Özlem

Mustafa

Prof.

Since the 19th century, the change in the understanding of war, the expansion of war zones, and the increasing need for labor force, have made it necessary to channel all resources in a country toward war training. In such an environment, including young people in war required that they will be equipped with military training well before they were enlisted, and so, the contents of civilian schools’ curricula were militarized. While military and shooting training courses in schools became a mainstay, military skills were also taught to youth outside of schools, through paramilitary organizations and scouting.In a short time, these developments in preparing young people for military service in and out of school in Europe were reflected in the Ottoman Empire. As in Europe, especially after the defeat of the Balkan Wars, the contents of the training programs were restructured in order to “raise young people to be war-ready.” During the Second Constitutional Era, militarist elements such as medical training, drilling, games, and target practices were added to the contents of the physical training course, and with military course in the curriculum, students were taken to the shooting ranges. In this way, young people were primed for military training in schools. Outside of schools, through the Boy Scout Organization (İzci Ocağı), which was established and directed by the state, and also through paramilitary organizations, such as the Türk Gücü Derneği, the Osmanlı Güç Dernekleri, and the Osmanlı Genç Dernekleri, the same priming was achieved. It should be noted that the idea of creating a “millet-i müsellaha” (nation in arm) under the mobilization conditions of the First World War was also effective in directing political elites to militarist training in this period.After the proclamation of the Republic, the need to protect the borders of the newly established state amidst the fragile conditions of the 1930s, and the possibility of a new war required constant war preparations. Also, when the effect of shortening the duration of military service is added to this process, it was considered that practical solution for giving basic military knowledge to young people in schools is beneficial. Consequently, the physical education course, which was in the curriculum in the last period of the Ottoman Empire, continued to remain in the curriculum unchanged until 1926. However, in 1926, the basic military skill was removed from the content of physical education and added to military education as a separate course. In the academic year of 1926–1927, basic military skill was re-included in the curriculum under the name, preparation for military service. In the first stage, this course was added to the last two years of boys’&nbsp;&nbsp;high schools and boys’ schools for teaching, but later, it was taught in all schools from middle school to university with a denser content in the unsafe environment emerged in the mid-1930s. In 1937, when the danger of a new war emerged, female students were also taught the preparation for military service courses.In addition, after the course was reincluded in the curriculum, the subjects taught under it were shown to the students in the preparation for military service camps during the summer holidays, and in a practical way as well. At the end of school years, students were taken to the camps in August in the first stage. When the number of students required to attend the camps increased due to the widening of the course’s scope, high school and university students were taken to camps away from the city during the summer holiday. In these camps, where there were no civilian individuals other than the students, and everything was done in military fashion, getting the students accustomed to military training and service.In this study, preparation for military service camps will be examined from the point of view of students with the oral history method. For this, interviews were conducted with individuals who participated in these camps between 1935 and 1947. Thus, by discussing the camps with the living witnesses, the humanitarian dimension of the camp life that is not reflected in the documents will be shown.&nbsp;&nbsp;

Cumhuriyet Döneminde Okullarda Askerliğe  Hazırlık Kampları Üzerine Bir Sözlü Tarih  Çalışması (1935-1947)

Umut

Öğretim Görevlisi

The parties of the second-largest war on Earth were spread across three continents. The Republic of Turkey, which was not a party to this war, did not have the military, social, or economic ability to keep the war going. Therefore, it chose to pursue a policy of impartiality toward the Allied and Axis states.&nbsp;The warring states were following new strategies to use the straits that belonged to Turkey, and they organized conferences to attract the Turkish government to the war. Despite these pressures, up until the last three months of the war, the Turkish government managed to maintain its neutrality.Germany’s invasion policy against Soviet Russia, with the increase in the violence of the war, turned to primary and secondary areas. At the breaking point of the war, the German military authorities determined the Black Sea and Crimea to be their strategic fronts. They started activities in line with the increase in the number of fronts throughout the region and the determination of different strategies.There were two main reasons why Hitler attached special importance to the Black Sea and Crimea. The first of these was to reach the oil fields in the Caucasus, and the second was to prevent the Russians from dominating the Black Sea. Germany had to bring Turkey under its control to exert political, social, and military pressure. For this reason, the Germans started an operation aiming for the domination of the area.Germany, which was unable to use the straits under Turkish sovereignty during the war years, and the Axis powers, which were being influenced by it, implemented the Barbarossa Plan that they had developed against the Soviet Union. The Germans required to use the Turkish straits to implement this plan, and they were unlikely to follow the Montreux Convention on the Straits.The Germans first landed six U-boats in the 30th Fleet on a land route, and then took to the Black Sea to envelop the Soviets stationed there. After delivering major losses to the Soviets in the Black Sea, six German U-boats were sunk toward the end of the war.&nbsp;Meanwhile, Romania was separated from the Axis powers under Soviet pressure, making the Black Sea a center of action with significant losses for the Germans.Following successive attempts to defeat the Russians, German officers in the stationary sea planned to sink their submarines in Turkish territorial waters and reach into their country from the Aegean coasts under a decree from their headquarters. German soldiers who landed were soon after arrested by Turkish military authorities, interned, and hosted in the camps in the country. The military and civilian refugees of different countries were also collected in these camps. The Germans were first held in Beyşehir and then in Isparta after 1944.German soldiers had the opportunity to survive after being interned in Turkish camps. Although the Turkish government had endeavored to provide camps with military-level conditions for visiting soldiers, some setbacks were experienced because of the economic, social, and political conditions of the period. Military personnel from different countries, especially German Navy personnel, also tried to reduce the negative impact of war by reaching out to the people in their camps.During their stay in Anatolia, German soldiers lived not as refugees but as guests. The Turkish government, which did not go to war until 1944, tried not to change the status and conditions of the soldiers in the camps even after they were officially involved in the war. However, the Allies divided Germany into occupation zones, and it surrendered to the United States, and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. As a result of these developments, the status of the international organizations in Turkey had to change.&nbsp;&nbsp;

İkinci Dünya Savaşı Sırasında Alman  Denizaltılarının Karadeniz’de Batırılmaları  ve Askerî Personelin Türkiye’de Zorunlu  Misafirliği

Esra

Uzman

Adem

Assist. Prof.

To a large extent, the conveyor of academic military history and publishing in Turkey has been the Turkish Armed Forces (TAF). In this sense, TAF is the most significant institution that governs military history through its periodicals. Understanding the features presented by military history in Turkey is considered impossible without addressing the TAF itself and its publications. Within this framework, this article analyzes the Askeri Tarih Bülteni (Military History Bulletin), which is the main periodical on academic military history in Turkey. Specifically, Askeri Tarih Bülteni is one of the most significant periodicals published by the General Staff of TAF for 44 years. As an academic actor in the field, the TAF warrants scholarly attention.This study profiles the publications of Askeri Tarih Bülteni between 1976 and 2020 and conducts a procedure for content analysis adapted from various studies that employed this method. All issues of the journal published have been scanned. However, the journal is unavailable on any online database; as such, a computer-based word coding program cannot be used. Instead, the study created a data collection and processing form, where information on each publication was entered into the form.Qualitative and quantitative analyses were then conducted. Frequency and percentage calculations were used for quantitative analyses, or, specifically, the bibliometric processes, whereas classifications, such as regional ones, were applied to qualitative analyses.The study noted a lack of increase or decrease in the number of articles published per year. Therefore, the study was unable to reach conclusions or interpretations in terms of bibliometrics based on the number of articles published by the journal per year.Out of 837 authors, females compose 12.19% (n = 102) of the sample, whereas the majority (87.81%) comprises male authors. Articles whose authors are institutions or are unspecified were excluded from analysis.Moreover, we classified articles with respect to the historical period covered. The majority of manuscripts fall within the scope of the Modern Age (662 articles; 78.8%) followed by the New Age with 43 publications (5.1%).Moreover, the articles were grouped according to geographical region. Accordingly, 475 (56.5%) of the publications covered the Anatolian region followed by the Balkans (n = 65; 7.6%) and Europe (n = 57; 6.6%). The least represented region is America with seven publications (0.8%).&nbsp;According to topic, the majority of the publications are related to politics (n = 538; 64%) followed by institutions (n = 142; 15.2%), culture (n = 127; 15.2%), and international relations (n = 91; 10.0%).Citations were then used to evaluate the issues. Citations were undetected in the Web of Science or Scopus indexes. For this reason, citations to the journal on Google Scholar were scanned. The study identified a total of 112 citations to the journal.As a publication of the TAF, the majority of authors (n = 107; 12.8%) were members of the Turkish Armed Forces followed by members of Gazi University and the Turkish Military History Commission with 19 articles each.Askeri Tarih Bülteni began its publication in 1976 and maintained this status by publishing two issues per year. In 2003, the journal became a peer-reviewed national journal, which consequently changed its name to Askerî Tarih Araştırmaları Dergisi (Journal of Military History Studies). In 2017, the decision was made to publish one issue per year; since then, it continued to publish on an annual basis. The current study, which covers Askeri Tarih Bülteni, conducted content analysis by adapting the procedures used in previous studies to extract the publishing profiles of all articles published in the journal between 1976 and 2020.The results indicated that the objective of Askeri Tarih Bülteni was to establish the general status of all articles in the archive for the current Askerî Tarih Araştırmaları Dergisi and to obtain general information about the journal for scholars who intend to conduct studies on military history. In addition, detailed author information remains lacking, as observed in articles published in the journal in 2020. Thus, resolving this issue is considered to provide convenience for researchers and readers. Studies that employ content analysis in Turkey are lacking; moreover, resources on military history are insufficient. Thus, understanding and obtaining detailed information on this journal, which has written extensively on military history, will be an important resource for the two abovementioned fields and will provide substantial assistance for readers and individuals who want to follow it.&nbsp;&nbsp;

Askeri Tarih Bülteni’nin İçerik Analizi

Fatih

After the Ottoman Empire’s navy bombed the Russian cities in the Black Sea on October 29, 1914, Russian forces crossed the Turkish border on November 1, 1914. Despite the success of the Turkish Army in the first battles in 1914, no significant victory was gained over the Russian army due to their more advanced strategies. Terrain and climatic conditions blocked the plans of the Turkish Army to defeat the Russian Caucasian Army with a siege operation in Sarıkamış. Encouraged by the defeat of the Turkish Army in Sarıkamış, the Russian Caucasian Army began to advance on the Anatolian lands.From the first months of 1915, the Russian Caucasian Army advanced from the Black Sea coast and the Coruh valley, occupying Borcka on February 22, Hopa on February 28, Arhavi on March 13, and Artvin on March 28. Taking advantage of the Armenian revolt in Van, the Russian Caucasian Army captured Malazgirt on May 11 and Van on May 16. From the second half of 1915, no important developments occurred on the Caucasian front.At the beginning of 1916, the Russian Caucasian Army proceeded to capture Erzurum on February 16, 1916. In this study, the developments in the region after the occupation of Erzurum were explained.The Russian press was closely following the military developments on the Caucasus front and informing the Russian public with comments and analyses. İn this study, Birjeviya Vedomosti, Den, Pravitelstvennıy Vestnik, and Russkiy Invalid newspapers, which are prominent newspapers of the capital city, Petrograd, and Tbilisiy Listok, Kavkazskoe Slovo, Kavkazskaya Kopeyka, Batumskiya Vesti newspapers published in the Caucasus were used. In addition, the military periodicals Vestnik X Armii, Voennaya Letopis, and Listok Voyni, and Kubanskiy Kazachiy Vestnik magazines were used as sources. Furthermore, the memories and observations of Russian officers and soldiers who participated in the Erzincan operation were also included in the study.The Russian Caucasian Army captured Erzurum on February 16, 1916, and Trabzon, which was the gateway to Anatolia from the Black Sea, on April 18, 1916. The Russian Caucasian Army were determined to advance to the west and south as their new target. Meanwhile, the newspapers of the period were quick to announcing Russia’s achievements, reporting that the next targets of the Russian Caucasian Army were Erzincan and Bayburt.&nbsp;&nbsp;On May 30, 1916, the Turkish Army liberated Mamahatun from the Russian occupation. After the ongoing battles in the region, the Russian Caucasian Army recaptured Mamahatun on July 11, 1916, and occupied Bayburt on July 16, 1916, surpassing the forces of Fevzi Pasha, who had a strong defense in the Kop Mountains for a long time. After the occupation of Mamahatun and Bayburt, the Russian press announced to the public that the new target of the Russian army was Erzincan.The Russian Caucasian Army captured Erzincan on July 25, 1916. This success of the army became a current issue in Russian newspapers. Newspapers were following the occupation process of Erzincan closely, announcing any update to the public. The Russian press was also reporting on the military events that took place before the occupation of Erzincan and the battles that determined the fate of the city. Noting that the occupation of Erzincan had an impact in the European press, the Russian press also broadcast congratulatory messages sent to the Russian tsar and his commanders, giving the message that Russia’s success was known and supported by the allies. In the following days, the Russian press reported a wide variety of information about the city’s location, history, population, architecture, economy, strategic importance, nature, and climate. This information in the Russian press was remarkable and showed that Russia had a lot of information about the Ottoman Empire.While the Russian press reported that the Russian Caucasian Army completed the occupation process in Eastern Anatolia after the occupation of Erzincan, they sustained the agenda that advancing into Anatolia was the new target of the army. Some newspapers even began writing that the target was Istanbul. As a matter of fact, the thought of the command center of the Russian Caucasian Army was in this direction.&nbsp;However, the post-invasion events did not take place as reported by the Russian press, and the developments in both armies brought the end of the war closer than initially planned or anticipated. The Russian army started to withdraw as a result of the Bolshevik revolutions in Russia, and the war ended with the Erzincan Armistice signed on December 18, 1917.&nbsp;With the withdrawal of the Russian troops, the extermination activities of the Armenian military units against the Muslim people living in the Erzincan began. With the forward attack of the Turkish Army, Erzincan was liberated from the enemy occupation on February 13, 1918.&nbsp;

Rus Basınına Göre Birinci Dünya Savaşı’nda  Erzincan’ın İşgali

Murat

Osmanlı’nın Son Askerlerinin İkilemi: Eve Dönüş veya Yeni Bir Savaşa Giriş

Cevdet

İbret

Turkey participated on the side of the United Nations in the Korean War that began in the summer of 1950. A brigade was sent from Turkey to fight in the war, including soldiers from the Kadirli district. In this study, 3 of the 50 soldiers from the district were interviewed and communicated their views on the war.When Japan withdrew from the Korean Peninsula at the end of World War II, the territory was divided into two countries along the 38th parallel. The northern part was occupied by the Soviet Union and the southern part by the United States.Two separate governmental administrations have been established in Korea, one under the control of the Soviet Union and/or China, and the other under the control of the United Nations. On June 25, 1950, North Korean troops invaded South Korea’s territory under the guidance and support of the Soviets. A United Nations force was set up against the invasion, the main burden of which was borne by the United States.Meanwhile, Turkey, whose territory was threatened by the Soviet Union and who wanted to join NATO, accepted the war on the side of the United Nations and acted with a sense of security. The Korean‒Turkish Brigade, number in excess of five thousand, was formed to be sent to war.For the purpose of this oral history study, the authors conducted interviews with three people who had been soldiers sent to Korea. Among the total number of soldiers sent from Korea, 50 were from the Kadirli district, which was then part of Adana. The information obtained from the interviews was transcribed and coded, the interview texts were compiled by specific topics, and the results were studied using descriptive analysis methods.Two of the veterans had traveled to Korea on the US ships that came off Iskenderun to carry Turkish soldiers. One of the soldiers, on the other hand, left on a ship departing from Izmir because he was late. Soldiers were sent on their way in large crowds which included family members. Veterans recall that the trip took about a month or a little longer. However, if we look at the news reported in the press with Brigade Commander Tahsin Yazıcı, it is clear that the actual period was shorter.The starting point for Turkish soldiers in Korea was the city of Pusan. Turkish soldiers who entered the city on October 18, 1950, were greeted by governors and city officials who sang marches, accompanied by Korean and American bands, young girls with Turkish, Korean, and American flags, and children with flowers. From here, the soldiers were sent to Taegu.Soldiers found it extremely difficult to find shelter, food and, most importantly, sleep, on the front lines. During their time in Korea, the soldiers were fed mostly canned food and stayed in tents and underground shelters. Soldiers from other countries also experienced similar situations.The soldiers also relayed various information about the war environment, the effects of the war on the land and its people, and the climate, vegetation, and landforms of the Korean settlements. According to their impressions, Korea had a cold climate, and its geography was mountainous and forested. The Korean people were deeply affected by the war by being exposed to hunger, thirst, and general misery.All three veterans actually fought in combat and were injured. The most seriously injured veteran was treated in Japan and the others in Korea. The soldiers said that at the end of their service they returned to Turkey by ship, landing in the port of Izmir where they were greeted by a large and enthusiastic crowd.The veterans involved in the Korean War received medals, certificates, and diplomas from the authorities of the Republic of Korea. The South Korean state has always expressed its gratitude to the veterans in written documents.It is understood that the public’s perception of and access to veterans has changed since the war, with the war’s veterans having gained renown. According to the stories told by the veterans, in the immediate postwar period, the public’s view of them changed, their real names were almost forgotten, and they were called “Koreans.” With the law numbered 1985, published on 27 April 1976, veterans were paid a pension by Turkish government. In this regard, those who actually participated in the war from October 1950, when the Turkish Brigade entered Korea, to the signing of the Panmunjom Armistice Agreement in 1953 in October 1950, were entitled to a pension.This oral history study brought to light and recorded the individual memories, information, feelings, and thoughts of the selected veterans. These thoughts, memories, and feelings are probably not those reflected in the official documents relating to the Korean War. In this way, the authors obtained important information about the role of Turkish soldiers in the Korean War. The authors also uncovered information about the veterans on impact of the war in general and also specifically on the veterans’ lives.&nbsp;

