Selçuk

Prof.

Nebi

The sustainability of foreign debt especially in the Highly Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) and developing countries is an important issue that policymakers, international financial institutions, and scholars ponder over. Since the 1980s, external debt is unsustainable in many African countries. This study mainly aims to investigate the sustainability of external debt in the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). The external debt accumulation occurred in ECOWAS countries during the periods of coups, draught, and global financial crises in tandem with a lack of foreign exchange reserves and low export revenues made it hard to pay back their external debts. The sustainability of external debts is important for several reasons in ECOWAS countries. First, it prevents the debt crisis. Second, it improves the level of foreign investors’ confidence in the region. Third, it enables countries to access external finance easily. Finally, it maintains macroeconomic stability and economic growth.&nbsp;The external debt sustainability is mainly measured in three ways in the literature, namely, debt ratio analysis, stationary tests, and cointegration tests. The debt ratio analysis is based on IMF’s Debt Sustainability Analysis (DSA) including total debt stock/ GDP, total debt stock/export, the net present value of debt service/export, and the net present value of debt service/revenues. The second method relies on the stationarity of the debt series. Provided that external debt series is not stationary, then it implies that it is increasing without bound over the years, which suggests that subsequent external debt will also increase without bound, indicating that external debt is unsustainable. The last method considers the cointegration relationship between debt stocks and export. Accordingly, while the presence of cointegration suggests debt sustainability, the nonexistence of cointegration refers to the unsustainability of external debt.To investigate external debt sustainability in the ECOWAS region, we used both time series and panel data analysis. In the first step of the econometric analysis, unit root tests (without breaks and breaks) are employed. In the second step, we carry out the Johansen-Jusselius procedure to verify the cointegration relationship between external debt stock and export, using time series data for each of the 12 countries in our sample. In the third step, panel data analysis is carried out. At this stage, initially, the cross-section dependency and slope homogeneity tests are conducted, then based on these tests’ results appropriate panel unit root and panel cointegration tests are used.&nbsp;Our study contributes to the existing literature mainly in three ways. First, to our best knowledge, the literature on external debt sustainability is scarce for ECOWAS countries; therefore, our study aims to fill the gap in this area. Second, this study employs both unit root tests without breaks and breaks. Finally, it not only relies on time series data but also on panel data analysis.&nbsp;The time-series results are as follows. The unit root tests based on ADF (1981) and PP (1988) show that debt stock, export, and debt stock/export series are not stationary. LeeStrazicich’s LM (2003) unit root test also reveals that debt stock/export is not stationary in all countries. The results of both ADF, PP, and Lee-Strazicich LM unit root tests suggest that external debt is not sustainable in the ECOWAS region. Moreover, JohansenJusselius (1999) cointegration test suggests that debt stocks and exports are not moving&nbsp;together in the long run. Turning to panel data results, the panel unit root test shows that debt stock and export are not stationary. Further, the panel cointegration test (Westerlund, 2007) indicates that debt stock and export are not moving together, suggesting that the external debt of the ECOWAS region is not sustainable.&nbsp;Based on the obtained results we propose the following recommendations. The authorities in ECOWAS countries should implement policies aimed at promoting domestic savings, export, and particularly productivity in export-oriented sectors. In ECOWAS countries, maintaining fiscal discipline is important for external debt sustainability. Accordingly, the budget and current account deficits should be reduced. Finally, since the rule of law is weak and corruption is rife in the public sector in many ECOWAS countries, national resources, and borrowed funds could be directed to corrupt public officials’ pockets and white elephant projects. Therefore, policymakers in ECOWAS countries should implement policies aimed at promoting good governance and well-functioning institutions, which makes it possible to monitor the borrowing procedures and use of foreign debts.

Dış Borçların Sürdürülebilirliği: ECOWAS Ülkeleri Örneği

Emre

Assoc. Prof.

Seçkin

Assist. Prof.

Turkey’s Interest in Closer Relations with Russia: Global, Regional and Domestic Dynamics

Murat

Neither monopolies nor resistance to them via smuggling were peculiar to Republican Turkey. In pre-modern states, monopolies financed states and their military campaigns. With the emergence of the modern state, they were used to support capital accumulation. Alongside taxes, monopolies were always the primary source of state revenues, even in Great Britain, the cradle of classical liberalism. In the Ottoman Empire, monopolies were used to enrich the sultans’ treasury. In the 20th century, the Young Turks used them to create a Muslim-Turkish bourgeoisie and generate revenues for state centralization and bureaucratic reform.&nbsp;The collapse of the Ottoman Empire in World War I culminated in the emergence of the Republic of Turkey. The new Turkish state embarked on several cultural, economic and political modernization projects. All of these projects were financed largely through taxes and state monopolies, which weighed heavily on low-income groups. The government monopolized the production and trade of items such as salt, tobacco, cigarettes and cigarette papers, alcoholic beverages, matches, and lighters. Meanwhile, the government sold monopoly-like licenses to a limited number of textile and sugar companies and established public sugar and textile enterprises that had monopoly status. The autonomous monopoly directorates established during the 1920s were merged in the Monopoly Administration General Directorate in 1932 under the Customs and Monopolies MinistryThe republican state enjoyed huge revenues from monopolies, which, on average, yielded about 14 percent of the total state income during this period. These revenues were vital to industrialization and infrastructure projects such as railway construction and state enterprises. On the other hand, the use of state monopolies as a form of indirect taxation was a painful blow to a large number of producers, traders, and consumers of the items subjected to the monopoly. Restricting and even preventing free production, trade and consumption of these items and serving the commercialization of the rural economy, monopolies jeopardized many people’s livelihoods.Accordingly, the monopolies spurred the resistance of consumers, producers and traders in the form of smuggling. Smuggling was the illegal production and trade of items monopolized by the state and licensed companies. The production and trade of contraband items were peculiar neither to Turkey nor to the Republican era. It was a long-standing phenomenon that had already emerged in other places and during previous centuries as a response to strict tax regimens. During the early Republic, the more the state intervened in people’s economic affairs through monopolies, the faster the smuggling spread. The scale of smuggling can be seen in historical records, most of which are reports on smugglers captured by security forces. There were many more who were uncaught.&nbsp;Smuggling was not monopolized by the big smuggling bands making big fortunes via organized and large-scale activities. It functioned mostly as a survival method for peasants and had such a social dimension that I prefer to call it “social smuggling,” similar to Hobsbawm’s notion of “social banditry.” It was an informal web of daily transactions, involving untaxed goods, in which the great majority of the population engaged as producers, traders, or consumers. This largely make-shift economy for the low-income masses was made up of many small-scale tobacco cultivators as well as cigarette and tobacco traders who were discontented with the exploitation and restrictions imposed by the monopolies. Thus they continued to produce and trade tobacco and cigarettes illegally. People also challenged the monopolies. Thus they monopoly’s beverages by producing wine or distilling rakı illegally. A great part of salt smuggling was carried out on a small scale by peasants for their own personal use. Many people would spin ropes, weave fabrics, sew clothes, and trade them in local markets free from taxation. Perhaps the most important items coming from the neighboring countries were cheaper sugar and fabrics, which had a huge market throughout Anatolia.In all respects, social smuggling was a life-improving activity that contested high monopoly prices and property rights. However, for the ruling circles, it fell into the category of crime against property. Therefore, the government initially fought against it in coercive ways. Special courts were established against smuggling. An anti-smuggling law was enacted in 1927. When it proved to be ineffective, it was amended in 1929, 1932, and 1938. Smuggling was stigmatized as grave crime and even an act of treason.&nbsp;When these measures fell short, the government resorted to economic recipes, reducing prices and custom duties or softening the restrictions on production and trade. This was the bargaining impact of smuggling. It served low-income consumers, producers and traders by providing consumers with cheaper and more useful alternatives and by curbing the limitations wrought by monopolies on producers and traders. Hence, smuggling, along with the slowdown of the international trade and overall collapse in prices, played a role in the decline of monopoly revenues by an average of 24 percent during the period. That is, the resources the government extracted through monopolies to assign to its modernization projects remained below expected levels. This was one of the Achilles’ heels of the new Republican state, which limited the modernization projects.

“Sosyal Kaçakçılık”: Erken Cumhuriyet Türkiyesi’nde Tekellere Direniş

Bilge

İlyas

Para Politikası ve Döviz Kuru Dinamikleri: Türk Lirasında Sıçrama Etkisi Geçerli Mi?

Uğur

Yasemin

Res. Assist.

Betül

The relations between Turkey and the European Union (EU) have been on the agenda for the last fifty years with the latter period seeing cooling, occlusion and stagnation processes. There are several reasons why the relations between Turkey and the EU are not on the agenda anymore. These reasons include the process of membership, the political and socio-economic situation of Turkey, the constitutional status quo, and the perspectives of member states towards a Turkish membership. As a result of these different factors, the organization in charge of the EU has changed over time. Thus, the administrative experience has increased extensively by means of the steps taken in order to enlarge the Turkish public administration capacity.With the introduction of the Customs Union and the abolishment of obstacles for external trade, the European Economic Community (EEC) was established in 1958. This signals that the foundations of the EU are based on economic parameters. Today however, the EU is embracing political, administrative and legal aspects. The EU process necessitates a multi-factored approach which takes the different agents involved during and after the membership process into consideration.&nbsp;In this study, the process between the establishment of the European Union General Secretary on 4 July 2000 and the establishment of the EU Directorate on 15 July 2018 with a Presidential decree has been analyzed. The purpose of this study is to interpret the near future of the Turkey-EU relations by analyzing the changes experienced in the near past. This study is based on two assumptions. First, the evolution of the Turkish institutions in charge of the EU membership process is closely linked to political preferences. Second, as a consequence of the Turkey-EU relations, the Turkish public administration has significantly changed. Within the framework of this study, these two assumptions are accepted as valid both within national and global contexts. As the EU does not stipulate any organizational model for candidate and member states, it is not possible to make generalizations concerning these countries’ changes in their organizational capacity.&nbsp;The European Union General Secretary (ABGS) was founded on 4 July 2000 after the Helsinki Summit in 1999, during which the Turkish candidacy was approved. In 2011, the Ministry of the European Union was established as an autonomous structure. The Ministry was an innovative structure not only because it was autonomous but also because it was in charge of the coordination of services. On 16 April 2017, with constitutional amendments, Turkey entered a new era in terms of politics and administration. In line with these&nbsp;amendments, the status of the organization in charge of the EU, its position within the administrative system, its organizational structure, and finally, its administrative capacity have changed.&nbsp;As a consequence of constitutional amendments, an EU Directorate was established within the Ministry of Foreign Affairs on 15 July 2018. The directorate is responsible for the preparations for EU membership and will coordinate the process after the Turkish accession to the EU. Whether a directorate within a ministry will be sufficient to manage the entire process in case of membership is a debated issue. It has also been expressed that the directorate may be taken under the umbrella of the Presidency in order to strengthen its coordination role. However, these are just assumptions. Moreover, it is not possible to talk about homogenization in terms of the membership process of other candidate and member countries. Even though the politics, institutional infrastructure, and policies of candidate and member states undergo a significant change, it is not possible to make generalizations regarding the content and processes of these changes. On the one hand, every country has its own administrative traditions, priorities, and political constituents which influence their EU process. On the other hand, they are influenced by the processes experienced in other member states. Turkey is not just taking one country as a model in order to develop its administrative capacity regarding the EU process. The relations are mostly based on bilateral cooperation programs.&nbsp;This study seeks to describe the current situation of the capacity of public administration in Turkey, where an important transformation has been experienced. Moreover, the study aims to predict whether any changes will occur in the EU Directorate’s role, status, organization, and capacity in case of membership, and if so, to describe what these changes may be. For this purpose, this study includes both legislation and activity reports, as well as face-to face interviews which were conducted with the EU directorate.

