinde en yüksek standartlara bağlıdır ve <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a> ve <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> tarafından yayınlanan etik yayıncılık ilkelerini benimser; Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing başlığı altında ifade edilen ilkeler için: <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a> Gönderilen makaleler derginin amaç ve kapsamına uygun olmalıdır. Orijinal, yayınlanmamış ve başka bir dergide değerlendirme sürecinde olmayan, her bir yazar tarafından içeriği ve gönderimi onaylanmış yazılar değerlendirmeye kabul edilir. Makale yayınlanmak üzere Dergiye gönderildikten sonra yazarlardan hiçbirinin ismi, tüm yazarların yazılı izni olmadan yazar listesinden silinemez ve yeni bir isim yazar olarak eklenemez ve yazar sırası değiştirilemez.İntihal, duplikasyon, sahte yazarlık/inkar edilen yazarlık, araştrma/veri fabrikasyonu, makale dilimleme, dilimleyerek yayın, telif hakları ihlali ve çıkar çatışmasının gizlenmesi, etik dışı davranışlar olarak kabul edilir. Kabul edilen etik standartlara uygun olmayan tüm makaleler yayından çıkarılır. Buna yayından sonra tespit edilen olası kuraldışı, uygunsuzluklar içeren makaleler de dahildir.İntihal Ön kontrolden geçirilen makaleler, iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal/kendi kendine intihal tespit edilirse yazarlar bilgilendirilir. Editörler, gerekli olması halinde makaleyi değerlendirme ya da üretim sürecinin çeşitli aşamalarında intihal kontrolüne tabi tutabilirler. Yüksek benzerlik oranları, bir makalenin kabul edilmeden önce ve hatta kabul edildikten sonra reddedilmesine neden olabilir. Makalenin türüne bağlı olarak, bunun oranın %15 veya %20'den az olması beklenir.Çift Kör Hakemlikİntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir. Editör, makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakemlikten geçmesini sağlar ve makale biçimsel esaslara uygun ise, gelen yazıyı yurtiçinden ve /veya yurtdışından en az iki hakemin değerlendirmesine sunar, hakemler gerek gördüğü takdirde yazıda istenen değişiklikler yazarlar tarafından yapıldıktan sonra yayınlanmasına onay verir.

Politikalar

Dergi açık erişimlidir ve derginin tüm içeriği okura ya da okurun dahil olduğu kuruma ücretsiz olarak sunulur. Okurlar, ticari amaç haricinde, yayıncı ya da yazardan izin almadan dergi makalelerinin tam metnini okuyabilir, indirebilir, kopyalayabilir, arayabilir ve link sağlayabilir. Bu <a href="https://www.budapestopenaccessinitiative.org/translations/turkish-translation" target="_blank">BOAI</a> açık erişim tanımıyla uyumludur. Derginin açık erişimli makaleleri Creative Commons Atıf-GayrıTicari 4.0 Uluslararası (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.tr" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) olarak lisanslıdır.

Derginin tüm giderleri İstanbul Üniversitesi tarafından karşılanmaktadır. Dergide makale yayımı ve makale süreçlerinin yürütülmesi ücrete tabi değildir. Dergiye gönderilen ya da yayıma kabul edilen makaleler için işlemleme ücreti ya da gönderim ücreti alınmaz.

Yazarlar dergide yayınlanan çalışmalarının telif hakkına sahiptirler ve çalışmaları  Creative Commons Atıf-GayrıTicari 4.0 Uluslararası (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.tr" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) olarak lisanslıdır. CC BY-NC 4.0 lisansı, eserin ticari kullanım dışında her boyut ve formatta paylaşılmasına, kopyalanmasına, çoğaltılmasına ve orijinal esere uygun şekilde atıfta bulunmak kaydıyla yeniden düzenleme, dönüştürme ve eserin üzerine inşa etme dâhil adapte edilmesine izin verir.