Geçmişi Sözlü Tarihle Anlamak: Kadirli’den Katılan Gazilere Göre Kore Savaşı

Yasemin

Oaths can be defined as “undertaking a duty by promising oneself through vows or treaty”; they have been used from the ancient Turkish era to the present to establish friendship and solidarity, distinguish lie and truth, and reach agreement. After the adoption of Islam, oaths became a cultural and social phenomenon, dominated by religious wording, symbols, and rituals, such as swearing in God’s name and putting a hand on the holy book.Oaths gained a political character when Sultan Abdülmecit promised that he would regulate the state administration and institutions according to the laws to be enacted, depending on the Gülhane Hatt-ı Hümayunu announced on November 3, 1839, and that the state officials, including himself, would abide by these laws. Subsequently, oaths gained a constitutional character when the first constitution, Kanun-i Esasi, was implemented on December 23, 1876, with the provision that the members of the parliament, Meclis-i Umumî, would take oaths when sworn in. In this specific oath, loyalty to the Sultan had priority over loyalty to the homeland and compliance with the constitution—the oath wherein the Sultan declares his loyalty to the constitution or the regime was not included in Kanun-i Esasi. This weakness in the constitution vis-a-vis oaths stemmed from the fact that the commission which prepared the constitution was appointed by the Sultan. Even the declaration of the Meclis-i Ayan despite being an institution born by the new regime, albeit appointed house of the parliament revealed that the idea of constitutionalism had not fully penetrated the Ottoman political life yet.The Young Turks, the opposition movement that emerged during the suppression regime, which started with the suspension of the constitutional regime by Sultan II. Abdülhamit, took precedence from the Carbonari Society’s cell models and Russian nihilists, using oaths during the induction of new members into their organizations. The Young Turks’ oaths contained rituals, such as holding guns and the holy book,&nbsp;blindfolding the candidates, and preserving/prioritizing confidentiality and loyalty to the organization over the constitutional oppositional regime. The leader of this movement, the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) continued to use oaths to sustain the existence of the regime even after the restoration of the constitutional monarchy in 1908, due to its lack of social base. After the Committee had come to power, transitioning into a political party, oaths lost their importance within the organization.The political experience achieved in the suppression period, developed the parliamentarians’ perception of constitutionalism such that some members took official oaths to demonstrate their loyalty to the Sultan, on the condition that the Sultan himself complied with the provisions of the constitution. Moreover, after the March 31 Incident where the reactionary uprising of the Islamic fundamentalists, supporters of absolutism, and opponents of the CUP endangered the regime, the entire parliament voted for the Sultan’s dethronement because he did not comply with his unofficial oath to adhere to the constitution. The constitutional regulations made in 1909, therefore, limits the Sultan’s power over the legislature. In addition, the regulations ensured that the Sultan took an official oath to obey the constitution and to be loyal to the homeland.The extraordinary conditions of the National Struggle period were reflected in the oaths of the Istanbul administration based on personal sovereignty and the Ankara administration based on national sovereignty with different contents, goals, and political ideals. For instance, 14 days after the members of the last Ottoman parliament took an oath to be “loyal to His Holiness the Sultan and the homeland and to obey the Laws of the Constitution,” they declared the National Pact, which aimed at a fully independent state, because the developments of this period proved that loyalty to the Sultan was an obstacle to the principle of full independence. The developments had effects on the oaths taken by the members of the Turkish Grand National Assembly as well. Following the establishment of the new Turkish State and the declaration of the Republic, “loyalty to national sovereignty” in the words of the oath was changed to “loyalty to the principles of the republic.” Since the Ottoman-Turkish political life entered the process of secularization, the oath’s wording and symbols based on the traditional-religious phenomenon that prevailed until that time, left their place to the earthly and secular verities.&nbsp;&nbsp;

Meşrutiyet’ten Cumhuriyet’e Türk Siyasi Hayatında Yeminler

Sacit

The DP embodied hope both for those tired of the one-party regime and for some officers in the army. Although Turkey was one of the few countries in Europe to avoid major damage in World War II due to İsmet İnönü’s leadership, it had shouldered an additional economic burden due to the war, and this was perhaps harder for the military than for other members of the public. Thus, one reason for the May 27 coup was the low social status of military personnel due to economic difficulties. Immediately after the war, the reaction was directed against the CHP (Republican People’s Party) for the period of 1946 – 1950. This necessitated examining the attitude of some army members toward the CHP. The CHP, which founded modern Turkey, was dominant in the military before turning to the DP. Alternatively, the positions of military bureaucrats during the DP period acted as triggers for the events that led to the 1960 coup. This caused polarization within the army and differences of opinion between the members of the army who followed a management approach in favor of the DP and those who did not. Several groups reacted against the DP during the 1950 –1960 period, including intellectuals, civil bureaucrats, and some of the press members. As a matter of fact, especially in the second half of the 1950s, the economic policies followed by the DP led part of the public to react against the DP government. Parallel to this, the pressure exerted by the DP to take control of the social sphere resulted in reverberations among universities and thus students, which in turn, resulted in protests, mostly among the young people. Therefore, as the coup began to develop, these protests were severely suppressed by the senior management of the military, who acted in favor of the DP, with the exception of the police forces. Therefore, the military coup of May 27 was largely conducted by lower-ranking personnel.Commander of the Turkish Armed Forces Rüştü Erdelhun was brought down from the administration is also important in this context. This article investigates the 1960 coup in a novel way, asking the main question, “Have military command echelon been sufficiently emphasized in the study of military coups?” In fact, the aforementioned issue -after the dismissal process of the superiors- has not been sufficiently emphasized, as the main issue investigated in relation to coups is the governments that are overthrown. In our case, the people most commonly mentioned in the 1960 coup context are a few powerful people in the DP. After the military coup of May 27, 1960, however, not only the military cadres who supported DP, but also politicians, bureaucrats, journalists, and others were affected from the coup process and Yassıada trials. For these groups, the injustices in the Yassıada trials are obvious. Therefore, both Yassıada defendants, who were members of the army on May 27, 1960, and the defendants who entered politics in the DP received their share of these negative trials. However, especially in the second half of 1965, when the Justice Party, a supporter of the DP political line, came to power alone, the political pressures in the post-May 27 coup period were broken to some extent. Thus, after the Yassıada process, the defendants who served their sentences mostly in Kayseri and Adana prisons were released first. Then, the defendants of military origin overcame the grievances arising from their professional rights -such as military rank reinstatement, retired pay-, even if this occurred late. This article discusses the adventures of the defendants of military origin for the 1960 coup investigating the subject beginning with the start of the DP’s rule in 1950 and ending with the rights offered to military personnel based on their ranks.&nbsp;&nbsp;

Asker Kökenli Yassıada Sanıklarının 27 Mayıs Darbesi Öncesindeki Konumları ve  İadeiitibarlarına Giden Süreç: 1950 – 1967

Yunus

Res. Assist.

Bekir

The Democratic Party regime came to power through the May 14, 1950 elections, which ended with the military intervention on May 27, 1960. After this intervention, a court was established in Yassıada to try the members of the previous government. During the court proceedings, several lawsuits were seen, both political and financial, and one of such cases is the Disguised Allowance case. The disguised allowance is an appropriation placed in the state budget to be spent within the framework of intelligence and defense services, national security, and the high interests of the state. The Disguised Allowance was the Prime Minister’s initiative, and the record of the money spent under this allowance had to be destroyed together with the receipt. However, the receipts were retained when the Democratic Party was in power. After May 27, the Supreme Court of Justice examined the receipts, which resulted in the Disguised Allowance case. The purpose of the lawsuit was the illegal use of disguised allowance. The defendants in the case are Adnan Menderes, the Prime Minister of the time, and Ahmet Salih Korur, the Chief of the Premiership Private Secretary.The case involved a large number of expenditures from disguised allowance. The subjects within the scope of our study are the press within that period and expenditures made on some government institutions. Indeed, the Democratic Party has helped many media outlets and journalists, especially the Great East, from disguised allowance during its rule. The court claimed that these expenditures were illegal and therefore accused Adnan Menderes. In response to these accusations, Adnan Menderes mentioned that aids to various press organizations had become almost a tradition in every period. He, therefore, stated that he sees no harm in the aid provided to both Büyük Doğu and other journalists from the disguised allowance. Thus, several witnesses were heard in this context, and they admitted that they received support from the Prime Ministry, but did not know which budget item of the state that the support came from.Consequently, another issue that is the subject of a lawsuit is the expenditures made from Disguised Allowance to the Presidency and the Grand National Assembly of Turkey. According to the court, money was constantly transferred to two institutions of the state, including banquets, travel expenses, personal gifts, aid to associations and individuals. According to Menderes, the president of the Turkish state has a position to spend from the disguised appropriation whenever he deems necessary. These transferred funds were unspent for the interests of the state but the interests of the Democratic Party, which Adnan Menderes disagreed with the court.Finally, the court also addressed the increasing budget of the Turkish Intelligence Agency, and the reasons for this increase were asked. In response to the questions, Adnan Menderes and Ahmet Salih Korur defended themselves. Accordingly, the Americans were paying the salaries of the members of the Turkish Intelligence Agency in the 1950s. Adnan Menderes wanted an end to this situation as it would tarnish the honor of the Turkish state and appointed Ahmet Salih Korur. Korur, who became the head of the Turkish intelligence, ensured that all salary payments were paid from the Turkish budget. Simultaneously, the budget’s intelligence expenditures increased.Therefore, the conclusion of the proceedings within the scope of this case reflects the political conjuncture of the period. The defense of former Prime Minister Adnan Menderes to rebut the allegations against him was not taken into account by the court committee. Because the covert appropriation was available not only during the Democratic Party period but also during all other governments. These governments provided aid to the press organizations that supported them, and to other institutions and individuals they deem necessary, from a disguised appropriation.&nbsp;

Yassıada’da Örtülü Ödenek Davası: Basın ve Resmî Kurumlara Yapılan Harcamalar

Songül

Muhittin Memduh Üstündağ was born on October 20, 1884 in Chios, one of the territories of the Ottoman Empire. Muhittin Bey, son of an Ottoman governor, received his primary education in Istanbul. His graduation from the Istanbul Civil Service High School in 1902 was followed by another from the faculty of law of the university in 1909. After serving as an assistant prosecutor in Anatolia, he was appointed to the Beyoğlu Arnavutköy Police Center as an officer, between 1913 and 1915. In 1918, he became the Director of the Uskudar Municipality Office. Due to frequent health problems, he was dismissed from his duty after a short time. He was appointed as the Central Trust Inspector in 1919, and he continued this duty until 1923. He was appointed as Director General of the Public Security of the Republic of Turkey in February 15, 1924, after the abolition of the caliphate. He also played a role in driving abroad the last Caliph Abdülmecid Efendi.Muhittin Bey resigned from his Director General duties in June 1925. Thereafter, he worked as the General Inspector of the Republican People’s Party of Thrace for a short time and was later appointed as the Mayor of Istanbul on January 27, 1926, making him the 49th and last Mayor of Istanbul during his reign, the Mayoralty of Istanbul was nullified and transformed into the Istanbul Municipality with the enactment of the Municipal Law No. 1580. The Law was the first municipal law in the history of the Republic and was implemented in 1930. In 1928, he was appointed the Governor of Istanbul, although he had already been acting by proxy, and so, he served as both the Governor and Mayor of Istanbul between 1930 and 1938. In 1936, governors also assumed the task of Republican People’s Party (RPP) Provincial Presidency of their cities, in line with the decision taken by the ruling Republican People’s Party in the Seventh Congress. Thus, the RPP Istanbul Provincial Presidency became part of his responsibility, in addition to his duties as governor and mayor.The period which Muhittin Bey had a duty in Istanbul was a period when reconstruction activities were underway after the occupation and war years of the city. The French architect Henry Prost who was invited by Atatürk has prepared the development plan of the city. In 1929, the effects of the global economic crisis also impacted on Istanbul and at a time when the new capital Ankara was being reconstructed, that is, Istanbul faced a serious lack of resources. Important investments such as the reconstruction of the Unkapanı Bridge and its consequent renaming as the Gazi (Atatürk) Bridge, the extension of the Eminönü Square, and implementing the&nbsp;reconstruction plan of Istanbul took a long time. During the reign of Muhittin Bey, the Zincirlikuyu Cemetery was constructed, and electricity was delivered to the Anatolian Sides and the Islands. Many actions, such as putting the Üsküdar-Kadıköy Tram into service, installing the first traffic lights of the city, and consummating the Heybeliada Quay were also implemented during his reign.The 1930s were also the period of reforms in the history of the Republic. During the term of Muhittin Bey’s mayoralty in 1927, President Atatürk came to Istanbul for the first time after a long hiatus. Atatürk went on to spend a significant part of his time in Istanbul, except for the capital city, Ankara. During these years, he became close friends with Muhittin Bey. Revolutions have largely progressed in Istanbul. Two weeks after the death of Atatürk, however, Muhittin Bey, was dismissed from his position as governor and mayor.He retired from administrative regulation in 1939, but still served as an Independent Deputy of Istanbul between 1945 and 1946. In 1951, he wrote a letter in Arabic to Adnan Menderes, the prime minister of the time, and demanded an administrative duty. He did not receive any response for this request. He passed away on April 30, 1953.&nbsp;&nbsp;

Muhittin Memduh Üstündağ’ın İstanbul Valiliği ve Belediye Reisliği Dönemi (1926-1938)

Türk Sovyet İlişkileri Literatürüne Bir Katkı

Haçadur

İran’daki Devrimin İran Ermenileri Üzerindeki  Sarsıcı Etkisi

Gürsoy

Prof. Dr.

The Republic of Türkiye was recognized politically, legally, and economically through the Treaty of Lausanne, which also established its borders. At the Lausanne Conference, negotiations were held extensively during the meetings to find solutions to the several issues that had been inherited from the Ottoman Empire. The Turkish committee resolved some issues by confirming the international contracts and agreements that had been signed during the Ottoman era. In this sense, Türkiye undertook to participate and approve the contracts and treaties listed under 14 titles in the Article 100 of the Treaty of Lausanne. One of these contracts was the Convention Revising the General Act of Berlin of 1885 and the General Act and Declaration of Brussels of 1890, signed at Saint-Germain-en-Laye on September 10, 1919.The first of the agreements referred to in this convention was the General Act of Berlin, which dated from February 26, 1885, in which the Ottoman Empire had become a party to the issue of Africa’s future for preventing the slave trade. The Ottoman Empire had approved this contract on June 25, 1885. The second agreement the Ottoman Empire had joined as a party was the Declaration of Brussels on July 2, 1890 and again involved the issue of preventing the slave trade. The states that signed the Treaty of Lausanne also approved the General Act of Berlin and the Declaration of Brussels as well. The agreement mentioned in Article 100 was the Convention of St. Germain-en-Laye, dated September 10, 1919. Essentially, the 1885 General Act of Berlin, the 1890 General Act and Declaration of Brussels were revised through this contract to which the Ottoman Empire had not become a party.The Treaty of Lausanne presented a perspective for solving the problems remaining from the Ottoman Empire. One of the most important indicators of this was how the 1919 Convention of St. Germain-en-Laye, which had redrafted the Berlin Contract of February 26, 1885 as well as the General Act and Declaration of Brussels of July 2, 1890 for preventing the slave trade, was placed in front of Türkiye. The Treaty of Lausanne therefore resolved the issue that the Ottoman government had not been a party to the Convention of St. Germain-en-Laye in 1919. The Treaty of Lausanne also had fundamental articles regarding the commercial future of Africa. One should also keep in mind that Türkiye showed initiative in rejecting slavery and slave trade by becoming a party to the Convention of St. Germain-en-Laye, as positioned in Article 100 of the Treaty of Lausanne.While reconstructing the Middle East as the winners of World War I, the Allies tried to get the states that had lost the war to accept Africa’s de facto status in order to protect the bases they had established there by using the discourse of prohibiting slavery and slave trading. The Allies were very successful in this strategy. In addition, the Allies gained the opportunity to design Africa in accordance with their wishes both commercially and politically while on the other hand sharing the lands of Middle East.While Germany, having been defeated in World War I, was made to sign the Treaty of Versailles, one of the dictated articles pertained to the redrafting the 1885 Berlin Contract and 1890 General Act and Declaration of Brussels. The Convention of St. Germain-en-Laye also ensured Austria to accept the same article, as well as the mentioned article again occurring in the Treaty of Trianon that was signed with Hungary. Türkiye’s turn came next, and Türkiye was also made to accept the same principles through the Treaty of Lausanne on July 24, 1923.