Avrupa Birliği’ne Üyelik Sürecinde Türk Kamu Yönetiminin Kurumsal Kapasitesi

Zeynep

Intergovernmental transfers, which aim to reduce the fiscal imbalances between regions as well as to annihilate the local externalities, do not only affect the local economy but also influence the whole economy. They may affect the per capita income through different channels such as i) effect on labor market, ii) effect on human capital, iii) effect on growth and inequality. Firstly, intergovernmental transfers may increase local investment, which may influence the labor market positively. This positive influence may increase the per capita income level. Secondly, the transfers, spent on cultural and art activities, will have a positive impact on human capital, which will ultimately enhance the overall GDP level. Through this way, per capita income level will increase. Lastly, the inequality reducing and growth enhancing effects of transfers will affect the per capita income positively.The literature about intergovernmental transfers is mainly focused on the law amendments and their possible effects by either discussions or by descriptive statistics. The econometric studies, which use municipality based data, are limited because of data availability issues. Especially since 2014, when a new law (Law No. 6360) was implemented, Turkish municipality-based data related to transfers has not been released publicly anymore. Due to this reason, the data related to municipality based transfers is calculated by utilizing Law No. 5779 and Law No. 6360. Other contribution of this study is that as far as I know, there is no other study which investigates the effect of transfers on income level for Turkey.This study attempts to find out the effect of intergovernmental transfers on per capita income level between 2010 to 2017 for Turkey. The amount of municipality-based transfers is calculated via Law No. 5779 for the period of January 2010 to March 2014, whereas for the period of April 2014 till December 2017, Law No. 6360 is utilized. The amount of transfers is calculated not only city by city but also on a district basis since District Municipalities in Metropolitan areas distribute some of their portion to Metropolitan Municipalities.In this study, the fixed effects model is preferred in panel data analysis, since the 81 cities of Turkey have different economic, spatial or sociological structures. The results of the Hausman test support this choice of model. In order to see the pure effect of transfers on income level, certain control variables are used. These control variables are trade share as a percent of GDP, inflation rate of CPI and population. They are chosen according to data availability as well as their possible significant effect on income level. Since the income level can be represented by GDP level, per capita GDP is used to represent the per capita income level as a dependent variable.According to the fixed effect model results, the intergovernmental transfers affect the per capita income level significantly but with a small coefficient of 2-lag time. When the intergovernmental transfers as a percent of GDP in this period increases by 1%; two periods later, the per capita income level increases by 0.04%. This small and lag effect result shows the existence of obstruction in some channels of transfers to investments and labor market. Especially after 2011, the rise in the number of Syrian refugees may prevent the effect of transfers on the labor market. In addition, the resources of municipalities may not be distributed appropriately for the new local needs as the pace of urbanization&nbsp;rate increases in Turkey. Moreover, the low share of local expenditure over GDP may cause this small effect.Furthermore, the effect of transfers on income level is distinguished according to the type of municipality: metropolitan or non-metropolitan. In non-metropolitan municipalities, the effect is significant but negative, whereas in metropolitan municipalities, it is small, significant but positive. This high differentiation shows the sharp distinction in local expenditures or resource allocation between metropolitan and non-metropolitan municipalities. Especially, the negative sign points out the possible existence of a moral hazard problem in non-metropolitan municipalities.

Türkiye’de Yönetimler Arası Transferlerin Kişi Başı Gelir Üzerindeki Etkisi: Panel Veri Analizi

Nuri

Turkish-Egyptian relations entered a new era following the 2011 revolt in Egypt. In deep contrast to the distant and cautious nature of bilateral relations until that point, an exceptional period of rapprochement between Ankara and Cairo had unfolded, particularly after the victory of the Muslim Brotherhood’s candidate Mohammed Morsi in the 2012 presidential elections in Egypt. However, when Morsi was ousted by a military coup led by Defence Minister Abdelfattah el Sisi in 2013, Turkish-Egyptian relations deteriorated at an unprecedented level, mainly due to Ankara’s harsh reactions to the developments in Egypt. This article analyses the above mentioned sudden rise and fall in Turkish-Egyptian relations since 2011 by focusing on four factors: shifts in the regional balance of powers, economic difficulties and opportunities, ideology and identity of political elites, and domestic political concerns and calculations. The article is divided into four sections. The first section sets out the historical background of Turkish-Egyptian relations since the 1920s and explains the article’s analytical framework by focusing on the four above mentioned factors in detail. The second section aims to understand Turkey’s foreign policy opening toward Egypt following the 2011 revolt, along with Egypt’s positive reaction to this opening. The main motivation behind the policy of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) government was to provide political and economic guidance to Egypt during the transition period, which would increase Turkey’s influence both in Egypt and the Middle East at large. Egypt’s positive reaction to Turkey was mainly related to the Supreme Council of Armed Forces’ unwillingness to alienate the Egyptian public, which held an exceptionally positive image of Turkey, and its need for economic support for the ailing economy. The third section investigates the historic rapprochement between Ankara and Cairo during Morsi’s presidency between 2012 and 2013. During this period, Ankara and Cairo continued deepening their political and economic relations, while simultaneously exhibiting unprecedented harmony and cooperation in regional politics. The ideological affinity between AKP and the Muslim Brotherhood partly explains this rapprochement because the Brotherhood had generally been wary of supporting the Turkish/AKP model and/or Turkish influence in Egypt. Moreover, as Morsi struggled against social, military, and bureaucratic opposition to its short-lived rule in Egypt, Turkey was a useful ally. More precisely, the Morsi government’s rapprochement with Turkey was an act of balancing internal opposition with external support, which was the main factor for the historical rise in bilateral relations. The third section sheds light on the deteriorating relations following the Egyptian military coup in 2013, primarily because of Ankara’s vocal and fierce criticism. Ankara’s reactions were mainly related to the loss of a useful ally in regional politics. Besides, due to their political experience, AKP officials feared the possibility of a similar coup in Turkey. However, a closer examination of Turkish domestic politics during this time reveals that the Turkish government’s harsh reaction to the Egyptian coup was also related to its discursive strategy to deal with rising opposition and ideological polarization after the Gezi Protests of 2013. To consolidate its domestic power base and legitimacy, Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan identified himself with Morsi/the Muslim Brotherhood, while associating his domestic opponents with coup plotters in Egypt. This process made the line between domestic politics and foreign policy highly porous. Similarly, a growing ideological polarization between pro-Brotherhood and anti-Brotherhood forces in Egyptian politics has occurred, particularly since 2013. As Turkey openly supported the Muslim Brotherhood after the coup, the new Egyptian regime tried to consolidate its legitimacy by depicting Ankara as a foreign enemy and the Muslim Brotherhood as a foreign-backed terrorist organization. Thus, the effective use of the diplomatic crisis by both countries for domestic ends is the main factor behind its extension. Therefore, any policy-recommendation that aims to normalize Turkish-Egyptian relations in the near future should consider this fact.

2011 Sonrasında Türkiye-Mısır İlişkilerinde Yaşanan Ani Yükseliş ve Sert Düşüşü Anlamak

Ömer

Abdulmecit

Capital - Energy Substitution: Does Energy Sources Matter for the Elasticity of Substitution? An Empirical Investigation for OECD Countries

Barış

In Turkey, the military junta came to power after a coup d’état on May 27, 1960. Although the military junta, known as the National Unity Committee, faced many problems, it prioritized propaganda activities to ensure its legitimacy among the masses. As the majority of the population lived in the rural areas, the military government expanded its propaganda, particularly in the countryside. Newspapers constituted the most widely used channel in disseminating propaganda in this process. As newspapers did not reach many villages, the National Unity Committee began delivering newspapers to those locations. The military government also published its own newspaper (The Peasant Gazette/Köylü Gazetesi) to distribute to villages in an effort to increase its support. Due to the low literacy rates in such villages, officials also used films for propaganda purposes. The National Unity Committee Central Publication and Dispatch Office made films with overt propaganda messages about the military coup, presenting such propaganda films across the country. Theater was another form of propaganda used by the military government. The Turkish State Theatre and college students staged plays explaining why the army had to take over the government. Films, plays, and meetings in rural areas paved the way for the military regime to reach out to villagers, including the illiterate ones.While the military government tried to reach villages through newspapers, films, plays, and meetings, it also co-operated with some groups. In particular, the military regime incorporated civil servants into its legitimacy efforts. Teachers constituted a prominent group in this process. In organized meetings, assigned teachers tried to persuade villagers to adopt claims that the former ruling party (i.e., the Democrat Party) was corrupt, thus making it necessary for the army to take over the administration. The National Unity Committee recognized imams as important actors, and hence, it co-operated with them in the propaganda process. In addition to providing religious advice, the imams had to make statements supporting the new regime. Although the military regime co-operated with imams in rural villages, the government also closely monitored their activities through the Diyanet and opened training courses for them. Training courses organized by the Committee for Dissemination of the Revolution and the Development of the Peasant also informed the imams about the importance of the military intervention on May 27. Some faculty members and students also contributed to the process of propaganda in rural areas. Through meetings sponsored by the regime, the government tried to increase villagers’ awareness of the new regime.Although propaganda in the countryside decreased in significance over time, it again became the main issue of the military regime due to a constitutional referendum held on July 9, 1961. As the referendum represented an opportunity for the military regime to demonstrate its legitimacy, the government mobilized all its resources to avoid losing the referendum. Therefore, propaganda activities in the countryside resumed. The National Unity Committee again collaborated with faculty members, students, teachers, and imams in villages. In the most remarkable point in the referendum campaign, meetings replaced films and plays. The regime prepared brochures and booklets introducing the Constitution to the peasants. Teachers, faculty members, and students explained the Constitution through these propaganda instruments in the meetings. The booklets and brochures described ways in which the Constitution would change peasants’ everyday lives. Therefore, while introducing the Constitution, the regime emphasized regulations related to agriculture, such as land reforms. The government also focused on the notion that everyone was free to practice religion of their choice.

