Yassıada’da Örtülü Ödenek Davası: Basın ve Resmî Kurumlara Yapılan Harcamalar
Yunus Özdurğun, Bekir KoçlarÇalışmada 27 Mayıs askeri darbesinden sonra kurulan Yassıada mahkemesinde görülen mali yolsuzluk davalarından biri olan Örtülü Ödenek Davası’nın basın ve resmî kuruluşlarla ilgili olan kısmı ele alınmıştır. Mahiyeti itibarıyla devlet menfaatleri uyarınca kullanılması gereken örtülü ödenek Başbakanın inisiyatifindeydi ve bu ödenek kapsamında yapılan harcama bilgileri makbuzlarıyla beraber imha edilmeliydi. Ancak anlaşılan o ki makbuzlar Demokrat Parti iktidarda olduğu süre boyunca saklanmış ve imha edilmemiştir. 27 Mayıs’tan sonraysa söz konusu makbuzlar Yüksek Adalet Divanı tarafından incelemeye alınmış, böylelikle Örtülü Ödenek Davası ortaya çıkmıştır. Davanın odak noktası örtülü ödeneğin usulsüz kullanımına yönelik olup sanıklar ise dönemin Başbakanı Adnan Menderes ve Başbakanlık Özel Kalem Müdürü Ahmet Salih Korur’dur. Davanın tümünü tek bir çalışma çatısı altında ele almak oldukça zor olacağından basın ve bazı devlet kurumlarına yapılan harcamalar konu edilmiştir. Mahkemede her ne kadar önemli iddialar öne sürülüp deliller ortaya konulsa da çalışma sonunda sanıkların bu iddialar karşısında sundukları argümanların dikkate alınmadığı görülmüştür.
Disguised Allowance Case in Yassıada: The Expenditures on Press and Official Institutions
Yunus Özdurğun, Bekir KoçlarThis paper discusses the part of the Disguised Allowance case, which is related to the press and official institutions. The Disguised Allowance case is one of the financial corruption cases brought before the Yassıada court after the May 27 military coup. The Disguised Allowance was the Prime Minister’s initiative, which was to be spent in the interest of the state, and the expenditure information generated under this allowance had to be destroyed together with the receipts. However, the receipts were retained and not destroyed when the Democratic Party was in power. Hence, after May 27, the Supreme Court of Justice examined This paper discusses the part of the Disguised Allowance case, which is related to the press and official institutions. The Disguised Allowance case is one of the financial corruption cases brought before the Yassıada court after the May 27 military coup. The Disguised Allowance was the Prime Minister’s initiative, which was to be spent in the interest of the state, and the expenditure information generated under this allowance had to be destroyed together with the receipts. However, the receipts were retained and not destroyed when the Democratic Party was in power. Hence, after May 27, the Supreme Court of Justice examined
The Democratic Party regime came to power through the May 14, 1950 elections, which ended with the military intervention on May 27, 1960. After this intervention, a court was established in Yassıada to try the members of the previous government. During the court proceedings, several lawsuits were seen, both political and financial, and one of such cases is the Disguised Allowance case. The disguised allowance is an appropriation placed in the state budget to be spent within the framework of intelligence and defense services, national security, and the high interests of the state. The Disguised Allowance was the Prime Minister’s initiative, and the record of the money spent under this allowance had to be destroyed together with the receipt. However, the receipts were retained when the Democratic Party was in power. After May 27, the Supreme Court of Justice examined the receipts, which resulted in the Disguised Allowance case. The purpose of the lawsuit was the illegal use of disguised allowance. The defendants in the case are Adnan Menderes, the Prime Minister of the time, and Ahmet Salih Korur, the Chief of the Premiership Private Secretary.
The case involved a large number of expenditures from disguised allowance. The subjects within the scope of our study are the press within that period and expenditures made on some government institutions. Indeed, the Democratic Party has helped many media outlets and journalists, especially the Great East, from disguised allowance during its rule. The court claimed that these expenditures were illegal and therefore accused Adnan Menderes. In response to these accusations, Adnan Menderes mentioned that aids to various press organizations had become almost a tradition in every period. He, therefore, stated that he sees no harm in the aid provided to both Büyük Doğu and other journalists from the disguised allowance. Thus, several witnesses were heard in this context, and they admitted that they received support from the Prime Ministry, but did not know which budget item of the state that the support came from.
Consequently, another issue that is the subject of a lawsuit is the expenditures made from Disguised Allowance to the Presidency and the Grand National Assembly of Turkey. According to the court, money was constantly transferred to two institutions of the state, including banquets, travel expenses, personal gifts, aid to associations and individuals. According to Menderes, the president of the Turkish state has a position to spend from the disguised appropriation whenever he deems necessary. These transferred funds were unspent for the interests of the state but the interests of the Democratic Party, which Adnan Menderes disagreed with the court.
Finally, the court also addressed the increasing budget of the Turkish Intelligence Agency, and the reasons for this increase were asked. In response to the questions, Adnan Menderes and Ahmet Salih Korur defended themselves. Accordingly, the Americans were paying the salaries of the members of the Turkish Intelligence Agency in the 1950s. Adnan Menderes wanted an end to this situation as it would tarnish the honor of the Turkish state and appointed Ahmet Salih Korur. Korur, who became the head of the Turkish intelligence, ensured that all salary payments were paid from the Turkish budget. Simultaneously, the budget’s intelligence expenditures increased.
Therefore, the conclusion of the proceedings within the scope of this case reflects the political conjuncture of the period. The defense of former Prime Minister Adnan Menderes to rebut the allegations against him was not taken into account by the court committee. Because the covert appropriation was available not only during the Democratic Party period but also during all other governments. These governments provided aid to the press organizations that supported them, and to other institutions and individuals they deem necessary, from a disguised appropriation.