Afrika’da Köleliğin Kaldırılmasına Dair 10 Eylül 1919 Tarihli Saint Germain-en-Laye Sözleşmesi ve Lozan Barış Antlaşması’nda Türkiye Tarafından Onaylanması

Çağla

The Italo-Turkish War started with an attack by Italy in 1911. It started a period of wars for the Ottoman Empire in the 20th century, shook its dominance in the Mediterranean, and was important in terms of Italy taking its place among the other states of England and France who were colonizing North Africa. At the end of the war, Italy had taken the Dodecanese Islands hostage in addition to Tripoli, thus extending its rule to the Aegean and capturing strategically important islands there.During World War I, Italy demanded a portion of Anatolia through the secret treaties signed with the Allied Powers. However, Italy was unable to get what she wanted at the Paris Peace Conference that had convened at the end of the war, which led Italy to make bilateral agreements with Greece. At the Lausanne Conference held after the Turkish War of Independence, the secret diplomacy of Greece regarding the Dodecanese Islands yielded no results. In 1923, Mussolini showed his stance in the Mediterranean by invading Corfu, and relations between the Greece and Türkiye deteriorated. Meanwhile, Mussolini’s statements that armed the islands against Türkiye in 1924 after Lausanne had caused Türkiye to take some precautions. The War Games organized by Mustafa Kemal Pasha in İzmir in 1924 was also a result of this attempt.The start of Turkish-British negotiations in 1924 regarding Mosul and the resultant stalemate caused Britain to put Italy into action. Britain wanted Türkiye to remain weak in terms of the Mosul issue by having it fear Italy with regard to the Aegean and thus entered a process of rapprochement with Italy. In 1925, the anti-Turkish General Theodoros Pangalos, who had come to power through a military coup in Greece, entered the process of rapprochement with Italy and found the appropriate opportunity to become a partner in this plan to realize his ideas about Anatolia. Thus, the two dictators accelerated their diplomatic visits by concentrating on an operation plan to be carried out in İzmir regarding the Dodecanese Islands.This threat had emerged from Britain in the background while appearing to have emerged between Italy and Greece; it caused Türkiye to take measures against an attack from the Aegean. The 1926 agreement between Türkiye and Britain regarding Mosul and the overthrow of General Pangalos by coup in the same year caused Italy to soften its policy toward Türkiye, and tensions ended before a war could start. Another important point regarding Italy and Greece’s development of policies against Türkiye under the patronage of Britain was that their fascist governments were at work in these two countries. For Pangalos and Mussolini, who had united on common grounds in the context of expansionist foreign policy, they had resultantly viewed Türkiye as a geography where they could realize the goals they had been unable to achieve during the National Struggle. However, the fact that the targets of both countries involved Western Anatolia created questions about what kind of division they could envisage in the event of a possible attack. Because this attack did not take place, predicting how they would have divided the spoils within the framework of a consensus is difficult. However, Pangalos being a Mussolini fan and Mussolini’s uncompromisingly harsh image does pave the way for predictions more or less.However, the aggressive foreign policies were in fact generally the product of restless domestic policies. This is not difficult to see in the examples of Italy and Greece. Neither country’s expectations were satisfied after World War I. While Greece had problems arising from the population exchange, Italy had difficulties coping with the economic and social chaos World War I had brought about. Still, while both were victors in the war, being victorious does not seem to always bring an environment of peace and development.Pangalos’ rapprochement with Italy in terms of foreign policy during the year he was in power had important consequences for Greece. The tense relations, especially due to the Corfu crisis, were replaced by a friendly process, and Greece gained a friend, at least until 1940. Still, his attempt at friendship was a product of his opposition to Türkiye, which he had defined as an enemy. Because of this, after Pangalos lost power in 1926, Greece would enter a normalization process and start to take concrete steps to resolve its problems with Türkiye.

İki Savaş Arası Dönemde Ege’de Yunan-İtalyan Tehdidi ve Savaş Gerilimi (1924-1926)

Volkan

Hatay is the gateway to the Eastern Mediterranean, located in the south of Türkiye. During the First World War, Britain and France shared the region through secret treaties they made between themselves. After the Armistice of Mudros, first Britain and then France occupied the İskenderun Port. The French occupied Antakya on December 7, 1918 and had to fight against the regional independence forces until 1921. Their divideand-rule policy shaped the administrative structure against the Turks. In the Ankara agreement signed between Türkiye and France in 1921, the right to special administration was granted to İskenderun Sanjak. According to the treaty, Turkish became the official language, and the cultural rights of the Turkish were guaranteed, but France never met the terms of the agreement. According to this agreement, İskenderun Sanjak remained outside the borders of Türkiye. However, Tayfur Sökmen had always been in contact with Ankara. He organized the people of the region against the French on the order of Atatürk. To reduce the Turkish population, the French took the lands held by the Turks and distributed them to their supporters, Armenians, and Arabs, and tried to destroy Turkish culture among the Arab population. Atatürk visiting Adana on March 15, 1923, promised the people of Antakya who welcomed him that he would save them when the time came. Until 1936, the case of the Turks remained pending. However, with the change of the Straits regime in favor of Türkiye, Atatürk would bring the Hatay issue to the Turkish Grand National Assembly. Especially with France’s giving independence to Syria and ignoring the İskenderun Sanjak, the Hatay issue would be moved to Geneva. According to the Turkish thesis, the Sanjak should be completely independent and the official language in the region should be Turkish. This thesis was not accepted by the French. Especially in November–December 1936, the decision of the Turks not to participate in the elections held in Sanjak to send a deputy to the Syrian Assembly and the rising tension caused the murder of two young Turkish people at a mass meeting in Hatay. Martial law was declared in Hatay, and under the oppressive conditions, the Turks were forced with arms and bayonets to go to the ballot boxes. Then Atatürk went to Ulukışla to inspect the military units used to intimidate France. This situation had repercussions in a short time. Thousands of Turks welcomed the observer delegation sent to Hatay by the League of Nations. Britain and France, who met again in Geneva shortly after, agreed on Hatay. The report submitted by Sandler on January 27, 1937, was accepted, and Sanjak was accepted as a separate entity. Prime Minister İsmet İnönü’s visit to Britain on May 14, 1937 and his meeting with British Foreign Minister Eden also produced a solution in a short time on the Hatay issue. The Sanjak Constitution and Statute were adopted on May 29, 1937. It was decided that the Constitution would come into force on November 29, 1937. While the Turks of Hatay were celebrating this development, the Syrian Assembly declared the Sanjak to be an inseparable part of Syria. The oppression and persecution of Turks by the Arab and French officials in Hatay were increasing day by day. France, unbeknownst to Türkiye, acted together with the mandate officers in Hatay and prepared an election directive. However, the Ankara government protested to the League of Nations and did not recognize the election directive prepared by France. Thus, a new election commission was established by the League of Nations, and two representatives, one from Greece and one from Yugoslavia, were added to this commission upon the request of Türkiye. In the elections held in Hatay in May 1938, the pressure on the Turks continued. Thereupon, Atatürk’s visit to Mersin to inspect military units again yielded results in a short time. France approved the Turkish soldiers’ presence in Hatay at the time of the election. However, Türkiye did not consider agreeing with France before the Hatay issue was resolved. Eventually Hatay gained its independence through Atatürk’s military and diplomatic maneuvers. Hatay State was established on September 2, 1938. On June 29, 1939, the Hatay Assembly decided the state to join the territory of Türkiye. On July 23, French soldiers withdrew from Hatay, which has become a part of Türkiye.&nbsp;

Atatürk’ün Dış Politika Zaferi: Hatay’ın  Türkiye’ye İltihakının Dışişleri Bakanlığı  Türk Diplomatik Arşiv Belgeleri Üzerinden  Değerlendirilmesi (1936-1939)

Elçin

The Lotus Case was a prominent event for the young Republic of Türkiye in the 1920s, because this case gave Türkiye an opportunity after the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne to show the new Turkish State as being contemporary, independent, and equal to other European states in every international area, especially in law. The accident occurred as follows: A collision on the high seas between the French steamer the Lotus and the Turkish steamer the Bozkurt in 1926 resulted in the sinking of the Turkish vessel and the death of eight Turkish nationals. When the French ship reached İstanbul, the Turkish authorities instituted criminal proceedings against the French officer on watch at the time of the collision (i.e., Lieutenant Desmons). The Turkish Court rejected Desmons’ objection that Türkiye had no jurisdiction and, after a trial, sentenced him to 80 days in prison and a fine of 22 pounds. The French Government evaluated Türkiye’s action as a violation of international law and demanded reparations. The arguments put forward by the two parties involved whether or not Türkiye had any jurisdiction to prosecute the case according to the principles of international law. Türkiye and France agreed to refer this dispute over jurisdiction to the Permanent Court of International Justice. In court, then Minister of Justice Mahmut Esat Bozkurt represented the Turkish side. The court ultimately decided that Türkiye had not violated international law by instituting criminal proceedings against Desmons. The case was followed with great interest by Britain and America. These two countries made statements about the case both in their official papers and their press. For instance, the British press frequently reported on the event based on French newspapers. In addition, the press made some comments against Türkiye, using words such as “arrogant” and “capricious” to define Türkiye’s attitude toward British authors. While British newspapers were making comments about the case and Türkiye, British official documents only made brief mention of how the incident was perceived in terms of the French press. Compared to the British official documents, American official documents dealt with the issue in more detail. For instance, the&nbsp;American official documents on the issue conveyed the views of both the French press as well as the Turkish press about the case. These documents discussed whether the Turkish courts had been impartial and stated that the International Court of Justice in Hague would ultimately bring a solution to the problem. The American press also stated that the French government had made strong protests and would take more active measures. In addition, the US press talked about how French Prime Minister M. Poincare had found Türkiye’s attitude to be a clear violation of international law and how the French government could accept no further delays in liberating Desmons. The US Press also stated France to have all along contended that Türkiye, by arresting an officer on its ship, had set Turkish law, which was applicable solely in its own territorial waters, against the well-recognized rule of international maritime code. This code stated that in the case of an accident, the involved parties were solely under the disciplinary jurisdiction of the admiralty courts of their own countries. In addition, the American press asserted that Türkiye had given in and turned over the affair to the international court due to Premier Poincare’s ultimatum to Türkiye regarding Desmon’s release. When the Permanent Court of International Justice ultimately declared that Türkiye’s actions had not constituted a violation of the principles of international law, some American newspapers interpreted this result as a success for Turkish policy. As mentioned before, Türkiye had signed the Treaty of Lausanne in July 1923. One of the successes of this peace treaty was the abolishment of capitulations. As a result, the Lotus Case ruling in favor of Türkiye is understood again to exemplify how the capitulations had come to an end. With the example of the Lotus Case, all European states, especially France, understood once again that the old Ottoman State had come to an end and that the new Turkish Republic had been born with its own independence and contemporary principles.&nbsp;

Genç Cumhuriyetin İlk Deniz Hukuku Zaferi  Bozkurt Lotus Davası ve Uluslararası Yankıları Üzerine Örnekler

Nuri

The Ottoman intellectuals who had gained some superficial information about Western civilization up to the Tanzimat, generally through various embassy reports and books, had the opportunity to get to know Western civilization more closely during the modernization that followed the Tanzimat. In this process, they realized that Western civilization had developed in a way that could not be compared to Ottoman civilization. They believed that, in order to reach the level of progress of European societies, very radical reforms should first be made in political and social life.Therefore, they engaged in voluminous long-term activities aimed at simultaneously changing both the political regime and the social mentality. Their primary goal was to break the domination over individual and social life by various interest groups who were profiting from the current conditions in both political and social life and who constantly abused Islam for their own interests. To do this, the government system first needed to be secularized, separating religion from the state.Hence, one can say a religious project was underway in the minds of Ottoman intellectuals and statesmen during the modernization period, no matter to which school of thought they belonged. Still, to think that this project was more of a civilization project rather than a purely absolute religious project would be more accurate. In addition, the main basis of civilization involves religion, and both concepts have been used for a long time to convey practically the same meanings. Taking this situation into account would make seeing the consolidation of any reformist thought toward the institutional or religious structure of Islam more accurate through Islamic references as a necessary condition for a new civilization conception rather than as a policy for&nbsp; gaining political legitimacy. As Menapirzade Nuri and Ahmet Midhat Efendi in particular emphasized, this was because those who claimed Islam as also being opposed to civilization had based their claim on the semantic similarity between the words civilization and progress and on those who were against the concept of progress. Moreover, some ignorant scholars were found to try to portray this claim as a religious ruling. In addition, Western Orientalists who claimed that Islam prevented progress were encountered. Finally, Western states also used the concept of civilization as an exploitative political instrument and used the discourse of bringing civilization to the entire Islamic geography. Many compelling internal and external factors similar to these also occurred. Therefore, despite their different worldviews, Ottoman intellectuals who admired the Europe’s level of development had to consider the concepts of civilization and progress alongside the religion of Islam as a result of all these political and social reasons. In other words, they had to undertake the defense of Islam against both ignorant Islamic scholars as well as Orientalists who claimed Islam to prevent progress. According to Engelhardt, however, the main goal of this process of social change that was conceptualized through such terms as Westernizing, Europeanizing, contemporizing, and modernizing, was to bring Muslim Ottoman society closer to the Christian European society in all aspects. To do this, both the government and society first needed to be saved from the domination of religion as it had in Europe and be given a secular structure.As a matter of fact, the environment of relative freedom created by the Second Constitutional Monarchy and the great disasters Türkiye experienced against Western states in the following period led to the emergence of extremely radical discourses around the issues of religion, civilization, and European civilization. Western intellectuals’ contemporary civilizational conceptualizations had initially envisaged a Lutheran reform in Islam that caused intense long-lasting debates in the Turkish press.Hence, this article will first summarize the discourses of certain Ottoman intellectuals, namely Ziya Gökalp and Celal Nuri İleri, who referred to Protestant European societies only as a criterion of contemporary civilization and stated that a Lutheran reform should take place in Islam. Then the study demonstrates a few examples of the fatwas of some Islamic scholars who had used religion as a means of political or social pressure for their personal comfort, which resultantly justified all these reformist discourses. The article’s second section will touch upon Mehmet Akif’s original place in&nbsp;&nbsp;Islamic modernism. The final section will attempt to draw attention to the lack of any rational basis in the discourses that had declared Akif to be an enemy of civilization by distorting some of his statements on the concept of civilization, not only in terms of semantics but also in terms of syntax.

İkinci Meşrutiyetten Cumhuriyete Türk  Basınında Muasır Medeniyet Tartışmaları,  İslâm Modernizmi ve Mehmet Âkif

Res. Assist. Dr.