Propagandanın Taşrada İnşası: 27 Mayıs 1960 Sonrası Köylerdeki Propaganda Faaliyetleri

Metin

Simultaneous thinking of democracy and representation makes their paradoxical union apparent. This paradox can be better understood when the different (and even contradictory) historical origins of these two concepts are considered. The concept of democracy has its origins in Ancient Greece. The original Athenian democracy, which did not include a representative relationship and had a direct and participatory structure, simply meant the administration of people of similar status and small settlements. Ancient Greek democracy, which had an extremely limited content in terms of modern concepts, excluded representation on both the conceptual and practical levels. The history of representation as a concept and practice with its political content begins in the Late Middle Ages. During this period, there is no relationship between the idea of democracy and representation. In this process, monarchies used their representation practices via hierarchical governance as a basis for legitimacy while making decisions on important issues concerning royal interests and administrative control. The process that shapes the union between representation and democracy becomes evident in the historical background of the British, American, and French revolutions. In this framework, the first and second parts of the study will analyze the representative nature of the idea of democracy, which has been (re-)visible since the 17th century.After the democratic revolutions of the 17th and 18th centuries, modern democracies have become fundamentally representative democracies, regardless of how they are defined in terms of governmental form vis-à-vis the modern-nation State. Therefore, it would not be wrong to think of democracy simultaneously alongside representation or in direct relation to representative government. Indeed, it seems axiomatic that under modern theoretical and practical conditions only representation can make democracy possible. Therefore, it is important to analyze the role played by representation in terms of its union with democracy.The evolution of democratic thought into popular/national sovereignty (as manifested within the French Revolution) means a limited conception of democracy in terms of the use of sovereignty. Representation, however, offers legitimacy to this limitation. In modernrepresentative democracies, the fact that the people who have sovereignty are not the decision-makers in political processes brings with it debates about whether representative regimes are truly “democratic.” In the forms of government, the representatives are in the position of deputy who “generate” the current demands of the represented in politics. Ultimately, if democracy is “the rule of the people, by the people, for the people,” the people must both determine and implement the laws. However, in representative regimes both functions are ultimately fulfilled by a minority (representatives), even if they come from within the “people” based on a political principle (election). This situation, presented by the democratic doctrine, brings together the identity and representation principles of the rulers and the ruled, causing a paradoxical union to emerge.The paradoxical union of democracy and representation as expressed above can be compared to the Roman God Janus, who looks at the past with one side and the future with the other. The fact that legitimacy, a key tenet of modern-representative democracies, is based on national unity, which is itself an abstract construct on behalf of the people, makes it possible to analyze the paradoxical union of democracy and representation from&nbsp;the concept of a “Modern Janus.” Following the aforementioned democratic revolutions, an understanding of “democracy,” which subjects the individual to the principles of equality and freedom, is the first face of a Modern Janus. The fact that the will of the majority becomes the basis of legitimacy in relation to the understanding of representation becomes the second face of a Modern Janus, one that objectifies the individual.The aim of this study is to examine the modern ruling-ruled construct that can be analyzed within the framework of the subject-object dichotomy in the theoretical line of Jean-Jacques Rousseau. The Genevan thinker has continued to be debated to this day with reference to his theories that many (for example, Bertrand Russell) have regarded as a threat to representative democracy. The prediction that certain forms of representative government will inevitably exclude the public from the public sphere and thereby create a new type of oligarchy seems to justify Rousseau. This is because the independence of the representative from the represented except for a political principle reveals the subjectobject dichotomy. Within this context, while seeking answers to questions, such as what is the reason for the existence of the State and how is people’s obedience/consent to political power based upon it, it is not coincidental that the idea of “democracy without representation” that Rousseau considered remains relevant.Rousseau’s views on citizenship, legitimacy, the General Will, democracy, and representation in The Social Contract provide an important theoretical ground for current debates, particularly those focusing upon the crisis of representation and legitimacy in the theory of democracy. As a result, this study will discuss the paradoxical union between the first face (the sovereignty of the people) and the second face (the representation of the people) of a Modern Janus, based on Rousseau’s political doctrine, and how this opens up a debate regarding the possibility of “democracy without representation.”

Demokrasi ve Temsil: Paradoksu Rousseau Üzerinden Okumak

Şener

Donald Trump has been one of the most controversial political leaders in the world since November 2016, when he was elected as 45th President of the United States, both for his personal character and for his conservative right-wing vision. Although he came from the business world, he challenged the ruling and business elite, which is called ‘the establishment’, at every opportunity, and displayed an attitude that could be called opposing to mainstream media. Trump, who founded his political philosophy and rhetoric on ‘America First’ and ‘Make America Great Again’ slogans, signaled that he would be an actor who would make radical changes in domestic and foreign policy before he took office, and did not hesitate to explain that he would pursue a policy based on American exceptionalism and isolation. His actions, after winning the election, were essentially in harmony with this discourse.The xenophobia that increased in the country with the strengthening of the white supremacist conservative ideology goes back to the Civil War period, especially after 9/11 in the United States, and the reaction against globalization and liberalism in the international arena played an important role in the election of Trump. Under these circumstances, Trump first attracted attention with his exclusionary and alienating attitude towards immigrants and asylum seekers living in the country. With the socalled travel ban, he tried to prevent the entry of Muslims and Latin Americans into the country, and attempted to end the program known as DACA, which allowed children, whose parents had entered the country illegally, to work and go to college. In line with this exclusionary and isolationist behavior in domestic politics, Trump stepped out of international agreements in which the United States was a party, cut-off relations with regional trade unions such as NAFTA and TPP, and entered an endless trade war with China. In the Middle East, the Trump Administration considered non-state actors as partners in the war against ISIS, but avoided military intervention in the region directly. Within the scope of this strategy, for instance, it provided training and equipment to the separatist Kurdish terrorist organization PYD/YPG in Syria, while never using military force in the combat zone.Due to these introverted populist policies, Trump has recently begun to be compared with the 7th American President Andrew Jackson in American political science and International Relations circles. Although Jackson, one of 29 American Presidents of military origin, naturally had a very different agenda and problems between 1829 and 1837, it can be said that there are surprising similarities between the two leaders’ world views. Jackson, like Trump, was not a leader of tolerance toward strangers. In 1830, he forced North American Indians to emigrate from their eastern regions to the west and pursued a policy that killed thousands of Indians during the deportation known as Indian Removal. Although he was an officer who had risen to the rank of general, the United States under his Administration did not engage in wars and always avoided military intervention aboard. The only event that the federal government enacted a law on the use of force during Jackson’s period was, interestingly, not a foreign country, but South Carolina, which planned to leave the union. Although the Jackson Administration never used force on South Carolina, it managed to dissuade the state from its separatist policies with threat of using force. On the other hand, Jackson’s departure from Trump&nbsp;was the importance he placed on international trade. During his adminitration, the United States signed commercial agreements with a number of countries, including the Ottoman Empire, the Russian Empire and Britain.Undoubtedly, Jackson and Trump are two important political figures in the United States, with similarities and differences. In this study, the similarities and differences between the two statesmen were examined in terms of foreigners policies, the use of force and international trade policies, showed that they have parallel world views and policy practices in terms of xenophobia and non-interventionism, while they differ in international trade policies. In fact, it is unlikely to find an absolute resemblance between the political priorities of Trump, a political leader in the era of globalization, and Jackson’s political agenda in the nineteenth century, when this concept was not yet in dictionaries. In this article, it was found that the two leaders have a parallel political paradigm in certain aspects, but based on this determination, it would not be right to define the current Administration in the United States as completely Jacksonian. Trump and Jackson were populist leaders with similar worldviews and political activities, surprisingly, with 179 years between their adminstrations. However, it would be extremist to conclude that there is an absolute congruence between the two leaders’ domestic and foreign policies and that the United States has time traveled back to the Jacksonian era today.

Donald Trump Yönetimi Politikalarının Tarihsel Açıdan Değerlendirilmesi: Andrew Jackson Dönemi ile Bir Karşılaştırma

Melih

Political Psychology as a discipline tries to explain the interrelation between the political and the psychological, and hence includes comprehensive topics such as political behaviour, mass media, genocide, nationalism, terrorism etc. It can be seen that Political Philosophy which takes a key role in forming the discipline of Politics embodies “the human” at the core of its arguments. Therefore, having been one of the main subjects of this study, nationalism can be understood with reference to Political Psychology. So much so that in Political Psychology, nationalism has been studied in relation to social identity theory, attitudes, emotions and so on that concern how “the individual” becomes a passionate member of a “nationalist group”.Having been put forward by Henri Tajfel and John Turner, social identity theory which will be beneficial in this study suggests some concepts to understand inner-group formation while it objects to realistic conflict theory which was published by Muzafer Sherif and others. Social identity theory states that individuals have become members of inner-groups formed by them and perceive the other groups as outer-groups even if there is not any goal about cooperation or competition opposed to realistic conflict theory. Absence of any competition or commitment between members of the group is defined as a minimal group paradigm. Even in these circumstances Tajfel and Turner agreed that it can be seen in-group favouritism and out-group discrimination with reference to a series of experiments carried out by them.While Tajfel and Turner were answering the question of “why do individuals favour their in-group and discriminate outer-groups at the risk of acting unfairly?” by emphasizing the importance of motivations, Turner gave weight to self-categorising processes in his following studies. According to social identity theory, the sense of inner-group belonging makes several impacts on members. These are individual mobility, social creativity, and social competition. When it comes to these social strategies it should be noted that prejudices take an important place.&nbsp;Following the experiments, it was shown that individuals with high nationalist attitudes were more likely to produce prejudices against outer-groups in comparison to individuals with low nationalist attitudes. It shows that nationalists as inner-groups tend to develop much more prejudices, while their in-group is providing a basis for transforming those prejudices to stereotypes. At this very point it encounters with image theory. According to image theory, images function as stereotypes in a very similar way. Briefly, nationalism does not just accelerate in-group favouritism and out-group discrimination but also paves the way for transforming prejudices to stereotypes in so doing.When it comes to the literature of nationalism, it can be said that a modernist approach which concludes that “the nationalism precedes ‘the nation’”, in other words, the idea of nationalism is used to constitute the nation, taking the dominant role in studies. The modernist approach seems to be more suitable in an attempt to explain nationalism in the frame of Political Psychology because of its coherence with minimal group paradigm. However, ethno-symbolism does not stand in contrast to the minimal group paradigm either. Moreover, it clarifies in-group favouritism while referring to the nation as an ethnical group in which homogeneous identities are concentrated. Thus, it can be seen from ethnic identities in texts of Ziya Gokalp, who was one of the originators of Turkish nationalism.In the first place, Gokalp sees Turks as a group that realises themselves when they knew about their “national responsibilities” and said, “I exist”. In alignment with social identity theory, according to Gokalp people who take place in the same civilisation must bring respect to each other. In his words, saying that Turks must love each other to strengthen national solidarity, can be seen in-group solidarity. Gokalp favours Turks frequently. This fact shows through the discrimination to outer-groups and the development of images against them. Exemplary images of the folk to the elites and of Gokalp to the West can be deducted from his lines which states that the elites must take the culture of the folks and bring them civilisation from the West. The rogue image can be found between Ottoman state elites and Turkish people. The first group sees Turks as subject to the state and the latter perceives these elites as a threat against their culture. Finally, Gokalp’s image to Eastern civilisation reminds of an excluded image that sees it must be excluded or be dragged into the Middle age.In conclusion, Gokalp’s nationalism corresponds to an in-group of Turks with an attitude of solidarity and a minimum of individualism, who maintained the same ethnic values and were united around an idea while they were following the strategies of social mobility in the context of European civilisation, social creativity about the language and philosophy, and social competition with Europe. It can be said that in-group defined by Gokalp shows the last step of a nationalist attitude in terms of the nationalism scale.

Siyaset Psikolojisi Perspektifinden Türk Milliyetçiliği: Gökalp’i Yeniden Düşünmek

Esra

Safiye

Assist. Prof. Dr.

Müzakere, Hız, Politika: Uluslararası Arabuluculukta Dijital Teknolojilerin Kullanımı

Aylin

Nükleer Güç Oyunu: Birleşmiş Milletler Genel Kurulunda Geleneksel ve Yükselen Devlet Dinamikleri (1990-2017)

Merve

Türk Devletleri Teşkilatı: Ortak Bir Amaç İçin Çeşitli Motivasyonlar

Özgür

Avrupa Birliği’nin Normatif Gücü ve Carl Schmitt’in Liberal Demokrasi Eleştirisi Işığında Türkiye’nin Suriyeli Sığınmacılara Yönelik Politikası

Emine

Türk Dış Politikasında Amerikancılığın Ontolojik Güvenlik Analizi, 1945-1960

Suna

Assoc. Prof. Dr.