Editörler, yayınlanan makalede, bulguları, yorumları ve sonuçları etkilemeyen küçük hatalar tespit edilirse düzeltme yayınlamayı düşünebilirler. Editörler, bulguları ve sonuçları geçersiz kılan büyük hatalar / ihlaller söz konusu olduğunda, makaleyi geri çekmeyi düşünmelidir. Yazarlar tarafından araştırma veya yayını kötüye kullanmaya yönelik olasılık söz konusu ise; bulguların güvenilir olmadığına ve yazarların kurumlarının olayı soruşturmadığına dair kanıtlar var veya olası soruşturma haksız veya sonuçsuz görünüyor ise, editörler endişe ifadesi yayınlamayı düşünmelidir. Düzeltme, geri çekme veya endişe ifadesi ile ilgili olarak <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/flowcharts/complete-set-english" target="_blank">COPE</a> ve <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/" target="_blank">ICJME</a> yönergeleri dikkate alınır.Geri ÇekmeDergi geri çekme durumunda <a href="https://publicationethics.org/sites/default/files/retraction-guidelines-cope.pdf" target="_blank">COPE Retraction Guidelines</a>’ı izler. Editör, aşağıdaki durumlarda bir makaleyi geri çekme hakkına sahiptir: <ul><li>Büyük bir hata (örn. yanlış hesaplama veya deneysel hata), uydurma öğeler  (örn. veri) veya tahrifat (örn. görüntü manipülasyonu) gibi bulguların güvenilmez olduğu sonucunu çıkarmaya dair açık kanıtlar varsa; </li><li>İçerikte intihal varsa; </li><li>Uygun atıf yapılmadan başka bir yerde yayınlanmışsa;</li><li>Kullanım izni olmayan materyal veya veri içeriyorsa;</li><li>Telif hakkı ihlali veya başka bir ciddi yasal sorun varsa;</li><li>Etik olmayan araştırma içeriyorsa; </li><li>Hakem değerlendirme sürecinin bozulduğuna veya manipüle edildiğine dair kanıt varsa;</li><li>Yazar(lar), editörün görüşüne göre, çalışmanın yorumlanmasını veya editörlerin ve hakemlerin tavsiyelerini önemli derecede etkileyebilecek, kritik bir çıkar çatışmasını açıklamamış ise.</li></ul>Geri çekme durumunda aşağıdaki adımlar izlenir:<ul><li>Makale başlığını da içeren geri çekme bildirimi derginin bir sonraki sayısında yayınlanır. Geri çekme bildirimi  içindekiler tablosunda sayfa nosu verilerek listelenir. </li><li>Elektronik versiyonda geri çekme bildirimi ile orijinal makale arasında link sağlanır. </li><li>Online makaleden önce geri çekme bildirimini içeren sayfa gelir; okuyucu daha sonra makalenin kendisine geçebilir.</li><li>Orijinal makale, her sayfadaki .pdf üzerinde “geri çekildiğini” belirten bir filigran dışında değişmeden kalır.</li></ul>Yasal Nedenlerle Makalenin KaldırılmasıAşağıdaki durumlarda, üst veriler (başlık ve yazarlar) hariç olmak üzere, makale metni kaldırılır ve makalenin yasal nedenlerle kaldırıldığını bildiren bir sayfa makalenin yerini alır. <ul><li>Makalenin karalayıcı içerik ihtiva ettiği veya başkalarının yasal haklarını ihlal ettiği tespit edilir ve geri çekmenin yeterli bir çözüm olmadığı düşünülürse;</li><li>Makale bir mahkeme kararına konu olmuşsa veya olacağına dair makul bir neden varsa;</li><li>Kamu sağlığı açısından önemli bir risk söz konusu ise;  </li></ul>

Dergide yayınlanan tüm yazıların korunmasını ve kalıcı olarak erişilebilir olmasını sağlamak için makaleler, ulusal bir arşiv sitesi olarak hizmet veren ve aynı zamanda LOCKSS'in içeriği toplamasına, korumasına ve sunmasına izin veren Dergipark'ta saklanmaktadır.Ek olarak, yazarların kendilerinin makalelerinin son PDF sürümünü Open Archives Initiative (<a href="https://www.openarchives.org/" target="_blank">https://www.openarchives.org/</a>) standartlarına uygun açık elektronik arşivlerde arşivlemeleri önerilir. Yazarlar, yayınladıkları arşiv versiyonundan, İ.Ü. Yayınevinin dergi web sitesinin URL'sine bağlantı sağlamalıdır.