The Ottoman Empire became involved in the First World War by bombing the Sevastopol Port of Russia on October 29, 1914. Enver Pasha played a critical role in the course of the war by simultaneously undertaking the duties of the Minister of War, Chief of the Military Staff, and Deputy Commander-in-Chief. Enver Pasha and a group of former administrators had to leave the country as a result of the Ottoman Empire’s acceptance of defeat with the Armistice of Mudros signed on October 30, 1918. Enver Pasha had contacts in various countries, especially Russia, during his time abroad. Using these contacts, he attempted to become a power element both in Central Asia and in the Ottoman geography. At first, he thought of establishing an army in Central Asia and attacking the British colonial roads with support from Russia. However, following the Battle of İnönü, he began to adopt the idea of crossing into Anatolia more. This idea caused a conflict between Enver Pasha and Mustafa Kemal Pasha. In this period, the French Government was criticized by its public opinion for the existing occupation in Antep (Aintab) and its surroundings. Questioning the logic of being an occupier in this region, thousands of kilometers away from France, the French public wanted to prevent further loss of soldiers and money. The French Government began to seek a dialog formula with Ankara at the point when its national interests met with the demands of its public opinion. Meanwhile, news about the National Struggle Movement in Anatolia and Mustafa Kemal Pasha began to appear in the French press, and some French writers began to publish books about the National Struggle. In such an environment, the tension between Mustafa Kemal Pasha and Enver Pasha was reflected in the French press. Even in some books published in France at that time, various opinions were put forward on this issue. This tension was so high that it even came to the fore in the French parliament. The French Government was questioning the results of the partition agreements with Britain specific to the Ottoman geography while trying to calculate the consequences of reconciliation with the Ankara Government after the Battle of Sakarya resulted in a Turkish victory. At this point, whether the center of gravity in Anatolia was on the side of Mustafa Kemal Pasha or Enver Pasha became a matter of curiosity in French public. This study examines how the tension between Mustafa Kemal Pasha and Enver Pasha during the War of Independence was perceived by French public.We used thirteen different French newspapers for this study. We particularly focused on Le Petit Parisien, Le Petit Journal, Le Journal, and Le Matin, the so-called big five newspapers. Le Temps, a newspaper close to the state, l’Humanité and Le Populaire, representing the radical left, Le Radical, a weekly–monthly publication with a socialist tendency, Journal des Débats appealing to the bourgeois class, Le Gaulois, a right leaning paper; and although their circulations were low, Le Figaro, which had a strong influence, and L’Action Française with Bonapartist tendencies, and Excelsior, known for their visual materials and published weekly, were the other sources of our research. In addition, to understand the opinion of the French Government, we used French diplomatic documents and parliamentary debates of the French Chamber of Deputies. Moreover, the book named L’Aventure Kémaliste (Kemalist Adventure), which was published in Paris during the years of our research, is among the sources used.The results revealed that in the French public opinion, the tension between Mustafa Kemal Pasha and Enver Pasha was misinterpreted as a “cooperation” rather than a “disagreement” or a “conflict” until the Ankara Treaty was signed between the Ankara Government and France on October 20, 1921. It was observed that in French politics, it was claimed that Mustafa Kemal Pasha and Enver Pasha acted together and that Enver Pasha established the dialog between Ankara and Moscow. In addition, it was observed that the idea that these two important figures, who were allegedly in cooperation, were also pro-German was adopted. Furthermore, the press was in line with the opinions of French politicians in that period until the Ankara Treaty. Some columnists even claimed that the cooperation between Mustafa Kemal Pasha and Enver Pasha was organized by Germany and Russia to put the French in trouble in Muslim geographies, especially in North Africa. In addition, this study based on newspapers with different political tendencies determined that the French newspapers approached our research topic from the same perspective, regardless of their political tendencies. It seems that the French public at last began to fully understand the tension between Mustafa Kemal Pasha and Enver Pasha only with Franklin Bouillon’s visit to Ankara following the Turkish victory in the Battle of Sakarya. More specifically, after the Ankara Treaty was signed at the end of this visit, the French began to show considerable interest in Mustafa Kemal Pasha&nbsp;&nbsp;and the Turkish War of Independence and constantly sent journalists to Ankara. However, it is noteworthy that even in some news published after the visit, unrealistic information and claims on the subject continued to appear in the French public occasionally. This may be due to the limited communication conditions of the period and perhaps the disinformation of French news sources abroad.

Millî Mücadele Döneminde Mustafa Kemal  Paşa-Enver Paşa Çatışmasının Fransız  Kamuoyundaki Algılanış Biçimi

Nurettin

Although the proclamation of the republic was left until after the peace treaty, a number of radical changes were known to have been made during the National Struggle that formed the basis of the Republican regime. The first important step that was taken toward these changes and innovation movements can be expressed as the establishment of the Turkish Grand National Assembly (TGNA) in April 1920. While the establishment of the TGNA underlined the will of the nation, it also allowed the National Struggle movement to gain legitimacy. Secondly, the emphasis on the sovereignty of the nation in Article 1 of the Constitution adopted on January 20, 1921 marked an important step that had been taken in the process leading to the proclamation of the republic. In addition to these, the abolition of the sultanate on November 1, 1922 was a declaration that no authority or person could be effective other than the parliament and that the appropriate time to name the regime that was now being de facto implemented was believed to have come.The discussions on determining the republican regime as the form of government were brought to the agenda by both national and local press organs. First published on December 10, 1918, İstikbal Newspaper was one of these organs supporting the National Struggle movement. The newspaper dealt with the pre- and post-proclamation of the republic with the news articles it published and later made serious criticisms against the method that had been followed during the proclamation. Although the newspaper had accepted the regime that existed before the proclamation to already be a republic and included articles praising the republican regime, it criticized how the proclamation had been imposed by taking advantage of the cabinet crisis.From the beginning of the preparations for the amendments to the 1921 Constitution to the proclamation of the republic, İstikbal Newspaper closely followed the developments within this scope and conveyed these goings on to readers with an oppositional approach, though this oppositional attitude was not directed toward the republican regime. With the adoption of the new regime, the powers of parliament had&nbsp;been reduced compared to the parliamentary governmental system, and the prime ministerial and especially presidential offices had been given broad powers. The newspaper interpreted this situation as a departure from the principles of sovereignty and nationalism and a shift away from the axis of democracy. In this context, the newspaper increased its dosage of criticism and emphasized how granting wide powers to a person or office other than the parliament could lead to the transformation of the political system into a dictatorship in the future. The articles published in the newspaper emphasized that the powers of the parliament should not be given to any one person or authority.Although İstikbal Newspaper stated that the proclamation of the republic had been carried out in a hurry as a fait accompli, the news articles it published also accepted the inevitability of the republican regime being established after the sultanate was abolished. This situation may be viewed as a contradiction. However, the main issue the newspaper addressed was how the change had been made in a short period of time, not by consulting the nation but with the encouragement and guidance of a certain cadre of people. In addition, the oppositional attitude of the press toward the proclamation of the republic and the regulations of 1923 shows the press at that time to have had broad freedoms. Indeed, the articles İstikbal Newspaper published were seen to have an extremely high level of criticism against the government and the Halk Fırkası [People’s Party]. İstikbal Newspaper displayed an oppositional attitude toward the methods followed while proclaiming the republic and expressed its thoughts on the supremacy of the parliament and the sovereignty of the nation with great courage and open-heartedness, which played an important role in maintaining awareness in public consciousness.&nbsp;

Cumhuriyetin İlanına Metodolojik Bir  Muhalefet: Trabzon’da Çıkan İstikbal Gazetesi

Mehmet Fahri

Every nation-state needs a historical conception that will feed its cultivated sense of national identity and give it mythological and symbolic aspects. The thought in this field is shaped, above all, around an origin myth that will provide the nation-state with a reason for existence, distinguish it from others, and give its citizens the feeling of being “ancient”. A “legitimate” history thesis outlines the official identity boundaries of the nation-state and informs its citizens about the ancestral lineage to which they belong. At the same time, it meets the standards of its time because it is covered in a scientific outfit. In this sense, the official history thesis is also a “thesis of belonging”.&nbsp;It was crucial for the fledgling Turkish Republic of the 1930s to develop a historical perspective that would define its people and give meaning to their belonging. In this view, the First and Second Turkish History Congresses are crucial in terms of making the state’s official understanding of history visible. By disseminating the official history thesis, these congresses demonstrate the supremacy of the government’s own identity conception. In order to establish the geographical basis of the inhabitants of the Turkish nation-state, the fundamental content of the Turkish History Thesis is primarily shaped by the creation of the territorial genealogy of Anatolia. The idea that the existence of ancient civilizations of Anatolian origin like the Sumerians, Hittites, and Etruscans in this geography is “ancient” compared to the others - like the Greeks or Armenians - gives historical validity to the relationship between modern Turkish identity and the idea of homeland. Here, a new set of symbols, myths, and traditions supplied by the line of historical and ethnic continuity based on Central Asia can be used to replace the Ottoman-Islamic past with a legitimate one.The goal of Blue Anatolianism is to diversify and enhance the official Turkish History Thesis rather than to depart from it. In the early republican period, Blue Anatolianists, who advocated “to bring the West here, to themselves, instead of going to the West”, became the creators of their own unique discourse. The need to define a geography that is more “local” and closer to the young Republic’s center, as a reaction to the “extreme” nature of the idea of origin that will base the nation-state identity of the Turkish History Thesis, is where this alternative perspective expresses itself most clearly. The official history theory, which based citizenship identification on ethnicity, had a “surreal” component, although Blue Anatolianists promoted a territorial interpretation of culture. In reality, the alternative discourse that Blue Anatolianism contributes to the fundamental framework of national identity gives meaning to its originality as a theory of territorial nationalism.Intellectually, the Neo-Greekism advocated in the 1910s by authors like Yahya Kemal and Yakup Kadri forms the foundation of the Blue Anatolia thesis. This also highlights the concept of humanism, which forms the basis of the thesis’s effort to diversify the official historical narrative. The desire to link this geographical association with Anatolia has its roots in Neo-Greeks, who believe that “in order to understand Europe, we need to start from Greece” and foresee a Turkish identity facing the West. However, this Anatolia is not the generalizing Anatolia of the official history thesis, nor is it the Anatolia of the Anatolianist ideology, which would develop a conservative mystification in the years to come. Neo-Greek Anatolia is a geographical extension of the Mediterranean and Aegean seas, and unmistakably resembles European territory.The Blue Anatolianist movement shifts the construction of belonging in the official discourse from the ethnic to the geographical. As a result, the present Mediterranean interpretation, which replaces the nomadic pathos emanating from Central Asia that serves as the foundation of the Turkish History Thesis, also becomes the focus of a secular and humanist worldview with Anatolia at its core, opening the way to multiculturalism.The uniqueness of Blue Anatolianism as a theory of territorial nationalism lies in the fact that the identity it advances is based on geographical inheritance, and in a sense, it equates being a citizen of the Republic of Türkiye with being the heir of all communities who have lived here since the earliest times of Anatolia. The movement’s founding theorist, the Fisherman of Halicarnassus, stated in one of his writings that the core of modern Turkish identity is a singular identity that “started to flow long before the Hittites” and embodies the traits from all "Phrygian, Lydian, Ionian, Persian, Byzantine, Seljuk, and Ottoman" civilizations.One of the most significant cultural outputs of the movement was the writings of Azra Erhat (a pupil of the Fisherman of Halicarnassus), particularly her translations from classical Greek. On the other hand, Blue Anatolianism developed into a formalized political and cultural movement thanks to the activities of Sabahattin Eyüboglu, an intellectual from the same time period.&nbsp;

Toprağa Bağlı Bir Milliyetçilik Teorisi Olarak  Mavi Anadolu İdeali

Ercan

Kemal Tahir holds a significant position in the annals of Turkish literature and intellectual discourse. His life’s dedication revolved around delving into the intricacies of the nation’s realities. Utilizing novels as a medium, he sought to communicate both history and reality. His perspectives on historical and social matters have been subjects of deliberation within intellectual and literary circles. An enduring topic of discussion has been Kemal Tahir’s stance on banditry. Central to his main thesis is the argument that a bandit “cannot be a hero”, portraying banditry as a social phenomenon. Although banditry is subtly alluded to in many of his village-themed novels, this study accentuates his views through an examination of the novels “Yorgun Savaşçı” and “Rahmet Yolları Kesti”. The former unfolds during the National Struggle era, marked by the absence of state authority, revealing the widespread prevalence of banditry. The latter, set in the mid-1930s concurrent with the establishment of the Ankara Government and the solidification of state authority, is noteworthy for its portrayal of a bandit narrative. In both of Kemal Tahir’s novels, various individual and societal elements pertinent to the genesis of banditry are underscored. These elements encapsulate the author’s overarching perspectives on the phenomenon. According to the author, the notion of appreciating honest bandits is a concept proposed by “semi-intellectuals” resulting from an evaluation that is detached from Anatolian cultural norms. It remains nothing more than a folkloric imagination. Bandits, or robbers, are individuals with a low sense of social morality, displaying cowardice, susceptibility to manipulation by others, aversion to work, and an inability to do anything other than feign. There is a certain period of banditry. Banditry is the product of a period of turmoil and war. The most decisive factor in the emergence of banditry is the power of the state. If the state is strong in the political, economic and military fields, it does not last long even if bandit movements are seen. Banditry arises from a combination of factors, including the pursuit of notoriety, a desire for bravery, avarice for monetary gain, and other individual motives. The perpetuation of banditry is further influenced by the populace’s fear and mistrust of the state, with the continuation of such activities contingent upon the strength or weakness of the state. In instances where villagers perceive a lack of power, there is a tendency to idealize bandits, portraying them as heroes and transforming them into&nbsp; legendary figures. The allegiance of a bandit aligns with the stronger party, manipulated by those individuals. Kemal Tahir equated banditry with theft, positing that it does not manifest in a well-ordered and fearless society. In societies undergoing moral decay, banditry tends to emerge, and the admiration for banditry persists.In conclusion, as we intricately intertwined the bandit phenomenon depicted in Kemal Tahir’s novels “Yorgun Savaşçı” and “Rahmet Yolları Kesti” with the author’s perspectives within the realms of both Turkish literature and historical reality, it becomes evident that Kemal Tahir faced substantial criticism throughout his lifetime. The true essence of what the author aimed to convey remains challenging to assess objectively. The limited recognition bestowed upon his views and literary persona in the 20th century has contributed to certain challenges confronting Turkish society today. Presently, there is a more objective approach to the author. Nevertheless, it remains challenging to surpass comparisons with Yaşar Kemal, particularly concerning the concept of banditry. Currently, we find significant parallels between the author’s viewpoint on banditry and historical actualities. This circumstance calls for an assessment of his novels not solely in the context of banditry but also with regard to other historical and literary facets, free from comparisons and biases. Kemal Tahir has bequeathed a substantial legacy contributing to our comprehension of the challenges in literature, art, and society in the 21st century. The extent to which we can preserve, convey, and transmit this heritage to new generations will be highly valued.