Nisa

Ulus-ötesi Ağlar ve Üye Kentler Arasındaki İlişki: Türkiye

Hayriye

Hatice

Afet Dönemlerinde Siyasal İletişim: Türkiye’de 2023 Büyük Depremleri Sonrası İki Ana Siyasi İttifakın Tweetlerinin Analizi

Orhan

Evraklar ve Maddi Altyapıların Öbekleşmesi: Modern Devlet Oluşumu Üzerine Yeni Materyalist Bir Sorgulama

Hazal

Adaletle İlişkili Olarak Siyasi Güvenin Yeniden Kavramsallaştırılması

Yunus

Zülkif

Örgütlenmenin Stratejik Kodlarını Çözmek: Orwell’in Hayvan Çiftliğindeki Siyasi Tonlar

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Esin

Saniye

Öğretim Görevlisi

Cansu

Considering that there are nearly two hundred countries in the world today; the economic, socio-cultural and political situation of each state differs from one another. These differences occur according to the political and bureaucratic traditions of the countries, the nature of the political regime, the party or social groups that hold political power, the level of development of the countries, and the characteristics of the historical process in which they exist etc. For this reason, the aim of this paper is to investigate the effect of the political crisis between Turkey and Russian Federation after the airplane crises on November 24, 2015. When examined in the context of economic and political relations, Turkey downed the Russian Federation’s plane on November 24, 2015 which added another strain to already turbulent Turkey and Russia relations. The crisis that took place on November 24, 2015 was the biggest crisis in the recent period.The scope of this study is the reflection of political risk on commercial relations between Turkey and the Russian Federation. There is a comprehensive list of academic studies on business issues which have already been carried out such as Tourism relations, energy relations etc. However, the scope of this study - the effect of the aircraft crash on Turkey’s import and export values – is not from an academic perspective. The study has three parts. In the first part, we look at the political risk concept and political and commercial relations. In the second part of the study, a time series regression analysis was conducted with the STATA program. In the last part of the study, the results obtained were evaluated and recommendations were made.After Turkey downed the aircraft belonging to Russia on November 24, 2015, it faced a weakening of its strong trade relations with the Russian Federation. The aim of this study is to investigate the effect of trade relations between the two countries in terms of the volume of foreign trade as a result of political risk. The effect of commercial relations between the two countries by linking variables has been shown in a quantitative study. For this purpose, a time series regression analysis was performed in the STATA program. The data was constituted with the Turkey Statistics Institute (TUIK) and the Central Bank (MB) reports. The political crisis is the independent variable and the control variables are the CPI-based real effective exchange rate, the monthly percentage change in the CPI and industrial production index. The Turkey-Russia trade volume is considered as the dependent variable. We analyzed the effect of the political crisis on foreign trade volume within the scope of these variables. Monthly values of the data are used in the study and the time series covers the period from January 2005 to November 2017. The regression coefficient of the CRIS variable was negative (- 507). As mentioned in the literature, the political crisis between the two countries caused a decrease in the trade volumes of the countries. In this context, the hypothesis that political risk leads to disruption of international trade relations has been supported.&nbsp;In addition to the regression analysis, changes in the volume of imports and exports are shown with the help of graphs. The results obtained from the regression analysis and the drawn graphics were supported and decreases in the volume of imports and exports are shown in the graphs. The lowest import volume with the Russian Federation was observed in the subsequent months after the aircraft crises covering Russia’s sanctioning period. Traces of the political crisis created by the aircraft crisis were observed a year&nbsp;after the incident. In 2016, both import and export data were generally low. The levels of imports and exports seen in the data of 2015 could not be reached in 2017 but they paint a better picture than the levels in 2016.In this study, Turkey’s downing of an aircraft belonging to the Russian Federation and the implication of this event, consisting of political risk on commercial activities, was analyzed with time series regression and examined through two years of data shown in before and after graphs. As a result of the study, we can see that the political crises has had an effect on import and export volumes and also the severity of the crises has affected communication between the countries and the process of re-engaging in business activities. Economic relations between Turkey and Russia are sensitive to political events. It can be said that Turkey’s strategies implemented after the crisis were not successful because Turkey’s export data still has not reached that of 2014.&nbsp;&nbsp;In conclusion, the political crises between the two countries have had a negative impact on the commercial activities of the countries. In order for political crises to have less negative impacts on the commercial activities of countries, it may be advisable to establish a partnership rather than a direct investment in countries with high political risks.

Politik İklim Değişikliklerinin Ülkelerarası Ticaretle İlişkisi: Türkiye Rusya Uçak Krizi Üzerine Ekonometrik Bir İnceleme

Gökhan

Şule

The impact of international migration on foreign trade manifests itself through two channels: preference and network effects. The continuation of the consumption habits of the immigrant in his/her country of origin also leads to a demand for the goods of the immigrated country in the host country. Besides, immigrants can lead to changes in the consumption patterns of the citizens in the host country where they live. Considering all these effects, the increase in the demand for the goods of the home countries will increase the imports in the host country. This is called the preference effect. There is a network system that connects individuals in the home country and the host country. Social and economic relations between individuals are maintained through some formal or informal groups. These connections contribute to the increase in the relationship between the two countries. Immigrants help business activities to increase by establishing business contacts with individuals in the host country. Another important effect is that they accelerate the flow of information between the host and home countries by sharing the information they have with their host country. Increased knowledge leads to a reduction in transaction costs in trade. These effects are called network effects. The preference effect increases the imports of the host country, while the network effect increases both exports and imports.This study aims to examine the impact of international migration on foreign trade. For this purpose, panel data analysis is used in the study. The analysis includes the foreign trade data that Turkey made with 125 countries from which Turkey received immigrants between 2013 and 2016. The sample of the study is divided into two groups including 33 industrialized OECD and 92 developing countries. This distinction constitutes a homogeneous sample because it includes the countries that are more similar to each other. The random effect model is preferred because the number of units in the sample is greater than the time period, the sample does not include all possible countries, and the use of a variable that does not change over time such as distance. The variables used in the analysis are determined according to the augmented gravity model. In the models, foreign trade variables include exports, imports and the sum of the two are used as dependent variables, while income level, distance, population and nominal exchange rate variables as well as migration variable are considered as explanatory variables. Taking Turkey as a home country, some studies examined the impact of international migration on trade. These studies have been carried out on migration from Turkey to Western countries. To the best of our knowledge, there is no empirical study taking Turkey as the host country in the relevant literature.As the distance variable representing the distance between Turkey and other countries does not change in years in the panel gravity model, it has a dummy structure. Therefore, the distance variable cannot be used in the fixed effects model based on many dummy variables by their nature. In addition, the countries included in the sample consist of a random selection as their data are available. For these reasons, all of the models in the study are estimated using the random-effects model. The Feasible Generalized Least Square (FGLS) estimator is used to make a prediction free of problems such as crosssectional dependence, heteroscedasticity and autocorrelation in the estimated linear regression models based on panel data method.According to the main result of the study, the impact of international migrants coming to Turkey between 2013 and 2016 contributed positively to Turkey’s trade. This result is valid for Turkey’s trade both with OECD countries and with developing countries. Also, international migration has a positive impact on Turkey’s exports and imports in both groups of countries. The main result of the study is in accord with the expectations. This result shows that international migrants contribute to the welfare of the communities they live in. In other words, foreign trade has an important social benefit for the acceptability of international migration. This is because, the positive effect of international migration on foreign trade in a country is known by the citizens in that country, which may favorably change the perspective towards migrants or reduce negative attitudes towards immigrants in host countries&nbsp;When the empirical results are examined in detail in terms of variables representing foreign trade, another significant result emerges. Accordingly, the impact of international migrants on import is larger than export in Turkey. This is valid for both OECD countries and developing countries. This result shows that the preference effect emerges predominantly. It is possible to say that migrants in Turkey meet a part of the demand for final goods through imports. For this purpose, new empirical studies on the determinants of intra-industry trade are needed in future studies. The impact of international migration on import is larger than export meaning that migrants residing in Turkey lack high-quality human capital.

Uluslararası Göçün Dış Ticaret Üzerine Etkisi: Türkiye İçin Ampirik Bir Analiz

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Umut

The 1980s were the beginning of a radical restructuring process in the political economy of contemporary capitalism. The erosion of real capital accumulation in the 1970s and crisis conjuncture in which capitalism faces were tried to be overcome with a paradigm shift. Thus, neoliberal ideology and its polities have replaced the Keynesian paradigm. In this context, global economic architecture (system) has witnessed the processes of neoliberalism, globalization and finally financialization, after 1980. Even though the concept of financialization is dealt with in different approaches and the extent of its scope makes it difficult to make a clear definition, it is defined that financialization is a process whereby financial markets, financial institutions, financial motive, and financial elites gain major power over economic policy design and economic outcomes (Epstein, 2005; Krippner, 2005; Palley, 2007a; Orhangazi, 2008a).Another development observed in the world economy in simultaneously with the financialization process has been the increase in the unemployment rate. Mainstream economists generally explain the causes of unemployment by labor market rigidities, education level, and work motivation (Snowdon ve Vane, 2005, s.404; Gonzalez ve Sala, 2014, s.596). On the other hand, how financialization affects unemployment is not much included in the mainstream analysis.&nbsp;Discussions on the causes and consequences of financialization have increased rapidly in recent times. Looking at the relevant literature, financialization studies are generally focused on real capital accumulation and growth (Stockhammer, 2004; Orhangazi, 2008b; Demir, 2008), crises (Akyüz ve Boratav, 2003; Lee ve Cheng; 2011) and income distribution (Van Arnum ve Naples, 2013; Flaherty, 2015; Stockhammer, 2017; Dünhaupt, 2017). On the other side, there have been deficiencies in the literature about a systematic analysis of how financialization can influence the unemployment rate through which mechanisms. This study is built on the view that the damage caused by the financialization process on real economic activities affects the job creation and unemployment rate. Within this framework, four different channels have been defined in which financialization will affect the unemployment rate in this study. The four potential explanations of the relationship between financialization and the unemployment rate are as follows:• Shareholder value orientation on non-financial corporates (NFC) • Income inequality caused by financialization • the replacement of full employment macroeconomic policy with low inflation targeting policy • Financial crises and its impacts on the real economyThese developments may affect the unemployment rate by eroding real capital accumulation and production capacity in the economy.The aim of the study is to analyze the relationship between financialization and unemployment rate in 9 OECD countries1 during 1980-2015 by means of panel cointegration and causality methods. The study is thought to contribute to the literature due to the lack of empirical analysis of the relationship between financialization and unemployment. In this study, the share of finance, insurance and real estate sectors (FIRE) in total value added is used as financialization variable. FIRE is a commonly used financialization variable because it is a comprehensive indicator (Van Arnum ve Naples, 2013; Flaherty, 2015; Darcillon, 2015). This data is gathered from EU-KLEMS. Unemployment rate (UNEMP) data is obtained from the World Bank World Development Indicators (WDI) database.Firstly, homogeneity of the slope coefficient is carried out by way of delta test developed by Pesaran and Yamagata (2008). Thus, the slope coefficient is concluded to be homogeneous. Subsequently, the presence of cross-sectional dependence is revealed by Breusch and Pagan (1980) and Pesaran (2004) tests. Whether the series contains a unit root has been investigated via the second generation Pesaran (2007) CADF unit root test taking cross-sectional dependence into account. Both FIRE and the unemployment rate possess unit at levels but when the first-difference of the series is taken, both series become stationary. After finding that the series were stationary at first-difference, the long-term relationship between the variables is examined by Westerlund (2007) ECM test. According to Westerlund (2007) ECM, there is a long-term relationship between financialization and unemployment rate. In other words, the series are co-integrated. Finally, the causality relationship between the variables is examined by Dumitrescu and Hurlin (2012) panel causality test. It is found evidence of bidirectional causality between variables. In other words, financialization is the cause of unemployment and vice versa.The results of the study show that financialization for the countries examined affects unemployment. In the financialization era, the decrease in real capital accumulation, shift of macroeconomic policies, the deterioration in income distribution and the financial crises may constitute the potential mechanisms of increasing the unemployment rate. Another important result of the study is the determination of causality from unemployment to financialization. The increasing unemployment rate creates people who are deprived of income. In the conjuncture where the unemployment rate rises, people have to use their savings or borrow from financial institutions to keep up their basic needs. Increasing borrowing through credit cards and consumer credits also may raise the share of the financial sector in value added.These results may play an important role in policymaking. Firstly, the control and regulations on financial markets should be increased in these countries. This situation is very important in reducing the destructive effects of financialization. Secondly, The speculative activities of NFC’s have to be reduced. Increasing real economic activities will create new job opportunities and reduce the unemployment rate. Finally, full employment policies should be returned.