Genel İlkeler Her sayıda lisansüstü tezlerden üretilen en fazla iki makale yayımlanabilir. Makalelerin yeni bir düzenleme ile makale formatına uygun hâle getirilmesi esastır.Dergimizde makalesi yayımlanmış bir yazarın takip eden sayıda başka bir makalesi yayımlanmaz.Etik İlkeler İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi, yayın etiğinde en yüksek standartlara bağlıdır ve <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a> ve <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> tarafından yayınlanan etik yayıncılık ilkelerini benimser; Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing başlığı altında ifade edilen ilkeler için: <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a>Gönderilen makaleler derginin amaç ve kapsamına uygun olmalıdır. Daha önce yayımlanmamış ya da başka bir dergide değerlendirme sürecinde olmayan, her bir yazar tarafından içeriği ve gönderimi onaylanmış yazılar değerlendirmeye kabul edilir.Makale yayımlanmak üzere dergiye gönderildikten sonra yazarlardan hiçbirinin ismi, tüm yazarların yazılı izni olmadan yazar listesinden silinemez, yeni bir isim yazar olarak eklenemez ve yazar sırası değiştirilemez.İntihal, duplikasyon, sahte yazarlık/inkâr edilen yazarlık, araştırma/veri fabrikasyonu, makale dilimleme, dilimleyerek yayın, telif hakları ihlali ve çıkar çatışmasının gizlenmesi, etik dışı davranışlar olarak kabul edilir. Kabul edilen etik standartlara uygun olmayan tüm makaleler yayından çıkarılır. Buna yayından sonra tespit edilen olası kural dışı, uygunsuzluklar içeren makaleler de dâhildir.

Etik

İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi araştırma etiğinde en yüksek standartları gözetir ve aşağıda tanımlanan uluslararası araştırma etiği ilkelerini benimser. Makalelerin etik kurallara uygunluğu yazarların sorumluluğundadır:<ul><li>Araştırmanın tasarlanması, tasarımın gözden geçirilmesi ve araştırmanın yürütülmesinde, bütünlük, kalite ve şeffaflık ilkeleri sağlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma ekibi ve katılımcılar, araştırmanın amacı, yöntemleri ve öngörülen olası kullanımları; araştırmaya katılımın gerektirdikleri ve varsa riskleri hakkında tam olarak bilgilendirilmelidir.</li><li>Araştırma katılımcılarının sağladığı bilgilerin gizliliği ve yanıt verenlerin gizliliği sağlanmalıdır. Araştırma katılımcıların özerkliğini ve saygınlığını koruyacak şekilde tasarlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma katılımcıları gönüllü olarak araştırmada yer almalı, herhangi bir zorlama altında olmamalıdırlar.</li><li>Katılımcıların zarar görmesinden kaçınılmalıdır. Araştırma, katılımcıları riske sokmayacak şekilde planlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma bağımsızlığıyla ilgili açık ve net olunmalı; çıkar çatışması varsa belirtilmelidir.</li><li>Deneysel çalışmalarda, araştırmaya katılmaya karar veren katılımcıların yazılı bilgilendirilmiş onayı alınmalıdır. Çocukların ve vesayet altındakilerin veya tasdiklenmiş akıl hastalığı bulunanların yasal vasisinin onayı alınmalıdır.</li><li>Çalışma herhangi bir kurum ya da kuruluşta gerçekleştirildiyse bu kurum ya da kuruluştan çalışma yapıldığına dair onay alınmalıdır.</li><li>İnsan ögesi bulunan çalışmalarda, “yöntem” bölümünde katılımcılardan “bilgilendirilmiş onam” ve çalışmanın yapıldığı kurumdan etik kurul onayı alındığının belirtilmesi gerekir.</li></ul>

