This study examines the birth of Anatolian Pop music in Turkey in a holistic manner, and it is also based on the conviction that a simple, unilateral interpretation of musical phenomena is insufficient. Therefore, this study necessarily involves an interdisciplinary approach. However, it must be noted that an interdisciplinary approach also involves the danger of reducing sociology to music; conversely it also involves the danger of reducing musical phenomena to sociological conventions. Therefore, this study also discusses the ways in which a sociological analysis of music must be conducted. This study draws from the Bourdieusian sociological theory of art, and it involves the analysis of structural history; interactive fields—politics and music, in this context; musical phenomena; and the structures and agencies that influenced music in Turkey in the 1960s. Anatolian Pop could be classified as a distinctive type of protest music. However, much like other kinds of music, protest music cannot be defined in an exact manner. Therefore, it is important to consider different dynamics to situate and analyze Anatolian Pop as an alternative musical form. For example, Anatolian Pop singers opposed the kind of music that was popular and considered legitimate in Turkey in the 1960s: arrangement music. Arrangement music was typically based on translations of wellknown French, Italian, or Spanish songs. In fact, their opposition to arrangement music constituted an important aspect of the protest music they pioneered in Turkey. On the other hand, the Anatolian Pop movement was also more than a musical movement. It involved the discovery of a cultural identity based on eclectic musical ideas. First, this study reviews the basic concepts of Bourdieusian sociological theory. Pierre Bourdieu, a popular French sociologist, is known for the emphasis he placed on historical analysis and structure, and, for this reason, many consider him a structural constructivist. The following concepts of Bourdieusian sociological theory are salient in the context of this study: the notions of “field” and “habitus”; the different forms of capital (cultural, social, economic and symbolic); social space; the relationship between structure and agency, doxa, and illusio; the autonomous and heteronomous principles that govern artistic production; and the main strategies involved in a given field, such as conservation, succession, or subversion. According to Bourdieu, “fields” represent the setting and social positions of power relations. Bourdieu also argued that the boundaries of a field, such as the boundaries of music for instance, are fluid in nature. Therefore, a field mainly serves as a site for change. Moreover, changes in the structure of power relations directly or indirectly affect the construction of their respective fields. Second, this study focuses on Turkish politics during the 1960s. Since the 1960 coup, Turkey has continued to witness several types of coups and takeovers. The 1960 coup marked the beginning of a new political era: it resulted in the adoption of a Constitution in 1961, which is widely regarded as the most democratic Constitution in Turkish history. Not only did it guarantee fundamental rights and freedoms it also had positive effects on artistic and cultural production. It also signified the demise of the oppressive political environment of the 1950s. The birth of Anatolian Pop in the 1960s, therefore, was not merely accidental or spontaneous. The emergence of a favorable political environment played a key role in shaping autonomous art in Turkey during this period. The political climate in Turkey in the 1960s was essentially characterized by its libertarian stance. As a result, Turkish music came to be influenced by foreign music to a certain extent. At the same time, protest music as well as folk music and Rock and roll gained popularity in the US. In addition, the Beat Generation influenced various counterculture movements during the same period and beyond. Most music companies that operated in Turkey in the 1960s were originally formed in other countries. Companies such as Capitol, Columbia, Odeon, Sahibinin Sesi, Pathe, Grafson, and Foniti, are relevant examples in this context. Most of these companies sought to introduce foreign songs in Turkey. Odeon, however, had a different approach; the company focused on local musicians, and it also produced new Turkish songs. “Bak Bir Varmış Bir Yokmuş” (Once Upon A Time), released by Odeon, is considered to be the first formal Turkish pop song. However, it must be noted that this song was only an arrangement of Bob Azzam’s “C’est écrit dans le ciel.” Nonetheless Bak Bir Varmış Bir Yokmuş was widely appreciated by the people in Turkey. Therefore, it could be said that the 1960s, especially the mid-1960s, was a period during which new rules began to govern Turkish music. Some Turkish musicians obeyed these rules without questioning. In other words, it could be said that they adapted to the changing doxa. Moreover, Turkish Pop was the most dominant characteristic of this new doxa. It was also considered rational and pragmatic for Turkish musicians to adopt elements of Turkish Pop. In fact, even prominent musicians, such as Özdemir Erdoğan, adopted elements of Turkish Pop during this period. On the other hand, those who did not obey the new rules paved the way for synthesizing Turkish folk and rock. Cem Karaca, a prominent Turkish rock musician, defined this fusion of Turkish folk and rock as “National Turkish Music.” Subsequently, Moğollar’s Taner Öngür coined the term “Anatolian Pop,” and the term was mainly used to explain musical intentions. This new genre symbolized a counter stance and challenged the dominant rules of, what, as per Bourdieusian terminology, may be called the “music field.” In a very short span of time, Anatolian Pop became one of the key elements of the Turkish music industry. The following factors drove the rise of this new type of music: increased touring opportunities, increased number of music contests (such as The Golden Microphone), the libertarian essence of the 1961 Constitution, and the increasing cultural capital, which enabled the audience to appreciate Anatolian Pop. Moreover, musicians frequently switched and swapped Anatolian Pop bands, and although this increased competition, it also paved the way for collaboration. It is also worth mentioning that a significant number of Anatolian Pop musicians were graduates of distinguished Turkish high schools, such as Robert College and Galatasaray High School. They were typically born into middle-class or rich families. As a result, they also possessed high amounts of cultural capital. They were also proficient in foreign languages, especially French and English. These factors enabled them to follow and appreciate Western music. It is also interesting to note that most of the Anatolian Pop musicians were males. Few female musicians, such as Rana Alagöz and Hümeyra, achieved the same level of popularity. Local sounds came into prominence during this period, and an “art for art’s sake” approach also became popular. Therefore, it can be said that, during the 1960s, Turkish music was characterized by the emergence of unique traditions and internal dynamics, which is most notably exemplified by the emergence of Anatolian Pop. The Turkish government also supported local music, and this also influenced Anatolian Pop.