Kemal Tahir’in “Yorgun Savaşçı” ve “Rahmet  Yolları Kesti” Romanlarında Eşkıyalık Teması  (1919-1939)

Betül

While beginning the preparations for the 10th anniversary of Türkiye, political and intellectual circles proposed the newly emerging idea to establish a museum exhibiting the 10-year course of the revolutions that had taken place in Türkiye by making use of the possibilities of contemporary museology. Upon adopting this idea, attempts were initiated to establish a revolution museum. In fact, the Istanbul Municipality had initiated some local activities regarding this issue in previous years. However, officials had a more comprehensive concept for the Revolution Museum in mind compared to these previous activities. Although all the necessary artifacts for the museum were available, these were understood to be insufficient for inaugurating what would be a well-established museum. Thus, the need to have experts who’d been trained according to the museum discipline clearly came before these artifacts.&nbsp;As a result, the politicians and bureaucrats had no choice but to assign an authorized commission specifically for this job, upon which the Committee of Museums was formed to establish the Revolution Museum. The members of this committee consisted of names such as Kadro journal’s editor Şevket Süreyya Aydemir, Foreign Ministry Advisor and Secretary General of the Balkan Union Abdülhak Şinasi Hisar, historian Enver Behnan Şapolyo, Sami Çölgeçen, and Hamit Zübeyir Koşay. The missions the state officials expected from the museum were to keep the revolutionary movements alive, to revive their vital aspects, and to display the 10-year-old history using examples. The museum committee was requested to illustrate almost 10 years of flowing history in the museum. However, the committee members, who were the leading figures in terms of history and museology, had different views toward the idea of revolution. Another issue upon which they were unable to agree was whether to include the Tanzimat Reform Era or the Turkish National Struggle period as the historical starting point of the Revolution Museum. All these expectations and disagreements from the committee members prevented them from establishing the museum.&nbsp;&nbsp;Revolution museums had emerged as products of the new states and ideologies established after the revolutions. Considered as places of promotion, history, memory, and evidence collection, revolution museums are definable as places built as archives,research centers, educational institutions, and propaganda tools in the world states that had undergone ideological and structural revolution at the beginning of the 20th century.Revolution museums feature more their educational functions than their exhibiting and preserving ones. These museums reflect cultural and modern developments of a nation as well as its vital struggles against its enemies in history. Thus, they have made important contributions to the field of public education both in Türkiye and the world. Şevket Süreyya (Aydemir) Bey also expressed this feature of revolution museums in his report from August 27, 1933. The four-page report lists information, documents, maps, photographs, tables, materials etc. about the Battle of Sakarya exhibit planned in the museum, after which he stated how this hall would instruct visitors about the Battle of Sakarya.The Revolution Museum would finally come into existence in 1939 after Atatürk’s death, when the house where Atatürk had lived in Şişli, Istanbul was opened to the public as a museum. In addition, the Institute of Turkish Revolution History in affiliation with Ankara University Faculty of Language, History, and Geography was opened during the time when Hasan Ali Yücel was the Minister of Education. The Revolution History Museum was also established in Ankara in 1942 within the body of the Turkish Revolution History Institute. The materials that had been collected for the Revolution Museum planned in Ankara before were given to the Turkish Revolution History Institute in 1943.The Revolution Museum had been intended to be created similar to the Ankara People’s House. This study will address the efforts to establish a revolution museum whose idea had been put forward in 1933; the criticisms, different views, and discussions of the examples of revolution museums in Russia and Italy; the attempts to establish a similar model of revolution museum; and the reasons why the museum had failed to be established. As sources, this article utilized the archival materials, newspapers, journals and official reports of the period.&nbsp;

Atatürk Döneminde “İnkılâp Müzesi”  Kurulması Girişimleri

Ceyhun

A general belief exists in Turkish culture that music had developed around the palace. However, when examining traditional Ottoman music, music was seen to have not only been limited to the palace environment but to have also developed in cities, homes, coffee houses, mosques, and Mevlevi lodges. For this reason, Turkish music culture did not follow a Western course to the public.Ottoman music began being influenced by the West in the 18th century when Selim III brought Western musicians to Istanbul for his opera concert. By including Western music groups in their touring schedules, Istanbul society’s interest in Western music has become fashionable and the people of Istanbul encountered polyphonic Western music in this way. With the proclamation of the Tanzimat, modernization efforts in the field of music intensified, and a Palace Orchestra and Fasıl [program of musical pieces] Committee were included within the body of the Mızıka-yı Hümâyun [military band] founded by Giusepe Donizetti. Despite these modernization efforts, Western music could only be situated academically during the Republican period.The main idea and infrastructure of the innovations that Atatürk planned to make in the field of music were formed on the framework the Tanzimat had started. The aim was to have the revolution to be made in the field of music be inspired by Western music and to create a new Turkish music that the West would listen to with respect.Ziya Gökalp’s views on music were also influential in determining the music policy of the period. Although his knowledge of music is controversial, Gökalp wrote in his work “The Principles of Turkism” that two types of music exist in Turkey: The first of which is the Turkish music born out of the people, and the other is the Ottoman music that had been translated from Byzantium by al-Farabi. Gökalp also stated that he found Eastern music to be sick and non-national and argued folk music to be the music of Turkish culture and Western music to be the music of the new civilization.As a matter of fact, Atatürk thought that national Turkish music could be created by blending folk music, which is seen as the core music of the Turks, with polyphonic Western music. This understanding of music aimed to use the strengths of Western music in Turkish music by adopting the musical institutions of the West and planned in practice to synthesize the polyphonic techniques of Western music with Turkish folk music melodies.Apart from the institutional reform studies and practices carried out to create a national form of music, another aim was to culturally internalize Western-based Turkish music. In this context, two vocal competitions were organized by the Cumhuriyet newspaper between 1930-1931. The aim of this study is to examine these vocal competitions the Cumhuriyet newspaper held. In this context, the article examines the 1930 for the “Song of the Nations” contest to select the Turkish participant of another international song contest held in Paris to play the leading actress in the French film La Chanson Des Nations; and also the “Nightingale of Türkiye vocal contest” held in 1931 by performing a content analysis of the news published at this time. The study examines within its scope the newspaper issues of Cumhuriyet, which organized the competitions, as well as the issues of Son Posta that involved the competitions between November 1930 and March 1931; and it attempts to determine how much the competitions had been affected by the alafranga and alaturka debates and the extent which the contests affected the reforms to be made in the field of musicIn particular, the competition in the field of Western music organized by Cumhuriyet newspaper for people to participate in the movie “Song of Nations” in 1930 created the atmosphere the Republican regime desired. The intellectual personality of Hudadat Şakir Hanım, who came first in this competition, can be said to have been suitable for the Turkish national music culture the Republican regime wanted to create.Nightingale of Türkiye vocal competition held in 1931 did not attract as much attention as the movie “Song of Nations” contest in 1930. Cenap Şahabettin said that the songs in Nightingale of Türkiye competition made his soul feel old, that he had listened to all the “Istanbul nightingales” with his ears closed, and that he had a hidden sadness in his mouth upon leaving the hall. Şahabettin’s comments are in line with Atatürk’s criticisms of Turkish music.The alafranga-alaturka debates appeared in the vocal contests and continued into early 1930s. These debates even lasted until the end of the ban on Turkish music radio broadcasting in 1934. Later Atatürk tried to express that his words on the subject were misunderstood in different environments. Because his greatest desire was to ensure that Türkiye adopted the modern music technique as well as to have the Turkish compositions that were loved and listened to in the country also be heard in Europe.&nbsp;

Müzik İnkılâbını “Milletler Şarkısı” Filmi  (1930) ve “Türkiye Bülbülü” (1931) Ses  Yarışmaları Üzerinden Okumak

Serdar

Öğretim Görevlisi Dr.

The political system in Türkiye is the main factor that determines the media regime. During the early Republican period, multi-party life was tried twice, and the press gained the opportunity to make its voice heard compared with the single-party years. After the failure of these attempts, the press largely lost this freedom with the adoption of the Press Law in 1931. For this reason, the press demonstrated its ideological tendencies through issues related to foreign policy instead of discussing domestic politics and the regime.On September 1, 1939, the Second World War began with the German invasion of Poland. The Soviet-Finnish Winter War, which also emerged as a local war during the Second World War, was an event that exhibited the ideological tendencies of the Turkish press.Immediately prior to the Second World War, Soviet Russia wanted to expand its borders to the Baltic region to secure its borders against the increasing danger from Germany. Toward this end, it demanded certain regulations and argued that the FinnishSoviet border was only 32 km from Petrograd. However, Finland refused these demands. After the talks were interrupted, the Winter War began on November 30, 1939, when Soviet Russia attacked Helsinki. Contrary to expectations, Finland displayed great resistance by using the climatic and geographical conditions in its favor. However, Finland, which did not find the help it expected, needed to ask for peace and submitted to Soviet demands at the end of the war that lasted for 104 days.Contrary to the common belief in Turkish historiography, Türkiye followed a policy&nbsp; of alliance with Britain and France instead of an active neutrality policy during this period. This policy was a factor that determined the attitude of the press towards the Winter War. However, a number of differences existed among the three abovementioned newspapers. The ideological tendencies of these newspapers played a role in the basis of these differences.Cumhuriyet, Yeni Sabah, and Tan newspapers represented the three tendencies of the Turkish press during the Second World War. Cumhuriyet is known for being pro-German, Yeni Sabah for being pro-British, and Tan for being pro-Soviet. Therefore, the study also examined the positions taken by these newspapers based on their attitude toward the Soviet-Finnish Winter WarYeni Sabah, especially its editor-in-chief Hüseyin Cahid Yalçın, was worried that Soviet Russia would approach Germany due to this war. However, in the later days of the war, after the Allied states clarified their stance in favor of Finland, Yeni Sabah also took a stance in favor of Finland. Yet, the tone it used against Soviet Russia was extremely careful. In other words, Yeni Sabah refrained from using a harsh style against Germany and Soviet Russia.Cumhuriyet, which was described as pro-German due to its editorial policy during the Second World War, openly took the side of Finland during the Winter War. The unexpected resistance from Finland was met with enthusiasm. Cumhuriyet like Yeni Sabah associated the heroism of the Finns against the Russians with their “Turkish roots” and covered the subject intensively. Cumhuriyet differs from the other two newspapers due to its critical language against the Allies and Soviet Russia. In particular, names, such as Peyami Safa (known for his anti-communist ideas) and Muharrem Feyzi Togay (defender of Turanist thought), used harsh language against Soviet Russia. On the other hand, Zekeriya Sertel, the editor-in-chief of the Tan, argued that the Soviet Union had lacked imperialist goals and made justifiable demands in favor of socialism.&nbsp;&nbsp;

1939-40 Sovyet-Fin Kış Savaşı’nın Yeni Sabah,  Cumhuriyet ve Tan Gazetelerine Yansıması ve  Bu Gazetelerin İdeolojik Pozisyonları Üzerine  Değerlendirmeler

Gülmelek

Çağrı

Populism, which is a modern social phenomenon, emerges, develops and transforms in different ways throughout history. The Narodnik movement, in which Russian intellectuals supported the peasants, and the populist movement of the People’s Party in the United States, in which the cotton workers of the South defended their rights against the rich merchants of the North, are based on agrarian radicalism, but their political actors and ideological backgrounds differ. The populism that has been observed in many parts of the world since then appears in Türkiye under the name “populism” and embodies the understanding of “populism in spite of the people” inherited from Ottoman intellectuals, similar to Russian populism. Social scientists studying Turkish populism generally trace early populism in Türkiye to the modernization movement of the late Ottoman period and consider “populism” that emerged during this period as an intellectual movement distinct from political populism in democratic countries. It is argued that populism in its modern sense emerged with the transition to a multiparty system in Türkiye; thus, the relationship between populism and democracy becomes clear. The DP which came to power in 1950 with populist promises and its populist policies, became symbols of the democratization of the Turkish political system. Populism as a political style and strategic tool of the period of DP is based on the discourse of the national will. DP Government, used this will; the nation, claimed as the owner of the will, were the citizens reduced to the vote. Representing the sovereignty of the people, the DP unites different social segments in democratic demands. On the axis of trend between democratization in the first period of DP and authoritarianism in its second period, the leader’s nonbureaucratic, informal and personalized relations with the public, became more evident. In this process, it can be said that plebiscitary politics along with a system based on patronage and clientelism were important strategies of DP populism. It can even be argued that DP transformed this political style into a strategy more in the context of winning votes and achieving victory in political competition. This strategy is also reflected in the civil administrative arrangements of that time. The governments of DP, by winning the elections in 1950 and remaining in power for ten years, added a total of 5 new provinces and 141 new subprovinces to the civil administrative organization. In other words, 19% of the 26 newly established provinces and 22% of the 640 subprovinces in the first hundred years of the Republic occurred in the period of DP. In this context the averages obtained by dividing the number of newly established provinces and subprovinces by the duration of the government show that the period of DP is the second period with the highest average in the history of the Republic.&nbsp;This study analyzed the civil administrative arrangements enacted by the DP during its ten year power as part of its populist policies. It is claimed that the implemented regulations were based on the personalized relationship between the party leader Adnan Menderes and the people, sometimes being part of his patronage politics, and sometimes being used as a political strategy when its cost could not be covered. The main goal of this political strategy was to get the most votes. The political strategy that Menderes built on rewardpunishment relationship was also based on the democratic demands of the people. The demands of the local people to be a province or district were also taken into account by DP to obtain better services and prestige; regulations announced to the public were rearranged according to the reaction of the people. Especially in preparation for the 1957 elections, as part of the strategy to gather votes, the demand of the people was instrumentalized, and the good news were announced that many localities would become provinces or subprovinces. While it is possible for a place to legitimately become a province or subprovince for geographic and economic reasons, it is also apparent that the decisions made during the period of DP were made in accordance with the personal interests of the political leader. The justifications put forward during the realization of the civil administrative arrangements, which were based on personalized relationships rather than institutional ones, show that the arrangements were an instrument of the populist politics of DP.&nbsp;&nbsp;

Popülist Politika Perspektifinden Demokrat  Parti Dönemindeki Mülki İdare Düzenlemeleri

Mahmut

Siyasi Görüşleriyle Prens Sabahattin Hakkında  Bir Kitap

Hande

Bir Başka Açıdan 6-7 Eylül Olayları

Tuğba

Atatürk ve Suikast

Güler

Erken Cumhuriyet Dönemi, Modernleşme ve  Ulus İnşası Sürecine İlişkin literatüre, Yeni ve  Önemli Katkılar Sunan Kitap

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Yasin

Assoc. Prof.

Cyprus has for many years attracted international attention due to its strategic location. The island came under Ottoman rule in 1571. In 1878, British forces took over the island from the Ottoman administration, in exchange for protection against Russian attacks. In response to the entry of the Ottoman Empire into the First World War on the side of Germany, Britain added the island unilaterally to its own territory on 5 November 1914. During the negotiations in Lausanne, the Turkish side accepted that Cyprus belonged to Britain. The declaration of the establishment of the Turkish Republic of Cyprus took place on 16 August 1960, with both Turkish and Greek Cypriots taking part in the administration of the country. However, the Republic of Cyprus was not able to continue for long. Clashes resumed on the island after Makarios attempted to restrict the rights acquired by the Cypriot Turks in the 1960 constitution.Following the collapse of the Republic of Cyprus in December 1963, Turkish Cypriots established their own administration on the island. First, a separate Turkish administration called “General Committee” was established in 1964. Then, in November 1967, the Provisional Turkish Cypriot Administration was established. Thus, Turkish Cypriots tried to ensure their security in a more organized way. Britain did not support the steps taken by the Turkish Cypriots on the island. After Turkey’s 1974 military intervention, the Autonomous Turkish Cypriot Administration was established in October 1974 in the north of the island. On February 13, 1975, the founding of the Turkish Federated State of Cyprus (TFSC) was announced.Against this background, this study deals with the response of the British parliament to the declaration of the establishment of the TFSC by Turkish Cypriots in 1975. One of the countries that reacted strongly to the Turkish military intervention on the island in 1974 was Britain. The announcement of the establishment of the TFSC also provoked a strong reaction from Britain. In the statements made by the British government, the establishment of the TFSC was declared to be an “undesired development”. This study examines the approach of British MPs to the TFSC through discussions in the House of Commons.The first result of the study shows that British MPs did not support the announcement of the establishment of the TFSC. British MPs reacted to this and they questioned whether the British government knew about this announcement beforehand. British MPs also sought an answer to the question of why the government had not taken any steps to prevent the establishment of the TFSC. British government officials emphasized in their statements that they did not know that the founding of the TFSC would be announced. In addition, they expressed with certainty that the newly established Turkish administration would not be recognized by Britain. Another point that the study draws attention to was that because Ankara supported the TFSC, some MPs wanted the British government to “punish” Turkey. Moreover, one member of parliament wanted the British government to work for the suspension of Turkeys’ UN membership. However, British government officials stated that they did not support such a proposal.Some MPs expressed in the British parliament that Britain, which is one of the guarantor states in Cyprus, should take more initiative in seeking a resolution to the Cyprus problem. In response to this proposal, government officials pointed out the necessity to continue negotiations between the Turkish and Greek Cypriots for peace in Cyprus. British deputies expressed that there would be no results from long-standing inter-communal talks. They argued that the British government should follow a more active policy for peace in Cyprus. Government officials disagreed with these suggestions and stated that Britain could not act alone. Other guarantor states in Cyprus would have to agree together on a solution. Thus, the government did not take into consideration the active policy proposal for a solution to the Cyprus problem. Finally, another issue that came up after the announcement of the establishment of the TFSC was the situation of British citizens on the island. Some MPs proposed to open an official representative office within the boundaries of the TFSC for British citizens. However, British government officials opposed this proposal.&nbsp;As a result, MPs in the British parliament did not accept the announcement of the TFSC. Furthermore, there were deputies who said that the Turks should not be declared solely responsible for the Cyprus problem. However, this view did not cause any change in the policy of the British government and the TFSC was not recognized by the British government.