Makalelerin bilimsel ve etik kurallara uygunluğu yazarların sorumluluğundadır. Yazar makalenin orijinal olduğu, daha önce başka bir yerde yayımlanmadığı ve başka bir yerde, başka bir dilde yayımlanmak üzere değerlendirmede olmadığı konusunda teminat sağlamalıdır. Uygulamadaki telif kanunları ve anlaşmaları gözetilmelidir. Telife bağlı materyaller (örneğin tablolar, şekiller veya büyük alıntılar) gerekli izin ve teşekkürle kullanılmalıdır. Başka yazarların, katkıda bulunanların çalışmaları ya da yararlanılan kaynaklar uygun biçimde kullanılmalı ve referanslarda belirtilmelidir.Gönderilen makalede tüm yazarların akademik ve bilimsel olarak doğrudan katkısı olmalıdır, bu bağlamda “yazar” yayımlanan bir araştırmanın kavramsallaştırılmasına ve dizaynına, verilerin elde edilmesine, analizine ya da yorumlanmasına belirgin katkı yapan, yazının yazılması ya da bunun içerik açısından eleştirel biçimde gözden geçirilmesinde görev yapan birisi olarak görülür. Yazar olabilmenin diğer koşulları ise, makaledeki çalışmayı planlamak veya icra etmek ve/veya revize etmektir. Fon sağlanması, veri toplanması ya da araştırma grubunun genel süpervizyonu tek başına yazarlık hakkı kazandırmaz. Yazar olarak gösterilen tüm şahıslar sayılan tüm ölçütleri karşılamalıdır ve yukarıdaki ölçütleri karşılayan her şahıs yazar olarak gösterilebilir. Yazarların isim sıralaması ortak verilen bir karar olmalıdır. Tüm yazarlar yazar sıralamasını <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/9B77E355354E4B01894A352474E55BAF" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a>’nda imzalı olarak belirtmek zorundadırlar.Yazarlık için yeterli ölçütleri karşılamayan ancak çalışmaya katkısı olan tüm şahıslar “teşekkür/bilgiler” kısmında sıralanmalıdır. Bunlara örnek olarak ise sadece teknik destek sağlayan, yazıma yardımcı olan ya da sadece genel bir destek sağlayan, finansal ve materyal desteği sunan kişiler verilebilir.Bütün yazarlar, araştırmanın sonuçlarını ya da bilimsel değerlendirmeyi etkileyebilme potansiyeli olan finansal ilişkiler, çıkar çatışması ve çıkar rekabetini beyan etmelidirler. Bir yazar kendi yayımlanmış yazısında belirgin bir hata ya da yanlışlık tespit ederse, bu yanlışlıklara ilişkin düzeltme ya da geri çekme için editör ile hemen temasa geçme ve iş birliği yapma sorumluluğunu taşır.

Makaleler hakemlik süreci öncesinde editör kurulu tarafından ön değerlendirmeye tabi tutulur. Editör kurulu, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dinî inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirir. Değerlendirmede derginin ilgi alanları, dergi yazım kuralları, kelime sınırı, akademik üslup, dil-gramer kuralları, analiz ve yorumların yeterliliği, kaynak kullanımı ve konunun özgünlüğü dikkate alınmaktadır. Makale başvurularının yoğunluğu sebebiyle ön değerlendirme sonucunda iade veya reddine karar verilen makaleler için ayrıntılı bir rapor sunulmaz.

Ön kontrolden geçirilen makaleler, iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal/kendi kendine intihal tespit edilirse yazarlar bilgilendirilir. Editörler, gerekli olması hâlinde makaleyi değerlendirme ya da üretim sürecinin çeşitli aşamalarında intihal kontrolüne tabi tutabilirler. Yüksek benzerlik oranları, bir makalenin kabul edilmeden önce ve hatta kabul edildikten sonra reddedilmesine neden olabilir. Makalenin türüne bağlı olarak, benzerlik oranının en fazla %20 olması beklenir.

Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dinî inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirir. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar. Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve dergide yayımlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Baş editör, içerik ve yayının toplam kalitesinden sorumludur. Gerektiğinde hata sayfası yayımlamalı ya da düzeltme yapmalıdır.Baş editör, makaleleri değerlendirilmek üzere en az iki ulusal/uluslararası dış hakeme gönderir; hakemlik süreci sonrasında yayım kararı baş editör tarafından verilir.Baş editör, makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayımlanana kadar gizli kalacağını garanti eder; hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterir.Baş editör, hakemlere gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri üçüncü kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar.Bazı durumlarda editörün kararıyla, ilgili hakemlerin makaleye ait yorumları aynı makaleyi yorumlayan diğer hakemlere gönderilerek hakemlerin bu süreçte aydınlatılması sağlanabilir.Hakemlerin araştırmayla ilgili, yazarlarla ve/veya araştırmanın finansal destekçileriyle çıkar çatışmaları olmamasına dikkat edilmelidir.