Kapitalizmin Finansallaşma Sürecinde Önemli Bir Sorun Olarak İşsizlik: Tartışma ve Analiz

Figen

Buket

Fatma

In the modern business world, enterprises realize the importance of human resourcesoriented activities and act with the awareness that employee job satisfaction must first be ensured for customer satisfaction. Evaluating which factors can be effective on the variables such as employee satisfaction and job performances and developing policies in this direction is possible by identifying employees’ motivation factors. For this reason, today, organizations take into account the motivation factors that enable employees high performance.&nbsp;Motivation is a psychological process that can be expressed as a voluntary action to achieve a goal. The “Work Preference Inventory” (Amabile, Hill, Hennessey and Tighe 1994) is a four-dimensional measurement tool of motivational factors. It has been cited 2146 times until today. As there is not a Turkish version of the Work Preference Inventory, the purpose of this study is to translate the scale in Turkish and execute reliabilty and validity analysis. In Amabile Hill, Hennessey and Tighe’s work, the factors of intrinsic motivation were divided into two sub-dimensions: ‘challenge’ and ’enjoyment’. esinde in the behavioral struggle. Challenge is the tendency to reward yourself by overcoming difficult tasks. Enjoyment is when the activities are interesting and satisfying. Extrinsic motivation factors are considered in two sub-dimensions - ‘compensation’ and ‘outward. Compensation is a reward or income that is commensurate with the effort of the person. Outward is based on recognition and acceptance by others.Banking is an area in the services sector where product diversity is difficult to create. The main factor that will create a competitive advantage in the banking sector is human resources. Therefore we determined the population of this study as the employees of the Turkish Banking Sector. The four-dimensional motivation assessment tool the ‘Work Preference Inventory’ developed by Amabile et. al. , detailed above, was used to identify the motivation elements of the banking sector employees.The questionnaire, which was prepared to collect data from banking sector employees, was distributed to the banking sector employees via social media by the random sampling method. While 405 questionnaire forms were returned, the analysis was performed on 338 observations after clearing missing data forms and outliers.Analysis showed that motivation of banking sector employees in Turkey has a fivedimensional structure. These dimensions are ‘Meaningful job and self-efficacy’, ‘Desire for unstructured works’, ‘Success at structured works’, ‘Awareness of success target’, ‘The search for specificity and consideration of others’ opinion’. ‘Meaningful job and self-efficacy’ means that the employee feels that she is doing something meaningful and valuable for herself and others and that she is competent in it. ‘Desire for unstructured works’ means the employee’s willingness to undertake new, compelling, complex tasks and responsibilities. ‘Success at structured works’ is the high performance of the employee, compared to others, in the tasks in which the requirements, characteristics, and manner of work are determined. ‘Awareness of success target’ means employee awareness of his career goals and curiosity to achieve them .‘The search for specificity and consideration of others’ opinion’ means an employee’s willingness to work in jobs where what is to be done is stated clearly, and a tendency to consider others’ thoughts.The other purposes of this study are to determine the main elements that motivate the employees of the Turkish banking sector and to test the differences of these motivations in terms of demographic and structural factors of the sector. ‘Meaningful job and selfefficacy’ is identified as the most affecting factor on the motivation of the banking sector employees. ‘Awareness of success target’, ‘Desire for unstructured works’ and ‘The search for specificity and consideration of others’ opinion’ are evaluated as additional motivating factors consecutively. In comparison, ‘Success at structured works’ is determined as the least motivating factor. The differences in the motivation of the employees, in terms of experience, department, gender, age, education level and position are also examined. According to the analysis, banking employees with less than 3 years of experience or under 29 years of age have a higher motivation level for the ‘Meaningful job and selfefficacy’ factor; but the motivation of ‘The search for specificity and consideration of others’ opinion’of those under 29 years of age is lower; employees who don’t have a university degree have a high motivation in ‘Success at structured works’. According to the business departments in the study, the operation group employees’ motivation is lower than the employees of the support group; but the operation group employees have a higher motivation in ‘Success at structured works’ than the other groups; and the support group employees have high motivation to ‘The search for specificity and consideration of others’ opinion’. There is no difference between motivational dimensions in terms of the positions and genders of banking employees.

İş Tercihi Envanteri: Bankacılık Sektörü Çalışanlarının Motivasyon Unsurları

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Siyasal: Journal of Political Sciences, İstanbul Üniversitesi Siyasal Bilgiler Fakültesi tarafından yayımlanmaktadır.

İstanbul Üniversitesi Siyasal Bilgiler Fakültesi tarafından hazırlanan “Siyasal: Journal of Political Sciences” Dergisi ilk olarak 1983 yılında yayınlanmış, o tarihten beri alanında öncü ve seçkin dergilerden biri olma özelliğini sürdürmektedir. Derginin ismi yayın hayatına başladığından beri “İstanbul Üniversitesi Siyasal Bilgiler Fakültesi Dergisi” iken Ekim 2017 sayısından itibaren “Siyasal: Journal of Political Sciences” olarak değiştirilmiştir.

“Siyasal: Journal of Political Sciences” uluslararası, açık erişimli, hakemli, yılda iki kez yayınlanan bilimsel bir dergidir. 

Dergi halen aşağıdaki indekslerde taranmaktadır:

-Web of Science - Emerging Sources Citation Index (ESCI)
-EBSCO Political Science Complete
-TÜBİTAK ULAKBİM TR Dizin
-DOAJ
-ERIH PLUS
-SOBIAD

Mustafa

Emerging Sources Citation Index (ESCI)

EBSCO

ERIH PLUS

TR Dizin

DOAJ

SOBIAD

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Siyasal: Journal of Political Sciences

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Editor in Chief

Editorial Management Board Member

Section Editor

Statistics Editor

Publicity Manager

Language Editor

Editorial Board Member

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Siyasal: Journal of Political Sciences, siyaset bilimi, kamu yönetimi ve uluslararası ilişkiler alanlarında uluslararası ve disiplinlerarası makaleler yayınlamaktadır.Siyasal: Journal of Political Sciences, aşağıda belirtilen konuları kapsamak ile birlikte sadece bu konular ile kısıtlı değildir:- Siyaset biliminin tüm alt disiplinleri, siyaset teorisi, siyaset felsefesi, politik davranış, siyasi kurumlar ve siyasi tarih - Kamu yönetiminin tüm alt disiplinleri, - Uluslararası ilişkiler ile ilgili tüm konular: uluslararası hukuk, etik, strateji, felsefe, kültür, çevre, güvenlik, terör, bölgesel çalışmalar, küreselleşme ve diğer konular, Dergi, yukarıda adı geçen disiplinlerin çeşitli yönlerini inceleyen, İngilizce  yazılmış araştırma esaslı makalelerin yanında teorik ve kavramsal makaleleri yayınlamaktadır. Ayrıca, dergi uluslararası alandaki akademisyenlerin konuk editörlüğünde çeşitli temalar ile ilgili özel sayılar yayınlamaktadır.

Amaç ve Kapsam

<a href="https://mjl.clarivate.com/search-results" target="_blank">Web of Science - Emerging Sources Citation Index (ESCI) </a> <a href="https://www.ebsco.com/title-lists" target="_blank">EBSCO Political Science Complete </a> <a href="https://search.trdizin.gov.tr/dergi/detay/2196" target="_blank">TÜBİTAK ULAKBİM TR Dizin</a> DOAJ<a href="https://dbh.nsd.uib.no/publiseringskanaler/erihplus/submission/info.action?id=50613" target="_blank">ERIH PLUS</a> <a href="https://atif.sobiad.com/index.jsp?modul=dergi-sayfasi&amp;ID=3214" target="_blank">SOBIAD</a>

Dizinler

Dergi yayın etiğinde en yüksek standartlara bağlıdır ve <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a> ve <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> tarafından yayınlanan etik yayıncılık ilkelerini benimser; Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing başlığı altında ifade edilen ilkeler için: <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a> Gönderilen makaleler derginin amaç ve kapsamına uygun olmalıdır. Orijinal, yayınlanmamış ve başka bir dergide değerlendirme sürecinde olmayan, her bir yazar tarafından içeriği ve gönderimi onaylanmış yazılar değerlendirmeye kabul edilir. Makale yayınlanmak üzere Dergiye gönderildikten sonra yazarlardan hiçbirinin ismi, tüm yazarların yazılı izni olmadan yazar listesinden silinemez ve yeni bir isim yazar olarak eklenemez ve yazar sırası değiştirilemez.İntihal, duplikasyon, sahte yazarlık/inkar edilen yazarlık, araştrma/veri fabrikasyonu, makale dilimleme, dilimleyerek yayın, telif hakları ihlali ve çıkar çatışmasının gizlenmesi, etik dışı davranışlar olarak kabul edilir. Kabul edilen etik standartlara uygun olmayan tüm makaleler yayından çıkarılır. Buna yayından sonra tespit edilen olası kuraldışı, uygunsuzluklar içeren makaleler de dahildir.İntihal Ön kontrolden geçirilen makaleler, iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal/kendi kendine intihal tespit edilirse yazarlar bilgilendirilir. Editörler, gerekli olması halinde makaleyi değerlendirme ya da üretim sürecinin çeşitli aşamalarında intihal kontrolüne tabi tutabilirler. Yüksek benzerlik oranları, bir makalenin kabul edilmeden önce ve hatta kabul edildikten sonra reddedilmesine neden olabilir. Makalenin türüne bağlı olarak, bunun oranın %15 veya %20'den az olması beklenir.Çift Kör Hakemlikİntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir. Editör, makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakemlikten geçmesini sağlar ve makale biçimsel esaslara uygun ise, gelen yazıyı yurtiçinden ve /veya yurtdışından en az iki hakemin değerlendirmesine sunar, hakemler gerek gördüğü takdirde yazıda istenen değişiklikler yazarlar tarafından yapıldıktan sonra yayınlanmasına onay verir.

Politikalar

Dergi açık erişimlidir ve derginin tüm içeriği okura ya da okurun dahil olduğu kuruma ücretsiz olarak sunulur. Okurlar, ticari amaç haricinde, yayıncı ya da yazardan izin almadan dergi makalelerinin tam metnini okuyabilir, indirebilir, kopyalayabilir, arayabilir ve link sağlayabilir. Bu <a href="https://www.budapestopenaccessinitiative.org/translations/turkish-translation" target="_blank" style="background-color: transparent;" rel="noopener noreferrer">BOAI</a> açık erişim tanımıyla uyumludur.Derginin açık erişimli makaleleri Creative Commons Atıf-GayrıTicari 4.0 Uluslararası (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.tr" target="_blank" style="background-color: transparent;" rel="noopener noreferrer">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) olarak lisanslıdır.