Kıbrıs Türk Federe Devleti’nin (1975) Kuruluş İlanına İngiliz Parlamentosunun Tepkisi

Yusuf

II. ABDÜLHAMİD ÖZELİNDE OSMANLI’DA BİSMARCK ALGISI

İsmail

At the end of the Second World War, a fast decolonization process started in the British Empire. This situation re-triggered the sovereignty debate in Cyprus. Repre-sentatives of the Greek Cypriots had been trying to make Cyprus a territory of Gree-ce for many years. Enosis, which meant the annexation of the island to Greece, was a strong feeling among Greek Cypriots. They also wanted to take advantage of the decolonization process. However, Great Britain did not favor the annexation of the island to Greece due to its interests in the Middle East. Great Britain favored making a more libertarian constitution on the island instead of enosis. The Greek Cypriots responded to this approach of the British government by declaring that they would never step back from the enosis.Enosis was not only prevented by Britain’s interests in the Middle East. Tur-kish Cypriots were also strongly opposed to enosis. Because Turks living on other islands, especially in Crete, had to leave their homeland due to Greek pressure, they were concerned the same outcome would happen on their own. That is why the Tur-kish Cypriots defended the continuation of the British rule on the island, or it should have been given to Turkey, which was the former owner of the island. On the other hand, Turkey was also against enosis because Turkey saw the enosis as an instrument of the expansionist politics of Greece. Despite the Turkish Cypriots’ and Turkey’s objections, Greek Cypriots insisted on demanding Enosis.The date of 18 October 1950 was a turning point for enosis because of Maka-rios III, whose original name was Mikhail Christodoulos Mouskos, was elected as archbishop. Makarios was ready to use all the facilities of the church for enosis. Eno-sis was a historical task, a national and religious issue for him. For that reason, he regarded leading the struggle for enosis as a great honor. According to Makarios, there were two ways to achieve enosis: diplomacy or armed struggle. He applied all the diplomatic methods he knew between 1950 and 1955. In this context, he organi-zed demonstrations in Athens and Nicosia; directed the public opinion, sought sup-port from the Greek lobby in the USA; and pressured the British administration.&nbsp;&nbsp;All the diplomatic initiatives of Makarios and Greece failed to persuade Bri-tain for enosis. Therefore, Greece applied to the United Nations to obtain the right of self-determination for Cyprus on August 16, 1954. However, the United Nations rejected Greece’s application. In the same period, besides diplomatic initiatives, an armed terrorist organization was established to carry out terrorist acts on the island, but this organization declined to take any action until the United Nations made its decision on Cyprus. The name of this&nbsp;organization was EOKA. It was founded under the leadership of retired Colonel Grivas and Makarios, and its aim was to carry out enosis through terrorist attacks.&nbsp;&nbsp;The establishment activities of EOKA began secretly in 1951, and had comp-leted all preparations by 1 April 1955. EOKA carried out all its activities on the is-land mostly through youth organizations such as PEON and OHEN. The Cyprus Church provided financial support to EOKA. Thanks to this financial support, the necessary weapons could be purchased. In order to become a member of EOKA, it was necessary to be Greek, a supporter of enosis and not be a communist. Therefore, EOKA was a pan-helenic fascist organization whose purpose was limited to enosis. Consequently, EOKA cannot be described as an organization that is fighting against colonialism to gain independency for its own folk because it wanted only enosis, not national independence. It was clear that EOKA’s motivation to resort to armed struggle against the British colonial administration was never independence.

Düşünceden Eyleme EOKA

Instructor

BİRİNCİ DÜNYA SAVAŞI’NDA İNGİLİZLERCE HİNDİSTAN’A GÖNDERİLEN TÜRK ESİRLERİ

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Hüseyin

This study’s purpose is to provide information about Ali Saib Bey, who was in service in various provincial offices in the Ottoman State for many years and was the author of the annex which constitutes the main subject of the article. On the other hand, another purpose of the study was to determine the issues and recommendations stated in the annex and reveal whether these recommendations were realized through archive documents.The civil service life of a public servant who served in the Ottoman provinces for many years will be examined in this study. Many issues such as his duties, assignments, and rewards taken by this officer in the provinces will be revealed in this section. In addition, the presentation of the annex that Ali Saib Bey wrote was also important in terms of showing what problems he had in Shkoder, which would come out shortly after the Ottoman Empire, and what recommendations were put forward to overcome these problems. The question of whether these recommendations were taken into consideration were examined through documents in the Presidential Ottoman Archives. It is thought that the findings obtained within the framework of this annex, which reveal the central-provincial relations and have not been studied before, will contribute to the history of this territory.The first step in the method followed during the study was to collect data about the civil service life of Ali Saib Efendi, the owner of the annex. Later, it was evaluated in accordance with the original partition by making content analysis of the annex. And then, the documents obtained as a result of the review carried out in the Presidential Ottoman Archive on the subjects mentioned in the annex were compared. The studies conducted on the related territory were utilized for the data related to Shkoder. In this respect, the main source of the study was the annex of Ali Saib Bey and the documents obtained in the Presidential Ottoman Archive.Ali Saib Bey, the son of a soldier father, started his career as a correspondence clerk in Malatya sanjak at a very young age and served in many parts of the country. Ali Saib Efendi, who came to Shkoder with his position as a provincial letter officer on February 1, 1909, also served as deputy governor of Shkoder during this duty. Ali Saib Bey, who briefly summarized his civil service life in this way, wrote an annex dated October 29, 1911 that formed the subject of this study. Initially, he transferred the geographical borders and population information of the province. In the section titled political and social situation and urgent needs of Shkoder, he emphasized the issue of Malesori, for which he was also assigned. One of the important determinations he made was that it was the most important problem of the people in this place to be in ignorance and misery. Also, the efforts of Austria and Italy to influence here are another issue that was mentioned in the annex. It was understood from the statements of Ali Saib Bey that they took the hearts of the people through the great investments they made in the region and that even some of the Muslims in the Malesori region left their religions for this reason. It was a remarkable determination that the people in Malesori and Shkoder took refuge in the patronage of Montenegro, which was their enemy. An important determination in this section was that the Ottoman ambassador in Çetine was acting as if he were supporting Montenegro. After this section, Ali Saib Bey gave information about the law that he defined as “not fit for civilization and humanity” under the title of Dukakin Law. The next title was education. In the annex stating that Shkoder was not at the desired level in education, it was worth noting that many of the teachers with insufficient salaries did not know Ottoman Turkish. The most important recommendation in this section was that an industrial school should be opened there. Under the title of Public Works, it mentioned that the situation of the roads was very bad and that it was necessary to do something as soon as possible. Another point mentioned in this section was that foreign engineers and conductors did not want to go to their places owing to various excuses. Under the public order title, it determined that the coast of Shkoder Lake, up to Boyana and Drac, was open to smuggling and that it was a necessity to set up observation towers in suitable places on the coast, and he emphasized the necessity of installing a telephone line between them. In the title on agriculture, he stated that agriculture was done in the old way due to the financial deficiencies of the people. Therefore, he emphasized that it was necessary to increase the capital of the agricultural bank there and to open the branch of the bank in some towns. Opening a sample field on which Ali Saib Bey was standing was one of the recommendations put into practice. Another important determination in this section is that Shkoder was very rich in terms of forest but it was not utilized properly. Under the heading of civil service, some significant opinions were given about administrative arrangements that needed to be made by giving the current administrative division of Shkoder. The most noteworthy of these was the proposal to assign the Muslims or Christians in Shkoder, who could speak the local language, as the head of the district. Under the heading of officers to be assigned to Shkoder, it was requested that the unqualified ones be taken from there and replaced by experienced officers, and that the salaries and liabilities of the officers who would work there should be made regularly. The most striking point in the headline of politics to be implemented in Shkoder was that almost all of the people across the province had an attitude towards the government and that the people of the territory should not behave violently as a result of their nature, but it would not also result in being too soft. The only thing to do was to meet in the middle. It was another recommendation that mobile doctors should be assigned there and that these doctors should constantly treat people who were sick in the villages and mountains and make the state propaganda. Finally, it was recommended that the loyalty of the people to the state should be provided through the Muslim and Christian opinion leaders and that the financial support should be provided to poor people as much as possible.The annex written by an officer who worked in different parts of the Ottoman Empire as the correspondence clerk of Shkoder was an important document in order to understand center-provincial relations. There were some recommendations by Ali Saib Bey that were realized as well as those that could not be realized due to financial difficulties. As a result, thinking about how to manage Shkoder better and how to handle the current problems, Ali Saib Bey explained these issues in detail. However, neither this annex nor the efforts of the Ottoman State yielded any results, and Shkoder came out of the hands of the Ottomans as a result of the Balkan Wars.

Osmanlı Taşrasında Bir Kamu Görevlisi, Ali Saib Bey ve İşkodra Vilayetine Dair Layihası

Davud

The Ottoman Empire, which joined the First World War on the side of the Central Powers, had to fight actively on many fronts due to its strategic and geopolitical position. These fronts stretched from the Caucasus to Iraq, from the Suez Canal to the Dardanelles. In addition, Ottoman forces also operated in areas that were not actively involved in conflict, taking active or passive defensive measures. The Ottoman Empire’s Deputy Commander-In-Chief in Thrace carried out military operations in case of a military landing by the Allied forces and as such took various measures in the Black Sea, Marmara, western Anatolia and around Iskenderun.&nbsp;The Ottoman Empire’s Western Anatolian coasts being under the threat of the British and French Navy , and having the assistance of the Allied Forces to carry out air operations with aircraft carriers wherever they wanted, led to the deployment of aviation units by the Ottoman Commander-in-Chief in the relevant regions.The Ottoman Empire entered the First World War with six aircraft at the beginning of the war. After some time, the Ottoman Empire was in active at the front with 1500 personnel and 450 aircraft which were received from its ally Germany. At the beginning of the war, the Ottoman Deputy Commander-in-chief sent two aircraft to the Dardanelles and one plane to Izmir, taking into account the strategic and geopolitical situation of the Dardanelles and Izmir region. Over time, air troops were deployed in the region with aircraft from Germany and the amount of aircraft was increased.At the beginning of the First World War, measures were taken by sending planes around Çanakkale and Izmir, and in 1915, also to the Dardanelles Front battles began with the offensive of the Allied Forces. On March 18, 1915, the Allies did not succeed in their naval operation, followed by a landing on the Gallipoli peninsula on April 25, 1915. However, the Entente forces withdrew from the region at the beginning of 1916, failing to achieve any success as a result of the joint defence of the Turkish land, air and naval forces.After the victory of the Turkish forces in the Dardanelles, the Allied forces carried out operations until the end of the war in the western Anatolia region with the air and&nbsp;naval forces they had gathered in the islands . The Allied tactical operation was aimed at maintaining the control of the Straits and preventing entry and exit from there. Consequently, the region was constantly supervised by both sea and air elements due to its strategic importance. In addition, from time to time western Anatolian coasts, cities and ports were harassed and bombed by Allied naval and air elements.The activity of the Allied forces was marked by the formation of 1st and 6th divisions in and around Çanakkale, which included the Western Anatolia region, and 5th and 12th divisions around Izmir, in order to follow, explore, monitor and report the situation to the command levels as quickly as possible. The possibility and expectation that the Entente forces would make a landing over Gallipoli or Izmir after the battles of the Dardanelles made the formation of the air defense forces mandatory in addition to the precautionary measures of the Ottoman State. The aim was to secure the capital Istanbul with air troops from the relevant regions in the Dardanelles and to advance against the Allied Air Forces. It was also intended to preempt possible landings into the region with the air forces in Izmir.The Aegean Sea and the islands were monitored by the units and platoons established, and from time to time the allied bases there were bombed. Air battles took place with the aircraft of the Allied forces. From the point of view of the opposing forces, the strategic importance of the Ottoman territory led to Allied aircraft carrying out aerial attacks on Istanbul and Izmir from time to time. Although these aerial attacks did not affect the outcome of the war, they played their part in terms of psychological effects. The Allied elements demonstrated effectiveness, particularly by bombing strategic public institutions, air bases and warships.The headquarters of the British Air Force in the Mediterranean was assembled and directed at a command post in Malta. The air operations against Istanbul and Izmir were carried out by the air units based at Mondros, under the command of Colonel Gordon. After the battles of the Dardanelles, 34 French and British aircraft based on the islands in the Aegean Sea operated on Western Anatolia. French aircraft served in Bozcaada, and a Greek aircraft station that was under the supervision of the Greek Ministry of War, was located in Mondros. Meanwhile, a base between Thasoz and Lesbos served the Entente aircraft. All these squadrons were managed under the command of the commander at Mondros.Turkish coasts were blockaded from 1915. French naval forces were completely under the control of Beirut, Iskenderun, and the Antalya coasts. The French, assisting their naval forces, began to conduct aerial reconnaissance from the Egyptian ports and the small islands of Ruad and Meis between Cyprus and Syria. Upon the increase of enemy activities in the Aegean Sea and Izmir region, the 5th Airborne Division was assigned the task of reconnaissance and control against the Entente activities in the region. In this context, flights were made from the islands of Chios, Sisam, Rhodes, Lesbos and Kösten (Uzunada), and mobility in the region was monitored.&nbsp;From all academic studies carried out on behalf of the history of aviation thus far, it can be seen based on archival documents that no studies have been conducted on the topic of the air operations carried out in the western Anatolia region after the Gallipoli victory. Having remedied this with this study, aviation activities realized in the said region have now been examined in the light of archival documents.

Çanakkale Zaferi’nden Sonra Batı Anadolu’da Havacılık Faaliyetleri (1915-1918)

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Yakın Dönem Türkiye Araştırmaları-Recent Period Turkish Studies, İstanbul Üniversitesi Atatürk İlkeleri ve İnkılap Tarihi Enstitüsü’nün yayınıdır. Açık-erişimli, bilimsel, hakemli ve bölgesel odaklı uluslararası bir dergidir; öncelikle Türkiye’nin tarihsel olarak ilişkili olduğu bölgeler olan Balkanlar, Doğu Avrupa, Doğu Akdeniz, Orta Asya ve Orta Doğu’dan akademisyenleri, okurları ve yazarları hedefler. Yılda iki defa Haziran ve Aralık aylarında yayınlanır. Derginin başlangıç tarihi 2002’dir. 2024 itibariyle basılı versiyon durdurulmuştur. Dergi sadece online olarak yayınlanmaktadır.

Dergi, yakın dönem Türk ve Dünya Tarihini ilgilendiren tarih, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Tarihi, Atatürk İlkeleri ve İnkılap Tarihi, Osmanlı Tarihi, sosyoloji, edebiyat, sanat tarihi, hukuk, siyaset bilimi, iktisat disiplinlerinden özgün araştırmalara dayanan çalışmaları yayınlanmaktadır . Derginin amacı Türkçe, İngilizce, Almanca ve Fransızca araştırma, inceleme, derleme yazıları yayınlamak suretiyle bilime katkı sağlamaktır. 

Dergi odaklandığı alanlarda boşluğu dolduracak özgün araştırmalara dayanan makaleler; incelenen konuları zengin bir kaynakçaya dayanarak değerlendiren, eleştiren ve bu konuda yeni ve dikkate değer görüşler ortaya koyan araştırma, inceleme ve derleme yazıları yayınlar.

Alanla ilgili çevirilere ve durumun belirtilmesi koşulu ile daha önce bir bilimsel kongrede sunulmuş ancak yayınlanmamış bildirilerin metinlere; Milli Mücadele ve Türkiye Cumhuriyeti ile ilgili eser, şahsiyet ve ilmi faaliyetlerin tanıtım yazılarına da dergide yer verilir.

Derginin tüm giderleri İstanbul Üniversitesi tarafından karşılanmaktadır. Dergide makale yayını ve makale süreçlerinin yürütülmesi ücrete tabi değildir. Dergiye gönderilen ya da yayın için kabul edilen makaleler için işlemleme ücreti ya da gönderim ücreti alınmaz.

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Yakın Dönem Türkiye Araştırmaları-Recent Period Turkish Studies, yılda iki defa yayınlanan (Aralık-Haziran) bilimsel, açık erişimli ve hakemli bir dergidir. Dergi, yakın dönem Türk ve Dünya Tarihini ilgilendiren tarih, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Tarihi, Atatürk İlkeleri ve İnkılap Tarihi, Osmanlı Tarihi, sosyoloji, edebiyat, sanat tarihi, hukuk, siyaset bilimi, iktisat disiplinlerinden özgün araştırmalara dayanan çalışmaları yayınlanmakta, bu sayede ulusal ve uluslararası düzeyde bilim dünyası ile akademisyenler arasında bir köprü görevi görmektedir.Yakın Dönem Türkiye Araştırmaları-Recent Period Turkish Studies dergisinin amacı Türkçe, İngilizce, Almanca ve Fransızca araştırma makaleleri ve inceleme yazıları yayınlamak suretiyle bilime katkı sağlamaktır.Yakın Dönem Türkiye Araştırmaları-Recent Period Turkish Studies dergisinin kapsamını yakın dönem Türk ve Dünya Tarihini ilgilendiren tarih, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Tarihi, Atatürk İlkeleri ve İnkılap Tarihi, Osmanlı Tarihi, sosyoloji, edebiyat, sanat tarihi, hukuk, siyaset bilimi, iktisat disiplinleri oluşturur. Dergi odaklandığı alanlarda boşluğu dolduracak özgün araştırmalara dayanan makaleler; incelenen konuları zengin bir kaynakçaya dayanarak değerlendiren, eleştiren ve bu konuda yeni ve dikkate değer görüşler ortaya koyan araştırma, inceleme ve derleme yazıları yayınlar. Alanla ilgili çeviriler ve durumun belirtilmesi koşulu ile daha önce bir bilimsel kongrede sunulmuş ancak yayınlanmamış bildirilerin metinleri; Milli Mücadele ve Türkiye Cumhuriyeti ile ilgili eser, şahsiyet ve ilmi faaliyetlerin tanıtım yazıları da dergide yayınlanır.