Editör, makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakemlikten geçmesini sağlar ve makale biçimsel esaslara uygun ise, gelen yazıyı ulusal/uluslararası en az iki dış hakemin değerlendirmesine sunar, hakemler gerek gördüğü takdirde yazıda istenen değişiklikler yazarlar tarafından yapıldıktan sonra yayımlanmasına onay verir.

Hakemlik Hakkında

Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dinî inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirir. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar.Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve dergide yayımlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Baş editör, içerik ve yayının toplam kalitesinden sorumludur. Gerektiğinde hata sayfası yayımlamalı ya da düzeltme yapmalıdır.Baş editör, makaleleri değerlendirilmek üzere en az iki ulusal/uluslararası dış hakeme gönderir; hakemlik süreci sonrasında yayım kararı baş editör tarafından verilir.Baş editör, makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayımlanana kadar gizli kalacağını garanti eder; hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterir.Baş editör, hakemlere gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri üçüncü kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar.Bazı durumlarda editörün kararıyla, ilgili hakemlerin makaleye ait yorumları aynı makaleyi yorumlayan diğer hakemlere gönderilerek hakemlerin bu süreçte aydınlatılması sağlanabilir.Hakemlerin araştırmayla ilgili, yazarlarla ve/veya araştırmanın finansal destekçileriyle çıkar çatışmaları olmamasına dikkat edilmelidir.

Hakemlerin değerlendirmeleri objektif olmalıdır. Hakemlik süreci sırasında hakemlerin aşağıdaki hususları dikkate alarak değerlendirmelerini yapmaları beklenir:<ul><li>Makale yeni ve önemli bir bilgi içeriyor mu?</li><li>Öz, makalenin içeriğini net ve düzgün bir şekilde tanımlıyor mu?</li><li>Problematik net ve veciz bir şekilde ifade edilmiş mi?</li><li>Yöntem bütünlüklü ve anlaşılır şekilde tanımlanmış mı?</li><li>Yapılan yorum ve varılan sonuçlar bulgularla kanıtlanıyor mu?</li><li>Alandaki diğer çalışmalara yeterli referans verilmiş mi?</li><li>Dil kalitesi yeterli mi?</li></ul>Hakemler, gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilgilerin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalmasını sağlamalı ve makalede telif hakkı ihlali veya intihal tespit ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar. Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini yetkin görmüyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlayamayacağını düşünüyorsa editörü bilgilendirmeli ve hakemlik sürecine kendisini dâhil etmemesini istemelidir.

DilDerginin yayın dili Türkçe, İngilizce ve Arapçadır.Yayın TürleriAraştırma Makalesi: Orijinal araştırma makaleleri derginin kapsamına uygun konularda akademik değeri olan, özgün ve bilimsel sonuçlar sunan çalışmalardır.Derleme Makale: Bir bilgi ya da konunun vardığı son düzeyi anlatan, tartışan, değerlendiren ve gelecekte yapılacak olan çalışmalara yön vermesi beklenen yazılardır.Araştırma Notu: Bir konunun makale boyutuna ulaşmayan kapsam ve nitelikte ele alındığı yazılardır. Araştırma notunun 4000 kelimeyi geçmemesi beklenir. Araştırma notu türündeki yazılar hakemlik sürecine alınmaz; editör tarafından değerlendirilerek yayım sürecine alınır. Araştırma notunda Türkçe ve İngilizce özet yer almaz. Yazıda Türkçe başlığın yanı sıra İngilizce başlık ve her iki dilde 5-8 adet anahtar kelime verilmelidir.Kitap Değerlendirmesi: Son 5 yılda yayımlanmış çalışmalarla ilgili değerlendirmelere öncelik verilir. Değerlendirme yazılarının alanın uzmanları tarafından hazırlanması beklenir. Sadece tanıtım ve özet mahiyetindeki yazılar kabul edilmez. Kitap değerlendirmelerinde değerlendirilen kitabın başlığından bağımsız özgün bir başlık (Türkçe ve İngilizce) ve 5-8 adet anahtar kelime (Türkçe ve İngilizce) belirlenmelidir.Sempozyum/Çalıştay Tanıtımı: Ulusal veya uluslararası akademik toplantıların değerlendirilmesini içeren yazılardır. Tanıtım yazılarında özellikle toplantının akademik katkısı ele alınmalıdır.