Derginin tüm giderleri İstanbul Üniversitesi tarafından karşılanmaktadır. Dergide makale yayını ve makale süreçlerinin yürütülmesi ücrete tabi değildir. Dergiye gönderilen ya da yayın için kabul edilen makaleler için işlemleme ücreti ya da gönderim ücreti alınmaz.

Yazarlar dergide yayınlanan çalışmalarının telif hakkına sahiptirler ve çalışmaları  Creative Commons Atıf-GayrıTicari 4.0 Uluslararası (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.tr" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) olarak lisanslıdır. CC BY-NC 4.0 lisansı, eserin ticari kullanım dışında her boyut ve formatta paylaşılmasına, kopyalanmasına, çoğaltılmasına ve orijinal esere uygun şekilde atıfta bulunmak kaydıyla yeniden düzenleme, dönüştürme ve eserin üzerine inşa etme dâhil adapte edilmesine izin verir.

Editörler, yayınlanan makalede, bulguları, yorumları ve sonuçları etkilemeyen küçük hatalar tespit edilirse düzeltme yayınlamayı düşünebilirler. Editörler, bulguları ve sonuçları geçersiz kılan büyük hatalar / ihlaller söz konusu olduğunda, makaleyi geri çekmeyi düşünmelidir. Yazarlar tarafından araştırma veya yayını kötüye kullanmaya yönelik olasılık söz konusu ise; bulguların güvenilir olmadığına ve yazarların kurumlarının olayı soruşturmadığına dair kanıtlar var veya olası soruşturma haksız veya sonuçsuz görünüyor ise, editörler endişe ifadesi yayınlamayı düşünmelidir. Düzeltme, geri çekme veya endişe ifadesi ile ilgili olarak <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/flowcharts/complete-set-english" target="_blank">COPE</a> ve <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/" target="_blank">ICJME</a> yönergeleri dikkate alınır.

Dergide yayınlanan tüm yazıların korunmasını ve kalıcı olarak erişilebilir olmasını sağlamak için makaleler, ulusal bir arşiv sitesi olarak hizmet veren ve aynı zamanda LOCKSS'in içeriği toplamasına, korumasına ve sunmasına izin veren Dergipark'ta saklanmaktadır.Ek olarak, yazarların kendilerinin makalelerinin son PDF sürümünü Open Archives Initiative (<a href="https://www.openarchives.org/" target="_blank">https://www.openarchives.org/</a>) standartlarına uygun açık elektronik arşivlerde arşivlemeleri önerilir. Yazarlar, yayınladıkları arşiv versiyonundan, İ.Ü. Yayınevinin dergi web sitesinin URL'sine bağlantı sağlamalıdır.

Siyasal: Journal of Political Sciences, yayın etiğinde en yüksek standartlara bağlıdır ve <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a> ve <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> tarafından yayınlanan etik yayıncılık ilkelerini benimser; Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing başlığı altında ifade edilen ilkeler için adres: https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishingGönderilen tüm makaleler orijinal, yayınlanmamış ve başka bir dergide değerlendirme sürecinde olmamalıdır. Her bir makale editörlerden biri ve en az iki hakem tarafından çift kör değerlendirmeden geçirilir. İntihal, duplikasyon, sahte yazarlık/inkar edilen yazarlık, araştırma/veri fabrikasyonu, makale dilimleme, dilimleyerek yayın, telif hakları ihlali ve çıkar çatışmasının gizlenmesi, etik dışı davranışlar olarak kabul edilir.Kabul edilen etik standartlara uygun olmayan tüm makaleler yayından çıkarılır. Buna yayından sonra tespit edilen olası kuraldışı, uygunsuzluklar içeren makaleler de dahildir.

Etik

Dergi araştırma etiğinde en yüksek standartları gözetir ve aşağıda tanımlanan uluslararası araştırma etiği ilkelerini benimser. Makalelerin etik kurallara uygunluğu yazarların sorumluluğundadır.-  Araştırmanın tasarlanması, tasarımın gözden geçirilmesi ve araştırmanın yürütülmesinde, bütünlük, kalite ve şeffaflık ilkeleri sağlanmalıdır.-   Araştırma ekibi ve katılımcılar, araştırmanın amacı, yöntemleri ve öngörülen olası kullanımları; araştırmaya katılımın gerektirdikleri ve varsa riskleri hakkında tam olarak bilgilendirilmelidir.-   Araştırma katılımcılarının sağladığı bilgilerin gizliliği ve yanıt verenlerin gizliliği sağlanmalıdır. Araştırma katılımcıların özerkliğini ve saygınlığını koruyacak şekilde tasarlanmalıdır.-   Araştırma katılımcıları gönüllü olarak araştırmada yer almalı, herhangi bir zorlama altında olmamalıdırlar.-   Katılımcıların zarar görmesinden kaçınılmalıdır. Araştırma, katılımcıları riske sokmayacak şekilde planlanmalıdır.-   Araştırma bağımsızlığıyla ilgili açık ve net olunmalı; çıkar çatışması varsa belirtilmelidir.-  Deneysel çalışmalarda, araştırmaya katılmaya karar veren katılımcıların yazılı bilgilendirilmiş onayı alınmalıdır. Çocukların ve vesayet altındakilerin veya tasdiklenmiş akıl hastalığı bulunanların yasal vasisinin onayı alınmalıdır.-  Çalışma herhangi bir kurum ya da kuruluşta gerçekleştirilecekse bu kurum ya da kuruluştan çalışma yapılacağına dair onay alınmalıdır.-  İnsan öğesi bulunan çalışmalarda, “yöntem” bölümünde katılımcılardan “bilgilendirilmiş onam” alındığının ve çalışmanın yapıldığı kurumdan etik kurul onayı alındığı belirtilmesi gerekir.

Makalelerin bilimsel ve etik kurallara uygunluğu yazarların sorumluluğundadır. Yazar makalenin orijinal olduğu, daha önce başka bir yerde yayınlanmadığı ve başka bir yerde, başka bir dilde yayınlanmak üzere değerlendirmede olmadığı konusunda teminat sağlamalıdır. Uygulamadaki telif kanunları ve anlaşmaları gözetilmelidir. Telife bağlı materyaller (örneğin tablolar, şekiller veya büyük alıntılar) gerekli izin ve teşekkürle kullanılmalıdır. Başka yazarların, katkıda bulunanların çalışmaları ya da yararlanılan kaynaklar uygun biçimde kullanılmalı ve referanslarda belirtilmelidir.Gönderilen makalede tüm yazarların akademik ve bilimsel olarak doğrudan katkısı olmalıdır, bu bağlamda “yazar” yayınlanan bir araştırmanın kavramsallaştırılmasına ve dizaynına, verilerin elde edilmesine, analizine ya da yorumlanmasına belirgin katkı yapan, yazının yazılması ya da bunun içerik açısından eleştirel biçimde gözden geçirilmesinde görev yapan birisi olarak görülür. Yazar olabilmenin diğer koşulları ise, makaledeki çalışmayı planlamak veya icra etmek ve / veya revize etmektir. Fon sağlanması, veri toplanması ya da araştırma grubunun genel süpervizyonu tek başına yazarlık hakkı kazandırmaz. Yazar olarak gösterilen tüm bireyler sayılan tüm ölçütleri karşılamalıdır ve yukarıdaki ölçütleri karşılayan her birey yazar olarak gösterilebilir. Yazarların isim sıralaması ortak verilen bir karar olmalıdır. Tüm yazarlar yazar sıralamasını <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/8BC4A5A6580B4F56A56714E48F7A3C92" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a>'nda imzalı olarak belirtmek zorundadırlar.Yazarlık için yeterli ölçütleri karşılamayan ancak çalışmaya katkısı olan tüm bireyler “teşekkür / bilgiler” kısmında sıralanmalıdır. Bunlara örnek olarak ise sadece teknik destek sağlayan, yazıma yardımcı olan ya da sadece genel bir destek sağlayan, finansal ve materyal desteği sunan kişiler verilebilir.Bütün yazarlar, araştırmanın sonuçlarını ya da bilimsel değerlendirmeyi etkileyebilme potansiyeli olan finansal ilişkiler, çıkar çatışması ve çıkar rekabetini beyan etmelidirler. Bir yazar kendi yayınlanmış yazısında belirgin bir hata ya da yanlışlık tespit ederse, bu yanlışlıklara ilişkin düzeltme ya da geri çekme için editör ile hemen temasa geçme ve işbirliği yapma sorumluluğunu taşır.

Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, cinsel yöneliminden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirir. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar. Gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalacağını garanti eder. Baş editör içerik ve yayının toplam kalitesinden sorumludur. Gereğinde hata sayfası yayınlamalı ya da düzeltme yapmalıdır.Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve Dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemlerin araştırmayla ilgili, yazarlarla ve/veya araştırmanın finansal destekçileriyle çıkar çatışmaları olmamalıdır. Değerlendirmelerinin sonucunda tarafsız bir yargıya varmalıdırlar. Gönderilmiş yazılara ilişkin tüm bilginin gizli tutulmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar. Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir. Bazı durumlarda editörün kararıyla, ilgili hakemlerin makaleye ait yorumları aynı makaleyi yorumlayan diğer hakemlere gönderilerek hakemlerin bu süreçte aydınlatılması sağlanabilir.

Daha önce yayınlanmamış ya da yayınlanmak üzere başka bir dergide halen değerlendirmede olmayan ve her bir yazar tarafından onaylanan makaleler değerlendirilmek üzere kabul edilir. Gönderilen ve ön kontrolü geçen makaleler iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir.Seçilen makaleler en az iki ulusal/uluslararası hakeme çift taraflı kör hakemlik ile değerlendirmeye gönderilir; yayın kararı, hakemlerin talepleri doğrultusunda yazarların gerçekleştirdiği düzenlemelerin ve hakem sürecinin sonrasında baş editör tarafından verilir.

Hakemlik Hakkında

Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirirler. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar. Gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalacağını garanti eder. Baş editör içerik ve yayının toplam kalitesinden sorumludur. Gereğinde hata sayfası yayınlamalı ya da düzeltme yapmalıdır. Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemler, araştırma, yazarlar ve/veya araştırmaya fon sağlayanlarla çıkar çatışması içinde olmamalıdır. Hakemler değerlendirmelerinin sonucunda tarafsız bir yargıya varmalıdırlar. Gönderilmiş yazılara ilişkin tüm bilginin gizli tutulmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar. Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir. Bazı durumlarda editörün kararıyla, ilgili hakemlerin makaleye ait yorumları aynı makaleyi yorumlayan diğer hakemlere gönderilerek hakemlerin bu süreçte aydınlatılması sağlanabilir.

Daha önce yayınlanmamış ya da yayınlanmak üzere başka bir dergide halen değerlendirmede olmayan ve her bir yazar tarafından onaylanan makaleler değerlendirilmek üzere kabul edilir. Gönderilen ve ön kontrolü geçen makaleler iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir.Baş Editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirir. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar.Seçilen makaleler en az iki ulusal/uluslararası hakeme değerlendirmeye gönderilir; yayın kararı, hakemlerin talepleri doğrultusunda yazarların gerçekleştirdiği düzenlemelerin ve hakem sürecinin sonrasında baş editör tarafından verilir.Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemlerin değerlendirmeleri objektif olmalıdır. Hakem süreci sırasında hakemlerin aşağıdaki hususları dikkate alarak değerlendirmelerini yapmaları beklenir.-Makale yeni ve önemli bir bilgi içeriyor mu?-Öz, makalenin içeriğini net ve düzgün bir şekilde tanımlıyor mu?-Yöntem bütünlüklü ve anlaşılır şekilde tanımlanmış mı?-Yapılan yorum ve varılan sonuçlar bulgularla kanıtlanıyor mu?-Alandaki diğer çalışmalara yeterli referans verilmiş mi?-Dil kalitesi yeterli mi?Hakemler, gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar. Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir.