Amaç ve Kapsam

<ul><li>Web of Science – Emerging Sources Citation Index (ESCI) </li><li>TÜBİTAK ULAKBİM TR Dizin</li><li>DOAJ</li><li>ERIH PLUS </li><li>EBSCO Central &amp; Eastern European Academic Source</li><li>Research Bible (ResearchBib)</li><li>İslâm Araştırmaları Merkezi (İSAM)</li><li>Sosyal Bilimler Atıf Dizini (SOBIAD)</li><li>Scopus</li></ul>

Dizinler

Dergi yayın etiğinde en yüksek standartlara bağlıdır ve <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a> ve <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> tarafından yayınlanan etik yayıncılık ilkelerini benimser; Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing başlığı altında ifade edilen ilkeler için: <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a> Gönderilen makaleler derginin amaç ve kapsamına uygun olmalıdır. Orijinal, yayınlanmamış ve başka bir dergide değerlendirme sürecinde olmayan, her bir yazar tarafından içeriği ve gönderimi onaylanmış yazılar değerlendirmeye kabul edilir. Makale yayınlanmak üzere Dergiye gönderildikten sonra yazarlardan hiçbirinin ismi, tüm yazarların yazılı izni olmadan yazar listesinden silinemez ve yeni bir isim yazar olarak eklenemez ve yazar sırası değiştirilemez.İntihal, duplikasyon, sahte yazarlık/inkar edilen yazarlık, araştrma/veri fabrikasyonu, makale dilimleme, dilimleyerek yayın, telif hakları ihlali ve çıkar çatışmasının gizlenmesi, etik dışı davranışlar olarak kabul edilir. Kabul edilen etik standartlara uygun olmayan tüm makaleler yayından çıkarılır. Buna yayından sonra tespit edilen olası kuraldışı, uygunsuzluklar içeren makaleler de dahildir.İntihal Ön kontrolden geçirilen makaleler, iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal/kendi kendine intihal tespit edilirse yazarlar bilgilendirilir. Editörler, gerekli olması halinde makaleyi değerlendirme ya da üretim sürecinin çeşitli aşamalarında intihal kontrolüne tabi tutabilirler. Yüksek benzerlik oranları, bir makalenin kabul edilmeden önce ve hatta kabul edildikten sonra reddedilmesine neden olabilir. Makalenin türüne bağlı olarak, bunun oranın %15 veya %20'den az olması beklenir.Çift Kör Hakemlikİntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir. Editör, makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakemlikten geçmesini sağlar ve makale biçimsel esaslara uygun ise, gelen yazıyı yurtiçinden ve /veya yurtdışından en az iki hakemin değerlendirmesine sunar, hakemler gerek gördüğü takdirde yazıda istenen değişiklikler yazarlar tarafından yapıldıktan sonra yayınlanmasına onay verir.

Politikalar

Dergi açık erişimlidir ve derginin tüm içeriği okura ya da okurun dahil olduğu kuruma ücretsiz olarak sunulur. Okurlar, ticari amaç haricinde, yayıncı ya da yazardan izin almadan dergi makalelerinin tam metnini okuyabilir, indirebilir, kopyalayabilir, arayabilir ve link sağlayabilir. Bu <a href="https://www.budapestopenaccessinitiative.org/translations/turkish-translation" target="_blank">BOAI</a> açık erişim tanımıyla uyumludur. Derginin açık erişimli makaleleri Creative Commons Atıf-GayrıTicari 4.0 Uluslararası (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.tr" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) olarak lisanslıdır.

Derginin tüm giderleri İstanbul Üniversitesi tarafından karşılanmaktadır. Dergide makale yayını ve makale süreçlerinin yürütülmesi ücrete tabi değildir. Dergiye gönderilen ya da yayın için kabul edilen makaleler için işlemleme ücreti ya da gönderim ücreti alınmaz.

Yazarlar dergide yayınlanan çalışmalarının telif hakkına sahiptirler ve çalışmaları  Creative Commons Atıf-GayrıTicari 4.0 Uluslararası (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.tr" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) olarak lisanslıdır. CC BY-NC 4.0 lisansı, eserin ticari kullanım dışında her boyut ve formatta paylaşılmasına, kopyalanmasına, çoğaltılmasına ve orijinal esere uygun şekilde atıfta bulunmak kaydıyla yeniden düzenleme, dönüştürme ve eserin üzerine inşa etme dâhil adapte edilmesine izin verir.

Editörler, yayınlanan makalede, bulguları, yorumları ve sonuçları etkilemeyen küçük hatalar tespit edilirse düzeltme yayınlamayı düşünebilirler. Editörler, bulguları ve sonuçları geçersiz kılan büyük hatalar / ihlaller söz konusu olduğunda, makaleyi geri çekmeyi düşünmelidir. Yazarlar tarafından araştırma veya yayını kötüye kullanmaya yönelik olasılık söz konusu ise; bulguların güvenilir olmadığına ve yazarların kurumlarının olayı soruşturmadığına dair kanıtlar var veya olası soruşturma haksız veya sonuçsuz görünüyor ise, editörler endişe ifadesi yayınlamayı düşünmelidir. Düzeltme, geri çekme veya endişe ifadesi ile ilgili olarak <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/flowcharts/complete-set-english" target="_blank">COPE</a> ve &#65279;<a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/" target="_blank">ICJME</a>&#65279; yönergeleri dikkate alınır.

Dergide yayınlanan tüm yazıların korunmasını ve kalıcı olarak erişilebilir olmasını sağlamak için makaleler, ulusal bir arşiv sitesi olarak hizmet veren ve aynı zamanda LOCKSS'in içeriği toplamasına, korumasına ve sunmasına izin veren Dergipark'ta saklanmaktadır.Ek olarak, yazarların kendilerinin makalelerinin son PDF sürümünü Open Archives Initiative (<a href="https://www.openarchives.org/" target="_blank">https://www.openarchives.org/</a>) standartlarına uygun açık elektronik arşivlerde arşivlemeleri önerilir. Yazarlar, yayınladıkları arşiv versiyonundan, İ.Ü. Yayınevinin dergi web sitesinin URL'sine bağlantı sağlamalıdır.

<div style="text-align: left;">Yakın Dönem Türkiye Araştırmaları- Recent Period Turkish Studies, yayın etiğinde en yüksek standartlara bağlıdır ve <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a> ve <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> tarafından yayınlanan etik yayıncılık ilkelerini benimser; Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing başlığı altında ifade edilen ilkeler için adres: <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a></div>Gönderilen tüm makaleler orijinal, yayınlanmamış ve başka bir dergide değerlendirme sürecinde olmamalıdır. Yazar makalenin orijinal olduğu, daha önce başka bir yerde yayınlanmadığı ve başka bir yerde, başka bir dilde yayınlanmak üzere değerlendirmede olmadığını beyan etmelidir. Uygulamadaki telif kanunları ve anlaşmaları gözetilmelidir. Telife bağlı materyaller (örneğin tablolar, şekiller veya büyük alıntılar) gerekli izin ve teşekkürle kullanılmalıdır. Başka yazarların, katkıda bulunanların çalışmaları ya da yararlanılan kaynaklar uygun biçimde kullanılmalı ve referanslarda belirtilmelidir. Her bir makale editörlerden biri ve en az iki hakem tarafından çift kör değerlendirmeden geçirilir. İntihal, duplikasyon, sahte yazarlık/inkar edilen yazarlık, araştırma/veri fabrikasyonu, makale dilimleme, dilimleyerek yayın, telif hakları ihlali ve çıkar çatışmasının gizlenmesi, etik dışı davranışlar olarak kabul edilir.Kabul edilen etik standartlara uygun olmayan tüm makaleler yayından çıkarılır. Buna yayından sonra tespit edilen olası kuraldışı, uygunsuzluklar içeren makaleler de dahildir.

Etik

Yakın Dönem Türkiye Araştırmaları- Recent Period Turkish Studies araştırma etiğinde en yüksek standartları gözetir ve aşağıda tanımlanan uluslararası araştırma etiği ilkelerini benimser. Makalelerin etik kurallara uygunluğu yazarların sorumluluğundadır.<ul><li style="text-align: left;">Araştırmanın tasarlanması, tasarımın gözden geçirilmesi ve araştırmanın yürütülmesinde, bütünlük, kalite ve şeffaflık ilkeleri sağlanmalıdır.</li><li style="text-align: left;">Araştırma ekibi ve katılımcılar, araştırmanın amacı, yöntemleri ve öngörülen olası kullanımları; araştırmaya katılımın gerektirdikleri ve varsa riskleri hakkında tam olarak bilgilendirilmelidir.</li><li style="text-align: left;">Araştırma katılımcılarının sağladığı bilgilerin gizliliği ve yanıt verenlerin gizliliği sağlanmalıdır. Araştırma katılımcıların özerkliğini ve saygınlığını koruyacak şekilde tasarlanmalıdır.</li><li style="text-align: left;">Araştırma katılımcıları gönüllü olarak araştırmada yer almalı, herhangi bir zorlama altında olmamalıdırlar.</li><li style="text-align: left;">Katılımcıların zarar görmesinden kaçınılmalıdır. Araştırma, katılımcıları riske sokmayacak şekilde planlanmalıdır.</li><li style="text-align: left;">Araştırma bağımsızlığıyla ilgili açık ve net olunmalı; çıkar çatışması varsa belirtilmelidir.</li><li style="text-align: left;">İnsan denekler ile yapılan deneysel çalışmalarda, araştırmaya katılmaya karar veren katılımcıların yazılı bilgilendirilmiş onayı alınmalıdır. Çocukların ve vesayet altındakilerin veya tasdiklenmiş akıl hastalığı bulunanların yasal vasisinin onayı alınmalıdır.</li><li style="text-align: left;">Çalışma herhangi bir kurum ya da kuruluşta gerçekleştirilecekse bu kurum ya da kuruluştan çalışma yapılacağına dair onay alınmalıdır.</li><li style="text-align: left;">İnsan öğesi bulunan çalışmalarda, “yöntem” bölümünde katılımcılardan “bilgilendirilmiş onam” alındığının ve çalışmanın yapıldığı kurumdan etik kurul onayı alındığı belirtilmesi gerekir.</li></ul>

Makalelerin bilimsel ve etik kurallara uygunluğu yazarların sorumluluğundadır. Yazar makalenin orijinal olduğu, daha önce başka bir yerde yayınlanmadığı ve başka bir yerde, başka bir dilde yayınlanmak üzere değerlendirmede olmadığı konusunda teminat sağlamalıdır. Uygulamadaki telif kanunları ve anlaşmaları gözetilmelidir. Telife bağlı materyaller (örneğin tablolar, şekiller veya büyük alıntılar) gerekli izin ve teşekkürle kullanılmalıdır. Başka yazarların, katkıda bulunanların çalışmaları ya da yararlanılan kaynaklar uygun biçimde kullanılmalı ve referanslarda belirtilmelidir. Gönderilen makalede tüm yazarların akademik ve bilimsel olarak doğrudan katkısı olmalıdır, bu bağlamda “yazar” yayınlanan bir araştırmanın kavramsallaştırılmasına ve dizaynına, verilerin elde edilmesine, analizine ya da yorumlanmasına belirgin katkı yapan, yazının yazılması ya da bunun içerik açısından eleştirel biçimde gözden geçirilmesinde görev yapan birisi olarak görülür. Yazar olabilmenin diğer koşulları ise, makaledeki çalışmayı planlamak veya icra etmek ve / veya revize etmektir. Fon sağlanması, veri toplanması ya da araştırma grubunun genel süpervizyonu tek başına yazarlık hakkı kazandırmaz. Yazar olarak gösterilen tüm bireyler sayılan tüm ölçütleri karşılamalıdır ve yukarıdaki ölçütleri karşılayan her birey yazar olarak gösterilebilir. Yazarların isim sıralaması ortak verilen bir karar olmalıdır. Tüm yazarlar yazar sıralamasını <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/50820B6B44BF4741BF802244D5C926E7" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formunda</a> imzalı olarak belirtmek zorundadırlar.Yazarlık için yeterli ölçütleri karşılamayan ancak çalışmaya katkısı olan tüm bireyler “teşekkür / bilgiler” kısmında sıralanmalıdır. Bunlara örnek olarak ise sadece teknik destek sağlayan, yazıma yardımcı olan ya da sadece genel bir destek sağlayan, finansal ve materyal desteği sunan kişiler verilebilir.Bütün yazarlar, araştırmanın sonuçlarını ya da bilimsel değerlendirmeyi etkileyebilme potansiyeli olan finansal ilişkiler, çıkar çatışması ve çıkar rekabetini beyan etmelidirler. Bir yazar kendi yayınlanmış yazısında belirgin bir hata ya da yanlışlık tespit ederse, bu yanlışlıklara ilişkin düzeltme ya da geri çekme için editör ile hemen temasa geçme ve işbirliği yapma sorumluluğunu taşır.

Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirirler. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar. Gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalacağını garanti eder. Baş editör içerik ve yayının toplam kalitesinden sorumludur. Gereğinde hata sayfası yayınlamalı ya da düzeltme yapmalıdır. Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemler, araştırma, yazarlar ve/veya araştırmaya fon sağlayanlarla çıkar çatışması içinde olmamalıdır. Hakemler değerlendirmelerinin sonucunda tarafsız bir yargıya varmalıdırlar. Gönderilmiş yazılara ilişkin tüm bilginin gizli tutulmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar. Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir. Bazı durumlarda editörün kararıyla, ilgili hakemlerin makaleye ait yorumları aynı makaleyi yorumlayan diğer hakemlere gönderilerek hakemlerin bu süreçte aydınlatılması sağlanabilir.

Daha önce yayınlanmamış ya da yayınlanmak üzere başka bir dergide halen değerlendirmede olmayan ve her bir yazar tarafından onaylanan makaleler değerlendirilmek üzere kabul edilir. Gönderilen ve ön kontrolü geçen makaleler iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir.Seçilen makaleler en az iki ulusal/uluslararası hakeme çift taraflı kör hakemlik ile değerlendirmeye gönderilir; yayın kararı, hakemlerin talepleri doğrultusunda yazarların gerçekleştirdiği düzenlemelerin ve hakem sürecinin sonrasında baş editör tarafından verilir.

Hakemlik Hakkında

Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirir. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar. Gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalacağını garanti eder. Baş editör içerik ve yayının toplam kalitesinden sorumludur. Gereğinde hata sayfası yayınlamalı ya da düzeltme yapmalıdır.Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemlerin araştırmayla ilgili, yazarlarla ve/veya araştırmanın finansal destekçileriyle çıkar çatışmaları olmamalıdır. Değerlendirmelerinin sonucunda tarafsız bir yargıya varmalıdırlar. Gönderilmiş yazılara ilişkin tüm bilginin gizli tutulmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar.Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir. Bazı durumlarda editörün kararıyla, ilgili hakemlerin makaleye ait yorumları aynı makaleyi yorumlayan diğer hakemlere gönderilerek hakemlerin bu süreçte aydınlatılması sağlanabilir.

Daha önce yayınlanmamış ya da yayınlanmak üzere başka bir dergide halen değerlendirmede olmayan ve her bir yazar tarafından onaylanan makaleler değerlendirilmek üzere kabul edilir. Gönderilen ve ön kontrolü geçen makaleler iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir. Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirir. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar.Seçilen makaleler en az iki ulusal/uluslararası hakeme değerlendirmeye gönderilir; yayın kararı, hakemlerin talepleri doğrultusunda yazarların gerçekleştirdiği düzenlemelerin ve hakem sürecinin sonrasında baş editör tarafından verilir.Hakemlerin değerlendirmeleri objektif olmalıdır. Hakem süreci sırasında hakemlerin aşağıdaki hususları dikkate alarak değerlendirmelerini yapmaları beklenir.-Makale yeni ve önemli bir bilgi içeriyor mu?-Öz, makalenin içeriğini net ve düzgün bir şekilde tanımlıyor mu?-Yöntem bütünlüklü ve anlaşılır şekilde tanımlanmış mı?-Yapılan yorum ve varılan sonuçlar bulgularla kanıtlanıyor mu?-Alandaki diğer çalışmalara yeterli referans verilmiş mi?-Dil kalitesi yeterli mi?Hakemler, gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar. Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir.