Yazım Kuralları

Aksi belirtilmedikçe gönderilen yazılarla ilgili tüm yazışmalar ilk yazarla yapılacaktır. Makale gönderimi online olarak <a href="https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/journal/42/submission/step/manuscript/new" target="_blank" style="text-decoration: underline;font-size: 13.3333px;">https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/iuislamtd</a> adresinden erişilen <a href="https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/login" target="_blank" style="font-size: 13.3333px;">https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/login</a> üzerinden yapılmalıdır. Gönderilen yazılar, makale türünü belirten ve makaleyle ilgili detayları içeren (bkz: Son Kontrol Listesi) <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/480192FFC1954084A60C5E74062392E1" target="_blank" style="font-size: 13.3333px;">Kapak Sayfası</a>; editöre mektup, yazının elektronik formunu içeren Microsoft Word 2003 ve üzerindeki versiyonları ile yazılmış elektronik dosya ve tüm yazarların imzaladığı <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/68873B40EDF8448CB632792AC623F1F9" target="_blank" style="font-size: 13.3333px;">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a> eklenerek gönderilmelidir.

Makale ana metninde, çift taraflı kör hakemlik süreci gereği, yazarın/yazarların kimlik bilgileri yer almamalıdır.Çalışmaların başlıca şu unsurları içermesi gerekmektedir: Türkçe başlık, öz ve anahtar kelimeler; İngilizce başlık, öz ve anahtar kelimeler; genişletilmiş özet, ana metin bölümleri, kaynaklar, tablolar ve şekiller.Başlık seçiminde atıf göstermede karışıklık yaşanmaması için çift tırnak işareti kullanılmamalı, gerekiyorsa tek tırnak veya italik yazım tercih edilmelidir.Türkçe ve İngilizce Öz/Abstract bölümlerinin her biri 150-250 kelime; Türkçe ve Arapça makaleler için İngilizce Genişletilmiş Özet (Extended Abstract) ise 600-800 kelime sınırına uygun olmalıdır. Öz, genişletilmiş özette aynen yer almamalı; dil bilgisi açısından doğru ve anlaşılır olmalıdır.Türkçe özün altında çalışmanın içeriğini temsil eden 5-8 Türkçe anahtar kelime olmalıdır. İngilizce özün altında içeriği temsil eden 5-8 İngilizce anahtar kelime olmalıdır.Anahtar kelimeler, genelden özele doğru sıralanmalı ve kelimelerin ilk harfleri büyük yazılmalıdır. bk. https://www.isnadsistemi.org/guide/isnad2/akademik-yazim/5-anahtar-kelimelerin-secimi/Metin ana bölümleri (Öz, Genişletilmiş Özet, Kaynakça vs. hariç) 9000 kelimeyi geçmemelidir.Makale ana bölümlerinde Giriş ve Sonuç hariç başlıklar 1., 1.1., 1.1.1., şeklinde sıralı rakamlarla numaralandırılmalıdır.Genel yazımda Türk Dil Kurumunun imla kurallarına uyulmalı; Arapça ve İslami ilimlere dair özel isimlerin ve kavramların yazımında Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslâm Ansiklopedisi’nin kullanımları dikkate alınmalıdır. Kelimelerin yazımında metin boyunca imla birliğinin sağlanması esastır.Yabancı dildeki kelimelere gelen Türkçe ekler, özel isim değilse kesme işaretiyle ayrılmamalı ve ilgili dilin telaffuzuna uygun olmalıdır (Yabancı dildeki kelimeler italik yazılabileceği veya tırnak içinde gösterilebileceği gibi kelimenin Türkçe karşılığı kullanılarak kelimenin orijinali parantez içine de alınabilir).Örnek: natureın söylediği, “nature”ın söylediği, tabiatın (nature) söylediğiArapça, Farsça, Türkçe ve Osmanlı Türkçesindeki özel isim ve kavramların İngilizce yazımında <a href="https://www.isnadsistemi.org/guide/isnad2/akademik-yazim/25-ceviri-yazi-alfabesi-transkripsiyon/" target="_blank">İSNAD Atıf Sistemi Çeviri Yazı Alfabesi</a> esas alınır.Kaynakların doğruluğundan yazar(lar) sorumludur. Tüm kaynaklar metinde belirtilmelidir.

İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi, atıf ve kaynak gösterme için İSNAD 2. Edisyon (Dipnotlu) atıf sistemini benimser. İSNAD 2. Edisyon hakkında bilgi için: <a href="https://www.isnadsistemi.org" target="_blank">https://www.isnadsistemi.org</a>İSNAD atıf sisteminden farklı olarak makalenin hiçbir yerinde eser adları tam transkripsiyon alfabesiyle yazılmamalıdır. Yanlış: Eḥâdîs̱ muḫtâre min Mevżûʿâti’l-Cevreḳānî ve’bni’l-CevzîDoğru: Ehâdîs muhtâre min Mevzû‘âti’l-Cevrekânî ve’bni’l-CevzîBlok alıntılar dâhil tüm alıntılar tırnak içerisine alınmalı; tırnak içindeki alıntılar ayrıca italik olmamalıdır.Atıf yapılan kaynakların başlıkları ve alıntılardaki yazım aynen korunmalıdır.

Aşağıdaki listede eksik olmadığından emin olun:● Makale Ana MetniÖnemli: Ana metinde yazarın/yazarların kimlik bilgilerinin yer almamış olması gerekir.<ul><li>Türkçe ve İngilizce başlık</li><li>Özetler: 150-250 kelime Türkçe ve 150-250 kelime İngilizce </li><li>Türkçe ve Arapça makaleler için İngilizce Genişletilmiş Özet (Extended Abstract) (600-800 kelime)</li><li>Anahtar Kelimeler: 5-8 adet Türkçe ve 5-8 adet İngilizce</li><li>Makale ana metin bölümleri (9000 kelimeyi aşmamalıdır)</li><li>Kaynaklar</li><li>Tablolar-Resimler, Şekiller (başlık, tanım ve alt yazılarıyla)</li></ul>● <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/68873B40EDF8448CB632792AC623F1F9" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a>● Daha önce basılmış materyal (yazı-resim-tablo) kullanılmış ise İzin Belgesi● <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/480192FFC1954084A60C5E74062392E1" target="_blank">Kapak Sayfası</a><ul><li>Makalenin kategorisi</li><li>Makale dilinde ve İngilizce başlık</li><li>Yazarların adı soyadı, ünvanları, bağlı oldukları kurumlar (sırasıyla üniversite, fakülte, şehir, ülke bilgisi) ve e-posta adresleri</li><li>Sorumlu yazarın e-posta adresi, açık yazışma adresi, iş telefonu, GSM, faks numarası</li><li>Tüm yazarların ORCID’leri</li><li>Finansal destek (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Çıkar çatışması (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Teşekkür (varsa belirtiniz)   </li></ul>● <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/7D1907500B7A45D3BDBFB8FD115EC3AD" target="_blank">Yazar Katkısı Formu</a>Önemli: Birden fazla yazar olması durumunda her bir yazarın katkısı belirtilerek sorumlu yazar tarafından imzalanmalıdır.

<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/68873B40EDF8448CB632792AC623F1F9" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/480192FFC1954084A60C5E74062392E1" target="_blank" style="font-size: 10pt;">Kapak sayfası</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/7D1907500B7A45D3BDBFB8FD115EC3AD" target="_blank">Yazar Formu</a>

Sayı Türü	Regular
Editör(ler)	Osman Sacid Arı
Kapak (PDF)
Tam Metin (PDF)
Ön Sayfalar (PDF)

İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi

CİLT 14, SAYI 1, 2024

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