DilDergide İngilizce dilinde makaleler yayınlanır.  Yazıların Hazırlanması ve GönderimiAksi belirtilmedikçe gönderilen yazılarla ilgili tüm yazışmalar ilk yazarla yapılacaktır. Makale gönderimi online olarak <a href="https://dergipark.org.tr/en/pub/siyasal" target="_blank">https://dergipark.org.tr/en/pub/siyasal</a> üzerinden yapılmalıdır. Gönderilen yazılar, yazının yayınlanmak üzere gönderildiğini ifade eden, makale türünü belirten ve makaleyle ilgili bilgileri içeren (bkz: Son Kontrol Listesi) bir mektup; yazının elektronik formunu içeren Microsoft Word 2003 ve üzerindeki versiyonları ile yazılmış elektronik dosya ve tüm yazarların imzaladığı <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/8BC4A5A6580B4F56A56714E48F7A3C92" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a> eklenerek gönderilmelidir.1. Çalışmalar, A4 sayfada üst, alt, sağ ve sol taraftan 2,5 cm. boşluk bırakılarak, 12 punto Times New Roman harf karakterleriyle ve 1,5 satır aralık ölçüsü ile hazırlanmalıdır.2. Çalışmalar 4500 - 8500 sözcük arasında olmalı ve sayfa numaraları sayfanın altında ve ortada yer almalıdır.3. Yazar/yazarların adları çalışmanın başlığının hemen altında sağa bitişik şekilde verilmelidir. Ayrıca yıldız dipnot şeklinde (*) yazarın unvanı, kurumu ve e-posta adresi ve telefonu sayfanın en altında dipnotta belirtilmelidir.4. Giriş bölümünden önce 180-200 kelimelik çalışmanın kapsamını, amacını, ulaşılan sonuçları ve kullanılan yöntemi kaydeden İngilizce ve Türkçe öz yer almalıdır. Çalışmanın İngilizce ve Türkçe başlığı İngilizce özün üzerinde yer almalıdır. İngilizce ve Türkçe özün altında çalışmanın içeriğini temsil eden 3-5 adet İngilizce ve Türkçe anahtar kelime yer almalıdır. 5. Çalışmaların başlıca şu unsurları içermesi gerekmektedir: İngilizce ve Türkçe başlık, öz ve anahtar kelimeler; ana metin bölümleri, son notlar ve kaynaklar.6. Metin içi alıntılama ve kaynak gösterme için APA (American Psychological Association) kaynak sitilinin 6. versiyonu kullanılmalıdır. APA 6 stili hakkında bilgi için; http://jps.istanbul.edu.tr/tr/content/yazarlara-bilgi/kaynaklar sayfasını ziyaret edebilir veya Yazarlara Bilgi’nin Kaynaklar başlığı altında ilgili açıklama ve örnekleri inceleyebilirsiniz.7. Çalışmalarda tablo, grafik ve şekil gibi göstergeler ancak çalışmanın takip edilebilmesi açısından gereklilik arz ettiği durumlarda, numaralandırılarak, tanımlayıcı bir başlık ile birlikte verilmelidir. Tablolara ait başlık üstte, Şekiller’e ait başlık altta yer almalıdır. Demografik özellikler gibi metin içinde verilebilecek veriler, ayrıca tablolar ile ifade edilmemelidir.8. Yayınlanmak üzere gönderilen makale ile birlikte yazar bilgilerini içeren kapak sayfası gönderilmelidir. Kapak sayfasında, makalenin başlığı, yazar veya yazarların bağlı bulundukları kurum ve unvanları, kendilerine ulaşılabilecek adresler, cep, iş ve faks numaraları ve e-posta adresleri yer almalıdır (bkz. Son Kontrol Listesi).9. Kurallar dâhilinde dergimize yayınlanmak üzere gönderilen çalışmaların her türlü sorumluluğu yazar/yazarlarına aittir.10. Yayın kurulu ve hakem raporları doğrultusunda yazarlardan, metin üzerinde bazı düzeltmeler yapmaları istenebilir.

Yazım Kuralları

Makaleyi göndermeden önce aşağıdakilerin eksik olmadığından emin olun:Editöre mektup<ul type="disc"> <ul type="circle"> <li>Makalenin türü</li> <li>Başka bir dergiye gönderilmemiş olduğu bilgisi</li> <li>Sponsor veya ticari bir firma ile ilişkisi (varsa belirtiniz)</li> <li>Kaynakların APA6’ya göre belirtildiği</li> <li>İngilizce yönünden kontrolünün yapıldığı</li> <li>Yazarlara Bilgide detaylı olarak anlatılan dergi politikalarının gözden geçirildiği</li> </ul> </ul><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/8BC4A5A6580B4F56A56714E48F7A3C92" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a>Daha önce basılmış material (yazı-resim-tablo) kullanılmış ise izin belgesi<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/B544249A779C436C900436577296EE66" target="_blank">Makale kapak sayfası</a><ul type="disc"> <ul type="circle"> <li>Makalenin kategorisi</li> <li>Makale dilinde ve İngilizce başlık</li> <li>Yazarların ismi soyadı, unvanları ve bağlı oldukları kurumlar (üniversite ve fakülte bilgisinden sonar şehir ve ülke bilgisi de yer almalıdır), e-posta adresleri</li> <li>Sorumlu yazarın e-posta adresi, açık yazışma adresi, iş telefonu, GSM, faks nosu</li> <li>Tüm yazarların ORCID’leri</li> </ul> </ul>Makalenin ana metni<ul type="disc"> <ul type="circle"> <li>İngilizce ve Türkçe başlık</li> <li>Öz: 180-200 kelime İngilizce ve Türkçe</li> <li>Anahtar Kelimeler: 3-5 adet İngilizce ve Türkçe</li> <li>Finansal Destek (varsa belirtiniz) </li> <li>Çıkar Çatışması (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Etik Kurul İzni (varsa belirtiniz)</li> <li>Teşekkür (varsa belirtiniz)</li> <li>Kaynaklar</li> <li>Tablolar-Resimler, Şekiller (başlık, tanım ve alt yazılarıyla)</li></ul></ul><ul type="disc"> </ul>Makale Gönderme<ul type="disc"> <li>Makalenin gönderileceği Dergipark sayfası adresi:  <a href="https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/siyasal" target="_blank">https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/siyasal</a></li><li>Makale ana metninin dosyasını (Main Document)  yüklerken, çift taraflı kör hakem süreci gereği, bu dosyanın yazar kimliğini deşifre eden hiçbir unsur barındırmadığından emin olun. Makale ana metni dosyası (Main Document) başlık sayfasını (Title Page) içermemeli; yazar adı geçen ya da yazar adlarını ifşa edebilecek bölümler içermemeli (Örneğin: Teşekkür, her sayfada tekrar eden ve yazar adlarını içerebilen başlık).</li> <li>Ayrıca, ek olarak yüklediğiniz Supplemental File for Review türü dosyalarda da yazar kimliğinin ifşa edilmediğinden emin olun. ​</li> </ul>Ayrı Ayrı Yüklemeniz gereken dosyalar<ul type="disc"> <li><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/8BC4A5A6580B4F56A56714E48F7A3C92" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a></li> <li>Resim, Tablo vb başka kaynaktan alındıysa izin belgesi</li> <li><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/B544249A779C436C900436577296EE66" target="_blank">Makale Kapak Sayfası</a></li> <li>Makale Ana Metni Dosyası  (Bu dosya aşağıdaki unsurları içermelidir)</li> </ul><ul type="disc"> <ul type="circle"> <li>İngilizce ve Türkçe başlık</li> <li>Öz: 180-200 kelime İngilizce ve Türkçe</li> <li>Anahtar Kelimeler: 3-5 adet İngilizce ve Türkçe&#65279;</li> <li>Makale ana metin bölümleri</li><li>Finansal Destek (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Çıkar Çatışması (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Etik Kurul İzni (varsa belirtiniz)</li> <li>Teşekkür (varsa belirtiniz)</li> <li>Kaynaklar</li> <li>Tablolar-Resimler, Şekiller (başlık, tanım ve alt yazılarıyla)</li> </ul> </ul>