Aksi belirtilmedikçe gönderilen yazılarla ilgili tüm yazışmalar ilk yazarla yapılacaktır. Makale gönderimi online olarak ve <a href="http://rpts.istanbul.edu.tr" target="_blank">http://rpts.istanbul.edu.tr</a> adresinden erişilen <a href="http://dergipark.gov.tr/login" target="_blank">http://dergipark.gov.tr/login</a> üzerinden yapılmalıdır. Gönderilen yazılar, makale türünü belirten ve makaleyle ilgili detayları içeren (bkz: Son Kontrol Listesi) kapak sayfası; editöre mektup, yazının elektronik formunu içeren Microsoft Word 2003 ve üzerindeki versiyonları ile yazılmış elektronik dosya ve tüm yazarların imzaladığı Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu eklenerek gönderilmelidir. <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/766744E809F149E2BA81FA92CBBCE72A" target="_blank">Kapak Sayfası</a> ve <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/3AFB3D1E49CB441B8A3231E89A543986" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a> eksiksiz doldurulmalıdır. 1. Çalışmalar, A4 boyutunda, sol taraftan 4 cm, üst, alt ve sağ taraftan 2,5 cm. boşluk bırakılarak, 12 punto Times New Roman harf karakterleriyle ve 1,5 satır aralık ölçüsü ile ve iki yana yaslı olarak hazırlanmalıdır. Dipnotlar var ise, bu sınırlar içinde kalmalıdır ve 10 punto ile yazılmalıdır. Paragraflardan önce ve sonra 6 punto boşluk bırakılmalıdır. 2. Makalenin çeşitli, kısım, bölüm, altbölümlerinin başlıkları 14 punto ile yazılmalıdır. Başlıklardan önce ve sonra 6 punto boşluk bırakılmalıdır. 3. Başlık ve alt başlıklar sayfanın son satırı olarak yazılmamalıdır; sonraki sayfada yer almalıdır. Bir paragrafın ilk satırı sayfanın son satırı, paragrafın son satırı sayfanın ilk satırı olarak yazılmamalıdır. 4. Kısaltmalar, tablo, şekil ve sembol listeleri, önsöz, özetler, kaynaklar, ekler, metin içindeki tablo ve şekillerin isim ve açıklamaları ve dipnotlar 1 satır aralık ölçüsü ile yazılmalıdır. 5. Yazar/yazarların adları ve bilgileri çalışma metninde yer almamalı, yazara/yazarlara dair tüm bilgiler makale dosyası ve Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu ile birlikte sisteme yüklenecek olan Kapak Sayfasında belirtilmelidir. Kapak sayfasında, makalenin başlığı, yazar veya yazarların bağlı bulundukları kurum ve unvanları, kendilerine ulaşılabilecek adresler, cep, iş ve faks numaraları, ORCID ve e-posta adresleri yer almalıdır. 6. Giriş bölümünden önce 100-200 kelimelik çalışmanın kapsamını, amacını, ulaşılan sonuçları ve kullanılan yöntemi kaydeden Türkçe ve İngilizce öz ile 600-800 kelimelik İngilizce genişletilmiş özet yer almalıdır. Çalışmanın İngilizce başlığı İngilizce özün üzerinde yer almalıdır. İngilizce ve Türkçe özlerin altında çalışmanın içeriğini temsil eden, 5 adet Türkçe, 5 adet İngilizce anahtar kelime yer almalıdır. 7. Çalışmaların başlıca şu unsurları içermesi gerekmektedir: Makale dilinde başlık, öz ve anahtar kelimeler; İngilizce başlık, öz ve anahtar kelimeler; İngilizce genişletilmiş özet, ana metin bölümleri, kaynaklar, tablolar ve şekiller. 8. Çalışmalarda tablo, grafik ve şekil gibi göstergeler ancak çalışmanın takip edilebilmesi açısından gereklilik arz ettiği durumlarda, numaralandırılarak, tanımlayıcı bir başlık ile birlikte verilmelidir. Demografik özellikler gibi metin içinde verilebilecek veriler, ayrıca tablolar ile ifade edilmemelidir. 9. Dergide yayınlanan yazıların tüm sorumluluğu ve belirtilen görüşler yazarlara aittir; İstanbul Üniversitesi Atatürk İlkeleri ve İnkılap Tarihi Enstitüsü bir sorumluluk yüklenmez. 10. Yayın kurulu ve hakem raporları doğrultusunda yazarlardan, metin üzerinde bazı düzeltmeler yapmaları istenebilir.

Yazım Kuralları

Atıflar (Referans, Gönderme) Makalede, başka kaynaklardan yapılan alıntılar,  ya aynen aktarılır veya özü değiştirilmemek kaydıyla kaynak çalışmayı yapanın kendi cümleleriyle özetlenerek yahut yorumlanarak verilir. Her iki durumda da alıntı yapılan kaynağa (metin, tablo, şekil ve benzeri dahil) mutlaka atıfta bulunulmalıdır. Bu konuda aşağıdaki ilkeler uygulanır: a. Kaynaktan aynen alınan bilgiler (alıntı), çift tırnak içinde (“.....”) gösterilirler. Makaleyi hazırlayanın, kaynaktaki bilginin özünü değil, biçimini değiştirerek yaptığı alıntılar ise,  çift tırnak arasına alınmadan gösterilirler. Her iki alıntı türünde de ilgili kaynağa mutlaka atıf yapılır ve atıfların her birine, sayfa altı dipnot şeklinde birbirini izleyen numara verilir. b. Makalede, kaynaktan aynen aktarılan bilgilerin tamamı verilebileceği gibi, örneğin cümle, paragraf veya sayfalar halindeki bilgilerin sadece belli kısımları da verilebilir. Bu durumda, cümlelerde belli kelimelerin, çeşitli cümlelerin, paragraf ve sayfaların atlanarak verildiğini göstermek üzere, atlanan yerler üç nokta (...) ile belirtilir. c. Başka kaynaklardaki bilgilerin aynen aktarılması durumunda, kaynaklarda noktalama işaretleri ve çeviri yanlışları dahil olmak üzere harf, cümle, tarih, yer vb. gibi yanlışlıklar da tekrarlanır. Makale yazarı, kaynak metindeki yanlışlıkları düzelterek vermek isterse, o zaman doğru bilgi, yanlış bilgiden hemen sonra bir parantez içinde gösterilir. d. Kaynaklardan aynen yapılan alıntılar, bir cümleyi aşmayacak uzunluktaysa, makale metni içinde verilirler. Daha uzun alıntılarda,  alıntının ilk ve son satırları ile makale metni arasında en az çift aralıklı boşluk bırakılarak, alıntı ile metnin ayırt edilmesi sağlanır.  Bu tür alıntılar için, makale metninde kullanılan puntodan daha küçük punto kullanılır.Referans Dipnotları İle İlgili KurallarReferans dipnotlarında, ilgili kaynağa ilk kez referans veriliyorsa, eserin tam künyesi (yazar adı soyadı, eser adı, varsa çeviren/editör/derleyen bilgisi, yayınlandığı yer, yayınevi ve tarih) verilmelidir. Şöyle ki:Salahi Ramazan Sonyel, Türk Kurtuluş Savaşı ve Dış Politika I, Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayınları, Ankara, 1973, s. 10.Erol Güngör, Kültür Değişmesi ve Milliyetçilik, 2. Baskı, Ötüken Yayınları, İstanbul, 1984, s. 24.Eğer referans dipnotlarında, aynı kaynağa ikinci veya daha fazla atıfta bulunuluyorsa, yukarıdaki bilgiler uygun şekilde kısaltılarak verilir:Erol Güngör, Kültür Değişmesi …,  s. 35.Editörlü kitapta yazarın makalesine/kitap bölümüne referans:İlk referans:Hüseyin Bağcı, “Demokrat Parti’nin Ortadoğu Politikası”, Türk Dış Politikasının Analizi, der. Faruk Söylemezoğlu, Der Yayınları, İstanbul, 1994, s. 93-94.Sonraki referanslar:Hüseyin Bağcı, “Demokrat Parti’nin Ortadoğu Politikası”, s. 98.Süreli yayında makaleye referans:                                        İlk referans:Fahrettin Kırzıoğlu, “Mustafa Kemal Paşa-Erzurum İlişkileri (1919-1920)”, Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Dergisi, VII/20, 1991, s. 223-266.Mustafa Budak, “Ermeni Meselesi Açısından Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi’nin Önemi”, Yakın Dönem Türkiye Araştırmaları Dergisi, C. 17, S. 34, 2018, s. 209.Sonraki referanslar:Fahrettin Kırzıoğlu, “Mustafa Kemal Paşa-Erzurum İlişkileri (1919-1920)”,  s. 225.Gazetelerdeki makale ve haber yazıları aşağıdaki gibi gösterilmelidir:“Hükümet-i Osmaniyye’nin Sulh Konferansına Teklifâtını Hâvi Muhtıra”, İkdam, 3 Mart 1335 (1919), s. 1.“DP Kongresi Saat 10’da Açıldı”, Vakit, 15 Ekim 1955, s. 1-2.“İnönü ve Gülek’in Menderes’e Geçmiş Olsun Telgrafları”, Ulus, 19 Şubat 1959, s. 1-2.Arşiv belgelerine referans:Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Cumhurbaşkanlığı Devlet Arşivleri Başkanlığı Osmanlı Arşivi (BOA), Bab-ı Âlî Evrak Odası (BEO), 3733/236781 (Sadaret’ten Harbiye Nezareti’ne gönderilen 1 Teşrîn-i Sânî 1326 [14 Kasım 1910] tarihli tezkire).Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Cumhurbaşkanlığı Devlet Arşivleri Başkanlığı Cumhuriyet Arşivi (BCA), 030-01-37/222-1 (6-7 Eylül olaylarında zarar görenlere maddi destekler hakkında).Aynı arşiv ve fon isimleri, ikinci ve sonraki atıflarda kodlarıyla yazılmalıdır: BOA, BEO, 3733/236781.Elektronik/internet kaynağa referans:TBMM, Süreli Yayınlar, III. Menderes Hükümeti, (Çevrimiçi), <a href="http://www.tbmm.gov.tr">www.tbmm.gov.tr</a>, 8 Aralık 2013.Ayhan Kamel, “İkinci Dünya Savaşı’nın Bitiminden Günümüze Kadar Türk-Rus İlişkileri”, (Çevrimiçi), <a href="http://www.dispolitika.org.tr">www.dispolitika.org.tr</a>, 7 Aralık 2013.John N. Berry, &#34;Educate Library Leaders,” Library Journal, February 15, 1998 (Çevrimiçi), http//www.epnet.com/ehost, 3 Nisan 2019.KaynakçaKaynakçada kitap ve makaleler aşağıdaki şekilde gösterilmelidir:Satan, Ali: Türk ve İngiliz Belgelerinde Halifeliğin Kaldırılması, Yazıgen Yayıncılık, İstanbul, 2017.Türkmen, Zekeriya: “Mustafa Kemal Paşa ve Yıldırım Orduları Grup Komutanlığı”, Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Dergisi, C. XVI, S. 47, Temmuz 2000, s. 395-419.Ek/EklerMakalenin ek kısmında, metinle ilgili resimler, tablolar, formlar, anket sorularının listeleri, önemli belgelerin kopyaları, fotoğraf, harita vb. gibi malzemeler bulunur. Bu tür tek bir malzeme için sadece bir ek, birden çok malzeme için de gerekli görülürse, birden çok ek yer alır. Ekler, birbirinden ayırt edilmesi gerekecek sayıda ise Ek-1, Ek-2 vb. şekilde birbirini izleyecek biçimde numaralanır. Her numaranın karşısına, Ek’in içeriğini belirten bir başlığın konulması önerilir.Ek’te yer alan bilgiler, başka kaynaklardan aktarıldığı takdirde, bu kaynaklara ilişkin referanslar dipnotta mutlaka belirtilmelidir.

<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/7095F8015B8849A6ACB95630DDDB7854" target="_blank">Kapak Sayfası</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/50820B6B44BF4741BF802244D5C926E7" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/3C1E8159CCCB4F4DA235DF62FB6B6C38" target="">Yazar Formu</a>

Aşağıdaki listede eksik olmadığından emin olun:● Editöre mektup<ul><li>Makalenin türü</li><li>Başka bir dergiye gönderilmemiş olduğu bilgisi</li><li>Sponsor veya ticari bir firma ile ilişkisi (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Kaynakların derginin kullandığı referans sistemine uygun düzenlendiği</li><li>İngilizce yönünden kontrolünün yapıldığı</li><li>Yazarlara Bilgide detaylı olarak anlatılan dergi politikalarının gözden geçirildiği</li></ul><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/7786EC0A4CD041C680BFF8CC6931373A" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/3C1E8159CCCB4F4DA235DF62FB6B6C38" target="_blank">Yazar Formu</a>Daha önce basılmış materyal (yazı-resim-tablo) kullanılmış ise izin belgesi<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/F42D157D554641E59A6C3DFBCE4E96A0" target="_blank">Kapak sayfası</a><ul><li>Makalenin kategorisi</li><li>Makale dilinde ve İngilizce başlık</li><li>Yazarların ismi soyadı, unvanları ve bağlı oldukları kurumlar (üniversite ve fakülte bilgisinden sonra şehir ve ülke bilgisi de yer almalıdır), e-posta adresleri</li><li>Sorumlu yazarın e-posta adresi, açık yazışma adresi, iş telefonu, GSM, faks nosu</li><li>Tüm yazarların ORCID’leri</li></ul>● Makale ana metni<ul><li>Makale dilinde ve İngilizce başlık</li><li>Özetler: 100-200 kelime makale dilinde ve 100-200 kelime İngilizce</li><li>Anahtar Kelimeler: 5 adet makale dilinde ve 5 adet İngilizce</li><li>İngilizce olmayan makaleler için İngilizce genişletilmiş Özet (Extended Abstract) 600-800 kelime</li><li>Makale ana metin bölümleri</li><li>Teşekkür (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Finansal Destek (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Çıkar Çatışması (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Son notlar (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Kaynaklar</li><li>Tablolar-Resimler, Şekiller (başlık, tanım ve alt yazılarıyla)</li></ul>

Başeditör Ad: Prof. Dr. Mustafa BUDAK E-posta: mustafa.budak@istanbul.edu.tr Telefon: (0212) 440 00 00 (Dahili: 11950) Adres: İstanbul Üniversitesi Atatürk İlkeleri ve İnkılap Tarihi Enstitüsü, Süleymaniye Mah. Besim Ömer Paşa Cad. No: 19 Kat: 4 Fatih - İstanbulEditörAd: Dr. Öğr. Üyesi Hayrünisa ALP E-posta: hyralp@istanbul.edu.tr Telefon: (0212) 440 00 00 (Dahili: 11956) Adres: İstanbul Üniversitesi Atatürk İlkeleri ve İnkılap Tarihi Enstitüsü, Süleymaniye Mah. Besim Ömer Paşa Cad. No: 19 Kat: 4 Fatih - İstanbulEditörAd: Dr. Öğr. Üyesi Yakup AHBAB E-posta: yakupahbab@hotmail.com Telefon: (0212) 440 00 00 (Dahili: 10627) Adres: İstanbul Üniversitesi Atatürk İlkeleri ve İnkılap Tarihi Enstitüsü, Süleymaniye Mah. Besim Ömer Paşa Cad. No: 19 Kat: 4 Fatih - İstanbulDergi İletişimAd: Doç. Dr. Önder KOCATÜRK E-posta: onder.kocaturk@istanbul.edu.tr Telefon: 1) 05362689505 2) 02163189780 3) 0212440 00 00 (Dahili: 10443) Adres: İstanbul Üniversitesi Atatürk İlkeleri ve İnkılap Tarihi Enstitüsü, Süleymaniye Mah. Besim Ömer Paşa Cad. No: 19 Kat: 4 Fatih - İstanbulDergi İletişimAd: Arş. Gör. Duygu SAYGIN E-posta: duygu.saygin@istanbul.edu.tr Telefon: (0212) 440 00 00 (Dahili: 10437) Adres: İstanbul Üniversitesi Atatürk İlkeleri ve İnkılap Tarihi Enstitüsü, Süleymaniye Mah. Besim Ömer Paşa Cad. No: 19 Kat: 4 Fatih - İstanbulDergi İletişimAd: Arş. Gör. Umut DERE E-posta: umutdere@istanbul.edu.tr Telefon: (0212) 440 00 00 (Dahili: 11955) Adres: İstanbul Üniversitesi Atatürk İlkeleri ve İnkılap Tarihi Enstitüsü, Süleymaniye Mah. Besim Ömer Paşa Cad. No: 19 Kat: 4 Fatih - İstanbul

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Editör(ler)	Mustafa Budak
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