1. Siyasal: Journal of Political Sciences, siyasal bilimler alanındaki ülke literatürüne katkıda bulunmayı amaçlamaktadır. Derginin konu kapsamında, İ.Ü. Siyasal Bilgiler Fakültesi’nin yapısıyla uyumlu olarak Siyaset Bilimi, Uluslararası İlişkiler, Kamu Yönetimi, İşletme, İktisat ve Maliye alanları yer almaktadır.2.Dergi’ye başvuran her makale, Yayın Kurulu tarafından ön değerlendirmeye tabi tutulduktan sonra, uygun görüldüğü takdirde üç ayrı hakeme gönderilir. Yayın Kurulu, hakemlerden gelen yanıtlara göre makalenin yayına kabul edilmesine, reddedilmesine, ya da gözden geçirilmek üzere yazara geri gönderilmesine karar verir. Yazarın gözden geçirip geri yolladığı makalenin yayınlanıp yayınlanmayacağına Yayın Kurulu karar verir. Reddedilen makalelerin yazarlarına mektup yollanır. Çeviri yazılar, genel kural olarak yayına kabul edilmemektedir. 3. Dergiye gönderilecek makaleler, daha önce yayınlanmamış veya başka herhangi bir yerde yayın sürecine girmemiş olmalıdır. Makalelerin araştırma ve yayın etiğine uygun biçimde hazırlanmış olmasına özen gösterilmelidir.4. Dergiye başvuran makaleler intihal programı ile taranmaktadır.5.Dergide kör hakemlik sistemi uygulanmaktadır. Makale yazarları ve hakemleri birbirleri hakkında bilgi sahibi olamamaktadırlar.6.Makaleyle birlikte, yazarın (yazarların) adını, unvanını, çalıştığı kurumu, açık adresini, kolay ulaşılabilecek iş ve cep telefonlarını, faks numaralarını, e-mail adreslerini belirten bir kapak yazısı yollanmalıdır.7. Elektronik başvurular dergi web sitesinde belirtilen kurallara uygun olarak ScholarOne (https://mc04.manuscriptcentral.com/siyasal) adresine doğrudan yapılabilir.8. Makale yazım kuralları anahatlarıyla aşağıda belirtilmiştir, daha detaylı bilgiye Dergi web sitesinden ulaşılabilir.Kaynak Stili ve FormatıSİYASAL: Journal of Political Sciences, metin içi alıntılama ve kaynak gösterme için APA (American Psychological Association) kaynak sitilinin 6. edisyonunu benimser. APA 6. Edisyon hakkında bilgi için:- American Psychological Association. (2010). Publication manual of the American Psychological Association (6th ed.). Washington, DC: APA.- <a href="http://www.apastyle.org/" target="_blank">http://www.apastyle.org/</a>Kaynakların doğruluğundan yazar(lar) sorumludur. Tüm kaynaklar metinde belirtilmelidir. Kaynaklar aşağıdaki örneklerdeki gibi gösterilmelidir.Metin İçinde Kaynak GöstermeKaynaklar metinde parantez içinde yazarların soyadı ve yayın tarihi yazılarak belirtilmelidir. Birden fazla kaynak gösterilecekse kaynaklar arasında (;) işareti kullanılmalıdır. Kaynaklar alfabetik olarak sıralanmalıdır.Örnekler:Birden fazla kaynak;(Esin ve ark., 2002; Karasar 1995)Tek yazarlı kaynak;(Akyolcu, 2007)İki yazarlı kaynak;(Sayıner ve Demirci, 2007, s. 72)Üç, dört ve beş yazarlı kaynak;Metin içinde ilk kullanımda: (Ailen, Ciambrune ve Welch 2000, s. 12–13) Metin içinde tekrarlayan kullanımlarda: (Ailen ve ark., 2000)Altı ve daha çok yazarlı kaynak;(Çavdar ve ark., 2003)Kaynaklar Bölümünde Kaynak GöstermeKullanılan tüm kaynaklar metnin sonunda ayrı bir bölüm halinde yazar soyadlarına göre alfabetik olarak numaralandırılmadan verilmelidir.Kaynak yazımı ile ilgili örnekler aşağıda verilmiştir.Kitapa) Türkçe KitapKarasar, N. (1995). Araştırmalarda rapor hazırlama (8.bs). Ankara: 3A Eğitim Danışmanlık Ltd.b) Türkçeye Çevrilmiş KitapMucchielli, A. (1991). Zihniyetler (A. Kotil, Çev.). İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları.c) Editörlü KitapÖren, T., Üney, T. ve Çölkesen, R. (Ed.). (2006). Türkiye bilişim ansiklopedisi. İstanbul: Papatya Yayıncılık.d) Çok Yazarlı Türkçe KitapTonta, Y., Bitirim, Y. ve Sever, H. (2002). Türkçe arama motorlarında performans değerlendirme. Ankara: Total Bilişim.e) İngilizce KitapKamien R., &amp; Kamien A. (2014). Music: An appreciation. New York, NY: McGraw-Hill Education.f) İngilizce Kitap İçerisinde BölümBassett, C. (2006). Cultural studies and new media. In G. Hall &amp; C. Birchall (Eds.), New cultural studies: Adventures in theory (pp. 220–237). Edinburgh, UK: Edinburgh University Press.g) Türkçe Kitap İçerisinde BölümErkmen, T. (2012). Örgüt kültürü: Fonksiyonları, öğeleri, işletme yönetimi ve liderlikteki önemi. M. Zencirkıran (Ed.), Örgüt sosyolojisi kitabı içinde (s. 233–263). Bursa: Dora Basım Yayın.h) Yayımcının ve Yazarın Kurum Olduğu YayınTürk Standartları Enstitüsü. (1974). Adlandırma ilkeleri. Ankara: Yazar.Makalea) Türkçe MakaleMutlu, B. ve Savaşer, S. (2007). Çocuğu ameliyat sonrası yoğun bakımda olan ebeveynlerde stres nedenleri ve azaltma girişimleri. İstanbul Üniversitesi Florence Nightingale Hemşirelik Dergisi, 15(60), 179–182.b) İngilizce Makalede Cillia, R., Reisigl, M., &amp; Wodak, R. (1999). The discursive construction of national identity. Discourse and Society, 10(2), 149–173. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957926599010002002c) Yediden Fazla Yazarlı MakaleLal, H., Cunningham, A. L., Godeaux, O., Chlibek, R., Diez-Domingo, J., Hwang, S.-J. ... Heineman, T. C. (2015). Efficacy of an adjuvanted herpes zoster subunit vaccine in older adults. New England Journal of Medicine, 372, 2087–2096. http://dx.doi.org/10.1056/NEJMoa1501184d) DOI’si Olmayan Online Edinilmiş MakaleAl, U. ve Doğan, G. (2012). Hacettepe Üniversitesi Bilgi ve Belge Yönetimi Bölümü tezlerinin atıf analizi. Türk Kütüphaneciliği, 26, 349–369. Erişim adresi: http://www.tk.org.tr/e) DOI’si Olan MakaleTurner, S. J. (2010). Website statistics 2.0: Using Google Analytics to measure library website effectiveness. Technical Services Quarterly, 27, 261–278. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/ 07317131003765910f) Advance Online Olarak Yayımlanmış MakaleSmith, J. A. (2010). Citing advance online publication: A review. Journal of Psychology. Advance online publication. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/a45d7867g) Popüler Dergi MakalesiSemercioğlu, C. (2015, Haziran). Sıradanlığın rayihası. Sabit Fikir, 52, 38–39.Tez, Sunum, Bildiria) Türkçe TezlerSarı, E. (2008). Kültür kimlik ve politika: Mardin’de kültürlerarasılık. (Yayınlanmamış Doktora Tezi). Ankara Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, Ankara.b)Ticari Veritabanında Yer Alan Yüksek Lisans Ya da Doktora TeziVan Brunt, D. (1997). Networked consumer health information systems (Doctoral dissertation). Available from ProQuest Dissertations and Theses. (UMI No. 9943436)c) Kurumsal Veritabanında Yer Alan İngilizce Yüksek Lisans/Doktora TeziYaylalı-Yıldız, B. (2014). University campuses as places of potential publicness: Exploring the politicals, social and cultural practices in Ege University (Doctoral dissertation). Retrieved from: Retrieved from http://library.iyte.edu.tr/tr/hizli-erisim/iyte-tez-portalid) Web’de Yer Alan İngilizce Yüksek Lisans/Doktora TeziTonta, Y. A. (1992). An analysis of search failures in online library catalogs (Doctoral dissertation, University of California, Berkeley). Retrieved from http://yunus.hacettepe.edu.tr/~tonta/yayinlar/phd/ickapak.htmle) Dissertations Abstracts International’da Yer Alan Yüksek Lisans/Doktora TeziAppelbaum, L. G. (2005). Three studies of human information processing: Texture amplifica-tion, motion representation, and figure-ground segregation. Dissertation Abstracts International: Section B. Sciences and Engineering, 65(10), 5428.f) Sempozyum KatkısıKrinsky-McHale, S. J., Zigman, W. B., &amp; Silverman, W. (2012, August). Are neuropsychiatric symptoms markers of prodromal Alzheimer’s disease in adults with Down syndrome? In W. B. Zigman (Chair), Predictors of mild cognitive impairment, dementia, and mortality in adults with Down syndrome. Symposium conducted at American Psychological Association meeting, Orlando, FL.g) Online Olarak Erişilen Konferans Bildiri ÖzetiÇınar, M., Doğan, D. ve Seferoğlu, S. S. (2015, Şubat). Eğitimde dijital araçlar: Google sınıf uygulaması üzerine bir değerlendirme [Öz]. Akademik Bilişim Konferansında sunulan bildiri, Anadolu Üniversitesi, Eskişehir. Erişim adresi: http://ab2015.anadolu.edu.tr /index.php?menu=5&amp;submenu=27h) Düzenli Olarak Online Yayımlanan BildirilerHerculano-Houzel, S., Collins, C. E., Wong, P., Kaas, J. H., &amp; Lent, R. (2008). The basic nonuniformity of the cerebral cortex. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 105, 12593-12598.http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.0805417105i) Kitap Şeklinde Yayımlanan BildirilerSchneider, R. (2013). Research data literacy. S. Kurbanoğlu ve ark. (Ed.), Communications in Computer and Information Science: Vol. 397. Worldwide Communalities and Challenges in Information Literacy Research and Practice içinde (s. 134–140). Cham, İsviçre: Springer. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-03919-0j) Kongre BildirisiÇepni, S., Bacanak A. ve Özsevgeç T. (2001, Haziran). Fen bilgisi öğretmen adaylarının fen branşlarına karşı tutumları ile fen branşlarındaki başarılarının ilişkisi. X. Ulusal Eğitim Bilimleri Kongresi’nde sunulan bildiri, Abant İzzet Baysal Üniversitesi, Bolu.Diğer Kaynaklara) Gazete YazısıToker, Ç. (2015, 26 Haziran). ‘Unutma’ notları. Cumhuriyet, s. 13.b) Online Gazete YazısıTamer, M. (2015, 26 Haziran). E-ticaret hamle yapmak için tüketiciyi bekliyor. Milliyet. Erişim adresi: http://www.milliyet.com.trc) Web Page/Blog PostBordwell, D. (2013, June 18). David Koepp: Making the world movie-sized [Web log post]. Retrieved from http://www.davidbordwell.net/blog/page/27/d) Online Ansiklopedi/SözlükBilgi mimarisi. (2014, 20 Aralık). Vikipedi içinde. Erişim adresi: http://tr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bilgi_mimarisiMarcoux, A. (2008). Business ethics. In E. N. Zalta (Ed.), The Stanford encyclopedia of philosophy. Retrieved from http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/ethics-business/e) PodcastRadyo ODTÜ (Yapımcı). (2015, 13 Nisan). Modern sabahlar [Podcast]. Erişim adresi: http://www.radyoodtu.com.tr/f) Bir Televizyon Dizisinden Tek Bir BölümShore, D. (Senarist), Jackson, M. (Senarist) ve Bookstaver, S. (Yönetmen). (2012). Runaways [Televizyon dizisi bölümü]. D. Shore (Baş yapımcı), House M.D. içinde. New York, NY: Fox Broadcasting.g) Müzik KaydıSay, F. (2009). Galata Kulesi. İstanbul senfonisi [CD] içinde. İstanbul: Ak Müzik.

<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/8BC4A5A6580B4F56A56714E48F7A3C92" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/D0AB71C585A34882ADFD9101F2B9E0B7" target="_blank">Yazar Formu</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/5DA326465564453AB2CF5CBFA1CD8023" target="_blank">Kapak Sayfası</a>

Aşağıdaki listede eksik olmadığından emin olun:●    Editöre mektupü    Makalenin türüü    Başka bir dergiye gönderilmemiş olduğu bilgisiü    Sponsor veya ticari bir firma ile ilişkisi (varsa belirtiniz)ü    İstatistik kontrolünün yapıldığı (araştırma makaleleri için)ü    İngilizce yönünden kontrolünün yapıldığıü    Yazarlara Bilgide detaylı olarak anlatılan dergi politikalarının gözden geçirildiğiü    Kaynakların APA6’ya göre belirtildiği●    <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/8BC4A5A6580B4F56A56714E48F7A3C92" target="_blank">Telif  Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a>●    Daha önce basılmış ve telife bağlı materyal (yazı-resim-tablo) kullanılmış ise izin belgesi●    <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/BB9E088B45FD4113B753FC31511C145F" target="_blank">Kapak sayfası</a>ü    Makalenin türüü    Makalenin Türkçe ve İngilizce başlığıü    Yazarların ismi soyadı, unvanları ve bağlı oldukları kurumlar (üniversite ve fakülte bilgisinden sonra şehir ve ülke bilgisi de yer almalıdır), e-posta adresleriü    Sorumlu yazarın e-posta adresi, açık yazışma adresi, iş telefonu, GSM, faks nosuü    Tüm yazarların ORCID’leri●    Makale ana metniü    Makalenin Türkçe ve İngilizce başlığıü    Özetler: 180-200 kelime İngilizce ve Türkçeü    Anahtar Kelimeler: 3-5 adet İngilizce ve türkçeü    Makale ana metin bölümleriü    Finansal destek (varsa belirtiniz)ü    Çıkar çatışması (varsa belirtiniz)ü    Etik Kurul İzni (varsa belirtiniz) ü    Teşekkür (varsa belirtiniz)ü    Kaynaklarü    Tablolar-Resimler, Şekiller (başlık, tanım ve alt yazılarıyla)

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